organization:kfir brigade

  • Israel’s bizarre competition: The Holocaust survivors’ beauty pageant
    If this contest teaches us anything, it’s that the Israeli government loves the Holocaust as a diplomatic asset, but not the survivors, who are a burden on the state budget.
    By Amira Hass | Nov. 2, 2016 | 2:15 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.750412

    The beauty contest for Holocaust survivors is one of those rare moments when I regret that my mother, and actually also my father, is no longer alive (usually, I feel relief that they passed on years ago, because of the illiteracy of MK Bezalel Smotrich, the prison camp of Gaza, the West Bank’s Israeli-controlled Area C, the destruction of water supply systems – and we haven’t even mentioned the air force, Netzah Yehuda Battalion or Kfir Brigade).

    Instead of trying to formulate my own sense of discomfort at this spectacle, it would have been simpler to ask them what they think of the participants, who clearly enjoyed the event, and to hear them say that enjoyment isn’t the main criterion by which to judge anything. Instead of thundering by myself about the deep roots of the objectification of women in our society, it would have been nice to quote them. (She: perhaps a quote from Simone de Beauvoir and a didactic sentence about the challenges of feminism. He: What a kitschy joke.)

    But that’s life. My parents have missed the opportunity to address the connection between trafficking in women’s bodies and capitalizing on the Holocaust, so all we can do is rummage through the history of this bizarre competition (bizarre not because of the ages of the participants, but because of the need to imitate the beauty-based selections of young women that are customary in the misogynistic, ostensibly aesthetic, world, and because of the egregious ignorance of social criticism of these circuses of humiliation).

    Google tells us that the pageant was the brainchild of Shimon Sabag, who founded and runs a charity that helps Holocaust survivors. This charity created a group home for them, with help from the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem. The fact that Sara Netanyahu presided over the pageant this week bestows a royal embrace on this private charity venture.

    In the first contest, in 2012, the winner, Hava Hershkovitz, said she participated “only because of the survivors, and the need to raise awareness of their difficult situation and put it on the agenda. That’s what the competition was about, not beauty. I’m happy that at least it succeeded, and there has been interest. After all, the bottom line is that no one really does anything for Holocaust survivors; everyone just talks.” (Ynet, June 29, 2012)

    Here’s an interesting fact: In the reports Google turned up about the following years’ contests, which have become a tradition, this internal Israeli social criticism has disappeared. The principle motif now is that beauty (“internal beauty,” as Sabag put it), remaining alive and establishing a family are victories, or revenge, and the competition is a way of telling “the world” about the Holocaust.

    Please. If there’s one thing the world knows, it’s that all criticism of Israel the occupier will be construed as denigrating the Holocaust, as anti-Semitism and so forth. If this contest teaches us anything, it’s that the Israeli government loves the Holocaust as a diplomatic asset, but not the survivors, who are a burden on the state budget. If the survivors – a small and shrinking group – need alms from Israel and abroad to live out their old age in a semi-dignified manner, something is rotten to the core.

    Not by chance, the Forum for Public Housing announced yesterday that at least 3,600 survivors, most of whom have passed the age of 85, “are living in shameful housing conditions, because the rental assistance they receive is insufficient and there is no public housing for them.”

    And look, what a surprise: The very first law passed in the Knesset’s winter session was an amendment to the law on benefits for Holocaust survivors that repeals the unjustified cuts in their allowances. The very modest stipend (320 euros, or about $350) that they receive from Germany as survivors will no longer be deducted from their National Insurance allowances. The bill passed 70-0.

    The amendment was sponsored by MK Tali Ploskov of the Kulanu party and – no surprise here – MKs Dov Khenin, Ayman Odeh and Abdullah Abu Maaruf of Hadash, a faction in the Joint List. The survivors don’t need charity or benevolence or models strutting across a well-lit stage, but more legislation for social welfare (and not just their own), far from state demagoguery.

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    La 5e ‘Miss survivante de la Shoah’ couronnée en Israël | The Times of Israël
    Times of Israel Staff 31 octobre 2016
    http://fr.timesofisrael.com/la-5e-miss-survivante-de-la-shoah-couronnee-en-israel

    Une Israélienne, née en Russie et âgée de 75 ans, a été couronnée par le pays de “Miss survivante de l’Holocauste” lors de la cinquième édition de ce concours de beauté non-conventionnel consacré aux femmes qui ont survécu aux horreurs de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

    Recevez gratuitement notre édition quotidienne par mail pour ne rien manquer du meilleur de l’info Inscription gratuite !

    Anna Grinis, qui n’était âgée que de deux jours lorsque la guerre a éclaté, s’est échappée de l’Europe occupée par les nazis avec sa mère alors qu’elle était une jeune fille.

    « Je n’ai aucun mot pour vous décrire combien je suis excitée », a déclaré Grinis après son couronnement, des propos repris par le site Internet d’information Walla.

    Presque 300 survivantes de l’Holocauste s’étaient inscrites pour cette compétition. Les candidates ont suivi un processus de sélection jusqu’à aboutir aux 14 finalistes qui se sont présentées dimanche.

    #instrumentalisation_holocauste

  • Unarmed Palestinian shot dead by Israeli forces at military post near Ramallah
    Aug. 26, 2016 1:06 P.M. (Updated: Aug. 26, 2016 6:17 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=772867

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A reportedly unarmed Palestinian was shot dead by Israeli forces at a military post near the illegal Israeli Ofra settlement at the western entrance to the town of Silwad in northeastern Ramallah on Friday, contradicting earlier reports by Israeli media that he had opened fire at soldiers.

    An Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an that Israeli soldiers stationed at a military post in Silwad identified a suspect on foot running toward them.

    The Israeli soldiers “shot towards the suspect, resulting in his death,” the spokesperson said.

    No injuries among Israeli soldiers were reported by the army.

    Medics from the Palestinian Red Crescent who had arrived at the scene were reportedly prevented from accessing the site by Israeli forces.

