industryterm:un network

CDB_77 15/05/2014

#livre #lecture : Confessioni di un trafficante di uomini

Per la prima volta parlano gli uomini che controllano il traffico dei migranti. Un sistema criminale che gli autori di questo libro hanno potuto raccontare dopo aver percorso le principali vie dell’immigrazione clandestina, dall’Europa dell’Est fino ai paesi che si affacciano sul Mediterraneo. Ecco cosa si muove dietro la massa di disperati che riempiono le pagine dei giornali. Una montagna di soldi, un network flessibile e refrattario alle più sofisticate investigazioni. La testimonianza dei protagonisti conduce dentro un mondo parallelo che nessuno conosce. Ora finalmente possiamo vedere in presa diretta la più spietata agenzia di viaggi del pianeta.

http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/41XJvuyS%2BmL._SY445_.jpg

–-> Je n’aime pas du tout ce résumé du livre, mais je n’ai pas encore lu le livre pour en faire une critique...
Ce que je n’aime pas :
– on parle d’immigration « clandestine » —> le terme que je n’aime pas du tout ! Et en plus, certains migrants qui utilisent les passeurs pour passer la frontière sont des réfugiés, et donc pas « clandestins »
– on met l’accent sur le « système criminel » des passeurs... mais la réalité est bien plus complexe et différenciée (v. notamment ce livre que je suis en train de lire : ▻http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=340140)
– Le résumé parle de « masse de désespérés ». Les migrants ne sont pas des « désespérés ». Certains ont décidément la vie plus dure que d’autres, mais, ils ont toujours des choix (même si très limités parfois). Et des gens qui quittent leur pays car ils fuient une guerre, eh bhein, certains ont de l’argent (et beaucoup). Ils sont tous dans une situation difficile, ils ont tous besoin d’aide, mais certains peuvent ne pas être du tout « désespérés ».

Quelques citations du livre de #Van_Liempt (▻http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=340140) :

As Zhang and Chin (2003) argue, it is not necessary to have largescale criminal organisations involved in smuggling; the practice is a consensual affair and migrants are willing to let themselves be smuggled, simply because there are no alternatives. For the smugglers, it is important that people are transported successfuUy not only to earn money, but also to preserve their good reputation (Bilger et al. 2006, Van Liempt 2006b). Smugglers depend on stories of their successes to keep the business going. Another interesting point is that a link to the mafia or involvement in organised crime is not necessarily an advantage; it is even better for smugglers to have the reputation of ’helper’, not criminal. Who would deliberately want to migrate through a violent criminal organisation? Usually people try to avoid smugglers who are only in the business for money; they deliberately look for smugglers who have other reasons for being involved, or at least make it seem so. (Van Liempt 2007: 46)

Involvement in smuggling does not necessarily mean ’business’. For example, family members, political parties, and churches may be involved in helping people cross borders as an alternative to legal travel options. In sorne studies, smugglers are seen as being part of, or as extensions and substitutes to, migrants’ social networks (Koser 1997; Staring 2001). (Van Liempt 2007: 44)

Economie hardship, poverty, and the lack of work opportunities are believed to produce economic migrants, while political violence, human rights violations, and war produce refugees. In reality, it is more often a combination of motives that finally leads to the decision to migrate. The degree of choice people have differs. No doubt the decision to migrate is harder to make under conditions of extreme stress, but ’forced’ migrants also actively make choices regarding migration. As Van Hear observes, almost all migration involves sorne compulsion, as well as sorne choices, so that forced migrants make choices, albeit within a narrower range of possibilities (1998: 42). Thus, the same decision-making process is at hand for economic migrants as for political asylum seekers. In reality, there exists a continuum that is anchored on one side by those who have sorne freedom of choice - whether, when, and where to move - and on the other, by those who see no other option than to migrate and have little to say in the process. Involuntary migration is therefore an extreme situation in which the decision to leave is more self-evident, but the need to decide when and where to move nonetheless exists. (Van Liempt 2007: 74)

▻http://www.chiarelettere.it/libro/reverse/confessioni-di-un-trafficante-di-uomini-9788861903746.php

#migration #frontière #trafiquant #smuggling #passeur #stéréotype

cc @reka

#social networks

CDB_77

CDB_77 15/05/2014

Et puis il y a les termes de « #trafiquant » et « #passeur », qui ne sont pas si faciles à distinguer (mais bien sûr, on parle ici de « trafficante » car c’est certainement plus vendeur).
Encore Van Liempt :

→ Smuggling and trafficking are mostly distinguished by the fact that the latter implies the involvement of victims, but smuggling does not. In terms of smuggling, emphasis is placed on the ’illegal’ movements of migrants across international borders. For trafficking, border crossing is not, by definition, necessary; the focus falls instead on coercion and exploitation. Smuggled migrants are considered more or less free to enter the process, while trafficked migrants are not. As such, definitions of smuggling and trafficking are based on the assumption that there is a clear-cut demarcation between voluntary and involuntary processes of migration. (Van Liempt 2007: 41)
In practice, however, the distinction between smuggling and trafficking is not always easy to make. There are clear cases of smuggling in which a fee has been mutually agreed upon, and there are clear cases of trafficking in which someone is kidnapped and trafficked completely unwillingly. But the majority of migration strategies, being much more complex, defy easy categorisations. For example, it is very probable that sorne trafficked prostitutes leave their country of origin in full self-consent, as a strategic action to improve their situation (Andrijasevic 2004). It is therefore not helpful to view trafficked migrants exclusively as having migrated against their own wills and smuggled migrants as the opposite. Migrants, in general, often face few choices when fleeing persecution and/or social and economic insecurity. Smuggled migrants may be punished, tortured, or taken hostage by their smugglers while in transit, thus defying the demarcation of what would otherwise be considered voluntary in this category (Gallagher 2002). (Van Liempt 2007: 41)

Involvement in smuggling does not necessarily mean ’business’. For example, family members, political parties, and churches may be involved in helping people cross borders as an alternative to legal travel options. In sorne studies, smugglers are seen as being part of, or as extensions and substitutes to, migrants’ social networks (Koser 1997; Staring 2001). (Van Liempt 2007: 44)

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