city:dnipropetrovsk

  • The secret to North Korea’s ICBM success
    Kim Jong-un celebrates ICBM success

    By Michael Elleman, Senior Fellow for Missile Defence

    North Korea’s missile programme has made astounding strides over the past two years. An arsenal that had been based on short- and medium-range missiles along with an intermediate-range Musudan that repeatedly failed flight tests, has suddenly been supplemented by two new missiles: the intermediate-range Hwasong-12 and the intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), Hwasong-14. No other country has transitioned from a medium-range capability to an ICBM in such a short time. What explains this rapid progression? The answer is simple. North Korea has acquired a high-performance liquid-propellant engine (LPE) from a foreign source.

    Available evidence clearly indicates that the LPE is based on the Soviet RD-250 family of engines, and has been modified to operate as the boosting force for the Hwasong-12 and -14. An unknown number of these engines were probably acquired though illicit channels operating in Russia and/or Ukraine. North Korea’s need for an alternative to the failing Musudan and the recent appearance of the RD-250 engine along with other evidence, suggests the transfers occurred within the past two years.

    Tests reveal recent technical gains

    North Korea ground tested a large LPE in September 2016, which it claimed could generate 80 tonnes’ thrust. The same LPE was again ground tested in March 2017. This test included four smaller, steering engines. On 14 May 2017, with Kim Jong-un overseeing test preparations, North Korea launched a new intermediate-range ballistic missile, the Hwasong-12. The single-stage missile flew on a very steep trajectory, reaching a peak altitude of over 2,000km. If the Hwasong-12 had used a normal flight path, it would have travelled between 4,000 and 4,500km, placing Guam, just 3,400km away, within range.

    The success of the Hwasong-12 flight in May gave North Korean engineers the confidence needed to pursue a more ambitious goal: the initial flight testing of a two-stage missile capable of reaching the continental United States. Less than two months after the Hwasong-12 test, the two-stage Hwasong-14 was launched on 4 July. A second Hwasong-14 was tested on 28 July. The Hwasong-14 launches flew on very steep flight paths, with the first shot reaching an apogee of 2,700km. The second test peaked at about 3,800km.

    North Korea’s announced results were independently confirmed by the Republic of Korea, Japan and US. In both tests, the mock warheads plummeted towards the East Sea, 900–1,000km from the launch point. If flown on a trajectory that maximises range instead of peak altitude, the two missiles would have reached about 7,000km and 9,000km respectively, well exceeding the 5,500km minimum distance for a system to be categorised as an ICBM.

    The dimensions and visible features of the Hwasong-12 indicate an overall mass of between 24,000 and 25,000kg. The Hwasong-12’s acceleration at lift-off, as determined by the launch video aired by KCNA, is about 8.5 to 9.0m/s2. Assuming North Korea did not manipulate the launch video, the thrust generated by the Hwasong-12’s complete engine assembly is between 45 and 47 tonnes’ thrust; the main engine contributes between 39 to 41 tonnes’ force, and the auxiliary engines about 6 tonnes’ force. The Hwasong-14 has an estimated mass of 33,000–34,000kg, and an initial acceleration rate of about 4–4.5m/s2, resulting in a total thrust of 46–48 tonnes’ force.

    Identifying the new LPE and its origins

    The origins of the new engine (see Figures 1 and 2) are difficult to determine with certainty. However, a process of elimination sharply narrows the possibilities.

    There is no evidence to suggest that North Korea successfully designed and developed the LPE indigenously. Even if, after importing Scud and Nodong engines, North Korea had mastered the production of clones, which remains debateable, this does not mean that it could design, develop and manufacture a large LPE from scratch, especially one that uses higher-performance propellants and generates 40 tonnes’ thrust.

    liquid-propellant engine of Hwasong-12

    Figure 1: The liquid-propellant engines ground tested in September 2016 and March 2017 appear to be the same, though only the second ground test and the Hwasong-12 flight test operate with four auxiliary or vernier engines, which steer the missile. See larger version.

    Claims that the LPE is a North Korean product would be more believable if the country’s experts had in the recent past developed and tested a series of smaller, less powerful engines, but there are no reports of such activities. Indeed, prior to the Hwasong-12 and -14 flights, every liquid-fuelled missile launched by North Korea – all of the Scuds and Nodongs, even the Musudan – was powered by an engine developed and originally produced by the Russian enterprise named for A.M. Isayev; the Scud, Nodong and R-27 (from which the Musudan is derived) missiles were designed and originally produced by the Russian concern named after V.P. Makeyev. It is, therefore, far more likely that the Hwasong-12 and -14 are powered by an LPE imported from an established missile power.

    If this engine was imported, most potential sources can be eliminated because the external features, propellant combination and performance profile of the LPE in question are unique. The engine tested by North Korea does not physically resemble any LPE manufactured by the US, France, China, Japan, India or Iran. Nor do any of these countries produce an engine that uses storable propellants and generates the thrust delivered by the Hwasong-12 and -14 LPE. This leaves the former Soviet Union as the most likely source.

