city:novosibirsk

  • Gregory Klimov. The Terror Machine. Preface by Edward Crankshaw
    http://g-klimov.info/klimov-pp-e/ETM00-ed.htm

    By now we know a good deal about the brutalities inflicted by the government of the Soviet Union upon those who incur its displeasure. The independent testimonies of survivors add up to a circumstantial and terrible indictment, so that it may be fairly said that anybody who still denies the evidence is the sort of person who would deny anything-or the sort of person who, to preserve his own illusions, will stop his ears to the cries of the dying and condemned.

    Where we are less well informed is about the effect of the regime on the great mass of Soviet citizens who have managed to keep out of serious trouble. It is not enough to be told by Soviet refugees what Russia looks like through spectacles acquired in Paris, London, or New York. We want to know what it looked like when they were still in Moscow, Odessa, or Novosibirsk, before they began to dream of escaping to the West, or at least before they knew enough about the West to make comparisons. This is not idle curiosity: it is the only way of getting even a faint idea of how the regime appears to those who must still live under it.

    Major Klimov’s book is very helpful in this matter. It is a sober, yet vivid, account of life as lived inside the Soviet bureaucracy- seen, as far as it is possible for an outsider to judge, very much as it appeared to the narrator before he decided to break away - as it must therefore appear to countless other intelligent Russians who are engaged at this moment in making the machine work. And this account has an added value because in these pages the machine is seen functioning not in the mysterious hinterland of the Soviet Union, where anything may happen and where events cannot be related to life as we know it, but in the middle of Western Europe, on the familiar ground of occupied Germany. Major Klimov and his colleagues at the Soviet Army headquarters in Berlin were grappling not with Russians but with Germans.

    All this is not to suggest that Major Klimov is in every way typical of his compatriots. Obviously he is not, or he would not have written this remarkable book. He has an intelligence, a detachment, perhaps an honesty of mind well above the average. But although he saw through the hypocrisies of Stalinism more clearly and uncompromisingly than most of his colleagues, his basic emotional reactions and mental processes do not seem to have marked him off from them. With one important difference he accepted what they accepted, rejected what they rejected, and for a long time was prepared to serve his government as a patriotic citizen, whether on the battlefield or on the General Staff.

    The important difference was that he was too stubborn to join, as a matter of convenience, the Communist Party, which he, like most of the rank and file of its members, despised. He was prepared to put up with the regime but not, if he could help it, to hand himself over body and soul to it. This attitude is more characteristic of Soviet citizens than some of us care to think. It is probably true to say that the majority of them accept the regime and try to make the best of it not so much because they have no choice but rather because it has never occurred to them that they may in fact have a choice. They do not spend sleepless nights brooding over the iniquities of the MVD: like all human beings everywhere they take life as they find it, enjoy it when they can, and keep their reservations to themselves. Klimov differed from the majority in that he was not prepared to keep all his reservations secret. His failure to join the Party could only be interpreted as some sort of a demonstration. And it was because of this that he found himself driven in the end, quite suddenly, to take the decisive step and abandon his homeland. There were, to be true, only six million or so Party members at that time; but these included most go-ahead young engineers who wanted to make a career. To join it was interpreted as an act of total submission.

    Our own attitude towards the Soviet regime (I speak of people who have taken the trouble to read and weigh the evidence) is colored above all by horror and disgust at the physical brutalities, as expressed in police beatings, enforced confessions, arbitrary prison sentences and slave-labor in sickening conditions. The reader of this book will observe with interest that Major Klimov takes the physical aspects of the terror in his stride: the degradation of the prisoner plays a less important part in his image of the Soviet.

    Union than it does in ours. In this he is, I think, characteristic of the majority of Russians, who are less concerned with the details of what the security police do to their victims than with the simple fact of their ubiquity and power. What Major Klimov brings up with extreme sharpness of focus is something far less frequently and effectively reported than the torturing and the slave driving: I mean the sustained and terrible pressure on the minds and spirits of men who are technically free. We are not allowed to forget that this pressure has its fulcrum in physical fear; but we are invited to contemplate not the by now familiar manifestations of that pressure but its effect on those whose lives are largely spent in trying to avoid the midnight arrest and the labor camps of the Far North. The price they pay for their technical freedom is the corruption of their minds and the atrophy of their will.