    Initial reports from Hebrew media, however, said the suspect had opened fire from inside a vehicle, and that a woman might have been inside the car with him.

    According to reports, witnesses said that he was shot and critically injured while inside his vehicle, and was later pronounced dead.

    When asked about the conflicting reports, and whether or not the suspect had been armed, the Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an the details of the incident were still being checked.

    The suspect was later identified by local sources in the Ramallah area as 38-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed . He was married and a father of three.

    Israeli news site Ynet quoted an anonymous Palestinian official as saying that Hamed suffered from mental illness and was not found to have any weapons on his person when searched, and no signs of gunfire were found on the guard post.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israel investigating claim unarmed Palestinian was shot in the back
      Aug. 28, 2016 11:47 A.M. (Updated: Aug. 28, 2016 1:53 P.M.)
      https://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=772882

      BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — The Israeli army’s military police have reportedly opened an investigation into the killing of an unarmed Palestinian man who was shot dead by Israeli forces on Friday, an Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an.

      Thirty-eight-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed, a resident of the Ramallah area village of Silwad, was shot dead by Israeli forces near a military post at the village’s entrance not far from the illegal Israeli settlement Ofra, when soldiers alleged that they saw Hamed “charging” towards them.

      Israeli media initially reported that Hamed, a husband and father of three, fired shots at the Israeli soldiers, though it was later confirmed that he was unarmed.

      According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, any death of a Palestinian in the occupied West Bank who was “not involved in actual fighting” warrants an Israeli military police investigation, and that the investigation into Hamed’s killing will look into the activity of the soldiers responsible — who were members of the “ultra-orthodox” Kifr Brigade — before they opened fire, and why they fired deadly shots at Hamed when “danger was not immediately clear.”

      In addition, the investigation will look into the claim from Palestinian medical officials that Hamed was shot in the back. The officials also reportedly said that Hamed had mental disabilities and had been receiving psychiatric treatment.

      The Israeli army has maintained however, that Hamed was running toward the military post when the soldiers opened fire.

    • Israel: Where the media will blindly buy what the ruling authorities dictate
      By Gideon Levy | Aug. 27, 2016 | 11:56 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.738936
      A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      It was late in the morning. In Israel people were completing their preparations for Shabbat. The military reporters bought challahs, the soldiers left their bases for the weekend. At the Yabrud checkpoint in the West Bank their colleagues saw a man. Actually, they didn’t see a man. They saw a subhuman. They shot him as they were taught. The military reporters reported also as taught: “A terrorist fired a weapon at a pillbox post in Ofra. Nobody was hurt. The force fired back and the terrorist was killed.”

      Routine. There is no contradiction between “nobody was hurt” and “the terrorist was killed.” Only Jews can be hurt. An update followed: “The Kfir squad commander, who saw the terrorist throw a firebomb at an IDF pillbox in Silwad, shot and killed him. Nobody was hurt.” Now the shooting had turned into “a firebomb.” A short time later, it was reported: “Apparently, he was mentally unstable. A search on his body resulted with no findings.” In other words, murder.

      This is what Channel 10 reporter Or Heller tweeted on Friday, as did some of his colleagues, including Alon Ben-David. Heller is far from the worst of the military reporters, who recite automatically whatever the army spokesman dictates to them without attributing the quote to the spokesman, and consider themselves journalists.

      There is no other coverage area in which journalists can act like that. They buy blindly, fervidly, what the ruling authorities dictate to them. The lies about what happened on Friday at the Yabrud checkpoint were spread by the IDF, of course. Afterward the IDF corrected itself, and only after that did the reporters follow suit and report: “the Palestinian didn’t try to attack the soldiers.” Good evening and Shabbat Shalom.

      It was late in the morning. Iyad Hamed, of Silwad, was on his way to Friday prayers in the mosque. Years ago he hurt his head in a traffic accident and since then had been mentally unstable. He was 38, a father of three, including a baby. A witness who testified to B’Tselem Saturday, Iyad Hadad, said Hamed had lost his way, panicked when he saw the soldiers at the checkpoint and ran. He ran for his life. He wasn’t armed, he endangered no one.

      Paramedic Yihia Mubarak believes he was shot in the back as he ran. He saw an entry wound in the victim’s back and an exit wound in his chest. Hamed died on the spot. Shortly afterward his body was returned. Israel’s lust for bodies was satiated this time, after it transpired that Hamed had been killed although he had done nothing wrong.

      A dead Arab. Oh well. We’ve moved onto other, more interesting and important matters. When a single Qassam rocket from Gaza lands, without hurting anyone or causing any damage, Israel launches a revenge campaign of bombardments and shelling, sowing devastation and horror. It’s allowed to do anything. The disappointed military reporters provoke the defense minister, asking, “why only real estate?” And what about Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, whom Avigdor Lieberman had promised to assassinate?

      Israel is allowed to do anything. Are the Palestinians allowed to take revenge for the killing of their friend? What a ludicrous question. Are they allowed to try to “deter” IDF soldiers, as Israel does with Hamas, so that they don’t kill innocent passersby again? Another ludicrous question. Will anyone be punished for this killing? An even more ludicrous question.

      If an Israeli dog had been killed by a Palestinian assailant, Israel would have been much more shocked than by Hamed’s killing. A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      I was in Silwad about nine months ago, after Border Policemen killed Mahdia Hamed, a 40-year-old mother of four. The Border Policemen claimed she had tried to run them over with her car, but eyewitnesses testified she had been driving slowly. At home, her 10-month-old infant was waiting to be breast-fed.

      They shot her several times and the bullets pierced and ran through her body. Nobody was put on trial. The widower, Adiv Hamed, asked me then, in his naivety: “Do the Israelis know what happened? Was there a public debate in Israel after she was killed?”

      I was silent with shame.