    Hwasong-12 and Hwasong-14 engines

    Figure 2: The three missiles tested by North Korea are powered by the same engine complex, with one main engine and four steering engines. See larger version.

    Given North Korea’s reliance to date on technologies originating with the Isayev and Makeyev enterprises, one might suspect one or both as the probable supplier. However, neither enterprise has been associated with an engine that matches the performance of LPE used by Hwasong-12 and -14.

    An exhaustive search of engines produced by other manufacturers in the former Soviet Union yields a couple of possibilities, all of which are associated with the Russian enterprise named after V.P. Glushko, now known as Energomash. The RD-217, RD-225 and RD-250 engine families use high-energy, storable-liquid propellants similar to those employed by engines tested by North Korea. Neither the RD-217 nor RD-225 have external features matching those of North Korea’s new engine. The RD-250 is the only match.

    Glushko RD-250 engine

    Figure 3: The RD-250 engine consists of a pair of combustion chambers fed by a single turbopump. Each chamber produces about 394k Newtons of thrust, or about 40 tonnes’ force, when relying on UDMH as the fuel, and N2O4 as the oxidiser. The RD-250’s nozzle also features a cooling tube and a compliance ring that resemble those found on the engines tested by North Korea. The small engine with its nozzle pointed upward and displayed in the foreground is not associated with the RD-250 engine. See larger version.

    The RD-250 engine is normally configured as a pair of combustion chambers, which receive propellant from a single turbopump, as shown in Figure 3. When operated in tandem, the two chambers generate roughly 78–80 tonnes’ thrust. This level of thrust is similar to the claims North Korea made when the first ground test was conducted and publicised in September 2016.

    It gradually became clear, however, that the Hwasong-12 and -14 used single-chamber engines. Note, for example, that Pyongyang claimed that a new pump design was used for the September ground test. This makes sense, because operating the RD-250 as a single chamber LPE would necessitate a new or modified turbopump. Having no demonstrated experience modifying or developing large LPE turbopumps, Pyongyang’s engineers would have been hard pressed to make the modifications themselves. Rather, the technical skills needed to modify the existing RD-250 turbopump, or fashioning a new one capable of feeding propellant to a single chamber would reside with experts with a rich history of working with the RD-250. Such expertise is available at Russia’s Energomash concern and Ukraine’s KB Yuzhnoye. One has to conclude that the modified engines were made in those factories.

    The alternative hypothesis, that Russian/Ukraine engineers were employed in North Korea is less likely, given the absence of any known production facility in North Korea for such engines. In addition, Western experts who visited KB Yuzhnoye Ukraine within the past year told the author that a single-chamber version was on display at a nearby university and that a local engineer boasted about producing it.

    Why single-chamber engines were transferred rather than the more powerful double-chamber original versions is unclear. One possible hypothesis is that the exporters, for whatever reason, exercised restraint in what they were willing to transfer to North Korea. Combined with a second stage, however, the single-chamber RD-250 engine is powerful enough to send an ICBM to cities on the American West Coast at least.

    The RD-250 was originally designed by the Glushko enterprise of Russia, and produced and incorporated into the first stage of the R-36 (SS-9) ICBM and the Tsiklon-2 satellite launcher by KB Yuzhnoye of Ukraine. The Tsiklon-2 carrier rocket lofted its first satellite into orbit in 1969, with the last of 106 launches occurring in 2006. While Yuzhnoye was responsible for producing the Tsiklon-2 rocket, Russian entities launched the satellite. The relationship survived the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 primarily because of long-standing institutional linkages, and the commercial interests of both enterprises and countries. However, despite the Tsiklon-2’s unsurpassed reliability record, Russia stopped purchasing the Yuzhnoye rocket in 2006 in favour of an indigenous system. Yuzhnoye’s repeated attempts to market the rocket and related technologies to other potential customers, including Boeing and Brazil, yielded little. The once vaunted KB Yuzhnoye has been near financial collapse since roughly 2015.

    The total number of RD-250 engines fabricated in Russia and Ukraine is not known. However, there are almost certainly hundreds, if not more, of spares stored at KB Yuzhnoye’s facilities and at warehouses in Russia where the Tsiklon-2 was used. Spares may also exist at one or more of Energomash’s many facilities spread across Russia. Because the RD-250 is no longer employed by operational missiles or launchers, facilities warehousing the obsolete LPEs are probably loosely guarded. A small team of disgruntled employees or underpaid guards at any one of the storage sites, and with access to the LPEs, could be enticed to steal a few dozen engines by one of the many illicit arms dealers, criminal networks, or transnational smugglers operating in the former Soviet Union. The engines (less than two metres tall and one metre wide) can be flown or, more likely, transported by train through Russia to North Korea.

    Pyongyang has many connections in Russia, including with the illicit network that funnelled Scud, Nodong and R-27 (Musudan) hardware to North Korea in the 1980s and 1990s. United Nations sanctions imposed on Pyongyang have likely strengthened the Kim regime’s ties to these criminal networks. North Korean agents seeking missile technology are also known to operate in Ukraine. In 2012, for example, two North Korean nationals were arrested and convicted by Ukrainian authorities for attempting to procure missile hardware from Yuzhnoye. Today, Yuzhnoye’s facilities lie close to the front lines of the Russian-controlled secessionist territory. Clearly, there is no shortage of potential routes through which North Korea might have acquired the few dozen RD-250 engines that would be needed for an ICBM programme.

