city:jerusalem

  • Poultry products originating from Israeli settlements no longer sent to Europe amid EU sanctions -

    Officials at the foreign and agriculture ministries say that so far no serious economic damage has been done, with diversion to the local market solving the problem.
    By Barak Ravid | Aug. 17, 2014 |Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.610900

    The Agriculture Ministry decided two months ago to divert settlements’ poultry products to markets outside the European Union after the EU imposed sanctions have made it very difficult to send such products to Europe.

    Officials at the foreign and agriculture ministries say that so far no serious economic damage has been done, with diversion to the local market solving the problem.

    On February 17, the European Commission, the EU’s executive body, enacted procedures under which the EU would no longer recognize the authority of Israeli veterinary services for livestock in the West Bank, East Jerusalem or the Golan Heights.

    Without veterinary approval, importing to EU countries becomes virtually impossible.

    According to a senior Israeli official, an investigation showed that hens are supplied by some farms in the Jordan Valley to the Off Tov (Good Chicken) poultry plant, which prepares products exported to Europe.

    The new procedures raised concerns that all the company’s exports to Europe would be blocked, given the difficulty in establishing the source of each product.

    At the end of June, Agriculture Minister Yair Shamir, a member of the right-wing Yisrael Beiteinu party, tried to resolve the issue. The ministry ordered the diversion of settlements products to plants that supply local markets, or to countries outside the European Union.

    Hens from the settlements were put on different production lines to distinguish them from other poultry. A delegation of experts from the European Union arrived here in late July to confirm this separation so that exports to Europe could continue.

    The new procedures have affected other items exported to Europe. According to the daily Maariv this weekend, dairy exporters were also told to separate items coming from settlements from those originating within Israel’s 1967 borders.

    Fish products are expected to be next in line for such treatment. A plant at the Atarot industrial area north of Jerusalem raises fish for export to Europe. Other farmers export decorative fish to Europe. Without veterinary approval these companies will have to find another destinations.

    Senior officials at the foreign and agriculture ministries say diversion to the local market will work for fish as well. Wine is also expected to be included in the new arrangement, but this will cause serious damage because many wineries are located across the 1967 borders.


  • Israel to pay students to defend it online

    http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/08/14/israel-students-social-media/2651715

    JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is looking to hire university students to post pro-Israel messages on social media networks — without needing to identify themselves as government-linked, officials said Wednesday.

    The Israeli prime minister’s office said in a statement that students on Israeli university campuses would receive full or partial scholarships to combat anti-Semitism and calls to boycott Israel online. It said students’ messages would parallel statements by government officials.

    “This is a groundbreaking project aimed at strengthening Israeli national diplomacy and adapting it to changes in information consumption,” the statement said.

    An Israeli official said Wednesday that scholarship recipients would be free to decide whether or not to identify themselves as part of the program, which would begin within months.


  • Si tu te demandes pourquoi les actions de maintien de l’ordre aux États-Unis prennent une tournure carrément militarisée (mais surtout pas raciste, l’ADL se porte garante sur ce point-là) : 24 mars 2011 : St. Louis County Police Chief Timothy Fitch visits Israel for counter-terrorism
    http://archive.ksdk.com/news/article/251178/147/Chief-Fitch-visiting-Israel-for-counter-terrorism-

    St. Louis County, MO (KSDK) - St. Louis County Police Chief Timothy Fitch will be part of a national delegation of law enforcement officials traveling to Israel next month to study counter-terrorism tactics.

    Over a weeklong visit, the delegation will learn how Israel’s police, intelligence and security forces prevent terror attacks, and includes visits to Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Tiberias. Law enforcement will be briefed by members of the Israel National Police, the Israel Defense Forces, among others.

    The trip is part of the Anti-Defamation League’s National Counter-Terrorism Seminar.

    Ils ont appris la méthode « West Bank » (également connue sous le nom « tu lui exploses un genou, il est pas prêt de revenir te jeter des cailloux »), ou la méthode Gaza (dite « on va tondre la pelouse ») ?

    Note : ça commence à circuler. On devrait donc avoir des confirmations (ou éventuelles infirmations) sur ce voyage touristique rapidement. Plus largement, je suis certain qu’on a déjà référencé des articles sur le fait que les Israéliens transmettent leur « savoir faire » en matière d’« anti-terrorisme/maintien de l’ordre » (c’est pareil) aux Américains et à bon nombre de pays européens.

    #ferguson


  • Il y a cinquante ans naissait l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine
    http://orientxxi.info/magazine/il-y-a-cinquante-ans-naissait-l,0641

    28 mai 1964 : il y a cinquante ans, le roi Hussein de Jordanie inaugurait à Jérusalem encore sous souveraineté arabe le congrès constitutif de l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP). Ce congrès, malgré ses limites, allait marquer le début de la renaissance politique des Palestiniens, après l’écroulement des mouvements de résistance en 1948-1949. Source : Orient XXI


  • Lettre ouverte à l’homme qui aurait pu tuer mon fils | Rock the Casbah | Rue89 Les blogs

    http://blogs.rue89.nouvelobs.com/jean-pierre-filiu/2014/08/09/lettre-ouverte-lhomme-qui-aurait-pu-tuer-mon-fils-233340

    Je ne te connais pas. Je sais juste que tu aurais pu tuer mon fils Diego, la nuit du 24 juillet, dans une banlieue orientale de Jérusalem. Alors accorde-moi la liberté de te tutoyer dès notre premier contact.

    http://blogs.rue89.nouvelobs.com/sites/blogs/files/styles/asset_img_half/public/assets/image/2014/08/balle_0.png

    –— ---

    Diego, 18 ans, un mois et demi entre Israël et Palestine - Le nouvel Observateur

    http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/2014/08/08/diego-18-ans-mois-demi-entre-israel-palestine-254099

    Diego, étudiant français, s’est trouvé plongé au cœur des tensions entre Israël et Palestine, où il a été blessé par une balle en caoutchouc. Il raconte la guerre qui est partout, tout le temps, même en temps de paix. Il rentre malgré tout de son séjour plein d’espoir.

    http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/sites/news/files/styles/asset_img_full/public/assets/image/2014/08/regard2.jpg

    #israël #palestine #jean_pierre_filiu #jérusalem


  • Lettre ouverte à l’homme qui aurait pu tuer mon fils | Rock the Casbah | Rue89 Les blogs
    http://blogs.rue89.nouvelobs.com/jean-pierre-filiu/2014/08/09/lettre-ouverte-lhomme-qui-aurait-pu-tuer-mon-fils-233340

    j’aimerais que tu m’expliques comment on parvient à ajuster son tir sur un adolescent, à appuyer sur la gâchette, à vérifier que la cible est bien écroulée et, ensuite, à rentrer chez soi avec le sentiment du devoir accompli. Car j’imagine que tu as bien dormi ce soir-là, n’est-ce pas ?