    • A mentally disabled Palestinian shot dead by Israeli troops for behaving strangely
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.739750
      ’Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him?’ his brother ponders. ’When they grow up, Iyad’s children are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.’
      By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac | Sep. 2, 2016 | 4:39 PM | 5

      The man who was shot to death last Friday by a soldier from the Kfir Brigade’s ultra-Orthodox Netzach Yehuda Battalion was 38 and the father of two small children, a son and a daughter, who were this week scurrying around the living room of their house, in a state of bewilderment, she in a purple skirt, he in shorts. Their father, Iyad Hamed, had a congenital mental disability: Introverted and taciturn, he was prone to stare at the ground as he walked. He enjoyed communing with nature and picking figs and almonds. Still, there was structure in his life: He had a wife and children, and worked in construction in a simple job. “He wasn’t the sharpest of people,” his brothers say.

      Footage from the security camera of the grocery store in Silwad, a village near Ramallah, shows his last minutes. Hamed, in a light-colored shirt, is seen buying snacks for his children and paying. A few moments later, he sets out for a mosque for the Friday prayers, never to return. Nothing in the footage hints at what is about to happen: A father buys treats for his children in the final hour of his life.

      Most of Hamed’s family is in America, as are many of the natives of this well-to-do village. Ten years ago, his six brothers moved to Ohio – to Columbus and Cleveland – where they work in real estate. Iyad, the eldest, remained in Silwad, as did his sister. He started a family, but recently decided to emigrate, as well; one of his brothers said he’d submitted a petition to the authorities to that end.

      He lived on the ground floor of the family’s stone house. The building is handsome, though less splendid than other mansion-type dwellings in this elegant neighborhood on a hill. The second floor is used by the brothers and their families during their annual vacations here. This summer they visited twice: once on holiday and then not long afterward – to mourn and grieve for their dead brother.

      Their parents divide their time between America and Silwad, some of whose privately owned land was taken to build the settlement of Ofra. Many residents of this well-to-do village have moved in recent years to the United States.

      Last December, Border Police shot and killed another Silwad resident, Mahdia Hammad, a 40-year-old mother of four, claiming that she was trying to run them over. Now the army has killed Iyad Hamed without any apparent reason: He wasn’t armed and didn’t pose a threat to anyone.

      The Israel Defense Forces itself admits that.

      The killing took place at the edge of the village, not far from Highway 60, a former venue for demonstrations and stone throwing. The demonstrations ceased in the past month, under pressure from locals, who are tired of the tear gas and the upheaval. Five Silwad residents were killed in the past year by Israeli troops.

      We are standing next to a mound of stones where Hamed collapsed, bleeding, last Friday. He’d come this far, after dropping off the snacks for the kids at home, on his way to a mosque in the neighboring village of Yabrud, where he prayed on Fridays. He preferred it to the mosques in Silwad.

      On the way, he stopped at the Silwad gas station to say hello to his friend Rashad, who works there. The gas station’s security camera caught him again. He then went on his way to Yabrud, which is located on the other side of Highway 60. He could have used the passage beneath the road but opted for the shorter route, which passes next to a towering, armored IDF pillbox.

      It was about 11:40 A.M. On the other side of the road, Abdel Hamid Yusuf, a solidly built young man of 26, was driving his sewage tanker to the site where he empties it. An eyewitness to the events, he is now standing with us at the place where Hamed was killed, along with Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem.

      Hamed was behaving oddly, recalls Yusuf, who knew him well and was aware of his condition. Hamed seemed to have lost his way and also his senses; he ran back and forth below the army tower. Yusuf says he saw no soldiers while Hamed was running about between it and the surrounding barbed-wire fences. Hamed looked frightened. He had wanted to cut across the highway to the mosque, but couldn’t find his way out. He was like a caged animal; the barbed-wire fences were impassable. “It’s dangerous there, get out!” Yusuf shouted to him from across the road. Hamed didn’t respond – maybe he didn’t hear Yusuf.

      It’s crucial to note that Hamed was not holding anything in his hands. That is confirmed by Yusuf and by what the footage from the gas station’s camera shows: an unarmed civilian in a light-colored shirt, who apparently got confused and lost his way.

      Suddenly a few shots rang out. Hamed started to run frantically back toward the village. It’s not clear where the shots came from, but immediately afterward Yusuf saw a few soldiers emerge from the vegetation at the foot of the tower. Hamed kept running. More shots were fired at him, apparently by the soldiers, who had been in ambush. He was hit and fell to the ground. One bullet entered his back and exited through his chest, paramedic Yahya Mubarak, who took possession of the body, would report afterward.

      A., who lives in apartment No. 9 in the nearby Hurriya Tower building in Silwad, went out to his balcony when he heard shooting. What he told the field researcher corroborated Yusuf’s account: Hamed ran for his life until he was felled.

      Four soldiers rolled Hamed’s body over with their feet. He probably died instantly, though that’s not certain. An Israeli ambulance arrived about 15 minutes later, but Yusuf says he couldn’t see whether Hamed received medical aid. More troops arrived in a silver-gray civilian car. The body lay on the ground for some time before being removed by soldiers. A few hours later, the body was returned to the family, after it became clear to the IDF – which is rarely in a hurry to give back bodies – that Hamed had done nothing wrong and was killed in vain.

      The cardboard packages that contained IDF-issue bullets are scattered on the ground where Hamed went down. An IDF officer approaches us from the direction of the tower, and four soldiers emerge out of nowhere from another direction. Minutes later, another group of soldiers comes up from the valley. Maybe one of them killed Hamed?

      The soldier who fired the shot that killed him was questioned this week by the Military Police on suspicion of causing death by negligence and then sent back to his unit. He wasn’t so much as suspended from his duties.

      In the house of mourning is the father, Zakariya, 58, dignified and wearing a stylized embroidered galabia. With him are two of his sons, Yahya, 34, from Columbus, and Ahmed, 31, from Cleveland. Hamed’s fatherless offspring, 9-year-old Zakariya and 3-year-old Lian, are with their mother, newly widowed Narmine.

      “Come on, we are human beings, we don’t get shot at like that,” Yahya says. “Come on, we have kids. The soldier took a human life. It made me want to throw up when I read the reports of what happened in [the newspaper] Yedioth Ahronoth.”