    How did North Korea acquire the RD-250 engine?

    When and from where RD-250 engines may have been shipped to North Korea is difficult to determine. It is possible the transfers occurred in the 1990s, when North Korea was actively procuring Scud- and Nodong-related hardware, as well as R-27 technology and its Isayev 4D10 engine. But this seems unlikely for three reasons.

    Firstly, the network North Korea relied on in the 1990s focused on products originating from Russia’s Makeyev and Isayev enterprises. Energomash and Yuzhnoye had limited connections to Makeyev or Isayev; indeed, they were rival enterprises competing for contracts as the Soviet Union crumbled. It is, therefore, a stretch to assume the illicit channels Pyongyang was using in the 1990s had access to products manufactured or used at either Yuzhnoye or Energomash two decades ago.

    Secondly, until recently, North Korea appeared to focus on exploiting R-27 hardware for its long-range missile ambitions. Pyongyang’s first intermediate-range missile, the Musudan, which was first displayed in a 2010 parade, is derived from the R-27 technology acquired in the 1990s. Moreover, until the Hwasong-12 launch in March 2017, Pyongyang’s design concepts for a prospective ICBM featured a first stage powered by a cluster of two Isayev 4D10 LPEs. Photographs taken while Kim Jong-un toured a missile plant in March 2016 captured the back end of an ICBM prototype that appeared to house a pair of 4D10 engines, not a single RD-250 LPE. A month later, Kim attended the ground test featuring a cluster of two 4D10 engines operating in tandem, a clear indication that North Korea’s future ICBM would rely on this configuration. There is no evidence during this period to suggest that North Korea was developing a missile based on the RD-250 engine.

    Thirdly, the Isayev 4D10 engine, which relies on staged combustion, is a complicated closed-cycle system that is integrated within the missile’s fuel tank. If the open-cycle, externally mounted RD-250 engine had been available in 2015, engineers would have likely preferred to use it to power a new long-range missile, as it shares many features with the engines North Korea has worked with for decades.

    However, when North Korean specialists began flight testing the Musudan in 2016, the missile repeatedly failed soon after ignition. Only one flight test is believed to have been successful. The cause of the string of failures cannot be determined from media reports. That many failed very early in flight suggests that problems with either the engine itself, or the unique ‘submerged’ configuration of the engine, were responsible. If this was the case, North Korea’s engineers may have recognised that they could not easily overcome the challenges. This might explain why the Musudan has not been tested since 2016.

    The maiden appearance of the modified RD-250 in September 2016 roughly coincides with North Korea’s decision to halt Musudan testing. It is reasonable to speculate that Kim’s engineers knew the Musudan presented grim or insurmountable technical challenges, which prompted a search for an alternative. If North Korea began its quest to identify and procure a new LPE in 2016, the start of the search would have occurred in the same year Yuzhnoye was experiencing the full impact of its financial shortfalls. This is not to suggest that the Ukrainian government was involved, and not necessarily Yuzhnoye executives. Workers at Yuzhnoye facilities in Dnipropetrovsk and Pavlograd were likely the first ones to suffer the consequences of the economic misfortunes, leaving them susceptible to exploitation by unscrupulous traders, arms dealers and transnational criminals operating in Russia, Ukraine and elsewhere.

    North Korea’s ICBM still a work in progress

    Acquisition of the modified RD-250 engine enabled North Korea to bypass the failing Musudan development effort and begin work on creating an ICBM sooner than previously expected. The Hwasong-14, however, is not yet an operationally viable system. Additional flight tests are needed to assess the missile’s navigation and guidance capabilities, overall performance under operational conditions and its reliability. Empirical data derived from tests to validate the efficacy of warhead re-entry technologies is also needed. Pyongyang could elect to deploy the Hwasong-14 as early as 2018, after only a handful of additional test launches, but at the risk of fielding a missile with marginal reliability. The risks could be reduced over time by continuing flight trials after the missile is assigned to combat units.

    Further, the Hwasong-14 employs an underpowered second stage, which could limit Kim Jong-un to threatening only those American cities situated along the Pacific Coast. Arguably, Pyongyang will want a more powerful ICBM, one that can target the entire US mainland. The modified RD-250 engine can be clustered to provide a basis for an improved ICBM, but development of a new missile will require time.

    It is not too late for the US and its allies, along with China and perhaps Russia, to negotiate an agreement that bans future missile testing, and effectively prevents North Korea from perfecting its capacity to terrorise America with nuclear weapons. But the window of opportunity will soon close, so diplomatic action must be taken immediately.

    #corée_du_nord

  • North Korea’s Missile Success Is Linked to Ukrainian Plant, Investigators Say - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/14/world/asia/north-korea-missiles-ukraine-factory.html

    North Korea’s success in testing an intercontinental ballistic missile that appears able to reach the United States was made possible by black-market purchases of powerful rocket engines probably from a Ukrainian factory with historical ties to Russia’s missile program, according to an expert analysis being published Monday and classified assessments by American intelligence agencies.

