#ela

Il a fait son choix !
➡️🚪

Communiqué de presse : affaire du jeune Sefa S. percuté par un véhicule de police à Flancourt le 6 septembre 2023

(via @yassinebouzrou sur Instagram)

Le jeune Sefa, âgé de 16 ans, lycéen, est actuellement en état de mort cérébrale à l’hôpital.

Selon certaines allégations médiatiques, le jeune homme conduisait une moto et aurait, par « coïncidence totale », percuté un véhicule de police alors qu’il était poursuivi, à distance, par un autre véhicule de police.

Ces deux informations non-vérifiées relayées par des médias peu rigoureux semblent fantaisistes et erronées.

En effet, selon plusieurs sources, c’est volontairement que le véhicule de police a percuté le jeune Sefa S. Il ne s’agirait pas d’une prise en charge à distance mais bien d’une course poursuite, proche de la moto.

Une plainte pour tentative d’homicide volontaire qui pourrait malheureusement rapidement se transformer en homicide volontaire sera déposée ce jour.

Aujourd’hui, le Procureur de la République de Versailles a ouvert deux enquêtes, dont une confiée à la Sûreté départementale des Yvelines.

La décision prise par le Procureur de la République de Versailles de saisir des policiers des Yvelines pour enquêter sur des policiers exerçant dans les Yvelines démontre l’incapacité du Procureur de Versailles à gérer cette affaire d’une manière sereine et objective, raison pour laquelle une demande de dépaysement sera déposée à la suite de la plainte.

Yassine BOUZROU Avocat de la famille du jeune Sefa S.

Communiqué de presse 2 : affaire du jeune Sefa S., percuté par un véhicule de police à Elancourt le 6 septembre 2023

Depuis la collision entre un véhicule de police et la moto. conduite par le jeune Sefa, plusieurs informations mensongères ont été relayées dans les médias :

1. Il a été dit que les véhicules de police n’avaient pas poursuivi la moto mais qu’ils s’étaient contentés d’observer la moto à distance. Cette information a été formellement démentie car, en réalité, les véhicules de police munis de leur gyrophare poursuivaient le conducteur de la moto afin de l’interpeller.

2. La presse a relayé des informations émanant de sources policières selon lesquelles la collision résulterait d’une « coïncidence totale ». En réalité, le véhicule de police concerné intervenait suite au prétendu refus d’obtempérer et recherchait à arrêter le véhicule de Sefa S.

3. Le parquet de Versailles a annoncé le décès du jeune Sefa S. dans la.soirée du 6 septembre älors qu’il est en état de moït cérébrale et que son décès n’a jamais été constaté ;

Une plainte pour tentative d’homicide volontaire a été déposée ce jour et une demande de dépaysement sera déposée car le parquet de Versailles, de par ses mensonges et sa décision de mettre fin à la garde à vue des policiers sans aucune poursuite judiciaire, démontre son incapacité à traiter cette affaire d’une manière objective dans le respect des textes en vigueur.

Yassine BOUZROU Avocat de la famille du jeune Sefa

En fait, en regardant mieux « notre » carte je me rends compte que peut-être le centre que nous avons identifié comme « #Feres » est en réalité le centre que les auteur·es appellent Poros... les deux localités sont à moins de 5 km l’une de l’autre.
J’ai écrit aux auteur·es...

Réponse de Bernd Kasparek, 12.03.2020 :

Since we have been in front of Poros detention centre, we are certain that it is a distinct entity from the Feres police station, which, as you rightly observe, is also often implicated in reports about push-backs.

Réponse de Lena Karamanidou le 13.03.2020 :

Feres is located here: ▻https://goo.gl/maps/gQn15Hdfwo4f3cno6​ , and it’s a much more modern facility (see photo, complete with ubiquitous military van!). However, ​I’m not entirely certain when the new Feres station was built - I think there was an older police station, but then both police and border guard functions were transfered to the new building. Something for me to check in obscure news items and databases!

‘We Are Like Animals’ : Inside Greece’s Secret Site for Migrants

The extrajudicial center is one of several tactics Greece is using to prevent a repeat of the 2015 migration crisis.

https://i.imgur.com/pow2oHS.png

The Greek government is detaining migrants incommunicado at a secret extrajudicial location before expelling them to Turkey without due process, one of several hard-line measures taken to seal the borders to Europe that experts say violate international law.

Several migrants said in interviews that they had been captured, stripped of their belongings, beaten and expelled from Greece without being given a chance to claim asylum or speak to a lawyer, in an illegal process known as refoulement. Meanwhile, Turkish officials said that at least three migrants had been shot and killed while trying to enter Greece in the past two weeks.

The Greek approach is the starkest example of European efforts to prevent a reprise of the 2015 migration crisis in which more than 850,000 undocumented people passed relatively easily through Greece to other parts of Europe, roiling the Continent’s politics and fueling the rise of the far right.

If thousands more refugees reach Greece, Greek officials fear being left to care for them for years, with little support from other members in the European Union, exacerbating social tensions and further fraying a strained economy. Tens of thousands of migrants already live in squalor on several Greek islands, and many Greeks feel they have been left to shoulder a burden created by wider European indifference.

The Greek government has defended its actions as a legitimate response to recent provocations by the Turkish authorities, who have transported thousands of migrants to the Greek-Turkish border since late February and have encouraged some to charge and dismantle a border fence.

The Greek authorities have denied reports of deaths along the border. A spokesman for the Greek government, Stelios Petsas, did not comment on the existence of the site, but said that Greece detained and expelled migrants in accordance with local law. An act passed March 3, by presidential decree, suspended asylum applications for a month and allowed immediate deportations.

But through a combination of on-the-ground reporting and forensic analysis of satellite imagery, The Times has confirmed the existence of the secret center in northeastern Greece.

