organization:egypt’s military

  • Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi’s Sinai campaign: Egypt’s military is targeting civilians and militants in a brutal crackdown.

    NORTH SINAI, Egypt—The black, charcoaled remains of a cow’s dead body lies in a sandy field behind a shelled-out mansion. Washed-out blood stains the walls of an unpainted grey room where sons say their 80-year-old mother was killed by army tank fire. Bullet holes pockmark the house. A 9-year-old girl’s cheek is marked by a pink incision where a rock hit her face as her home was strafed by helicopter fire. A child’s sandal and burned Quran were among the rubble of a mosque that locals say was destroyed by ground and air military troops. I watched as an IED exploded under an armored personnel carrier as it turned a corner. Black smoke filled the air, and an olive tree was uprooted. Later, two soldiers were reported injured.

    These are some of the casualties of the Egyptian army’s war on “terrorists” in the villages and towns that dot the north of the Sinai Peninsula close to the borders of Gaza and Israel.

    In September, the military stepped up a two-month campaign to rid the area of militants by “taking action against terrorists, instead of merely reacting to terrorist attacks,” said army spokesman Ahmed Ali.

    Egyptian security forces have been coming under increased attack after army chief Gen. Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi ousted President Mohamed Morsi in early July. Al-Qaida-inspired militants in Sinai have killed more than 100 members of the security forces since then, according to the Egyptian military.

  • Egypt’s military and its Christian citizens |
    comment l’armée manipule la question copte
    Timothy E. Kaldas
    Mada Masr
    25th of August

    The state’s cynical use of Christian suffering to justify its violent behavior and strengthen its political position in relation to its opponents is disturbing and reprehensible. There is no doubt that Muslim Brotherhood leaders have used sectarian language in their statements and incited hatred towards the Christians in Egypt. I also do not doubt that the Brotherhood’s incitement has led to the sectarian attacks on Christians and churches we have seen since Mohamed Morsi was removed from office. Those who engaged in such incitement and those who perpetrated those attacks should be punished forcefully. That said, they are not the only guilty party.

    Last week Minya was alight with sectarian attacks on churches and Christian schools. The latest reports suggest that only one church has been spared attack thus far. Reports also indicate the security forces, be they police or military, have been no where to be seen. This is not due to them being unaware of the attacks. Human Rights Watch investigators who visited Minya heard from residents that they often plead with police to intervene, only to be rebuffed. One priest was told by the police that they had “no orders” to intervene.


  • Egypt erupts as security forces attack Morsi supporters - The Washington Post


    BEFORE THE July 3 coup in Egypt, the #Obama administration privately warned the armed forces against ousting the government of Mohamed Morsi, pointing to U.S. legislation that requires the cutoff of aid to any country where the army plays a “decisive role” in removing an elected government. Yet when the generals ignored the American warnings, the White House responded by electing to disregard the law itself. After a prolonged and embarassing delay, the State Department announced that it had chosen not to determine whether a coup had taken place, and Secretary of State John F. Kerry declared that Egypt’s military was “restoring democracy.”

    Because of those decisions, the Obama administration is complicit in the new and horrifyingly bloody crackdown launched Wednesday by the de facto regime against tens of thousands of protesters who had camped in two Cairo squares. More than 150 people were reported killed, including many women and children. Chaos erupted around Egypt as angry mobs stormed Christian churches, which went largely unprotected by security forces. The military imposed a state of emergency, essentially returning Egypt to the autocratic status quo that existed before the 2011 revolution.

  • Sisi’s Islamist Agenda for Egypt |
    Foreign Affairs
    Robert Springborg

    Paradoxe, selon l’auteur, Sissi en se débarrassant des Frères musulmans préparerait un régime sur le modèle pakistanais islamo-militaire

    Sisi’s speech was only the latest suggestion that he will not be content to simply serve as the leader of Egypt’s military. Although he has vowed to lead Egypt through a democratic transition, there are plenty of indications that he is less than enthusiastic about democracy and that he intends to hold on to political power himself. But that’s not to say that he envisions a return to the secular authoritarianism of Egypt’s recent past. Given the details of Sisi’s biography and the content of his only published work, a thesis he wrote in 2006 while studying at the U.S. Army War College in Pennsylvania, it seems possible that he might have something altogether different in mind: a hybrid regime that would combine Islamism with militarism. To judge from the ideas about governance that he put forward in his thesis, Sisi might see himself less as a custodian of Egypt’s democratic future than as an Egyptian version of Muhammed Zia ul-Haq, the Pakistani general who seized power in 1977 and set about to “Islamicize” state and society in Pakistan.

    Last summer, when Morsi tapped Sisi to replace Minister of Defense Muhammad Tantawi, Morsi clearly believed that he had chosen someone who was willing to subordinate himself to an elected government. Foreign observers also interpreted Sisi’s promotion as a signal that the military would finally be professionalized, beginning with a reduction of its role in politics and then, possibly, the economy. Sisi’s initial moves as defense minister reinforced this optimism. He immediately removed scores of older officers closely associated with his corrupt and unpopular predecessor. And he implicitly criticized the military’s involvement in politics after the ouster of Hosni Mubarak in 2011, warning that such “dangerous” interventions could turn Egypt into Afghanistan or Somalia and would not recur.

  • Washington Islamist Strategy in Crisis as Morsi Toppled. Egypt Protest directed against US | Global Research

    The swift action by Egypt’s military to arrest Mohamed Morsi and key leaders of his Muslim Brotherhood organization on July 3 marks a major setback for Washington’s “Arab Spring” strategy of using political Islam to spread chaos from China through Russia across the energy-rich Middle East. Morsi rejected the Defense Minister‘s demand that he quit to avert a bloodbath. He said he stood by his “constitutional dignity” and demanded the army’s withdrawal of its ultimatum. It may become the major turning point of America’s decline as world Sole Superpower when future generations of historians view events.

    • Intéressant. Qui plus est j’aime assez Engdahl - dont le bouquin sur le pétrole fourmille de faits et d’hypothèses intéressantes. Cependant sa thèse selon laquelle tout cela s’est fait contre les USA ne me convainc pas. Engdahl qui s’est pas mal documenté sur les « révolutions démocratiques » (révolutions colorées à l’Est puis révoltes arabes en 2011) et leurs liens avec les fondations US de promotion de la démocratie, ne semble pas attentif aux composantes du mouvement Tamarrod (Kifaya, mouvement du 6 avril, Front National du Salut d’al-Baradeï). Par contre on peut peut-être faire l’hypothèse de lignes contradictoires au sein de l’administration US (ce ne serait pas la première fois ces derniers temps...).

  • Depuis fin janvier, l’armée égyptienne a fait passer 12000 civils devant des tribunaux militaires, soit plus que le nombre de civils jugés par des tribunaux militaires pendant les 30 ans du règne de Hosni Moubarak :

    Since it took over patrolling the streets from the police on January 28, 2011, Egypt’s military has arrested almost 12,000 civilians and brought them before military tribunals, Human Rights Watch said today. This is more than the total number of civilians who faced military trials during the 30-year rule of Hosni Mubarak and undermines Egypt’s move from dictatorship to democratic rule, Human Rights Watch said.