    The studies may solve the mystery of how North Korea began succeeding so suddenly after a string of fiery missile failures, some of which may have been caused by American sabotage of its supply chains and cyberattacks on its launches. After those failures, the North changed designs and suppliers in the past two years, according to a new study by Michael Elleman, a missile expert at the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

    Such a degree of aid to North Korea from afar would be notable because President Trump has singled out only China as the North’s main source of economic and technological support. He has never blamed Ukraine or Russia, though his secretary of state, Rex W. Tillerson, made an oblique reference to both China and Russia as the nation’s “principal economic enablers” after the North’s most recent ICBM launch last month.

    Analysts who studied photographs of the North’s leader, Kim Jong-un, inspecting the new rocket motors concluded that they derive from designs that once powered the Soviet Union’s missile fleet. The engines were so powerful that a single missile could hurl 10 thermonuclear warheads between continents.

    Those engines were linked to only a few former Soviet sites. Government investigators and experts have focused their inquiries on a missile factory in #Dnipro, #Ukraine, on the edge of the territory where Russia is fighting a low-level war to break off part of Ukraine. During the Cold War, the factory made the deadliest missiles in the Soviet arsenal, including the giant SS-18. It remained one of Russia’s primary producers of missiles even after Ukraine gained independence.

    But since Ukraine’s pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, was removed from power in 2014, the state-owned factory, known as #Yuzhmash, has fallen on hard times. The Russians canceled upgrades of their nuclear fleet. The factory is underused, awash in unpaid bills and low morale. Experts believe it is the most likely source of the engines that in July powered the two ICBM tests, which were the first to suggest that North Korea has the range, if not necessarily the accuracy or warhead technology, to threaten American cities.

    It’s likely that these engines came from Ukraine — probably illicitly,” Mr. Elleman said in an interview. “The big question is how many they have and whether the Ukrainians are helping them now. I’m very worried.

    • Yuzhmash - Wikipedia #Ioujmach
      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yuzhmash

      Today
      In addition to production facilities in Dnipro, Pivdenne Production Association includes the Pavlohrad Mechanical Plant, which specialized in producing solid-fuel missiles. Pivdenmash’s importance was further bolstered by its links to Ukraine’s former President Leonid Kuchma, who worked at Pivdenmash between 1975 and 1992. He was the plant’s general manager from 1986 to 1991.

      In February 2015, following a year of strained relations, Russia announced that it would sever its “joint program with Ukraine to launch Dnepr rockets and [was] no longer interested in buying Ukrainian Zenit boosters, deepening problems for [Ukraine’s] space program and its struggling Yuzhmash factory.”

      The firm imposed a two-month unpaid vacation on its workers in January 2015. With the loss of Russian business the only hope for the company was increased international business which seemed unlikely in the time frame available. Bankruptcy seemed certain as of February 2015. As of October 2015, the company was over 4 months late on payroll. The employees worked only once per week, the last space related product were shipped in early 2014. 2014 revenues (in severely depreciated Ukrainian Hrivnas) are 4 times less than 2011.

    • … et en français #OKB-586
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureau_d'études_Ioujnoïe

      Au sein du groupe industriel Pivdenne
      Outre les Usines Sud de Dnipropetrovsk, la Sté Pivdenne possède les Ateliers de Mécanique de Pavlohrad, spécialisés dans les missiles à propergols solides. L’importance du groupe PivdenMach n’est pas sans rapport avec l’ascension politique de son ancien directeur (de 1986 à 1992), Leonid Koutchma, embauché comme ingénieur en 1975 et qui fut le directeur-général des Ateliers du Sud jusqu’en 1992. Celui-ci devient par la suite Premier ministre de l’Ukraine puis président de l’Ukraine de 1994 à 2005.

  • New parties with old faces perform well in local elections
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/politics/new-parties-with-old-faces-perform-well-in-local-elections-401684.html

    Ukraine’s local elections on Oct. 25 saw a whole range of new parties gain seats across the country. Yet, behind the new facade, there were plenty of old faces.

    The 94 percent of election results available on Nov. 9 show that three new political parties — Our Land (Nash Kray), Revival (Vidrodzhennia) and UKROP (Dill) — made it into top 10 country-wide in popularity.

    Our Land already received more than 4,100 seats in the regional and local councils, becoming the third among party lists after the Bloc of President Petro Poroshenko and ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna Party. UKROP took seventh place among the parties with more than 1,800 seats in councils, following by Revival with more than 1,500 seats.

    The experts say that Our Land and Revival have been largely formed to shelter the escapees from ousted President Viktor Yanukovych’s Party of Regions, while UKROP is a political project of billionaire oligarch and former Dnipropetrovsk governor Ihor Kolomoisky.

    Now these parties have a local base from which to convert their electoral — and possible future governing — success into seats in the national parliament

    Après les nouveaux habits du Parti des régions, un nouveau parti d’oligarques…

    The success of UKROP party has absolutely different grounds.