    Oui, bien sûr, tu as obéi aux ordres. Je la connais trop bien cette rengaine, on l’a entendue sous le ciel de Jérusalem et bien au-delà, chaque fois qu’un assassin affirmait n’être qu’un exécutant. Mais dis-moi, quelqu’un t’a-t-il soufflé dans l’oreillette l’ordre de tirer sur Diego ? Es-tu un homme ou une machine ?

    Quand Diego est tombé, il a été protégé des tirs de tes collègues et de toi-même par le mur des corps de Palestiniens désarmés. Il a dû longtemps attendre l’ambulance pour l’évacuer, car ton unité bloquait l’accès au personnel de santé, pourtant clairement identifié. Et c’est sous vos déflagrations qu’il a reçu les premiers soins et que sa plaie fut cousue à vif.

    « #L’armée_la_plus_morale_du_monde » ?

    Il paraît que vous êtes des « forces spéciales », une formation « d’élite ». Je n’ose imaginer l’entraînement que tu as suivi en vue d’accomplir de telles « missions ». Crois-tu vraiment que tu appartiens à « l’armée la plus morale du monde » ? N’es-tu pas fatigué d’arborer une telle imposture ?

    Je serais intéressé de te rencontrer. Intéressé, pas heureux, note bien la différence. Si tu préfères m’écrire, tu mesureras vite que les mots sont parfois plus ardus à manier que les armes.

    Tu as évidemment une famille. Tu as peut-être un fils. Si c’est le cas, je souhaite de tout mon cœur qu’il ne croise jamais la route d’un homme qui pourrait ainsi l’ajuster et le tuer. Car c’est ce que tu fis en cette nuit du Destin, et tu l’as fait de sang-froid.

    J’ai retrouvé Diego après une éternité d’inquiétude. Sa vie n’est plus entre tes mains, mais ta vie ne dépend plus que de toi. Penses-y la prochaine fois que tu tiendras dans ton viseur un gamin sans défense. Sincèrement.

    Via @le_bougnoulosophe


  • # PALESTINE /// When the Walls Fall: A Lexicon for a Future Palestinian Narrative

    I started writing this article when the ceasefire in #Gaza was still active and that, for the first time in 4 weeks, no one was killed for three days. As argued in a recent article, we need to put as much energy in critiquing the ordinary violence of the blockade on Gaza and the occupation in East Jerusalem and the West Bank than the one we have spent in our outrage to the recent massacre. The language we use for our political struggles informs the degree of resistance that it offers to the dominant narrative as Mimi Thi Nguyen have been arguing in the determining of figures of innocence (see past article and conversation on Archipelago). The Palestinian narrative for the future therefore needs to be carefully constructed depending on the vision at which it is aiming. Such prospects are always problematic, as they touch the delicate realms of “solutions,” which should be thought not as “ends of history,” but rather, within their own reconfiguration of relations of power. Since I already presented a speculative map of what the future of the region could (should?) be like, I would like to complement it now by proposing an inventory of terms we would need to use (i.e. the narrative we would need to convey) if we were to move towards such a future.

    http://thefunambulistdotnet.files.wordpress.com/2014/08/when-the-walls-fall-leopold-lambert-funambulist-2014.jpg
    http://thefunambulist.net/2014/08/08/palestine-when-the-walls-fall-a-lexicon-for-a-future-palestinian-nar

    #mur #barrière_frontalière #Israël #Gaza #Palestine #Cisjordanie #apartheid #ségrégation #racisme #état_d'émergence


  • ▶ Majed Bamya explique la réalité de la situation en Palestine occupée - YouTube

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RIcaXRpoas0

    « Nous ne voulons pas une paix entre un maître et un esclave, nous voulons une paix entre des gens libres »

    Ajoutée le 14 juil. 2014

    Le 2 juillet 2014, Le diplomate Palestinien Majed Bamya explique la réalité de la situation en Palestine occupée.
    Majed Bamya nouvelle interview :

    http://youtu.be/PFKtqk4p2bc

    Depuis plus de 66 ans, le peuple Palestinien subit une humiliation quotidienne de la part des israéliens : Bombardements en utilisant F16, navires de guerre et autres équipements militaires, Embargo sur la nourriture, Restriction d’eau et d’électricité, Interdiction aux moins de 50 ans d’aller prier le vendredi dans le 3ème lieu saint de l’Islam à Jérusalem, Barrage de contrôle (checkpoint) à l’entrée et à la sortie de chaque ville et le mur de séparation aussi appelé le mur de la honte ou mur de l’apartheid, poser par israël pour se séparer des Palestiniens, il est haut de 8m et long de plus de 730km. Il est plus grand que le mur de Berlin qui faisait seulement 155km de long !
    israël possède un état mais refuse un état aux Palestiniens et en plus de cela, israël avec l’aide de ses colons, continue de coloniser le territoire Palestinien, comme si c’était à israël de décider de l’avenir du peuple Palestinien !

    #palestine #israël #occupation #colonisation


  • Why Snowden hasn’t harmed Israel’s intelligence services
    There was an expectation that the Snowden documents would yield details on Israel’s electronic surveillance capabilities, yet Glenn Greenwald has barely reported on Israel.
    By Anshel Pfeffer | Aug. 6, 2014 |
    Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.609090

    For over a year now, Edward Snowden, the former National Security Agency (NSA) systems administrator who fled to Russia, has been distributing through the media part of the hundreds of thousands of classified documents he took with him. Many of these reports have seriously damaged the operations of American and British intelligence services. On Monday, Glenn Greenwald, the journalist who cooperated with Snowden and wrote most of the reports based on his documents, published on the Intercept website new details on the close cooperation between NSA and its Israeli counterpart - the IDF’s Unit 8200. This is only the second time in which the Snowden documents have referred to Israel.