Presented with diagrams of the site and a description of its operations, François Crépeau, a former U.N. Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, said it was the equivalent of a domestic “black site,” since detainees are kept in secret and without access to legal recourse.

Using footage supplied to several media outlets, The Times has also established that the Greek Coast Guard, nominally a lifesaving institution, fired shots in the direction of migrants onboard a dinghy that was trying to reach Greek shores early this month, beat them with sticks and sought to repel them by driving past them at high speed, risking tipping them into water.

Forensic analysis of videos provided by witnesses also confirmed the death of at least one person — a Syrian factory worker — after he was shot on the Greek-Turkish border.
A Secret Site

When Turkish officials began to bus migrants to the Greek border on Feb. 28, a Syrian Kurd named Somar al-Hussein had a seat on one of the first coaches.

Turkey already hosts more refugees than any other country — over four million, mostly Syrians — and fears that it may be forced to admit another million because of a recent surge in fighting in northern Syria. To alleviate this pressure, and to force Europe to do more to help, it has weaponized refugees like Mr. al-Hussein by shunting them toward the Continent.

Mr. al-Hussein, a trainee software engineer, spent that night in the rain on the bank of the Evros River, which divides western Turkey from eastern Greece. Early the next morning, he reached the Greek side in a rubber dinghy packed with other migrants.

But his journey ended an hour later, he said in a recent interview. Captured by Greek border guards, he said, he and his group were taken to a detention site. Following the group’s journey on his mobile phone, he determined that the site was a few hundred yards east of the border village of Poros.

The site consisted principally of three red-roofed warehouses set back from a farm road and arranged in a U-shape. Hundreds of other captured migrants waited outside. Mr. al-Hussein was taken indoors and crammed into a room with dozens of others.

His phone was confiscated to prevent him from making calls, he said, and his requests to claim asylum and contact United Nations officials were ignored.

“To them, we are like animals,” Mr. al-Hussein said of the Greek guards.

After a night without food or drink, on March 1 Mr. al-Hussein and dozens of others were driven back to the Evros River, where Greek police officers ferried them back to the Turkish side in a small speedboat.

Mr. al-Hussein was one of several migrants to provide similar accounts of extrajudicial detentions and expulsions, but his testimony was the most detailed.

By cross-referencing drawings, descriptions and satellite coordinates that he provided, The Times was able to locate the detention center — in farmland between Poros and the river.

A former Greek official familiar with police operations confirmed the existence of the site, which is not classified as a detention facility but is used informally during times of high migration flows.

On Friday, three Times journalists were stopped at a roadblock near the site by uniformed police officers and masked special forces officers.

The site’s existence was also later confirmed by Respond, a Sweden-based research group.

https://i.imgur.com/0nz4Xwl.png

Mr. Crépeau, now a professor of international law at McGill University, said the center represented a violation of the right to seek asylum and “the prohibition of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and of European Union law.”
Violence at Sea

Hundreds of miles to the south, in the straits of the Aegean Sea between the Turkish mainland and an archipelago of Greek islands, the Greek Coast Guard is also using force.

On March 2, a Coast Guard ship violently repelled an inflatable dinghy packed with migrants, in an incident that Turkish officials captured on video, which they then distributed to the press.

The footage shows the Coast Guard vessel and an unmarked speedboat circling the dinghy. A gunman on one boat shot at least twice into waters by the dinghy, with what appeared to be a rifle, before men from both vessels shoved and struck the dinghy with long black batons.

It is not clear from the footage whether the man was firing live or non-lethal rounds.

Mr. Petsas, the government spokesman, did not deny the incident, but said the Coast Guard did not fire live rounds.

The larger Greek boat also sought to tip the migrants into the water by driving past them at high speed.
Forensic analysis by The Times shows that the incident took place near the island of Kos after the migrants had clearly entered Greek waters.

“The action of Greek Coast Guard ships trying to destabilize the refugees’ fragile dinghies, thus putting at risk the life and security of their passengers, is also a violation,” said Mr. Crépeau, the former United Nations official.
A Killing on Land

The most contested incident concerns the lethal shooting of Mohammed Yaarub, a 22-year-old Syrian from Aleppo who tried to cross Greece’s northern land border with Turkey last week.

The Greek government has dismissed his death as “fake news” and denied that anyone has died at the border during the past week.

An analysis of videos, coupled with interviews with witnesses, confirmed that Mr. Yaarub was killed on the morning of March 2 on the western bank of the Evros River.

Mr. Yaarub had lived in Turkey for five years, working at a shoe factory, according to Ali Kamal, a friend who was traveling with him. The two friends crossed the Evros on the night of March 1 and camped with a large group of migrants on the western bank of the river.

By a cartographical quirk, they were still in Turkey: Although the river mostly serves as the border between the two countries, this small patch of land is one of the few parts of the western bank that belongs to Turkey rather than Greece.

Mr. Kamal last saw his friend alive around 7:30 a.m. the next morning, when the group began walking to the border. The two men were separated, and soon Greek security forces blocked them, according to another Syrian man who filmed the aftermath of the incident and was later interviewed by The Times. He asked to remain anonymous because he feared retribution.

During the confrontation, Mr. Yaarub began speaking to the men who were blocking their path and held up a white shirt, saying that he came in peace, the Syrian man said.

Shortly afterward, Mr. Yaarub was shot.

There is no known video of the moment of impact, but several videos captured his motionless body being carried away from the Greek border and toward the river.

https://i.imgur.com/wplW6zN.png

Several migrants who were with Mr. Yaarub at the time of his death said a Greek security officer had shot him.