    A creation of billionaire Kolomoisky and infamous Dnipropetrovsk businessman Gennady Korban, the party positioned itself as a “patriotic force.” Party’s full name literally means “Ukrainian Union of Patriots.” UKROP (or dill) is also the way Russian-backed separatists derogatorily call the Ukrainian soldiers.

    Kolomoisky and Korban were credited with preventing the separatist advancement in the summer of 2014 by financing volunteer battalions and various PR campaigns. Now the prosecutors accuse Korban of running an organized crime group.

    Another factor which contributed to UKROP’s success is financial – the party had one of the most expensive campaigns with a massive number of billboards advertising the party.

    … et les nouveaux micro-partis locaux.

    The local elites are responsible for dozens of the new parties created this year.

    This way they tried to create the illusion for the electorate that the new people and new ideas stand behind them, Fesenko of Penta said. The local elites also wanted to show the government that "they are neither for nor against Kyiv and can continue on as they always did,” he added.

    One more reason — the local elites do not want to pay the unofficial fees to get on the lists of the bigger parties. Similarly, parties like Bloc Petro Poroshenko might not want these local elites for fear they could tarnish their reputations, especially if they are too close to Kyiv, Fesenko said.

    Bref, #plus_ça_change_plus_c'est_la_même_chose

  • Head of UKROP party detained on kidnapping suspicions; his allies outraged (UPDATED)
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/ukrop-party-claims-its-head-korban-detained-by-sbu-401057.html

    Gennady Korban, Dnipropetrovsk businessman and head of the recently founded UKROP party, was detained in Dnipropetrovsk by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) on the morning of Oct. 31. The offices and homes of his associates were searched.

    SBU and Prosecutor General’s Office confirmed they were conducting a large-scale joint operation against an organized crime group in Dnipropetrovsk.

    There is no political component in this case,” SBU prosecutor Vladyslav Kutsenko said at a briefing in Kyiv on Oct. 31. “We don’t care which political party the suspects represent.

    UKROP has called the arrest and the searches an act of “political repression.

    Korban is suspected of kidnapping several people during his time as deputy governor of Dnipropetrovsk in 2014-2015 and is facing eight to 15 years of prison. One of them, according to the investigators, was Oleksandr Velychko, a director of the law department in Dnipropetrovsk City Council, allegedly kidnapped to force a change of the city’s mayor back in 2014.
    […]
    Korban, a Dnipropetrovsk businessman and a renowned self-admitted corporate raider, launched UKROP party in 2015 with a financial support of his friend, Ukraine’s second richest oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky.

    • Scènes de dépouillement à Dnipropetrovsk…

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5yZE_Hlr1yU

      On the eve of his detention, Korban was involved in an argument at the Babushkinskiy District Election Commission in central Dnipropetrovsk. The district had not yet filed its results for the Oct. 25 local election to the City Election Commission.

      UKROP wanted the final count for the district to take place at the City Election Commission, while representatives of Petro Poroshenko Bloc and Opposition Bloc wanted the head of the commission to be replaced.

      The argument reportedly continued for hours during which armed men entered the building and an armored personnel carrier marked Dnipro-1 Battalion - a division allegedly sponsored by oligarch Kolomoisky - showed up outside and left without explanation. Denys Davydov, a representative of the election monitors OPORA, reported on Facebook that the commission, under armed guard, handed over their count to the City Election Commission.

      In the heat of the argument, Korban threw a book across the table at the election commission members. The video of the incident was published by his opponent Vilkul’s people.

  • Résultats des élections locales dans 7 grandes villes d’Ukraine (dépouillement toujours en cours)

    http://labs.kyivpost.com/election-results

    Dans les grandes villes de l’est :
    • Kharviv : un ancien du Parti des régions avec plus de 60%
    • Dnipropetrovsk : Filatov, oligarque soutenu par Kolomoïsky (près de 40%)
    • Zaporojia : l’ingénieur en chef de l’usine locale, fief de R. Akhmetov (autour de 30%)
    les deux derniers seront donc en ballotage.

    À Odessa, un ancien du Parti des régions, élu.

  • Right Sector negotiates joining Ukrainian Army as independent division under Yarosh command
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/right-sector-negotiates-joining-ukrainian-army-as-independent-division-und

    The volunteer battalion Right Sector is ready to join the Ukrainian Army as a separate division under the command of Right Sector leader Dmytro Yarosh.

    Vieille question de l’#amalgame

    On rappellera qu’en dehors d’être le leader et le fondateur de Secteur Droit, D. Iaroch est député à l’Assemblée, élu dans une circonscription de Dnipropetrovsk dont l’ancien gouverneur était le principal financier des milices.

  • Powerful Ukrainian Governor Resigns
    http://www.rferl.org/content/ukraine-kolomoisky-/26919383.html

    Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has signed a decree to dismiss a powerful oligarch as governor of one of the country’s regions.

    According to a statement posted on his website, Poroshenko signed the decree after Ihor Kolomoyskiy submitted his resignation as governor of Dnipropetrovsk, near the restive regions of Luhansk and Donetsk.

    The two met in Kyiv on March 24.