    Different readers will find different centers of interest in Major Klimov’s narrative. For example, it may be read as an enthralling behind-the-scenes account of the workings of a Soviet Army headquarters, or as a revelation of the Soviet way with occupied territory. But for me its chief fascination lies in the slowly emerging picture of what the Soviet regime is making of the minds and characters of its subjects. Without overstatement, without generalizing, simply by recounting his own personal experience of life under Stalin, Major Klimov shows us a system, which is rotten at the core. If he showed us only that, it would be a simple story-the story of a system which fears all independence of mind and spirit and in killing it digs its own grave. But it is not a simple story.

    The truth about the Soviet Union is as complicated and as unattainable as the truth about human nature. Because, as Major Klimov also shows, perhaps unconsciously, the human spirit is so resilient that although whole areas of it may be effectively paralyzed in a multitude of individuals, life still persists, finding its fulfillment in a job well done, or in the heroic fighting of a patriotic war. This is good news about human nature. But in the context of the Soviet Union it has an ironic sting. For it is this stubborn spark of spiritual life, surviving in spite of all the efforts of authority to stamp it out, which alone saves the regime from collapsing under its own dead weight. We may see in it our future hope; but we must also see in it some part of the Kremlin’s present strength.

    #anticommunisme #histoire #Berlin #occupation #guerre_froide

  • Archive sonore de morceaux épique du #punk en #URSS.
    Seulement 23 titres, mais quels titres ! De quelques grandes villes russes (Moscou, Lenigrad, Novosibirsk (Sibérie), Tyumen (Sibérie), Omsk (Sibérie) ect.. Mais aussi d’Estonie et de Lithuanie

    Punk #Perestroika : An archive of #Soviet #punk #rock records #1917-1991 USSR #bruit

    https://soundcloud.com/punkperestroika

    (cf. Voir Musique [O-S] DOSSIER : MUSIQUES D’URSS
    https://seenthis.net/messages/484624

  • Who had an e-mail address in Soviet Union ? – Poussières d’empire
    https://villesfermees.hypotheses.org/446

    This map was made with data extracted from the Soviet UUCP map, in its summer 1991 version. The Unix-to-Unix Copy Protocol (UUCP) refers to a suite of computer programs and protocols allowing remote execution of commands and and based on mutual cooperation. Reaching a remote computer in UUCP net required to know exactly the path data would follow. For example, reaching a computer located in Moscow from Novosibirsk required to know addresses of the machines the data would go through between these two cities. As the shape of the network was constantly changing, an effort rapidly emerged to build a map of the connections between machines. Each system administrator would submit, by e-mail, a list of the systems to which theirs would connect, along with a ranking for each such connection. These submitted map entries were processed by an automatic program that combined them into a single set of files describing all connections in the network. These files were then published monthly in a newsgroup dedicated to this purpose. The UUCP map files could then be used by software such as « pathalias » to compute the best route path from one machine to another for mail, and to supply this route automatically. The UUCP maps also listed contact information for the sites, and so gave sites seeking to join UUCPNET an easy way to find prospective neighbors.
    In Soviet Union, UUCP map was managed by engineers working at the Kurchatov Institute for nuclear researches. They were closely working with people from Relcom, the first Soviet ISP.

    #ex-urss #internet #soviétisme

  • Russia regional vote: Polls set to open for key test - BBC News
    http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34236876

    Voters across Russia are set to vote in regional elections on Sunday that are seen as a gauge of public opinion ahead of parliamentary polls next year.
    About 59 million people - nearly half the population - are eligible to vote for governors and regional parliaments.
    But the main opposition Democratic Coalition has only been allowed to stand in one region, Kostroma.
    […]
    The Democratic Coalition’s campaign has not been easy - with minimal coverage on the state media and accusations that they are working for the US, reports the BBC’s Sarah Rainsford in Russia.
    Coalition candidates were barred from participating in legislative contests in the Kaluga, Magadan, and Novosibirsk regions.
    The opposition say this was because of technicalities cited by officials in a politically motivated bid to prevent them from standing.