      When they were here a month ago, on vacation, the brothers brought new clothes for Iyad as gifts. Iyad hadn’t worn them yet; he was saving them for Id al-Adha, the Feast of Sacrifice. Now he will never wear them, “because some soldier decided to kill him.” The faces of the brothers are contorted in grief again.

      Yahya: “Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him? Shoot him in the leg. Why kill him? You’re not God. In the first intifada, they shot at the legs. You could talk with the soldiers. Now you reach a hand toward your pocket, and they kill you. Do you know what a tragedy the soldier who killed my brother caused? How many families he destroyed?”

      The children cuddle up to their two uncles. Lian blows up a balloon and floats it in the room. She has lazy eye, and wears thick glasses. She’s scheduled to have an operation for the condition in a few weeks; her father will not be there to accompany her.

      Yahya, who reads the English-language edition of Haaretz in the United States on his phone, says, “The children know that a Jewish soldier killed their father,” he says. “When they grow up, they are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.

      “We are not a political family,” he continues. “We have never been in prison, we have never thrown a stone. Neither had Iyad. But what love will these children have for Israel when they grow up? You want to live here? Fine. But don’t kill us. Let us live, too. You love life – so do we. Everyone will tell you what a pure soul Iyad was. He never hurt anyone. I’d like to know what [Chief of Staff] Gadi Eisenkot will have to say about this killing. And what the soldier who killed Iyad is feeling. I heard he’s religious. Does that mean he has earlocks?

      “When I accidentally run over a cat on the road, I feel bad for a long time afterward,” Yahya says. “What does the soldier who killed my brother feel now?”

  • No Incitement Necessary for a Palestinian Town to Hate Israel
    Sa’ir will recover; its people are well-trained and strong. But it’s not hard to imagine what sort of pent-up feelings are being reinforced by the lockdown of this southern West Bank town.

    Gideon Levy Jul 14, 2016 Israel News Haaretz.com
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.730768

    Let’s take Shoham, a bedroom community of 20,000 people with a country club. An hour’s drive away there’s a town called Sa’ir. It also has 20,000 residents (no country club, though).
    Now imagine that a car had been shot at on Route 444, not far from Shoham. The police don’t catch the gunman, but suspect that he fled to Shoham. So what do they do? They impose a closure on Shoham. They seal it off totally. No one is permitted to leave for a week – not for work, not for school, not to see a doctor or do business. Whether you’re a resident or a guest, you’re stuck. No amount of begging will help. Some 20,000 people would remain under siege.
    The city would go crazy. Israel would go crazy. A blockade on an entire city because of one person, who probably isn’t even hiding there? A week inside a cage? They would be Skyping Rafi Reshef’s program every day to describe the residents’ suffering – the stories of shortages in the stores, patients who couldn’t get their treatment, kids who couldn’t get to day camp, students who missed final exams, brides and grooms who couldn’t get to their weddings, businesses on the brink of collapse and withered fields.
    Shoham would remember this siege with pain and anger. Every year it would hold a commemorative ceremony. The International Fellowship of Christians and Jews would conduct a fundraising campaign and the local welfare department would treat traumatized children who can’t stop wetting their beds after suffering through the fear of the nightly searches. The police commissioner who issued the order would be forced to resign. Israel would go nuts from such a closure.
    But Sa’ir, just an hour’s drive from Shoham, has been sealed off for five days. You haven’t heard much about it and it doesn’t interest anyone. On Saturday a Palestinian gunman shot at an Israeli car; the driver was wounded in the leg but was able to continue driving. Since that shooting, though, Sa’ir has been under closure. You can enter, but you cannot leave. An officer and two soldiers from the Kfir Brigade stand at a makeshift checkpoint and explain this to drivers seeking to enter. Some take the gamble and drive on through. Nobody knows when they’ll come out. Palestinians’ time is horribly cheap, as is their freedom, their lives and their dignity.
    Stranded in Sa’ir this week were truck drivers on their way to sawmills, laborers, students, patients, buyers, sellers, everyone. One truck driver was held up this week for 16 hours at one of those checkpoints responsible for keeping the town under lockdown. Even an ambulance was stopped there this week. Since it was empty, it wasn’t permitted to leave. The order is unequivocal; no one can leave. Entreaties – and there have been many at the Sa’ir checkpoint – won’t help. There are soldiers who explain this humanely, as humanely as inhumane orders can be explained, while others bark and growl, as is customary at West Bank checkpoints.
    Sa’ir isn’t Gaza, and the closure will eventually be lifted. The town will recover; it’s not the first time it’s been blockaded, nor will it be the last. Neighboring Samua has been sealed off since Tuesday; the Al Fawar refugee camp is also under closure, and the town of Bani Na’im was, too. The war on terrorism permits everything, including collective punishment and imposing a terror-siege. The settlers’ desire for revenge and punishment must be satisfied; they pressure the army to close off, besiege, and lock down as much as possible – and to kill, too, if possible. Besides which, it’s really easier to search for a wanted man in a besieged city, so why not?
    Sa’ir will recover; its people are well-trained and strong. But it’s not hard to imagine what sort of pent-up feelings are being reinforced by the lockdown of this southern West Bank town. There’s no need for “incitement” for Sa’ir to hate. It doesn’t need any sermons or propaganda videos. It has all the reasons it needs. How can it not hate those who abuse it? How can it not seethe at the intolerable ease with which a siege is imposed on it for the occupier’s convenience?
    Look at Sa’ir, and think of Shoham.

  • When Israeli Soldiers Kill Palestinians, Even a Smoking Gun Doesn’t Lead to Indictments
    Mustafa Tamimi was killed when he was shot in the face with a gas canister in a 2012 protest. A year later, Rushdi Tamimi was shot in the belly with live fire. No one ever faced charges. A closer look at the two cases reveals that putting soldiers to trial is the exception, not the rule.