    Then report is fascinating and sheds new light on the way Israeli and American intelligence work together on joint targets in the region and elsewhere, in this case Egypt under the previous Muslim Brotherhood government. But it didn’t tell us anything we didn’t know before. The two countries have a long history of intelligence-sharing which has continued to deepen despite the political pitfalls and lack of personal chemistry between the heads of state. The new details Greenwald adds on the direct line between headquarters, the joint projects against Iran (partly funded by the U.S.) and the use of each other’s installations are interesting but hardly surprising.

    What is surprising is the paucity of mentions of Israel in the flow of Snowden documents. The two reports so far describe the contours of the US-Israel intelligence relationship but unlike the documents on the electronic intelligence-gathering by the U.S. and its ally, Britain, there have been no reports on actual details of Israel’s surveillance methods and its penetration of communication networks. The revelations of eavesdropping programs of the NSA and Britain’s GCHQ have caused immense damage to their countries ability to follow potential terror targets and gather information through phone and internet networks. They have lead to acrimonious debates in the west over the line between national security and intrusion on civilians’ privacy. The damage done to the intelligence services from the disclosure of their methods to keep tabs on terror organizations is assessed by the NSA at billions of dollars.

    Due to the close NSA-Unit 8200 cooperation, there was an expectation that the Snowden documents would yield similar details on Israel’s electronic surveillance capabilities. But in the thirteen months since they started to appear, we’ve yet to read any operational details. The timing of this week’s report was meant to embarrass the Obama administration for working with Israel while the Gaza operation was ongoing but in a tense period for the diplomatic relations between Washington and Jerusalem, a reminder of the closeness between their intelligence services boosts Israel’s international standing.

    Why hasn’t Greenwald published any damaging details on Israel’s eavesdropping techniques, as he has on the U.S. and Britain? There are four possible reasons.

    So many documents, so little time - Snowden hoovered up as many as 1.7 million classified documents, according to some estimates. It’s unclear whether this figure is accurate and how many of them have been handed to Greenwald and other journalists, but in every interview, Greenwald promises there are many more revelations to come that will embarrass the NSA. His new and well-funded website was founded mainly upon that promise. It’s possible that the Israeli chapter is still to come. And yet, it seems unlikely that Greenwald, who has been a constant and coruscating critic of Israel in his columns over the years, would hold back if he had anything that could harm its intelligence services. Especially as there are other competing journalists with access to some of the documents and any report on Israel’s spying activities is guaranteed click-bait.

    Special classification - In the months before he fled for Russia, Snowden accumulated as many documents as he could put his hands on. He used passwords of work colleagues to obtain those he had no access to. If he failed in purloining documents relating to joint operations with Israel, of the kind he found on the U.S. and Britain, it would indicate that Israel-related material is stored under a higher classification and different level of total compartmentalization from most NSA employees. This could be due to Israeli requirements or an American attempt to keep these operations separate from its core operations out of concern of Israeli spying. Snowden who showed great creativity in storing up his secret cache would be aware of the value of such material yet he seems to have failed to breach that particular wall of secrecy.

    Under threat - There is no evidence but at least one European intelligence analyst has wondered over the last year whether Israel has found a way to pressure either Snowden or Greenwald not to publish damaging details on Israel’s capabilities. “It’s impossible to believe that Snowden discovered so much about American and British networks yet found so little on Israel,” says the analyst who has devoted months to studying Snowden’s intelligence heist. “The only explanation I can think of is that Israel found a creative way to get to Snowden or Greenwald and convince them not to use these documents.”

    Russian interests – Snowden has lived in Moscow for the last year, since escaping there via Hong Kong. Western intelligence agencies are convinced that he and almost certainly his stolen documents are now controlled by the Kremlin’s spies, though they’re still unsure whether he was in their service (perhaps unwittingly) before he arrived in Russia. The Kremlin has a clear interest in damaging the American and British intelligence-gathering networks as the old Cold War rivalries swiftly reemerge in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. The embarrassment and anger caused in the west by Snowden’s revelations and the public suspicion of the governments’ intrusion into civilians’ privacy, have certainly served Russia, which intrudes on its own citizens to a much larger degree, well. Israel’s relationship with the Kremlin is much more opaque.

    Despite the strategic relationship with the U.S., successive Israeli governments have steadfastly refrained from criticizing Russia for its arms shipments to Syria, its nuclear assistance of Iran and most recently the invasion and annexation of Crimea. Snowden serves Russian interests and the fact that he has so far not published any documents damaging Israel’s intelligence operations could be a result of the careful efforts by Jerusalem to build quite links with Moscow since the fall of the Iron Curtain.



  • Le journal de guerre de Danièle Kriegel (15) : ce qu’Israël ne veut pas voir à Gaza - Le Point

    http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/le-journal-de-guerre-de-daniele-kriegel-15-ce-qu-israel-ne-veut-pas-voir-a-g

    Je ne suis pas du tout un fan de Danièle Kriegel, mais dans cet article, elle a le mérite (et sans doute le courage, pour une journaliste qui vit à Jérusalem) de rappeler les chiffres effrayants totalements ignorés par les médias israéliens :

    En Israël, les télés n’ont diffusé que de rares images de cette nouvelle tragédie. Pour voir des reportages complets, il fallait zapper sur le câble à la recherche des chaînes étrangères. Ce matin le seul journal qui en parle longuement est le quotidien indépendant Haaretz, qui, à la une, publie également le dernier bilan des victimes dans l’enclave palestinienne : plus de 1 800 morts et au moins 9 000 blessés. De 70 à 80 % de civils, selon l’ONU.

    Dans son rapport datant de dimanche, l’Unicef annonce la mort d’au moins 354 enfants, 222 garçons et 132 filles âgés de 1 mois à 17 ans. À cela s’ajoutent les enfants blessés : 2 502 entre le 8 et le 31 juillet, soit 30 % du total des blessés palestiniens durant cette même période.

    Sans parler de la situation humanitaire catastrophique : près d’un demi-million de personnes déplacées.

    Ces images et ces chiffres sont à peine évoqués par les médias israéliens. Les quelques journalistes qui s’aventurent à en parler sont critiqués, voire menacés. Il se trouve même des voix pour réclamer, à intervalles réguliers, qu’ils soient traduits en justice.