  • Antonov : grandes manœuvres autour d’un fleuron aéronautique ukrainien ?

    Honored test pilots hope Poroshenko supports protection of Antonov chief designer Kiva
    http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/honored-test-pilots-hope-poroshenko-supports-protection-of-antonov-chief-d

    A group of Ukrainian honored test pilots has sent an open letter to the head of state Petro Poroshenko asking to retain the possibility of developing Ukrainian aviation industry and reinstating Dmytro Kiva as chief designer of Antonov State Enterprise (Kyiv) dismissed by the government.

    Antonov, née en 1946 à Novosibirsk, relocalisée dans la banlieue de Kiev reçue par l’Ukraine dans l’héritage soviétique est toujours une société contrôlée à 100% par l’état.

    Son P.-D.G. (et concepteur en chef), issu de la filière soviétique, Dmytro Kiva a été éjecté par le gouvernement provisoire le 11 avril 2014. Une semaine après, le collectif de travail de l’entreprise a émis à l’unanimité le vœu de réintégration de son dirigeant (ainsi qu’un soutien tout aussi unanime au nouveau gouvernement).

    18-04-2014 / RESOLUTION of the ANTONOV Company collective’s joint meeting http://www.antonov.com/news/303

    Work collective resolves the following:

    1.The work collective expresses trust and support to Dmytro Kiva, President – General Designer. We require stopping any efforts to remove Dmytro Kiva from leadership of the ANTONOV Company and cancelling a decision No.18 of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine from 11 April 2014.

    During such difficult time of development of Ukraine, the Government of Ukraine has to do everything possible for not to loose and to preserve defense−industrial complex of the country that has been built for decades because of difficult work of generations that is to preserve aviation industry.

    2.Today all the actions, directed to shake stable state of the ANTONOV Company, will undermine independence and defense capability of Ukraine and will work in favour of Ukrainian’s enemies, the ANTONOV’s competitors – in favour of everyone who is against strong and stable Ukraine.

    The collective of the ANTONOV Company requires the Government of Ukraine to cancel the order No.340−p from 9.04.2014, for Dmytro Kiva, President – General Designer, remains a leader of the ANTONOV State Aviation Concern in such responsible time.

    3.Our enterprise’s collective and administration has always been and still are patriots and real citizens of Ukraine. The collective of the ANTONOV Company unanimously supports a decision of the Government in its actions, directed to political, economic and military defense of our State, expresses its firm readiness to protect political and economic independence of Ukraine by its work. We are sure, during such difficult time, knowing from experience and patriotism of Ukrainian specialists, Ukraine is going to overcome crisis and will come out of it as a winner.

    Voted unanimously.

    La société et ses salariés sont l’objet de convoitises multiples. Cf. interview de D. Kiva en 2012 qui mentionnent :
    • le débauchage des salariés
    • la prise de possession d’emprises foncières

    Aircraft designer Dmytro Kiva : Interview / 6 September 2012 | http://en.for-ua.com/interview/2012/09/06/165947.html

    Il se plaignait aussi de l’arrivée de logiques purement financières…

    When Ukraine had Ministry of industrial policy, it was engaged into the development of aircraft industry policy. Now we have the Agency on corporate rights and property, which cares about income only. But to earn something we must invest something first.

    et racontait les magouilles favorisant les importations d’avions au détriment de la production nationale.

    Еmbraer has more privileges in Ukraine than we do. Our aircraft industry does not provide for support system of national producer. On the contrary, foreign rivals have all privileges.

    According to the scheme, a plane is temporary imported on Ukraine’s customs territory. Then an airline rents this plane for a year without paying taxes and fees. After a year, one of the flights abroad gets documented as exportation and new importation of the plane back to Ukraine’s customs territory.

    To build a plane our plant, in turn, must pay 20% VAT for components bought in Ukraine and 20% customs fee for imported components. A plane costs about 25 million dollars, and 2.5 million out of the total are “negative preferences.”