Using video metadata and analyzing the position of the sun, The Times confirmed that he was shot around 8:30 a.m., matching a conclusion reached by Forensic Architecture, an investigative research group.

https://i.imgur.com/BPsvclq.png

Video shows that it took other migrants about five minutes to ferry Mr. Yaarub’s body back across the river and to a car. He was then taken to an ambulance and later a Turkish hospital.

https://i.imgur.com/Z3hjrhH.png

An analysis of other footage shot elsewhere on the border showed that Greek security forces used lethal and non-lethal ammunition in other incidents that day, likely fired from a mix of semiautomatic and assault rifles.
E.U. Support for Greece

Mr. Petsas, the government spokesman, defended Greece’s tough actions as a reasonable response to “an asymmetrical and hybrid attack coming from a foreign country.”

Besides ferrying migrants to the border, the Turkish police also fired tear-gas canisters in the direction of Greek security forces and stood by as migrants dismantled part of a border fence, footage filmed by a Times journalist showed.

Before this evidence of violence and secrecy had surfaced, Greece won praise from leaders of the European Union, who visited the border on March 3.

“We want to express our support for all you did with your security services for the last days,” said Charles Michel, the president of the European Council, the bloc’s top decision-making body.

The European Commission, the bloc’s administrative branch, said that it was “not in a position to confirm or deny” The Times’s findings, and called on the Greek justice system to investigate.

►https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/10/world/europe/greece-migrants-secret-site.html

►https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/10/world/europe/greece-migrants-secret-site.html

#Mohammed_Yaarub #décès #mourir_aux_frontières

Grécia nega existência de centro de detenção “secreto” onde os migrantes são tratados “como animais”

New York Times citou vários migrantes que dizem ter sido roubados e agredidos pelos guardas fronteiriços, antes de deportados para a Turquia. Erdogan compara gregos aos nazis.

Primeiro recusou comentar, mas pouco mais de 24 horas depois o Governo da Grécia refutou totalmente a notícia do New York Times. Foi esta a sequência espaçada da reacção de Atenas ao artigo do jornal norte-americano, publicado na terça-feira, que deu conta da existência de um centro de detenção “secreto”, perto da localidade fronteiriça de Poros, onde muitos dos milhares de migrantes que vieram da Turquia, nos últimos dias, dizem ter sido roubados, despidos e agredidos, impedidos de requerer asilo ou de contactar um advogado, e deportados, logo de seguida, pelos guardas fronteiriços gregos.
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“Para eles somos como animais”, acusou Somar al-Hussein, sírio, um dos migrantes entrevistados pelo diário nova-iorquino, que entrou na Grécia através do rio Evros e que diz ter sido alvo de tratamento abusivo no centro de detenção “secreto”.

“Não há nenhum centro de detenção secreto na Grécia”, garantiu, no entanto, esta quarta-feira, Stelios Petsas, porta-voz do executivo grego. “Todas as questões relacionadas com a protecção e a segurança das fronteiras são transparentes. A Constituição está a ser aplicada e não há nada de secreto”, insistiu.

Com jornalistas no terreno, impedidos de entrar no local por soldados gregos, o New York Times entrevistou diversos migrantes que dizem ter sido ali alvo de tratamento desumano, analisou imagens de satélite, informou-se junto de um centro de estudos sueco sobre migrações que opera na zona e falou com um antigo funcionário grego familiarizado com as operações policiais fronteiriças. Informação que diz ter-lhe permitido confirmar a existência do centro.

▻https://www.publico.pt/2020/03/11/mundo/noticia/grecia-nega-existencia-centro-detencao-secreto-onde-migrantes-sao-tratados-a

#paywall

Greece : Rights watchdogs report spike in violent push-backs on border with Turkey

A Balkans-based network of human rights organizations says that the number of migrants pushed back from Greece into Turkey has spiked in recent weeks. The migrants allegedly reported beatings and violent collective expulsions from inland detention spaces to Turkey on boats across the Evros River.

Greek officers “forcefully pushed [people] in the van while the policemen were kicking them with their legs and shouting at them.” Then, the migrants were detained, forced to sign untranslated documents and pushed back across the Evros River at night. Over the next few days, Turkish authorities returned them to Greece, but then they were pushed back again.

This account from 50 Afghans, Pakistanis, Syrians and Algerians aged between 15 and 35 years near the town of Edirne at the Greek-Turkish border was one of at least seven accounts a network of Balkans-based human rights watchdogs says it received from refugees over the course of six weeks, between March and late April.

The collection of reports (▻https://www.borderviolence.eu/press-release-documented-pushbacks-from-centres-on-the-greek-mainland), published last week by the Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN), with help from its members Mobile Info Team (MIT) and Wave Thessaloniki, consists of “first-hand testimonies and photographic evidence” which the network says shows “violent collective expulsions” of migrants and refugees. According to the network, the number of individuals who were pushed back in groups amount to 194 people.
▻https://twitter.com/mobileinfoteam/status/1257632384348020737?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Without exception, according to the report, all accounts come from people staying in the refugee camp in Diavata and the Drama Paranesti pre-removal detention center. They included Afghans, Pakistanis, Algerians and Moroccans, as well as Bangladeshi, Tunisian and Syrian nationals.

In the case of Diavata, according to the report, migrants said police took them away, telling them they would receive a document known as “Khartia” to regularize their stay temporarily. The Diavata camp is located near the northern Greek city of Thessaloniki.

Instead, the migrants were “beaten, robbed and detained before being driven to the border area where military personnel used boats to return them to Turkey across the Evros River,” they said. Another large group reported that they were taken from detention in Drama Paranesti, also located in northern Greece, some 80 kilometers from the border with Turkey, and expelled in the same way.

While such push-backs from Greece into Turkey are not new, the network of NGOs says the latest incidents are somewhat different: “Rarely have groups been removed from inner-city camps halfway across the territory or at such a scale from inland detention spaces,” Simon Campbell of the Border Violence Monitoring Network told InfoMigrants.

https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/477d9959f60efe3115741cccd16f265ccb9511e4.jpeg

“Within the existing closure of the Greek asylum office and restriction measures due to COVID-19, the repression of asylum seekers and wider transit community looks to have reached a zenith in these cases,” Campbell said.