    #Ukraine #Kolomoisky

    • Ça y est l’info est arrivée au Monde !
      (suite de http://seenthis.net/messages/354782#message354806 )

      Limogeages en série en Ukraine
      http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2015/03/25/limogeages-en-serie-en-ukraine_4601018_3214.html

      Le président ukrainien, Petro Porochenko, a aussi limogé mercredi Igor Kolomoïski, gouverneur de la région de Dnipropetrovsk, frontalière de l’Est séparatiste prorusse. L’homme d’affaires dont la fortune est estimée à 1,8 milliard de dollars par Forbes pour des activités dans la banque, le secteur énergétique et les médias, était un allié précieux du gouvernement du Kiev.

      La fortune de M. Kolomoïski servait à financer des bataillons de volontaires dans la guerre contre les séparatistes prorusses dans l’est du pays. Dans un communiqué publié sur le site de la présidence, Petro Porochenko explique que l’oligarque a lui-même offert de quitter ses fonctions de gouverneur lors d’une réunion mardi soir. Igor Kolomoïski, 52 ans, fait partie de ces hommes d’affaires qui ont fait fortune après l’indépendance de l’Ukraine, en 1991, et qui ont pris le contrôle de pans entiers de l’économie locale, y compris dans des secteurs stratégiques comme l’énergie, et sont devenus des acteurs politiques influents en coulisse.

      Mais, apparemment pas tout, puisqu’il n’y a pas toujours pas le moindre mot pour évoquer les excursions nocturnes de Kolomoïsky et de ses « amis ».

  • Ukraine’s Oligarchs Are at War (Again) - Bloomberg View
    http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2015-03-20/ukraine-s-oligarchs-are-at-war-again-

    Even before the chocolate mogul Petro Poroshenko became president last year, Igor Kolomoisky (net worth $1.3 billion) was appointed governor of his native Dnipropetrovsk region. Now, the two so-called oligarchs are locked in an open battle that augurs ill for Ukraine’s immediate future.

    Kolomoisky was for many Ukrainians a hero of the post-revolutionary period. He took on the governorship as Russia was stirring up trouble throughout eastern Ukraine in the hope of producing a broad-based uprising against the pro-Western provisional government in Kiev. To keep Dnipropetrovsk in Ukraine, Kolomoisky became the most generous sponsor of Ukrainian nationalist volunteer battalions. Even the fleet of armored vehicles used by his Privatbank, the biggest retail bank in Ukraine, was partially repurposed for use in the war.
    (…)
    [Kolomoisky] also continued exerting power over several nominally state-controlled businesses at which he had installed his managers under the previous regime.

    One of these was Ukrtransnafta, Ukraine’s state-owned oil pipeline operator, where Kolomoisky had a loyal figure, Oleksandr Lazorko, appointed as chief executive in 2009. That personnel change resulted in a redistribution of pipeline capacity in favor of an underused, Kolomoisky-owned refinery and enabled the plant to receive crude oil from Azerbaijan without incurring the substantial extra cost of carrying it by rail. The Russian oil giant Lukoil, which as a result had to shut down its refinery, complained bitterly about being squeezed out of the pipeline and was forced to look for alternative transport.

    Poroshenko remains an oligarch despite a (unfulfilled) promise to sell his confectionery company as president, but he has no personal interest in the oil business. Kolomoisky’s independence and influence, however, pose a political threat. “He was too demonstrative in his puppeteering,” Mustafa Nayyem, a legislator with Poroshenko’s electoral bloc, told me of Kolomoisky. “The elite grew scared of him.

    On Thursday, the government appointed a new chief executive for Ukrtransnafta, but Lazorko didn’t want to leave. The bodyguards for the new appointee had to fight through a security cordon to get their boss into the office. Kolomoisky’s reaction was swift. He occupied Ukrtransnafta’s headquarters with a detail of camouflaged men, arriving with an entourage that included legislators.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LqL4rvxB3xQ

    Suite chez RFE/RL

    Ukrainian Oligarch Tears Into RFE/RL Journalist
    http://www.rferl.org/content/ukraine-kolomoysky-rfe-journalist/26912164.html

    One would expect Ukrainian oligarchs and politicians to be made of sterner stuff.
     
    Billionaire oligarch and Dnipropetrovsk Governor Ihor Kolomoysky, however, lost his cool in the late-night hours of March 19-20 when a reporter from RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service — together with other journalists — asked him why he had just spent six hours with a group of armed men in the headquarters of the state-owned Ukrtransnafta oil-transit company.
     
    The question by journalist Serhiy Andrushko sent Kolomoysky into an expletive-filled rant in which he urged RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service, known locally as Radio Svoboda, to go looking for Russian saboteurs rather than tracking his movements. The profanity-laced tirade lasted more than a minute and was caught on video.
    (…)
    The governor, who also provides funding for pro-Kyiv battalions, may also have been upset with Andrushko and Radio Svoboda because of a video report published on March 12 that outlines Kolomoysky’s manipulation of his political ties to benefit his business interests.

    In one exchange from last year shown in that report, Andrushko asks why Kolomoysky has Ukrainian, Israeli, and Cypriot passports when Ukrainian law forbids dual citizenship.