    #gaza #meurtres_d_enfants

    • Je vous redonne les chiffres parce que je suis pas sur si vous les avez bien lu :

      Bilan de 25 jours de bombardements israéliens :

      La mort de 354 enfants

      – 222 garçons
      – 132 filles

      âgés de 1 mois à 17 ans

      2 502 enfants blessés

      #fuck_elie_wiesel


  • Mapping Intervals: Towards an Emancipated Cartography by Nora Akawi | The Funambulist

    http://thefunambulist.net/2012/09/05/guest-writer-essays-33-mapping-intervals-towards-an-emancipated-cart

    Today’s guest writer comes from my dear friend Nora Akawi, who was kind enough to make it happen in a very busy schedule between her practice and teaching in Jerusalem, and her new responsibilities as the curator of the Amman Lab, the branch of New York Columbia University’s Studio-X in Jordan. In the following text, Mapping Intervals: Towards an Emancipated Cartography, she introduces the archive, and more precisely, the map as instruments of power through the subjective narrative they convey. Colonial mapping, collective forgetfulness, cultural genocide and domain name system are as many problematic aspects of the dissensus created by the attempted collective materialization of memory. In this regard, Nora quotes Jacques Derrida who affirms that “there is no political power without control of the archive, if not of memory.” From there, she examines what could possibly be an “emancipated cartography”, which would not refuse this control without which there is no political power, but rather would attempt to articulate the multiplicity of cultural narratives as the very essence of its materialization.

    #cartographie_radicale #cartographie_émancipée


  • #Attaque de #Gaza : #affrontements à ##Hébron et Naplouse – 24 juillet 2014

    Cisjordanie : 2 adolescents tués dans des affrontements
    Affrontements meurtriers en #Cisjordanie et extrême tension à …
    Cisjordanie : un Palestinien tué par les forces israéliennes dans de …
    En Cisjordanie, violents heurts aux abords de Jérusalem-Est
    Gaza : 800 Palestiniens tués en 17 jours, affrontements en Cisjordanie
    Affrontements entre Palestiniens et forces israéliennes à Jérusalem …
    En Cisjordanie, affrontements meurtriers entre Palestiniens et …
    i24news – Voir plus loin
    VIDEO. Un Palestinien meurt lors de manifestations de soutien à …
    Cinq Palestiniens tués lors du « Jour de colère » en Cisjordanie
    Gaza : « Jour de colère » en Cisjordanie
    Un Palestinien tué en Cisjordanie, plus de 800 dans la bande de Gaza
    VIDEO. Cisjordanie : au moins 4 Palestiniens tués dans des …
    L’intervention israélienne à Gaza enflamme la Cisjordanie
    Une vingtaine de Palestiniens meurent dans une école
    Proche-Orient : le conflit risque de s’étendre en Cisjordanie
    Trois Palestiniens tués dans des violences en Cisjordanie
    La Cisjordanie s’embrase
    Violents heurts en Cisjordanie
    Proche-Orient : 4 Palestiniens ont été tués en Cisjordanie, l’un d’eux …
    Douze heures de répit dans la bande de Gaza
    Le conflit menace de s’étendre en Cisjordanie
    Israël assassine 2 manifestants en Cisjordanie
    Les violences se poursuivent en Cisjordanie, deux Palestiniens tués
    Deux adolescents palestiniens tués en Cisjordanie en proie aux …
    Cisjordanie : un mort dans une manifestation contre l’offensive à Gaza
    Des violences menacent d’étendre le conflit en Cisjordanie
    Violences en Cisjordanie entre Palestiniens et Israéliens
    L’espoir de trêve à nouveau déçu à Gaza

    http://berthoalain.files.wordpress.com/2011/09/carte-palestine.jpg?w=497&h=496
    http://berthoalain.com/2014/08/03/attaque-de-gaza-affrontements-a-hebron-et-naplouse-24-juillet-2014

    #carte #Israël #visualisation



  • Hamas’s Chances
    Nathan Thrall
    http://www.lrb.co.uk/v36/n16/nathan-thrall/hamass-chances

    Après les accords de cessez-le-feu du 21 Novembre 2012 non respectés par Israël, l’éloignement de l’axe Syrie Iran Hezbollah, le renversement de Morsi, l’activisme forcené anti frères musulmans de l’Arabie Saoudite et assimilés, l’impuissance de la Turquie et du Qatar, il ne restait plus au #Hamas, non sans appréhension, que de confier les clés de Gaza à #Mahmoud_Abbas. Et de fait, les coups bas de Abbas sous pression étasunienne, et cela avant même le meurtre des 3 Israéliens, ne se sont pas fait attendre.

    Hamas paid a high price, acceding to nearly all of Fatah’s demands. The new PA government didn’t contain a single Hamas member or ally, and its senior figures remained unchanged. Hamas agreed to allow the PA to move several thousand members of its security forces back to Gaza, and to place its guards at borders and crossings, with no reciprocal positions for Hamas in the West Bank security apparatus. Most important, the government said it would comply with the three conditions for Western aid long demanded by the US and its European allies: non-violence, adherence to past agreements and recognition of Israel. Though the agreement stipulated that the PA government refrain from politics, Abbas said it would pursue his political programme. Hamas barely protested.

    (...)

    The fears of Hamas activists were confirmed after the government was formed. The terms of the agreement were not only unfavourable but unimplemented. The most basic conditions of the deal – payment of the government employees who run Gaza and an opening of the crossing with Egypt – were not fulfilled. For years Gazans had been told that the cause of their immiseration was Hamas rule. Now it was over, their conditions only got worse.

    On 12 June, ten days after the new government was formed, an unexpected event radically changed Hamas’s fortunes. Three Israeli students at yeshivas in the West Bank were kidnapped and murdered. When their bodies were found, a group of Israeli Jews abducted a 16-year-old Palestinian outside his East Jerusalem home, doused him in petrol, and burned him alive. Protests erupted among Palestinians in Jerusalem, the Negev and Galilee, while the West Bank remained relatively quiet. Israel blamed Hamas for the murders of the yeshiva students, though several Israeli security officials have said they believe that the perpetrators didn’t act on orders from above.

    In its search for the suspected murderers, Israel carried out its largest West Bank campaign against Hamas since the Second Intifada, closing its offices and arresting hundreds of members at all levels. Hamas denied responsibility for the abductions and said Israel’s accusations were a pretext to launch a new offensive against it. Among those arrested were more than fifty of the 1027 security prisoners released in 2011 by Israel in exchange for the Hamas-held Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit. Hamas saw the arrests as another violation of the Shalit agreement, which had named conditions under which the released prisoners could be re-arrested and contained unfulfilled commitments by Israel to improve conditions and visitation rights for other Palestinian prisoners.