Although Greece last month lifted a controversial temporary ban on asylum applications imposed in response to an influx of refugees from Turkey, all administrative services to the public by the Greek Asylum Service were suspended on March 13.

The suspension, which the Asylum Service said serves to “control the spread of COVID-19” pandemic, will continue at least through May 15.

▻https://twitter.com/GreekAsylum/status/1248651007489433600?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Reports of violence and torture

The accounts in the report by the network of NGOs describe a range of violent actions toward migrants, from electricity tasers and water immersion to beatings with batons.

According to one account, some 50 people were taken from Diavata camp to a nearby police station, where they were ordered to lie on the ground and told to “sleep here, don’t move.” Then they were beaten with batons, while others were attacked with tasers.

They were held overnight in a detention space near the border, and beaten further by Greek military officers. The next day, they were boated across the river to Turkey by authorities with ’military uniform, masks, guns, electric [taser].’"

Another group reported that they were “unloaded in the dark” next to the Evros River and “ordered to strip to their underwear.” Greek authorities allegedly used batons and their fists to hit some members of the group.

Alexandra Bogos, advocacy officer with the Mobile Info Team, told InfoMigrants they were concerned about the “leeway afforded for these push-backs from the inner mainland to take place.”

Bogos said they reached out to police departments after they learned about the arrests, but police felt “unencumbered” and continued transporting the people to the Greek-Turkish border. “On one occasion, we reached out and asked specifically for information about one individual. The answer was: ’He does not appear in our system’,” Bogos said.

▻https://twitter.com/juliahahntv/status/1246165904406261773?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

An Amnesty report (▻https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur01/2077/2020/en) from April about unlawful push-backs, beatings and arbitrary detention echoes the accusations in the report by the network of NGOs.

History of forcible rejections

Over the past three years, violent push-backs have been documented in several reports. Last November, German news magazine Spiegel reported that between 2017 and 2018 Greece illegally deported 60,000 migrants to Turkey. The process involved returning asylum seekers without assessing their status. Greece dismissed the accusations.

In 2018, the Greek Refugee Council and other NGOs published a report containing testimonies from people who said they had been beaten, sometimes by masked men, and sent back to Turkey (►https://www.gcr.gr/en/news/press-releases-announcements/item/1028-the-new-normality-continuous-push-backs-of-third-country-nationals-on-the-e).

UN refugee agency UNHCR and the European Human Rights Commissioner called on Greece to investigate the claims. In late 2018, another report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), also based on testimonies of migrants, said that violent push-backs were continuing (►https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/12/18/greece-violent-pushbacks-turkey-border).

It is often unclear who is carrying out the push-backs because they often wear masks and cannot be easily identified. In the HRW report, they are described as paramilitaries. Eyewitnesses interviewed by HRW said the perpetrators “looked like police officers or soldiers, as well as some unidentified masked men.”

Simon Campbell of the Border Violence Monitoring Network said the reports he receives also regularly describe “military uniforms,” which “suggests it is the Greek army carrying out the push-backs,” he told InfoMigrants.

Last week, the Spiegel published an investigation into the killing of Pakistani Muhammad Gulzar (►https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/greek-turkish-border-the-killing-of-muhammad-gulzar-a-7652ff68-8959-4e0d-910), who was shot at the Greek-Turkish border on March 4. “Evidence overwhelmingly suggests that the bullet came from a Greek firearm,” the authors wrote.

Violations of EU and international law

Push-backs are prohibited by Greek and EU law as well as international treaties and agreements. They also violate the principle of non-refoulement, which means the forcible return of a person to a country where they are likely to be subject to persecution.

In March, Jürgen Bast, professor for European law at the University of Gießen in Germany, called the action of Greek security forces an “open breach of the law” on German TV magazine Monitor.

Greece is not the only country accused of violating EU laws at the bloc’s external border: On top of the 100 additional border guards the European border and coast guard agency Frontex deployed to the Greek border with Turkey in March, Germany sent 77 police officers to help with border security.
Professor Bast called Berlin’s involvement a “complete political joint responsibility” of the German government. “All member states of the European Union...including the Commission...have decided to ignore the validity of European law,” he told Monitor.

In response to a request for comment from InfoMigrants, a spokesperson for EU border and coast guard agency Frontex would confirm neither the reports by the three NGOs nor the existence of systematic push-backs from Greece to Turkey.

“Frontex has not received any reports of such violations from the officers involved in its activities in Greece,” the spokesperson said, adding that its officers’ job is to “support member states and to ensure the rule of law.”

Coronavirus used as a pretext?

On the afternoon of May 5, as the network of NGOs published their report on push-backs, police reportedly rounded up 26-year-old Pakistani national Sheraz Khan outside the Diavata refugee camp. After sending the Mobile Info Team (MIT) a message telling them “Police caught us,” he tried calling the NGO twice, but the connection failed both times.

MIT’s Alexandra Bogos told InfoMigrants that Khan has not been heard of since and he has not returned to the camp. “We have strong reasons to believe that he may have been pushed back to Turkey,” Bogos said.

A day later, the police arrived in the morning and “started removing tents and structures set up in an overflow area” outside the Diavata camp.

Simon Campbell of the Border Violence Monitoring Network said the restrictive measures taken as a response to the coronavirus pandemic have been used to remove those who have crossed the border.

“COVID-19 has been giving the Greek authorities a blank cheque to act with more impunity,” Campbell told InfoMigrants. “When Covid-19 restrictions lift, will we have already seen this more expansive push-back practice entrenched, and will it persist beyond the lockdown?”