    In the constitution it says dual citizenship is forbidden,” Kolomoysky says. “But triple citizenship is not forbidden.

    Conséquences politiques ?

    Lawmakers want Kolomoisky fired after outburst involving his attempts to hold on to oil firm
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/lawmakers-want-kolomoisky-fired-after-he-snaps-at-journalist-384042.html

    Neither Poroshenko nor Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk have commented on the Ukrtransnafta conflict. Meanwhile, lawmakers Mustafa Nayyem and Serhiy Leshchenko, former journalists, have called on the parliament to investigate the case.

    There’s no reaction from the president, prime minister or Verkhovna Rada speaker,” Nayyem, a lawmaker with the Petro Poroshenko Bloc, said at the Verkhovna Rada hearing on March 20. “This man (Kolomoisky) shouldn’t be a state official.

    Leshchenko, who also represents the president’s party, said at the Rada that “it may be the end of the Kolomoisky’s (political) career.

    The takeover of a state company in downtown Kyiv by (Kolomoisky’s) armed men is a challenge for Poroshenko and his legitimacy,” he wrote on Facebook on the same day.

    Pour l’instant, Kolomoïsky est toujours gouverneur de la région de Dnipropetrovsk…

  • Single-seat district leaders and winners
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/winners-in-single-member-districts-updates-369636.html

    Quelques (futurs) députés de l’Assemblée ukrainienne présentés par le Kyiv Post

    Borys Filatov, district 27, Dnipropetrovsk
    Filatov co-owns some of the most pricey realty in Dnipropetrovsk. In March he accepted the post of deputy head of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast from the region’s governor and billionaire Ihor Kolomoyskiy.
    (…)
    At the same time, Bloc of Petro Poroshenko didn’t nominate any candidates in the district of Filatov. None of the other pro-Western parties nominated candidates in his district too - Opposition Bloc, People’s Front and Samopomich.

    Filatov is part of Virgin Galactic’s space tourism program. His space flight was initially planned for this year.

    Dmytro Yarosh, district 39, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast
    Leader of the nationalist party #Right_Sector, known for taking an active role in the EuroMaidan Revolution, Yarosh didn’t take the risk of putting his name on the party list. With half of the votes counted, the Right Sector has only 1.9 percent of support. Yarosh himself ran in a single-seat district in his native region and succeeded. His run for the presidency in May got him less than one percent of the vote.

    At the same time, Right Sector spokesperson Boryslav Bereza is leading in district 213 in Kyiv.

    Yukhym Zvyagilskiy, district 45, Donetsk Oblast

    Zvyagilskiy, 81, has been a member of every Ukrainian parliament since independence. For the last three elections Zvyagilskiy ran with the Party of Regions, the party of former President Viktor Yanukovych. Like many of his former party fellows, this time he chose to run independently to avoid unwanted associations with the former government.

  • Kolomoisky suggests #Ukraine build 2,000-kilometers wall against Russia

    #Dnipropetrovsk regional state administration deputy head #Hennadiy_Korban has presented to the Ukrainian presidential administration an engineering project and a feasibility study of a 1,920-kilometers-long wall along the Russian border with an approximate value of euro 100 million.


    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/kolomoisky-suggests-ukraine-build-2000-kilometers-wall-against-russia-3517

    #Russie #barrière_frontalière #mur

  • Latest from OSCE Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) to Ukraine based on information received as of 18:00 (Kyiv time), 26 August 2014 | OSCE
    http://www.osce.org/ukraine-smm/123004

    The SMM met with Severodonetsk (95 km northwest of Luhansk city) district chief of the State Service for Emergency Situations who explained that 17 trucks from Kyiv and 22 trucks from Dnipropetrovsk containing humanitarian assistance were handed over to the local warehouse managed by the ICRC. The interlocutor outlined the challenging procedure that would be needed to deliver this humanitarian assistance to Luhansk city, where it was needed most. The interlocutor said that the precondition for further distribution of the humanitarian aid would be a 100% safe passage guarantee from Severodonetsk through the area of conflict. Under those circumstances the State Service, which is in charge of aid distribution, would be ready to transport the humanitarian aid to Luhansk city. 

    The interlocutor was not able to provide any information regarding the recent humanitarian assistance shipment from the Russian Federation to Luhansk. In Luhansk diesel generators were used to provide limited electricity to power communications. According to the interlocutor a Russian cell phone company was providing coverage in Luhansk. 

    In Donetsk the SMM met with an interlocutor from the Donetsk Eparchy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate. According to the interlocutor, on 30 July, a priest from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate was verbally and physically assaulted by Ukrainian Army servicemen while passing through an army checkpoint located in the area of Amrosievka (75 km southeast of Donetsk). Reportedly, several servicemen stopped and surrounded the priest whom they asked about his church affiliation, namely to which Patriarchate he belonged. Reportedly, while the priest was about to answer, one of the servicemen fired shots in the air next to the priest’s ears. The servicemen then asked the priest to take off his necklace carrying a Christian Cross, but when the priest resisted they pulled it off violently, said the interlocutor. The servicemen searched the house of the priest, who was beaten and his family members threatened. The interlocutor could not specify which military unit was manning the checkpoint at the time of the alleged assault, but had later learnt the servicemen were newly-deployed in the area. Following the incident, the church produced a report which was sent to church’s head offices in Kyiv which in turn, on 1 August 2014, referred it to the office of the Ukrainian President. According to the interlocutor, there has been no reply to the complaint from the President’s office thus far.