    Chaim Levinson Jul 07, 2016 Haaretz
    : http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.729602- I

    An in-depth study of two incidents in which Palestinian protesters were shot and killed during demonstrations in the West Bank shows that the level of evidence required to indict an Israel Defense Forces soldier is substantially higher than that demanded when Palestinians are investigated.
    Furthermore, the heavy media coverage given to the prosecution of Sgt. Elor Azaria – the Israeli soldier standing trial for manslaughter after shooting a subdued Palestinian assailant in March – is extremely rare, even though his actions are not.
    Of the 739 complaints filed by the Israeli nonprofit B’Tselem concerning death, injury or beatings of Palestinians since 2000, only 25 resulted in prosecutions (less than 4 percent). And these charges were usually for the smallest possible violations, such as negligent use of a weapon.
    Haaretz has obtained access to the IDF’s correspondence with the human rights group (which represented the families) concerning two high-profile cases – the deaths of Mustafa Tamimi and Rushdi Tamimi (no relation) – which were closed without any indictments being filed. The relevant documents and correspondence are classic examples of the manner in which the military advocate general conducts investigations into Palestinian fatalities.
    Mustafa Tamimi’s death occurred in December 2011, in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh. Following prayer services at the mosque, the local residents gathered in the village square, where their usual Friday ritual commenced. They attempted to march toward their farmland, which had been expropriated “for military purposes” and upon which the settlement of Neve Tzuf was established. The army deployed in order to prevent them from exiting the village. The two sides confronted each other. Initially there were songs, followed by curses, and then someone threw a stone at the soldiers. They responded with tear gas and the marchers dispersed. The stone throwers remained.
    For hours, the two sides played cat and mouse, one side throwing stones, the other firing tear gas. This is the norm in the village every Friday.
    However, things didn’t follow the usual script on December 9. Photos taken by Haim Schwartzenberg documented what happened at 14:26: An army jeep with soldiers from the Kfir Brigade inside was on a stone-strewn road outside the village. Two Palestinians wielding stones approached them, one with his face covered and the other wearing a gas mask. A stone was thrown and the back door of the jeep opened just a fraction. A tear-gas canister was fired from the jeep and hit the Palestinian wearing the gas mask in the head. The jeep moved away as the man fell to the ground, bleeding profusely.
    The wounded man was Mustafa, a 28-year-old from the village. Soon, many of the marchers gathered around him, photographing his smashed head from all angles. He was quickly put into a Palestinian taxi, which took him to a nearby checkpoint.
    “I opened the taxi door,” recounted a paramedic later, “and saw him unconscious, breathing with a rattle. The whole right side of his face under the eyes was ripped.”
    Tamimi was taken to Beilinson Hospital, Petah Tikva, where doctors commended the treatment provided by the female paramedic. However, he died the next morning. A slingshot was found in his pocket.
    Rushdi Tamimi’s death took place a year later, on November 17, 2012. The West Bank was seething as Operation Pillar of Defense raged in Gaza. There were incidents on the terraces lying between Nabi Saleh and the adjacent road, which links settlements in the Binyamin regional council and Israel’s center. A reserves’ military unit was summoned to protect the road.
    Video footage documented soldiers running toward Rushdi Tamimi, who was lying on the ground. The soldiers surrounded him and moved those present back. He was taken to hospital with a bullet in his stomach, but died two days later. A military inquiry found that a “mistake” had occurred, contravening the army’s values.
    For 90 minutes, the army had fired all the tear gas at its disposal, until it ran out. A medic was sent to get more, but in the meantime soldiers switched to using live ammunition, firing 80 bullets at demonstrators until the lethal one hit Rushdi Tamimi. In a highly exceptional move, the company commander was dismissed after the incident.

  • Jamais tant de personnes n’ont acclamé un assassin aussi méprisable par Gideon Levy
    Publié le 31 mars 2016 sur Haaretz
    Traduction : Jean-Marie Flémal
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/jamais-tant-de-personnes-nont-acclame-un-assassin-aussi-meprisable

    (...) Cette fois, tout cela a été remonté d’un cran, ou peut-être baissé. À tout ce qui précède, nous pouvons maintenant ajouter ouvertement la soif de sang – pure et simple, sans mélange, sans inhibition et sans déguisement.

    Cette combinaison de racisme et de soif de sang n’est pas seulement répugnante, elle est également volatile et dangereuse. Il y a du racisme dans bien des sociétés : il est généralement caché et marginal. En Israël, il est devenu la norme, il représente peut-être le niveau du politiquement correct actuel et le combattre est perçu comme une trahison.(...)

    #Abdul_Fatah_al-Sharef

    • Netanyahu Reassures Father of Soldier Who Shot to Death Prone Palestinian
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.712093
      ’As a father of a soldier, I understand your distress,’ the prime minister says, and pledges the system will be ’professional and fair with your son.’
      Barak Ravid Mar 31, 2016 10:28 PM

      Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke on Thursday with the father of the soldier being court martialed for suspected manslaughter for the deadly shooting of a wounded Palestinian attacker last week in Hebron.

      “As a father of a soldier I understand your distress,” Netanyahu told the father as the military judge, Lt. Col. Ronen Shor, ordered the soldier released from jail and instead kept under open arrest at his base, the headquarters of the Kfir Brigade.

      However, since the military prosecution said it intends to appeal this decision, the judge agreed to stay its execution until Friday.

      Shor’s ruling also stated that while under open arrest, the soldier may not make contact with witnesses in the case or carry a gun.

      “The suspect wasn’t defined as a command element in the field, and no one disputes that he acted of his own initiative,” Shor wrote. “Therefore, there’s a reasonable suspicion that he exceeded his authority and committed the shooting illegally.”

  • Lieberman Is Right About the Hebron Shooting -

    Is this the first time a soldier has executed a Palestinian in cold blood, or did the fact that it was caught on film make the difference?
    Amira Hass Mar 28, 2016 1:54 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.711150

    Yisrael Beiteinu leader Avidgor Lieberman is right when he says the “onslaught” directed at the Kfir Brigade solider who executed Abdel Fattah al-Sharif in Hebron last Thursday after Sharif had already been subdued is hypocrisy. In other words, that the Israel Defense Forces spokesman and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others who condemned the soldier’s action are hypocrites.