►https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/24620/greece-rights-watchdogs-report-spike-in-violent-push-backs-on-border-w

Spaces of Detention at the Greek-Turkish Land Border

Guest post by Lena Karamanidou, Bernd Kasparek and Simon Campbell. Lena Karamanidou is a researcher at the Department of Economics and Law, Glasgow Caledonian University. Her recent work has focused on the EU border agency Frontex, pushbacks and border violence at the Greek-Turkish land border. Simon Campbell is a field coordinator with the Border Violence Monitoring Network, a collective of organisations and initiatives based in South Eastern Europe documenting pushbacks and violence within state borders. Bernd Kasparek is an undisciplined cultural anthropologist, with a focus on migration and border studies, europeanisation, racism and (digital) infrastructures. His book “Europa als Grenze” (Europe as Border), an ethnography of the European border agency Frontex is forthcoming in Summer 2021.

https://i.imgur.com/41du4Cs.png https://i.imgur.com/YE7w1xs.png

The local coach from Alexandroupoli to Orestiada, the two largest towns in Evros, the region of the Greek-Turkish border, passes outside two border guard stations: Tychero and Neo Cheimonio [images 1 & 2]. Their function as detention spaces is barely discernible from the road; without the Hellenic police signs and vehicles outside, the Tychero border guard station could be mistaken for the wheat warehouse it once was. The train between the two cities, though, passes behind the Tychero facility; from there you can see a gated structure at the back of the station, resembling prison railings, which may have been used as a kind of ‘outside space’ for detainees. Reports by the Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) and the Greek Council for Refugees criticised the absence of outside space and conditions of detention (described sarcastically as ‘best of the best’ by a police officer interviewed by one of the authors in 2011).

https://i.imgur.com/p2O52aC.png

Although the Greek government announced the closure of the Tychero station in 2013, after several critical reports on conditions of detention there, it continued to be used as a detention space. While detention facilities may be perceived as stable, permanent or at least long-term structures at the core of European border regimes, their histories in Evros suggest temporal, spatial and functional disruptions. The creation of detention facilities since the 1990s appeared to be ad hoc, reflecting the increasing significance of the area as a key entry point to the European Union and the Europeanisation of border management both nationally and locally.

https://i.imgur.com/Lmi4KcE.png

Spaces for detention were created out of existing facilities such as cells in local police stations and in border guard stations. The latter were established in 1999 - some of which are housed together with police stations, like in the towns of Feres [image 3] and Soufli, and others in separate facilities as in the villages of Tychero, Isaakio and Neo Cheimonio. While it is difficult to find specific information on their history, some detention facilities emerged early in the 2000s, for example in the village of Venna in the Rhodopi prefecture near the boundary with Evros. The Fylakio facility [image 4] was established as a detention centre in 2007 before being renamed a pre-removal centre following legal reforms in 2012. Yet, detention capacity in the area never quite met the needs imposed by the extensive use of detention as an instrument of control. Until the early 2010s, ad hoc, makeshift structures and centres were used at different times in Feres and at the villages of Dikaia, Vrissika [image 5], Elafochori [image 6] and Peplos – all now closed, as well as the one in Venna. The #Venna, #Peplos, #Vrissika, #Elafochori and #Tychero facilities, as well as the temporary Feres structure referred to in the 1999 CPT report, were all repurposed wheat warehouses, formerly property of a state agricultural agency closed down in the early 1990s.

https://i.imgur.com/0e87BYa.png https://i.imgur.com/xWAmqss.png

The facilities mentioned above are official ones. Their function can be traced in official documents – Greek, European and international - as well as in reports by NGOs and human rights organisations and research. However, they are not the only spaces where people may be detained in the area. One example of a ‘quasi-official’ place is the detention facility in Poros [image 7]. Originally a military structure that was converted into a ‘reception’ facility where screening, identification and debriefing procedures took place in 2012, by the late 2010s the centre had fallen into obscurity. From 2015 until 2020, there was little evidence of its use other than a few administrative documents and media reports, and it is unclear when its function switched from a reception to a detention facility. It was only in 2020, through research, investigations and journalism that the Poros facility became ‘known’ again, coinciding with the border spectacle in Evros that year. The government denied that the facility was ‘secret’ – ‘if the New York Times know about it, then I don’t see how such a detention centre can be a secret’, stated the government spokesman. Yet, the CPT described the facility as ‘semi-official’ and supported claims that it was used as a holding facility prior to pushbacks, given ‘the complete absence of any registration of detention’.

https://i.imgur.com/wSM966T.png

To date, Poros is probably the only facility whose use as a ‘hidden’ detention centre was revealed . Testimonial evidence collected by NGOs and research organisations (for example here, here and here) suggests that detention in informal facilities prior to pushbacks may be a common practice in the area. These sites are used to hold groups captured within the footfall area of the border, but also to receive detainees transferred from across the Greek interior, from urban areas, police stations, and pre-removal detention facilities. Their aggregate role in pooling people-on-the-move prior to pushbacks to Turkey is also intimated by their bare functional layout [image 8]. Several testimonies of people who have been pushed back from Evros to Turkey refer to detention in buildings that did not appear to be police or border guard stations, and were not properly equipped with toilets, running water or beds. The holding cells recounted in these testimonies were composed of fenced yards, portacabins, warehouses, garages, and even animal pens:

“the room did not look like a normal prison or police station but more like a stable”

“They drove us to an old room close to the river. It was a stable. It didn’t have a proper floor, but dirt”.

https://i.imgur.com/PQ4MqvE.png

This unofficial repurposing of agrarian or semi-industrial outbuildings for detention in some senses mirrors the improvised architecture Greek authorities used to expand its official sites in Evros from the 90s onwards. Yet without the formal authorisation, nor the visual signifiers demarcating these sites, the web of new – and possibly old - unofficial detention centres are extremely difficult to locate. People detained there often do not know the exact location because of the way they are transported. Speaking to people who had likely been detained in Tychero, testimonies published by the Border Violence Monitoring Network described how “since the vehicle had no windows, the respondent could not see the building from the outside.” For researchers and investigators, geolocating these sites has become a near impossible task, not only because of the secrecy that characterises the practices of pushbacks and the risks of in situ research, but also because of multiple potential locations and a large number of buildings that could serve as informal detention facilities.