    *The Palestinian leadership in Ramallah worked closely with Israel to catch the militants, and had rarely been so discredited among its constituents, many of whom believe abducting Israelis has proved the only effective means of gaining the release of prisoners widely regarded as national heroes. In several West Bank cities, residents protested against the PA’s security co-operation with Israel. A former minister of religious affairs who is close to Abbas went with his bodyguards to al-Aqsa Mosque; worshippers assaulted them, and they had to be hospitalised. When an Abbas emissary was dispatched to visit the murdered Palestinian boy’s grieving family, he was shouted off the premises.

    As protests spread through Israel and Jerusalem, militants in Gaza from non-Hamas factions began firing rockets and mortars in solidarity. Sensing Israel’s vulnerability and the Ramallah leadership’s weakness, Hamas leaders called for the protests to grow into a third intifada. When the rocket fire increased, they found themselves drawn into a new confrontation: they couldn’t be seen suppressing the rocket attacks while calling for a mass uprising. Israel’s retaliation culminated in the 6 July bombings that killed seven Hamas militants, the largest number of fatalities inflicted on the group in several months. The next day Hamas began taking responsibility for the rockets. Israel then announced Operation Protective Edge.

    Les #Etats-Unis et leur protégé semblent maintenant faire marche arrière, après des centaines de #morts #innocents.

    ... there are growing signs that Hamas stands a good chance of achieving some of [its goals]. Obama and Kerry have said they believe a ceasefire should be based on the November 2012 agreement. The US also changed its position on the payment of salaries, proposing in a draft framework for a ceasefire submitted to Israel on 25 July that funds be transferred to Gazan employees. Over the course of the war, Israel decided that it could solve its Gaza problem with help from the new government in Ramallah that it had formally boycotted. The Israeli defence minister said he hoped a ceasefire would place the new government’s security forces at Gaza’s border crossings. Netanyahu has begun to soften his tone towards Abbas. Near the end of the third week of fighting, Israel and the US quietly looked away as the Palestinian government made payments to all employees in Gaza for the first time. Israeli officials across the political spectrum have begun to admit privately that the previous policy towards Gaza was a mistake. All parties involved in mediating a ceasefire envision postwar arrangements that effectively strengthen the new Palestinian government and its role in Gaza – and by extension Gaza itself.

    (...)

    The obvious solution is to let the new Palestinian government return to Gaza and reconstruct it. Israel can claim it is weakening Hamas by strengthening its enemies. Hamas can claim it won the recognition of the new government and a significant lifting of the blockade. This solution would of course have been available to Israel, the US, Egypt and the PA in the weeks and months before the war began, before so many lives were shattered .

    #honte #victimes_civiles, #crimes #Israel #Israël


  • Gaza myths and facts: what American Jewish leaders won’t tell you

    Peter Beinart
    Ha’aretz

    July 30, 2014

    If you’ve been anywhere near the American Jewish community over the past few weeks, you’ve heard the following morality tale: Israel left the Gaza Strip in 2005, hoping the newly independent country would become the Singapore of the Middle East. Instead, Hamas seized power, ransacked greenhouses, threw its opponents off rooftops and began launching thousands of rockets at Israel.

    American Jewish leaders use this narrative to justify their skepticism of a Palestinian state in the West Bank. But in crucial ways, it’s wrong. And without understanding why it’s wrong, you can’t understand why this war is wrong too.

    Let’s take the claims in turn.

    Israel Left Gaza

    It’s true that in 2005, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon withdrew Israel’s more than 8,000 settlers fromGaza. (At America’s urging, he also dismantled four small settlements in the West Bank). But at no point did Gaza become its own country. Had Gaza become its own country, it would have gained control over its borders. It never did. As the Israeli human rights group Gisha has detailed, even before the election of Hamas, Israel controlled whether Gazans could enter or exit the Strip (In conjunction with Egypt, which controlled the Rafah checkpoint in Gaza’s south). Israel controlled the population registry through which Gazans were issued identification cards. Upon evacuating its settlers and soldiers from Gaza, Israel even created a security perimeter inside the Strip from which Gazans were barred from entry. (Unfortunately for Gazans, this perimeter included some of the Strip’s best farmland).
    “Pro-Israel” commentators claim Israel had legitimate security reasons for all this. But that concedes the point. A necessary occupation is still an occupation. That’s why it’s silly to analogize Hamas’ rockets—repugnant as they are—to Mexico or Canada attacking the United States. The United States is not occupying Mexico or Canada. Israel —according to the United States government — has been occupying Gaza without interruption since 1967.

    To grasp the perversity of using Gaza as an explanation for why Israel can’t risk a Palestinian state, it helps to realize that Sharon withdrew Gaza’s settlers in large measure because he didn’t want a Palestinian state. By 2004, when Sharon announced the Gaza withdrawal, the Road Map for Peace that he had signed with Mahmoud Abbas was going nowhere. Into the void came two international proposals for a two state solution. The first was the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, in which every member of the Arab League offered to recognize Israel if it returned to the 1967 lines and found a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees. The second was the 2003 Geneva Initiative, in which former Israeli and Palestinian negotiators publicly agreed upon the details of a two state plan. As the political scientists Jonathan Rynhold and Dov Waxman have detailed, Sharon feared the United States would get behind one or both plans, and pressure Israel to accept a Palestinian state near the 1967 lines. “Only an Israeli initiative,” Sharon argued, “will keep us from being dragged into dangerous initiatives like the Geneva and Saudi initiatives.”

    Sharon saw several advantages to withdrawing settlers from Gaza. First, it would save money, since in Gaza Israel was deploying a disproportionately high number of soldiers to protect a relatively small number of settlers. Second, by (supposedly) ridding Israel of its responsibility for millions of Palestinians, the withdrawal would leave Israel and the West Bank with a larger Jewish majority. Third, the withdrawal would prevent the administration of George W. Bush from embracing the Saudi or Geneva plans, and pushing hard—as Bill Clinton had done—for a Palestinian state. Sharon’s chief of staff, Dov Weisglass, put it bluntly: “The significance of the disengagement plan is the freezing of the peace process. And when you freeze that process, you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and you prevent a discussion on the refugees, the borders and Jerusalem. Effectively, this whole package called the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed indefinitely from our agenda. And all this with authority and permission. All with a presidential blessing and the ratification of both houses of Congress.”