    It’s clear, after all, that it is only because a camera documented a soldier shooting a “neutralized” Palestinian in the head that the people at the top rushed to disassociate themselves from the act. “That’s not how the IDF operates,” they said, meaning that the IDF is usually not so negligent as to allow the actions of its soldiers to be filmed so we know that it indeed is how armed Israelis conduct themselves – executing Palestinians suspected of carrying out stabbings when they no longer pose a danger.

    Here are the contours of this hypocrisy:

    On September 25, 2015, soldiers in Hebron killed Hadeel al-Hashlamoun. She hadn’t stabbed anyone but had only gone through a checkpoint with a knife. Three bullets hit her lower body and seven her upper body while she was already lying “neutralized.” There was a foreign activist there who took still pictures that were sufficient to prove that Hashlamoun was not a threat to the soldiers. A storm of controversy ensued. An investigation was carried out and findings were released about a month after the beginning of the “stabbing wave.” The commanders found that the soldiers could have arrested Hashlamoun without killing her, but decided that they should not be punished. On November 4, I wrote: “Punishing them would have required punishing other soldiers who ‘felt that their lives were in danger’ and easily took a life.” 
I should have written “felt and will feel.”

    With the typical egoism of an occupier, the current violent escalation is marked by Israelis as beginning on October 1, when a husband and wife, Eitam and Na’ama Henkin, were murdered near the settlement of Itamar. But for Palestinians and particularly the Hebronites among them, the starting point is the date on which Hadeel al-Hashlamoun was executed in cold blood. And there are also those who mark it beginning from July 31, when the members of the Dawabsheh family were murdered in the West Bank village of Duma.

    In an analysis on Friday in Haaretz, Amos Harel defines the shooting execution in cold blood and writes: “The ... soldier [a combat paramedic] shoots the prone terrorist in the head at very close range. No one standing around [soldiers and settlers] seemed particularly alarmed by what they had just seen.” There are several possible reasons for that: 1) That is the spirit of the IDF in their view; 2) They had already been present or participated in very similar incidents or knew that that’s what everyone does, only without a camera and 3) Despite remarks by IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, the army is not acting to instill the message among soldiers that killings should not happen when life is not endangered.

    Most of those who have carried out the approximately 105 incidents of stabbing, attempted stabbing or knife-wielding since October 3 have been killed by soldiers, policemen and security guards. In all the cases that were not filmed by Palestinians, did the soldiers, police and security guards really act appropriately and had no choice but to kill? In other words, that the hand of God has decided that only what runs counter to the spirit of the IDF is what will be filmed?

    Cameras actually did document the killing on October 29 of 24-year-old Mahdi al-Muhtaseb. He had fled from a soldier he stabbed, was apparently shot in the leg while on the other side of a checkpoint in Hebron and fell to the ground. While on the ground, a border policeman shot him several times until he stopped moving. Palestinians were shocked and alarmed, but the Israelis reacted as if it was the most normal conduct.

    A security official told Haaretz at the time that when Muhtaseb showed signs that he was going to get up, the border policeman shot again. “That is what is expected of a soldier, because who knows? Maybe the terrorist would blow himself up or take out a gun and shoot,” he said. Blow himself up? In the middle of a Palestinian neighborhood? But that’s precisely the line of defense being put forward by the family of the paramedic who executed Sharif in cold blood.

    A smartphone was used on October 4 to film the execution in cold blood of Fadi Alun from Jerusalem, a stabbing suspect who was already lying on the sidewalk after being shot. Palestinians were shocked and alarmed, but the Israelis reacted as if it was the most normal conduct.

    Imad Abu-Shamsiyeh of Hebron, a former volunteer with the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, was the person who filmed the paramedic executing Sharif. He told Haaretz that the solider had demanded that he move away, but he went onto a roof and took the video footage. He is active in the Hebron-based group Human Rights Defenders, but knew nevertheless that he had to turn the video footage over to B’Tselem so the Israelis could not dismiss the filmed evidence as some kind of Palestinian nonsense.

    * On Thursday, senior officials expressed shock that army paramedics had not administered medical care to the injured Palestinian. But many reports from the scene of stabbings or knife-wieldings in recent months have contained repeated accounts of the army failing to care for injured Palestinians who lay bleeding until they died. IDF spokespersons dismissed the claims as a common Palestinian fabrication.

    One may conclude that the only time there was a failure to provide medical care to Palestinians is when B’Tselem has had filmed evidence. When B’Tselem does not have such evidence, the soldiers are the Righteous Among the Nations.

  • Were All Palestinians Killed in Hebron Really a Threat to Soldiers? - Israel News - Israel News - Haaretz Israeli News Source
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.685913

    There are two versions to the recent spate of killings at Hebron checkpoints: IDF says Palestinians attacked them with knives and were shot, while Palestinians question whether the people even had knives at all. Haaretz examines the evidence.
    Amira Hass Nov 13, 2015 6:31 PM

    Border Police officers gather around the body of Dania Ershied, 17, who was shot to death at the Hebron checkpoint in disputed circumstances on October 25, 2015(AFP)

    The gallows humor that has made the rounds in Hebron in recent weeks has given birth to a new style of joke. For example, “The Israel Defense Forces showed the media knives [that were allegedly found in the hands of Palestinians] that were made in Germany, but here we only have knives made in China.” The jokes means:

    1. The IDF is planting evidence, and the proof is that Hebron is flooded with Chinese goods, not German;

    2. Whoever really wants to kill a soldier in Hebron should use a German knife.

    This black humor was born from the following statistics: Out of 70 Palestinians suspected of carrying out stabbing or car-ramming terror attacks, either in the West Bank or Israel, the security forces killed 43 of them between October 3 and November 9. Twenty-four of them were residents of the Hebron district, including 18 who lived in the city itself. Nine were killed near military checkpoints that sever the heart of Palestinian Hebron from the rest of its neighborhoods. A defense source told Haaretz there have been at least 10 other incidents, unreported, in which people were arrested carrying knives at checkpoints in Hebron during the same period.