Detention in Greece has been a core technique for governing migration, reflecting policies of illegalisation and criminalising unauthorised entry, even if deportations, which provided one of the key reasons for detention, were not feasible. However, the linkages between detention and pushbacks at the Greek – Turkish border illustrate how the governance of borders relies on assemblages of both formal and informal practices and infrastructures. The proliferation of these structures, often concealed by their benign outward appearance as farm buildings, fits in with the dispersed geography of pushbacks - and the way detention is increasingly serving as a temporal stage within the execution of violent removals.

▻https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/research-subject-groups/centre-criminology/centreborder-criminologies/blog/2021/05/spaces-detention

#audio #Fred_Hampton #Black_Panthers #histoire #USA #Etats-Unis

–—
#Elaine_Brown - The End of Silence
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oC-JbT9ic7g

Elaine Brown - The Meeting
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4JsDMwUE4mI

ping @sinehebdo

Merci, je rattrape des posts en retard, je connaissais une de ses chansons, mais je ne connaissais pas son histoire !

Live:
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f1Z1smVMqUw

Et parallèlement à l’#Université d’#Amsterdam... la week of #work_stress !

Message from the works council

Dear all,

The week of 11th of November is the week of work stress. It is the week where the university brings out its petting puppies, makes you bikeblend your smoothie, and has you beat a few djembe tunes to let go of your #stress. Some might argue that it is a nice gesture of the employer, but we of the FNV in the OR find it a slap in the face of the employee. It adds insult to injury.

This waste of money again shows that the faculty is not taking work pressure seriously. We said it last year, and we said it again this year: “stop monkeying around and actually deal with the causes of work pressure”. Work pressure is not that difficult. There are either too many tasks for the number of people, or there are not enough people for the number of tasks. So the answers are also simple. If an organization is financially healthy, you hire more people. If the organization is financially unhealthy, you are stuck with reducing the tasks. There is no rocket science involved.

Yet as you can see in this week of work stress, the faculty seems keen to responsiblize the individual for the work pressure he or she is experiencing. This leads to offers such as #time_management (we just received an email that there are two spots still available), #yoga, and #mindfulness. But these are just bandaids ("lapjes voor het bloeden" as the Dutch expression goes) that obscure the structural faults of the system. There are too many administration processes. There is too much institutional distrust that you are not doing your work correctly leading to for instance to ’#jaargesprekken' being moments where you defend yourself instead of discussing how you would like to grow as a professional. There are criteria for promotion that seem to change during the process. We have to accept budget cuts in our teaching programme while at the same time the faculty wants to start new programmes that make new claims on budget and staff.

Recently, our support staff at EOSS was confronted with a report that was framed as research about the high work pressure they are experiencing. Yet it actually placed all the blame at the staff of EOSS and suggested their so-called inefficient work and non-conformance to instructions from management was the cause of their work pressure. Another signal that work pressure is not taking seriously by management and the individual employee is again responsibilized for his or her work’ stress’. The Works Council will keep pushing the Faculty and the UvA to make meaningful structural changes that address work pressure instead of blaming the victim. Namaste.

XXXX (FNV Works Council Representative)

Reçu via email d’une amie/collègue qui y travaille...

Et petit exemple d’#Angleterre (#UK):

Universities have driven their workers into the ground. That’s why I’m striking

Our eight days of action are in response to a marketised sector that has prioritised profit over the welfare of staff and students.

Workers in higher education across the UK are on strike. One of the reasons we are striking is because of the poor conditions we face today – which were, in large part, decided by the 2010 election.

Nearly a decade ago, the Tory and Lib Dem coalition government conspired to transform higher education, unleashing the forces of marketisation. The physical and emotional landscape of the university has fundamentally changed in the intervening years. The devastation wrought cannot be overstated. Contrary to justifications for reform by Tories and Lib Dems, the contemporary university is not sustainable, and reforms have reduced standards and entrenched inequality.

In public discussion of the – shameful – tripling of student fees and mounting student debt, the changes to university funding that this brought about are often neglected. The 2010 coalition government replaced the old system of block grants with money paid per student per course, and lifted the cap on the number of student places available. Now, universities compete for funding by competing for students, with each other, and between their own departments.

Most remarkably, this was done in the name of improving standards. It has left its scars on the physical landscape of universities, no longer able to fit in the number of students they have enrolled, and the springing up of new buildings, luxury accommodation and gyms all designed to attract prospective students. If the modern university has a soundtrack, it would be constant drilling for the construction of new, shiny buildings, temples to “student satisfaction”.

Marketisation does not mean the immediate insertion of the profit motive into previously public goods. It means, at least in the first instance, making those public goods profitable. Students are in more and more debt, workers are paid less and less, while private companies and developers are given access to a potentially lucrative market.

What does this mean for workers in higher education? They face a proliferation of perverse incentives: instead of research and teaching, lecturers are expected to take part in a perpetual recruitment drive. Instead of supporting students emotionally and academically, staff in student services, often facing cuts and “restructures”, are expected to act as the vanguard of “employability”.

With more students, permanent staff are expected to take on more and more work. Temporary staff are expected to paper over structural gaps, providing a “flexible” workforce who are hired and fired in response to fluctuations in student numbers. Research shows that part-time staff and those on hourly rates are only paid for 55% of their work. Staff in general work, on average, the equivalent of two days unpaid per week. Given these low wages, many temporary staff are effectively paid less than the minimum wage.

The expectations placed on staff cannot be met. It is not possible to produce the kind of work expected in the amount of time we are paid to do it. New methods of evaluation and student metrics create even more work, and overlook the key fact that asking students if they enjoyed a course reveals very little about whether that course was well-taught. Student services are stretched to breaking point, and instead of releasing the tension by, for example, increasing funding, services are instead outsourced, with trained counsellors replaced by generic “advisers” and, even, apps.