    According to the same interlocutor, on 30 July, in Krasnoarmeisk (76 km northeast of Donetsk), Novoosetskyi district, an unspecified number of armed men in camouflage fatigues arrived at the house of another priest from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, part of the Donetsk Eparchy. Reportedly, they demanded the priest’s certificate of registration, issued in the name of the church, which they did not manage to confiscate.

    In Chernivtsi the SMM observed 45 protesters who camped in 34 tents in front of the military barracks demonstrating their objection to the mobilization of their male relatives. The protesters told the SMM that they had made an attempt to hire lawyers who reportedly have declined to assist them for fear of repercussions. According to the interlocutors, unidentified persons allegedly talked to local lawyers and hinted that they might lose their licence to practice should they provide legal assistance to protesters and draftees.

    In Kyiv the SMM monitored a small demonstration outside the Ministry of Defence of approximately 20 people affiliated with soldiers deployed in eastern Ukraine. The protestors held a protest against the current developments in Donbas where volunteer battalions “Dnipr”, “Azov”, “Aidar” and “Donbas” are surrounded by the irregular armed groups. They claimed all those units are at risk due to a lack of combat training and of logistical support. The protestors were received by a high-ranking officer of the Ministry of Defence who came to meet them. No incidents were reported; the protest ended peacefully.

  • Autre projet de #mur:
    #Kolomojsky: “I can build fence along #Ukraine-Russia border

    Tycoon and Governor of the Dnipropetrovsk oblast Ihor Kolomojsky proposes to Pres Poroshenko to start the construction of a 1,900-km fence along Ukraine eastern border with Russia, Tsenzor.net reports June 12.

    http://zik.ua/en/news/2014/06/13/kolomojsky_i_can_build_fence_along_ukrainerussia_border_497201
    #Russie #barrière_frontalière #frontière

  • MIAM – Pourquoi la Chine va mettre la main sur un vingtième de l’Ukraine | Big Browser
    http://bigbrowser.blog.lemonde.fr/2013/09/24/miam-pourquoi-la-chine-va-mettre-la-main-sur-un-vingtieme-de-lukraine/#mf_sid=832719275

    MIAM – Pourquoi la Chine va mettre la main sur un vingtième de l’Ukraine

    Des légumes (Charles Smith/CC BY 2.0)
    Dans cinquante ans, la Chine utilisera 3 millions d’hectares de terres agricoles en Ukraine, en vertu d’un accord entre le Corps de production et de construction du Xinjiang (XPCC) et KSG Agro, une entreprise agricole ukrainienne. Cela représente donc 30 000 km², soit environ la taille de la Bourgogne ou de la Belgique, ou, comme le calcule le site Quartz, 5 % de la surface totale du pays (et 9 % de ses terres arables).

    Cet accord prévoit deux étapes : l’Ukraine mettra d’abord 100 000 hectares (soit la taille de Hongkong) à disposition des bouches chinoises, dans la région de Dnipropetrovsk, dans l’est du pays. Le montant de l’accord n’a pas été communiqué, mais un journal local évoque 2,6 milliards de dollars.

    Le produit des terres sera revendu à tarif préférentiel à deux conglomérats appartenant à l’Etat chinois. En complément de ce partenariat, une banque publique chinoise a accordé à l’Ukraine un prêt de 3 milliards de dollars pour le développement agricole.

    Ce n’est pas la première fois que la Chine loue des terres agricoles. Mais l’accord conclu avec l’Ukraine représente son plus gros investissement : en avril 2009, explique le South China Morning Post, le pays disposait d’un peu plus de 2 millions d’hectares. L’entreprise Beidahuang avait, par exemple, acquis 234 000 hectares de terres agricoles en Argentine.

    Plus que le profit, c’est évidemment la sécurité alimentaire qui motive cet accord. Le pays doit faire face à une forte hausse de sa demande intérieure en produits alimentaires : les importations de grain ont augmenté de plus de 150 % entre 2011 et 2012. Problème : selon Quartz, la Chine dévore 20 % de la production alimentaire mondiale, mais ne dispose que de 9 % des terres agricoles.

    La Chine n’est pas la seule dans ce cas, et beaucoup d’autres pays ont procédé à des achats ou des locations de terres agricoles. Une étude publiée en janvier affirme qu’entre 0,7 et 1,75 % des terres agricoles mondiales sont passées entre des mains étrangères. Parmi les pays acquéreurs, la Grande-Bretagne, les Etats-Unis, les pays du Golfe ou encore la Corée du Sud. La plupart des terres arables acquises par des étrangers se trouvent dans l’est de l’Afrique et dans le sud de l’Asie.

    #Agriculture
    #Chine
    #Ukraine.