Le #patriarcat viendrait t-il de lâ#agriculture et du #dĂ©sert ?
http://madeinearth.files.wordpress.com/2014/03/carte_patriarcat2.png 
http://madeinearth.files.wordpress.com/2014/03/carte_zone_aride2.png 
http://madeinearth.files.wordpress.com/2014/03/800px-centres_of_origin_and_spread_of_agriculture_v2-svg.png (Edit : je colle mon premier commentaire pour que ce soit plus compréhensible)
Pour ĂȘtre plus prĂ©cis, lâarticle sur saharasia tente de corrĂ©ler les cultures patriarcales avec les peuples du dĂ©sert. Mais sur les cartes il y a plusieurs divergences : lâAustralie dĂ©sertique des aborigĂšnes nâest pas patriarcale, et certaines zones patriarcales (Est des USA, Chine du Sud, Ăźles Pacifiques, AmĂ©rique centrale) ne sont pas dĂ©sertiques. jâai regardĂ© les centres de domestication (dĂ©couvertes indĂ©pendantes de lâ#agriculture), et bingo, ça correspond plutĂŽt bien. Peut ĂȘtre que lâagriculture est la condition dâapparition du patriarcat, et que les dĂ©serts sont des terrains propices dâexpansion Ă cause des mythologies induites par les facteurs climatiques.
A Saharasian climate linked geographical pattern in the global cross-cultural data on human behavior, James DeMeo
â»http://eclectic.ss.uci.edu/~drwhite/worldcul/14-2DeMeo.pdf
Of significance is the fact that Saharasia has for 6000 years of human hi story constituted the largest single contiguous region of harsh desert , with the most extreme conditions affecting life, found on planet Earth. Of further significance from an ancient-historical perspective, is the observation from paleoclimatic research, that this same broad belt of harsh desert was, prior to c.4000-3500 BCE, a well-watered gra ssland savannah, with year-round streams, large rivers, and both small and large freshwater lakes. As I have summarized previously (DeMeo 1986, 1991, 1998), the bulk of evidence de monstrates a dramatic environmental transformation from wet to dry conditions primarily around c.4000-3500 BCE â the most dramatic and widespread climate change since the end of the Pleistocene glacial epoch, in fact â triggering devastating widespread famine, starvation, land-abandonment and mass migrations to wetter regions among developing hum an village-level and c ity-state societies.
Consequent to these widespread social change s, one finds recorded in both the archaeology and history of the region, the first clear and unambiguous evidence for major organized warfare and other aspects of institutionalized so cial violence. These social transformations appear firstly within Saharasia, intensifying along exotic rivers with more secure water resources, where human culture is seen to gradually organize into the plethora of exceedingly violent divine-king despotic states recorded in ancient history
Voir aussi
Are the Desert People Winning ?
â»http://discovermagazine.com/2005/aug/desert-people
Textorâs work highlights other differences between desert and rain forest societies. Purchasing or indenturing wives is far less prevalent among rain forest peoples. And in rain forest cultures, related women tend to form the core of a community for a lifetime, rather than being shipped off to serve the expediency of marriage making. In desert cultures, women typically have the difficult tasks of building shelters and wandering in search of water and firewood, while the men contemplate the majesty of their herds and envision their next raid. Among rain forest cultures, itâs the men who are more likely to do the heavy lifting. Rain forest cultures also are less likely to harbor beliefs about the inferiority of women; you wonât be likely to find rain forest men giving thanks in prayer that they were not created female, as is the case in at least one notable desert-derived religion. Finally, desert cultures tend to teach their children to be modest about nudity at an earlier age than in rain forest cultures and have more severe strictures against premarital sex.