When we say that the expectations on staff cannot be met, we mean that it is not possible to live under these conditions. There is nothing else left to squeeze. The doctrines of flexibility and precarity are in no way specific to higher education. They are paradigmatic of contemporary working practices. This means the struggle against precarity is not just a struggle for better conditions for academic workers – it is the insistence that a better life is possible for all of us. The disruption to teaching that comes from workers’ poor health, unnecessary pressure and precarity is much, much greater than the disruption caused by the cancellation of classes.

Despite the deprivations of the picket line – early mornings, hours standing in the cold, lost pay – I have rarely seen colleagues so happy. The lifting of the neoliberal impulse to be constantly working, every interaction a chance for self-development, every minute a chance to get something done, has profound effects. Reclawing time from management’s extractive demands gives us a glimpse of how the university could be.

The University and College Union dispute, which runs until next Wednesday, is about pay and pensions for some 43,000 members of the union, all working in academia. Even if we won on both counts, our futures, and the future of higher education, will not be secure without a fundamental rethink of the way in which universities are funded in the UK.

We cannot afford to merely attempt to reform a marketised sector, based around fees. Almost 10 years on from the seismic higher education reforms of 2010, we face another general election. The only party now offering a rethink of fees and funding, rather than the shuffling of proverbial deckchairs, is Labour.

We must not let students’ interests be pitted against workers. They are one and the same. So far during the strike, universities have bribed students to cross the picket line with gimmicks like free breakfast and free parking. They have attempted to ban solidarity action by students with a sustained campaign of misinformation, including the suggestion that joining picket lines is illegal and that students must cross them because they are members of NUS and not UCU. We are warned that students might feel anxious about the strike and that by picketing our workplaces we are letting them down.

In these moments, management attempts to call upon a sense of duty we might feel towards our students. But as workers in higher education, we should not be content to merely provide a better version of the kind of education-as-commodity that management insists on.

With our strike and the election, we have a chance to start fundamentally re-imagining the university. It’s the only thing that might save it.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/nov/28/universities-workers-strike-marketised-sector-money-staff
#grève

24.09.2021, email de la direction de notre institut :

Dans le cadre de la #réflexion sur la #charge_de_travail, il est apparu que nous manquions, toutes et tous, de temps de « #respiration » dans nos journées. Pour y pallier, nous avons contacté une enseignante du SUAPS qui a accepté de donner un cours de #sophrologie par semaine, le jeudi entre midi et deux.

#QVT #qualité_de_vie_au_travail

#égologie, comme dirait #Aude_Vidal :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/895345

20.10.2021, reçu dans ma boîte mail :
Lancement formations 2022 : Gestion du stress pour les enseignant(e)s

https://i.imgur.com/0rFqrUl.png

Un cours de 18 heures sur 9 sessions de 2 heures (12h – 14h)
–-> sur les pauses midi donc... :-(

Cette formation est aussi placée sous le thème « #efficacité professionnelle ».

Résumé en un dessin de presse :

https://i.imgur.com/f1biqEe.jpg

Et hop une autre offre de formation arrivée ce jour dans ma boîte mail :

"Mieux vivre ses émotions dans les relations professionnelles"

Public : Tout collaborateur qui souhaite mieux vivre ses émotions afin de favoriser ses relations professionnelles.

C’est classé dans la rubrique « #efficacité professionnelle »

Et voici un aperçu du contenu :

https://i.imgur.com/hcFPWbQ.png

#intelligence_émotionnelle #émotions #réactions_émotionnelles_parasites #dysfonctionnement #mots #visage #corps #couleurs #saveurs #musique #timbres_psychologiques #élastiques_émotionnels #alexitymie #vague_des_émotions #pensée_positive #mots_déclencheurs #respiration

10.12.2021, nouveau message des services centraux de notre université (qui semble de plus en plus inspirée !!) :

Programme de #pause_active destiné à l’encadrement

A l’attention des personnels en situation d’encadrement (cadres administratifs et techniques, responsables pédagogiques, responsables scientifiques)

Madame, Monsieur,

Suite à une expérimentation menée au printemps dernier et dans le cadre de l’accord-cadre Qualité de Vie au Travail de l’UGA, le SUAPS et la Direction de l’environnement social (DGDRH-DES) vous proposent des séances de Pause Active en visioconférence.

Ces temps courts, de 20/25 mns vous permettront de :

– Bien débuter la journée

– Apprendre à apprivoiser le stress, prévenir le stress chronique

– Lutter contre l’épuisement professionnel

– *Prévenir les troubles musculo-squelettiques

– Être plus efficace et concentré

Ils se déroulent les jeudis à 8h et 8h30, jusqu’au 9 décembre pour le 1er semestre

Puis au 2nd semestre, à partir du 13 janvier

Pas d’inscription préalable, juste une connexion !

Comment se déroulent les séances ?

Séance à 8h00 : #Sophrologie :

Prendre conscience des différentes parties de son corps

Se libérer des tensions physiques, mentales et émotionnelles

Respirer, se poser, prendre un temps pour soi

Activer les capacités utiles pour sa journée de travail

–-

Séance à 8h30 : Réveil musculaire en douceur :

Étirements légers, respiration, focus sur l’ensemble du dos pour dénouer les tensions.

J’avais oublié d’ajouté cela sur ce fil :

Arrive aujourd’hui, 21.10.2020, un message de mon #université (#Université_Grenoble_Alpes) qui nous invite à s’inscrire à une #formation...
La formation s’intitule :
Gestion du #stress pour les enseignant(e)s

La troisième annonce en ce genre, les deux précédentes étaient des formations qui portaient sur :

1. Gestion de #conflits (formation mise sous le thème « #efficacité_professionnelle »)

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L438xH289/0lo5Hi6png-55c96-de0f7.png

2. Mieux vivre ses #émotions dans ses #relations_professionnelles (aussi mise sous le même thème : #efficacité_professionnelle)

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L448xH689/FdqGFNWpng-dd5b1-d5ccc.png

Comme dit ma collègue @mobileborders :
« De la #responsabilisation_personnelle des #failles_structurelles... »

►https://seenthis.net/messages/882135

07.01.2022... on commence une nouvelle année avec de nouvelles formations. Cette fois-ci c’est... le #co-développement !