    It’s no surprise, therefore, that the Gaza withdrawal did not meet minimal Palestinian demands. Not even the most moderate Palestinian leader would have accepted a long-term arrangement in which Israel withdrew its settlers from Gaza while maintaining control of the Strip’s borders and deepening Israeli control of the West Bank. (Even in the 2005, the year Sharon withdrew from Gaza, the overall settler population rose, in part because some Gazan settlers relocated to the West Bank).
    In fact, Sharon’s advisors did not expect withdrawing Gaza’s settlers to satisfy the Palestinians. Nor did not they expect it to end Palestinian terrorism. Ehud Olmert, a key figure in the disengagement plan (and someone who himself later embraced Palestinian statehood), acknowledged that “terror will continue” after the removal of Gaza’s settlers. The key word is “continue.” Contrary to the American Jewish narrative, militants in Gaza didn’t start launching rockets at Israel after the settlers left. They began a half-decade earlier, at the start of the second intifada. The Gaza disengagement did not stop this rocket fire. But it did not cause it either.

    Hamas Seized Power

    I can already hear the objections. Even if withdrawing settlers from Gaza didn’t give the Palestinians a state, it might have made Israelis more willing to support one in the future - if only Hamas had not seized power and turned Gaza into a citadel of terror.
    But Hamas didn’t seize power. It won an election. In January 2006, four months after the last settlers left, Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem chose representatives to the Palestinian Authority’s parliament. (The previous year, they had separately elected Abbas to be the Palestinian Authority’s President). Hamas won a plurality of the vote - forty-five percent - but because of the PA’s voting system, and Fatah’s idiotic decision to run more than one candidate in several districts, Hamas garnered 58 percent of the seats in parliament.

    To the extent American Jewish leaders acknowledge that Hamas won an election (as opposed to taking power by force), they usually chalk its victory up to Palestinian enthusiasm for the organization’s 1988 charter, which calls for Israel’s destruction (The president of the New York board of rabbis said recently that anyone who voted for Hamas should be considered a combatant, not a civilian). But that’s almost certainly not the reason Hamas won. For starters, Hamas didn’t make Israel’s destruction a major theme of its election campaign. In its 2006 campaign manifesto, the group actually fudged the question by saying only that it wanted an “independent state whose capital is Jerusalem” plus fulfillment of the right of return.

    Don’t get me wrong. I’m not suggesting that by 2006 Hamas had embraced the two state solution. Only that Hamas recognized that running against the two state solution was not the best way to win Palestinian votes. The polling bears this out. According to exit polls conducted by the prominent Palestinian pollster Khalil Shikaki, 75 percent of Palestinian voters—and a remarkable 60 percent of Hamas voters—said they supported a Palestinian unity government dedicated to achieving a two state solution.

    So why did Hamas win? Because, according to Shikaki, only fifteen percent of voters called the peace process their most important issue. A full two-thirds cited either corruption or law and order. It’s vital to remember that 2006 was the first Palestinian election in more than ten years. During the previous decade, Palestinians had grown increasingly frustrated by Fatah’s unaccountable, lawless and incompetent rule. According to exit polls, 85 percent of voters called Fatah corrupt.Hamas, by contrast, because it had never wielded power and because its charitable arm effectively delivered social services, enjoyed a reputation for competence and honesty.
    Hamas won, in other words, for the same reason voters all across the world boot out parties that have grown unresponsive and self-interested after years in power. That’s not just Shikaki’s judgment. It’s also Bill Clinton’s. As Clinton explained in 2009, “a lot of Palestinians were upset that they [Fatah] were not delivering the services. They didn’t think it [Fatah] was an entirely honest operation and a lot of people were going to vote for Hamas not because they wanted terrorist tactics…but because they thought they might get better service, better government…They [also] won because Fatah carelessly and foolishly ran both its slates in too many parliamentary seats.”

    This doesn’t change the fact that Hamas’ election confronted Israel and the United States with a serious problem. After its victory, Hamas called for a national unity government with Fatah “for the purpose of ending the occupation and settlements and achieving a complete withdrawal from the lands occupied [by Israel] in 1967, including Jerusalem, so that the region enjoys calm and stability during this phase.” But those final words—“this phase”—made Israelis understandably skeptical that Hamas had changed its long-term goals. The organization still refused to recognize Israel, and given that Israel had refused to talk to the PLO until it formally accepted Israel’s right to exist in 1993, it’s not surprising that Israel demanded Hamas meet the same standard.
    Still, Israel and the U.S. would have been wiser to follow the counsel of former Mossad chief Efraim Halevy, who called for Sharon to try to forge a long-term truce with Hamas. Israel could also have pushed Hamas to pledge that if Abbas—who remained PA president—negotiated a deal with Israel, Hamas would accept the will of the Palestinian people as expressed in a referendum, something the group’s leaders havesubsequently promised to do.

    Instead, the Bush administration—suddenly less enamored of Middle Eastern democracy—pressured Abbas to dissolve the Palestinian parliament and rule by emergency decree. Israel, which also wanted Abbas to defy the election results, withheld the tax and customs revenue it had collected on the Palestinian Authority’s behalf. Knowing Hamas would resist Abbas’ efforts to annul the election, especially in Gaza, where it was strong on the ground, the Bushies also began urging Abbas’ former national security advisor, a Gazan named Mohammed Dahlan, to seize power in the Strip by force. As David Rose later detailed in an extraordinary article in Vanity Fair, Condoleezza Rice pushed Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to buy weapons for Dahlan, and for Israel to allow them to enter Gaza. As General Mark Dayton, US security coordinator for the Palestinians, told Dahlan in November 2006, “We also need you to build up your forces inorder to take on Hamas.”

    Unfortunately for the Bush administration, Dahlan’s forces were weaker than they looked. And when the battle for Gaza began, Hamas won it easily, and brutally. In response, Abbas declared emergency rule in the West Bank.

    So yes, members of Hamas did throw their Fatah opponents off rooftops. Some of that may have been payback because Dahlan was widely believed to have overseen the torture of Hamas members in the 1990s. Regardless, in winning the battle for Gaza, Hamas—which had already shed much Israeli blood - shed Palestinian blood too.

    But to suggest that Hamas “seized power” - as American Jewish leaders often do - ignores the fact that Hamas’ brutal takeover occurred in response to an attempted Fatah coup backed by the United States and Israel. In the words of David Wurmser, who resigned as Dick Cheney’s Middle East advisor a month after Hamas’ takeover, “what happened wasn’t so much a coup by Hamas but an attempted coup by Fatah that was pre-empted before it could happen.”