    The Palestinians do not believe the standard Israeli version that the soldiers’ lives were in danger and therefore they had to kill the person. In some cases, they question whether the Palestinians even tried to attack the soldiers.

    Israeli media reports about the killings are uniform: A terrorist / male or female / attempted stabbing / terrorist killed. / Soldier / male or female / lightly wounded. Or no casualties among our forces.

    Haaretz independently examined six of the cases. Three cases were detailed in Amnesty International reports. On November 5, Haaretz asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit and the Border Police spokesperson to comment on eight deaths (here we will discuss only five of them). After six days, Haaretz received a short and generic response, unrelated to our specific questions.

    There are security cameras beside every checkpoint and settlement complex. Palestinians are convinced that the IDF permits only the publication of those videos that support its story, and refuses to release footage that proves the opposite. Haaretz’s request to the IDF to see the security camera footage was not answered.

    The parents of Dania Ershied, who was shot to death at a Hebron checkpoint on October 25, 2015. (Amira Hass)

    The black humor in Hebron also spawned another joke: Those passing through the checkpoints to the Old City should say the Surat al-Fatiḥah (the opening chapter of the Koran). In other words – prepare for death.

    Dania Ershied, 17, passed through the Hebron mosque checkpoint on October 25 at about 1:30 P.M. The checkpoint cuts off the way from the old market to the mosque square/Tomb of the Patriarchs. It was a Sunday. The normal afternoon lesson for Dania’s English course had been canceled, her parents later learned. She had no cell phone, and her house is without an Internet connection: That was how her father tried to protect her and maintain her innocence. In their simple apartment (which they rent from his father), her parents showed me the childlike pictures she drew and the handicrafts she loved to do.

    Instead of the English lesson, Ershied walked down the street to the checkpoint. A few Border Police officers were in the hut; others were outside it. The checkpoint itself consists of a revolving iron gate, with a metal detector gate and another revolving iron gate beyond that. A small table stands between the hut and the gate, and a large table stands outside the second revolving gate. There are also movable separation barriers that can be positioned as needed.

    The Israeli media reports were more or less the same. For example, a Haredi news website quotes a police spokesman saying: “The Palestinian woman aroused the suspicions of Border Police officers. She was asked to identify herself but suddenly pulled out a knife and drew near the soldiers while shouting at them. The soldiers fired precisely and she was neutralized. There were no injuries to our forces.”

    IDF soldiers around the body of Mahdi al-Muhtaseb, 24, who was shot to death while fleeing from a checkpoint in Hebron, October 29, 2015 (Reuters)

    In a video published on the NRG website, in which Ershied’s body is seen lying on the ground behind the overturned large table, a person says, breathing hard: “A terrorist tried to stab soldiers. Thank God she was shot and killed.”

    A Palestinian witness who entered through the checkpoint gates after Ershied told Haaretz that the 17-year-old passed through the metal detector gate and the two revolving gates, and was then asked to hand over her bag. The police officer put the bag on the table and shouted at her, “Where’s the knife? Where’s the knife?”

    The witness said Ershied looked scared, raised her hands and shouted, “I don’t have a knife, I don’t have a knife!” A police officer fired a warning shot that scared her even more. She jumped back (placing her out of sight of the witness, who at this point was ushered away by the police) and continued to shout that she didn’t have a knife. But one policeman or maybe more shot and killed her.

    In the Amnesty International report, which contains a similar testimony, it was noted that in the pictures released afterward, a knife was seen alongside the body. A defense source told Haaretz that Ershied had “suddenly pulled out a knife and moved closer to the soldiers. At this stage, it does not matter how old the person is – after all, yesterday we saw kids, 11 and 13 years old [the light-rail stabbing attack in Jerusalem on November 10]. When you look at a [young woman] such as Dania, she comes with a knife to the checkpoint. They call on her to stop. She moves closer to the soldiers and they shoot her.” The defense source did not address the witness’ statement.

    The scene in Hebron where Sa’ad Al-Atrash died on October 26, 2015.AP

    Mahdi al-Muhtaseb, 24, worked in two sweet-pastry bakeries. On the evening of October 29, he had plans to meet the young woman who was intended to be his fiancée. In the preceding days, he bought a large amount of nutritional supplements to complement his workouts at the gym. “Such a person is not thinking of suicide, nor about prison,” his mourning father and brother told Haaretz a week ago, at their home in Hebron’s Al-Kassara neighborhood. On the morning of October 29, he walked, as per usual, to his second job in the Al-Dik neighborhood – to a relatively new bakery called Tito. His home, the route, the bakery – all are in the H2 area under full Israeli control, although his home and the bakery are outside the area where the settlers live. On the way, he had to pass through the Al-Salaymeh checkpoint.

    Something happened at the checkpoint: Perhaps a fight broke out between a soldier from the Kfir Brigade and Muhtaseb. His family and neighbors assume the soldier taunted the young Palestinian, as often happens at the checkpoints, and that Muhtaseb retaliated. The soldier was wounded in the head. A neighbor said he noticed a soldier bleeding from his face. Muhtaseb started to run away. The owner of a nearby store saw him running and then heard heavy gunfire; shots also hit a car and the road. The store owner rushed to close his doors and go up onto the roof. In those few minutes, as video footage shows, Muhtaseb lay injured on the ground. Two Border Police officers were just five feet away from him, aiming their rifles. Muhtaseb moved a bit and raised his torso, and then one of the officers shot and killed him. The store owner, who had already reached the roof and knows Hebrew, heard one of the soldiers shouting, “No one take him and don’t touch him.”