Formation Co-Développement Enseignants/Enseignants-chercheurs

https://i.imgur.com/AlhoxUH.png

–-> le plus drôle dans tout ça, c’est la "#méthode_Payette_et_Champagne" (ou "paillettes et champagne" si vous préférez).

« une méthode subtile et exigeante alors qu’elle paraît simple en apparence » dit A. Payette
▻https://esprit-co-developpement.fr

Pas trop bien réussi à en savoir plus après une brève recherche sur la toile (si il y a des motivé·es...)

J’en ai fait un mini-tweet :

▻https://twitter.com/CDB_77/status/1479350762329280514

Avril 2022... Dans notre institut, comme partout ailleurs dans les facs françaises (et au-delà), on souffre d’un déficit STRUCTUREL en personnel enseignant... Pour info, notre institut « tourne » avec environ 40% des heures d’enseignement qui sont données par du personnel précaire, dont des #vacataires... Outre ce problème STRUCTUREL, il y a aussi la difficulté à pouvoir embaucher lesdits vacataires... deux difficultés avant tout :
– iels sont payé·es, à l’heure, en dessous du smic, donc iels préfèrent faire autre chose dans la vie...
– iels ne peuvent être embauché·es que si iels ont un contrat par ailleurs (donc, chômeur·es, circulez, on ne peut pas vous donner du taf... qui est payé moins du smic, mais bon...)

Résultat des courses : c’est une galère pas possible pour les responsables de formations à la fac de trouver des enseignant·es pour les cours présents dans la maquette...

Donc : problème structurel...

Or, voici ce que notre direction nous propose, une réunion pour discuter de cette problématique « vacataires » (très bien) :

"Lors du dernier conseil d’UFR, la problématique des vacataires d’enseignement (recrutement, constitution des dossiers, paiement) a été abordée et il a été émis le souhait d’organiser un temps de travail à ce sujet.

... et voici la phrase suivante :

Ce sujet faisant également écho à celui lié à la qualité de vie au travail, il semble primordial d’y travailler dessus de manière prioritaire."

–-> le lien avec la fameuse #QVT... ce n’est pas un problème de QVT, c’est un problème de #politique_universitaire, bordel ! Non, on ne va pas résoudre cela avec des séances de sophrologie ou avec des pauses actives !

Pour remettre l’église au milieu du village...

« Le #burn-out est le signal d’un dysfonctionnement collectif »
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/967960

Toute notre société est bouffée par le stupide «  faire plus avec moins  » et tout se casse la gueule à force de rogner sur tout.
Les ultracapitalistes sont la récession organisée de tous pour l’obscène profit de quelques uns.
Ils sont le #pillage.

« En termes d’émotions, là c’est moins évident : on parle de plus en plus de burnout, mais à la force physique s’est substituée une injonction à la force mentale, à prendre sur soi. Et si ça ne va pas, on va faire en sorte que les individus s’adaptent au monde du travail, mais on ne va jamais faire en sorte que le monde du travail s’adapte au #corps et à l’esprit des individus. On va donner des sièges ergonomiques, des ergosquelettes, on va créer des formations gestes et postures, on va embaucher des psychologues pour que les gens tiennent au travail, sans s’interroger sur ce qui initialement a causé ces souffrances. »

►https://www.frustrationmagazine.fr/entretien-rivoal

#adaptation #résilience #force_mentale #émotions

signalé ici :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/969443

Le business du bonheur

https://i.imgur.com/pxKbBAf.jpg

La psychologie positive, conceptualisée aux États-Unis à la fin des années 1990, s’est imposée en Europe par le biais du management d’entreprise. Enquête sur une discipline contestée, proche du développement personnel.

▻https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/099779-000-A/le-business-du-bonheur

voir aussi le trailer sur twitter :
▻https://twitter.com/ARTEfr/status/1567845341793320962

signalé sur seenthis par @olivier_aubert :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/971462

19.10.2022, on reçoit dans notre boîte mail cette offre de formation :

« Mieux vivre avec son stress » :

https://i.imgur.com/rvkPAvY.png

21.10.2022 (soit 2 jours après), on reçoit cette autre offre de formation, cette fois-ci spécifique aux enseignant·es : « Gestion du #stress pour les enseignant(e)s »

https://i.imgur.com/G6k4Dti.png

#Bien-être : « Tant qu’on utilisera le #yoga pour être en forme au #travail, on aura un problème »
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1003342

Employee well-being outcomes from individual-level mental health interventions: Cross-sectional evidence from the United Kingdom

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH442/p17m8F7cNEA1fa61-b5187.png

#accueil #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #hospitalité #préjugés #idées-reçues #élan_citoyen #empathie #coopération_horizontale #politisation #humanitarisme_subversif #engagement #mobilisation #citoyens
ping @karine4 @isskein

#massacre #Arkansas

A mettre parmi les massacres « oubliés » de l’historiographie, par exemple avec celui de #Tulsa #Oklahoma, chanté par Keb’ Mo’, cité ici :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/795706

Le massacre de BLACK WALL STREET
B. World Connection
►https://seenthis.net/messages/795706

Le massacre d’Elaine est l’un des 60 massacres de l’année 1919 qui ont surtout eu lieu en été, d’où l’appellation de « Red Summer » qui décrit l’assassinat de près d’un millier de Noirs américains :
▻https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Summer

#Red_Summer

►http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article2174
@maquizarde

Merci !

▻https://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/42666