    The Greenhouses

    Israel responded to Hamas’ election victory by further restricting access in and out of Gaza. As it happens, these restrictions played a key role in explaining why Gaza’s greenhouses did not help it become Singapore. American Jewish leaders usually tell the story this way: When the settlers left, Israel handed over their greenhouses to the Palestinians, hoping they would use them to create jobs. Instead, Palestinians tore them down in an anti-Jewish rage.

    But one person who does not endorse that narrative is the prime mover behind the greenhouse deal, Australian-Jewish businessman James Wolfensohn, who served as the Quartet’s Special Envoy for Gaza Disengagement. In his memoir, Wolfensohn notes that “some damage was done to the greenhouses [as the result of post-disengagement looting] but they came through essentially intact” and were subsequently guarded by Palestinian Authority police. What really doomed the greenhouse initiative, Wolfensohn argues, were Israeli restrictions on Gazan exports. “In early December [2005], he writes, “the much-awaited first harvest of quality cash crops—strawberries, cherry tomatoes, cucumbers, sweet peppers and flowers—began. These crops were intended for export via Israel for Europe. But their success relied upon the Karni crossing [between Gaza and Israel], which, beginning in mid-January 2006, was closed more than not. The Palestine Economic Development Corporation, which was managing the greenhouses taken over from the settlers, said that it was experiencing losses in excess of $120,000 per day…It was excruciating. This lost harvest was the most recognizable sign of Gaza’s declining fortunes and the biggest personal disappointment during my mandate.”

    The point of dredging up this history is not to suggest that Israel deserves all the blame for its long and bitter conflict with Hamas. It does not. Hamas bears the blame for every rocket it fires, and those rockets have not only left Israelis scarred and disillusioned. They have also badly undermined the Palestinian cause.

    The point is to show—contrary to the establishment American Jewish narrative—that Israel has repeatedly played into Hamas’ hands by not strengthening those Palestinians willing to pursue statehood through nonviolence and mutual recognition. Israel played into Hamas’ hands when Sharon refused to seriously entertain the Arab and Geneva peace plans. Israel played into Hamas’ hands when it refused to support a Palestinian unity government that could have given Abbas the democratic legitimacy that would have strengthened his ability to cut a two state deal. And Israel played into Hamas’ hands when it responded to the group’s takeover of Gaza with a blockade that—although it has some legitimate security features—has destroyed Gaza’s economy, breeding the hatred and despair on which Hamas thrives.

    In the ten years since Jewish settlers left, Israeli policy toward Gaza has been as militarily resourceful as it has been politically blind. Tragically, that remains the case during this war. Yet tragically, the American Jewish establishment keeps cheering Israel on.

    #gaza #israël


  • Le schème de la clôture en Israël-Palestine - Cairn.info

    http://www.cairn.info/revue-espace-geographique-2009-3-page-207.htm

    via @cdb_77

    Le schème de la clôture avant la création de l’État d’Israël, au tournant du xxe siècle

    https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Bropr0RCMAEveat.jpg:large

    Observons l’histoire récente du développement urbain au Proche-Orient. Au tournant du xxe siècle, à Jérusalem, tous les quartiers établis en dehors des remparts de la vieille ville étaient eux-mêmes ceints de murs de pierre épais, qu’ils soient construits par des Arabes palestiniens, des Européens chrétiens ou des communautés juives (Salenson, 2007). Quelles étaient les raisons présidant à ce choix de la fermeture ?

    #israËl #Palestine #murs #frontières



  • Un tour de "la situation"
    Le matin, la vieille ville de #Jérusalem dort. A la période creuse, due à la chaleur et au #Ramadan, s’est ajoutée la « #situation ». Terme vague qui marque la différence de perception existant entre Israéliens et Palestiniens à propos du conflit actuel. Pour les Palestiniens, la #guerre, c’est ce qui se passe à #Gaza et elle est clairement unilatérale, concentrée sur ce petit bout de terre lacéré par les bombes. Ce qu’ils vivent en ce moment, à Jérusalem, en #Israël ou en 3Cisjordanie, n’est que « la situation », continuation d’une « situation » perpétuelle, avec ses hauts et ses bas, ses moments de tension accrue et de tension... Normale.
    http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-DXhmEr-GeWg/U9YUDzLbrJI/AAAAAAAABt4/QMde2sf8rMc/s500/P6191767.JPG
    http://landofthymeandolives.blogspot.nl/2014/07/un-tour-de-la-situation.html
    #normalité
    cc @reka


  • L’« eau sale », arme antiémeute et punition collective à Jérusalem-Est
    http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2014/07/29/l-eau-sale-nouvelle-arme-antiemeute-d-israel_4464041_3218.html

    A Souwaneh, l’un des quartiers « chauds » de Jérusalem-Est, les habitants marchent en se couvrant le visage ou se pinçant le nez. Personne ne traîne dans les rues. Est-ce le but de cette sanction collective ? Sans aucun doute. En obligeant les gens à se cloîtrer chez eux, les forces de l’ordre espèrent empêcher toute nouvelle manifestation. L’ennui est que la « dirty water » ne se contente pas de maculer les façades. Elle pénètre dans les habitations, s’incruste dans les rideaux, les tapis, les coussins, et rend la vie des Palestiniens encore plus insupportable. Encore plus humiliante aussi. « Qui sommes-nous pour qu’on nous traite au moyen d’insecticides comme des rats ou des moustiques ? », s’interroge Mounir avec colère, inquiet pour ses enfants.


  • Israël : un accord scientifique conclu avec l’UE | i24news
    http://www.i24news.tv/fr/actu/israel/societe/140609-israel-signe-des-accords-cles-pour-le-financement-scientifique
    09 Juin 2014

    Horizon 2020 est l’un des plus importants programmes de coopération scientifique et industrielle dans le monde avec quelque 80 milliards € (109 milliards de dollars) disponibles via des subventions pour la recherche et le développement.

    La participation d’Israël au programme a été menacée par des lignes directrices de l’UE publiées l’an dernier qui niaient toute forme de soutien financier à des projets israéliens basés à l’extérieur des frontières internationalement reconnues du pays - excluant ainsi les institutions et les organisations de Cisjordanie et de Jérusalem-Est de financement. Jérusalem a craint que la signature de l’accord de coopération Horizon 2020 soit semblable à une admission que les territoires au-delà de la Ligne verte ne faisaient pas partie de l’Etat d’Israël.