    Haaretz asked the defense source why the soldiers killed Muhtaseb, who was already lying injured on the ground. “You must get into the soldiers’ heads and understand their perspective,” the source said. “A Palestinian comes and stabs a soldier in the head and flees [to a neighborhood where there are no Jews or soldiers – A.H.]. We don’t know if he has an explosive device on him or a weapon. The soldier asks [him] not to move. At some stage he tries to get up – and the soldier shoots again. That is what is expected of the soldier. Because maybe the terrorist was a suicide bomber with an explosive device, or takes out a gun and shoots him. You never know,” he adds.

    When told that Muhtaseb could have used the gun from the start, had he had one, the defense source responded, “Do you remember the case of Charlie Shlush? [A Border Police officer who, in October 1990, shot and wounded a Palestinian who had knifed to death two Israelis in Jerusalem. When Shlush went to arrest him, the Palestinian pulled out a knife and fatally stabbed Shlush in the chest.] You must remember, this is not a sterile [crime] scene. There are a lot of scenarios that, because of the terrorist threat, can still cause harm to the troops. They receive instructions, and those are the instructions,” he said.

    The last person to see cousins Bassam and Hussam Jabari – 15 and 18, respectively – alive was a Palestinian who lives near the Rajabi house, where a new settlement complex was established last year (Beit Hashalom, the House of Peace). This witness said that on their way home, at about 8 P.M. on October 20, the young men passed through the military checkpoint and the metal detector gate behind the Rajabi house and neared the intersection, near the road that leads from Kiryat Arba to the Tomb of the Patriarchs.

    The witness told Haaretz that the two cousins got frightened when a large group of settlers marched down the road, demonstrating over the killing of a Kiryat Arba resident in a car-ramming attack. He invited the boys to come into his house, but a soldier appeared suddenly and called for them to come to him. After that, all three went out of view because they were walking on the path behind the Rajbi house. A short time later, he heard a burst of gunfire. Pictures on Israeli websites show Hussam lying bleeding with a knife in his hand and Bassam sitting on the ground, a narrow and long object in his left hand. The Palestinian witness wonders how, if they had knives, the metal detector didn’t beep when they went through the checkpoint.

    This question prompts the Palestinian conclusion that the knives, or what appear to be knives, were planted on them. Such claims have been made in other cases, too, including Sa’ad Al-Atrash, who was shot to death by a soldier at the Abu Arish checkpoint on October 26. The Amnesty International report described the killing as a particularly egregious example of excessive use of lethal force.

    The report is based on a witness who saw what happened from the balcony of her house. She said Atrash came close to the soldiers and one of them asked to see his identity card. As soon as he put his hand into his pocket to retrieve the identity card, she said, another soldier who was standing behind him shot him on his right side. The witness said the soldier fired six or seven times, and Atrash lay on the ground bleeding for about 40 minutes without receiving medical aid. She also said she saw soldiers bring a knife and place it in the dying man’s hand.

    The NRG website reported that day, “A Palestinian terrorist came close to an IDF force in the position located next to the Tomb of the Patriarchs in Hebron, at the entrance to the Avraham Avinu neighborhood. He tried to stab one of the soldiers there, but was shot and killed. The IDF Spokesperson’s Office said an attempt was made to stab a soldier next to the Jewish community of Hebron. An IDF force fired in order to remove the threat. There were no Israeli casualties.”

    Spokesmen for the IDF and Border Police issued a generic response to Haaretz: “With regard to the planting of knives at the scene of the incident, this is a false claim; no knives were planted by IDF soldiers or Border Police forces. Any attempt to distort the situation is unacceptable.”

    The witnesses in the four cases in question point to a regular pattern after the shootings: Soldiers and settlers crowd around the person (whether seriously wounded or dead), photographing him from every angle. The soldiers strip him of his clothes. Medical care is not provided in order to try and save lives. The body is removed after 30 to 40 minutes.

    The IDF spokesman and Border Police added: “In all the examples cited, the distance between the soldiers and terrorists was short and the soldiers felt an immediate life-threatening danger. Consequently, they opened fire to remove the threat, in accordance with the rules of engagement.

    “The events in question, as well as the claims about the manner in which the shooting was conducted, were investigated and the conclusions were passed onto forces in the field and for the examination of the military prosecutor’s office. IDF medical forces in the West Bank provide medical care to the residents of the region, Jews and Palestinians alike. In operational incidents, a quick check is made by the force to rule out the threat of an explosive device, and then medical care is provided immediately. In places where this did not happen, the procedure has been refined.”

    Amira Hass
    Haaretz Correspondent

  • Why Doesn’t #Israel Eliminate #Hezbollah Now?
    http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/why-doesn%E2%80%99t-israel-eliminate-hezbollah-now

    Israeli infantry soldiers from the Kfir Brigade take part in a drill in urban warfare simulating a combat mission with #Lebanon's Hezbollah at the #israeli_army base of Elyakim in northern Israel on July 11, 2013.(Photo: AFP - Jack Guez). Israeli infantry soldiers from the Kfir Brigade take part in a drill in urban warfare simulating a combat mission with Lebanon’s Hezbollah at the Israeli army base of Elyakim in northern Israel on July 11, 2013.(Photo: AFP - Jack Guez).

    Israeli political and military leaders of all levels have been issuing almost daily threats against Hezbollah while claiming that the Israeli army stands fully ready to confront – and even crush – Hezbollah. So, why don’t they destroy Hezbollah now? (...)

    #Articles #israeli_media

  • Video shows Israeli soldier beating Palestinian workers “without mercy”
    http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/video-shows-israeli-soldier-beating-palestinian-workers-without-

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1GvLkScJPeE

    Video broadcast by Israel’s Channel 10 shows an Israeli soldier launching a brutal, unprovoked attack on several Palestinian workers.

    Michael Gershkowitz of the Israeli army’s Kfir brigade, “attacked a group of Palestinian workers, beating three of them over and over again without mercy using his M-16 rifle,” Channel 10 said in a Hebrew-language report on Tuesday.

    The horrifying incident occurred in April 2009 outside the Israeli Jewish-only settlement of Petzael in the occupied West Bank’s Jordan Valley, where the workers were waiting for their employers, but the shocking footage has only just been made public.