    En novembre 2013, la ministre de la Justice Tzipi Livni, a obtenu un accord avec les représentants de l’Union européenne permettant aux deux parties de maintenir leurs positions. Selon un reportage de la 2e chaîne israélienne à l’époque, Israël a ajouté une clause stipulant qu’il n’accepte pas la définition de l’UE des territoires au-delà des lignes de 1967.

    Jérusalem a rejeté la clause territoriale des lignes directrices de l’UE et a proposé une version modifiée des lignes directrices qui accepte la position de l’UE sur l’inadmissibilité de financement pour les établissements mais sans obliger Israël à épouser ce point de vue.

    « Jérusalem a craint que la signature de l’accord de coopération Horizon 2020 soit semblable à une admission que les territoires au-delà de la Ligne verte ne faisaient pas partie de l’Etat d’Israël. »
    Cet article date de 2 mois mais cette phrase ci-dessus explique pourquoi aujourd’hui l’UE ne sert à rien.

    http://seenthis.net/messages/265401
    #subventions_UE


  • L’« eau sale », nouvelle #arme antiémeute d’#Israël
    http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2014/07/29/l-eau-sale-nouvelle-arme-antiemeute-d-israel_4464041_3218.html

    Depuis trois semaines, les Palestiniens de #Jérusalem-Est endurent une #punition_collective d’un nouveau genre : la « dirty water », comme on l’appelle ici. Chaque fois qu’une manifestation a lieu – et il s’en produit presque chaque soir dans la partie orientale de la Ville sainte, depuis les événements de #Gaza – un camion blanc passe ensuite sur les lieux et projette un mystérieux liquide pestilentiel. Tout s’en retrouve imprégné : les façades des maisons et des immeubles, les fenêtres, les trottoirs, la chaussée, les arbustes, les fleurs… Que contient ce produit ? Personne ne le sait, et la police israélienne reste très discrète sur ce sujet. L’odeur qui se dégage de la « dirty water » agresse les narines. Elle colle aux vêtements et à la peau, et il est impossible de s’en débarrasser pendant deux ou trois jours..


  • Gaza : une nouvelle arme antiémeute israélienne - Le Point
    http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/gaza-une-nouvelle-arme-antiemeute-israelienne-29-07-2014-1850070_24.php
    http://www.lepoint.fr/images/2014/07/29/aa-2763868-jpg_2396863_652x284.JPG

    Une nouvelle arme contre les rassemblements palestiniens à Jérusalem. Alors que l’offensive israélienne déclenchée le 8 juillet dernier a fait plus de 1 100 morts palestiniens, dont 75 % de civils selon l’ONU, Israël cherche par tous les moyens à empêcher les manifestations de Palestiniens de Jérusalem-Est. Pour ce faire, elle utilise la méthode jusque-là inconnue « dirty water », ou « eau sale », comme le révèle Le Monde dans son édition du 29 juillet........

    >>>

    un camion blanc passe sur les lieux et projette un mystérieux liquide pestilentiel" qui imprègne alors aussi bien « les façades des maisons et des immeubles, les fenêtres, les trottoirs, la chaussée, les arbustes » que les fleurs

    <<<

    >>>

    "....Comme des rats...."

    <<<

    #Gaza
    #arme_antiémeute_israélienne


  • Intéressant Michel Goya :
    http://lavoiedelepee.blogspot.com/2014/07/sisyphe-gaza.html?m=1

    La campagne de frappes par missiles et roquettes, malgré l’apparition de projectiles comme les missiles M-302 à longue portée (160 km et donc capables de frapper Tel Aviv et Jérusalem) et à grande puissance (charge de 140 kg d’explosif), est toujours aussi peu létale pour les civils israéliens puisque « seulement » deux en ont été victimes. Sachant que la mortalité moyenne de la population israélienne sur vingt jours est d’environ 2 300 personnes, on peut même considérer qu’en perturbant la vie courante (en réduisant par exemple la circulation automobile) le nombre de décès a peut-être même diminué durant la même période. Ce résultat, comparable à celui des trois autres opérations (respectivement 2, 3 et 4 pertes civiles) est à attribuer en partie à l’efficacité du système d’interception « Dôme de fer », le plus sophistiqué du monde en la matière, mais surtout au système d’alerte et de protection de la défense civile.

    Les brigades Al-Qassam, branche armée du Hamas, et leurs alliés, persistent cependant dans cette voie apparemment stérile car c’est un témoignage visible, de la persistance de leur volonté de combattre et, vis-à-vis de la population palestinienne, de ne pas subir sans riposter. Le deuxième résultat est la perturbation de la vie économique, et même de la vie tout court, israélienne placée sous une épée de Damoclès. Plus qu’une augmentation des pertes, le résultat de l’emploi de projectiles à plus grande portée (en fait plus facilement repérables et destructibles que les petites roquettes) est une augmentation de la surface de danger et donc de désorganisation. Combinée au coût d’emploi du système Dôme de fer, très supérieur à celui de l’artillerie à longue portée du Hamas, et de la mobilisation de presque 70 000 réservistes, cette perturbation rend économiquement très rentable l’emploi de celle-ci dans le cadre d’une guerre d’usure. Quant à la faible mortalité des projectiles, c’est finalement un avantage non-voulu dans la mesure où la disproportion systématique avec les pertes civiles palestiniennes finit toujours par éroder, au moins au niveau international, les justifications de l’opération israélienne de représailles. Cette image internationale, mais peut-être pas l’image du Hamas en interne, serait cependant encore favorisée si ces frappes palestiniennes, qui ne peuvent frapper que des civils et justifient ainsi l’accusation de terrorisme, n’existaient pas et que les pertes civiles étaient à sens unique.


  • US “gravely concerned” for Palestinian-American teen held in Israeli jail
    http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/us-gravely-concerned-palestinian-american-teen-held-israeli-jail

    The United States on Monday urged #Israel to expedite the case of a 15-year-old American citizen held for three weeks on charges of rock-throwing, amid concerns he has been mistreated in custody. #Mohammed_Abu_Nie — who has dual American and Palestinian citizenship — was arrested in east Jerusalem on July 3, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki confirmed. “We are certainly gravely concerned about the detention of an American citizen child,” she told reporters. read more

    #Palestine