• Les Gardiens de la révolution iraniens saluent la mémoire des soldats juifs tombés lors de la guerre Iran-Irak – Site de la chaîne AlManar-Liban
    http://french.almanar.com.lb/1540640

    Une cérémonie spéciale s’est tenue à Téhéran en l’honneur des soldats juifs tombés lors de la guerre Iran-Irak qui a fait rage entre 1980 et 1988, ont annoncé les médias israéliens.

    Alors que les tensions persistent entre l’Iran et « Israël », une cérémonie particulière s’est tenue cette semaine à Téhéran : un hommage a été rendu aux soldats juifs tombés pendant la guerre entre l’Iran et l’Irak, ainsi qu’aux Gardiens de la révolution et aux imams musulmans, ont annoncé les médias israéliens.

    Des membres de la communauté juive, mais aussi des hommes du corps des Gardiens de la révolution iraniens ont salué la mémoire des soldats juifs lors d’une prière dédiée au souvenir des morts. Après l’oraison, les tombes des soldats ont été nettoyées.

    Parmi les juifs iraniens qui ont combattu pendant cette guerre comme conscrits, une quinzaine a été tuée, a précisé la presse.

    En 2014, les autorités iraniennes ont inauguré un monument rendant hommage aux soldats juifs iraniens tombés pendant la guerre.

    Des juifs vivent en Iran depuis plus de 3.000 ans et représentent la plus grande communauté juive au Moyen-Orient en dehors d’ »Israël », avait précédemment indiqué le Times of Israël.

    #orient_compliqué #iran

  • La bonne idée 9 : reprendre la main sur l’algorithme
    https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/bonne-idee-9-reprendre-main-lalgorithme/00089946

    Depuis novembre 2018, les juges français (comme bien d’autres) n’hésitent plus à requalifier les travailleurs des plates-formes, comme Deliveroo ou Uber, en salariés. Mais au lieu d’en prendre acte et de proposer des mesures qui adaptent les règles du droit social aux spécificités de la pratique, le législateur multiplie les tentatives pour permettre aux plates-formes de s’en exonérer. C’est notamment le cas avec l’article 20 du projet de loi « Orientation des mobilités ». Il propose la mise en place de « (...)

    #Deliveroo #Uber #algorithme #travail #législation

  • « L’#orientation_scolaire renforce les #inégalités », entretien avec #Agnès_van_Zanten, sociologue au CNRS

    Selon leur milieu social, les jeunes demeurent profondément inégaux dans leurs choix d’orientation. Agnès van Zanten, sociologue au CNRS et spécialiste des #politiques_éducatives, analyse le contexte dans lequel se réalisent ces #choix. Entretien extrait de lejournal.cnrs.fr.

    Vos recherches portent sur les conditions dans lesquelles les lycéens sont amenés à choisir leurs études supérieures. Que cherchez-vous précisément à mettre en lumière ?

    Agnès van Zanten : Jusqu’à présent, très peu de travaux ont été conduits dans notre pays sur les processus qui, au sein des établissements scolaires et des familles, ou encore via Internet, les plates-formes d’orientation en première année d’études supérieures, les salons d’orientation, etc., entretiennent ou creusent les inégalités entre jeunes, s’agissant de leurs choix d’orientation dans le supérieur. Pour mieux saisir pourquoi la France affiche un faible taux de scolarisation des enfants des classes populaires dans le supérieur, nous avons mis en place depuis 2013 un dispositif inédit de grande envergure. Celui-ci repose sur des questionnaires distribués auprès de 1 800 élèves de terminale et de 450 proviseurs de lycées de la région parisienne, ainsi que sur des enquêtes ethnographiques dans quatre lycées et dans plus d’une vingtaine de salons et de journées portes ouvertes d’établissements d’enseignement supérieur.

    Un des volets de cette étude concerne le rôle des lycées dans l’orientation vers le supérieur. Les pratiques dans ce domaine sont-elles vraiment à géométrie variable selon les établissements ?

    A. v. Z. : L’enquête que nous avons réalisée dans quatre lycées franciliens le montre clairement. Dans les deux établissements les plus favorisés, où il n’y a ni problème de discipline ni problème de décrochage, tous les personnels (direction, professeurs, conseillers d’éducation…) sont concentrés sur l’orientation et aident les lycéens à se projeter dans l’univers des études supérieures. On y parle de choix des filières post-baccalauréat très en amont, dès la classe de seconde.
    Les élèves reçoivent des informations et des conseils personnalisés et sont fortement incités à s’orienter vers les classes préparatoires aux grandes écoles, par lesquelles de nombreux professeurs sont passés et qu’ils perçoivent comme la « voie royale » vers l’élite. La situation est tout autre dans les lycées moins favorisés. Les équipes éducatives mobilisées sur la lutte contre le décrochage, et plus encore sur la réussite au bac, s’investissent peu dans l’orientation. On ne commence à en parler que lorsque la plate-forme d’accès à l’enseignement supérieur (« Parcoursup » aujourd’hui) entre en service, c’est-à-dire en janvier de l’année du bac. Les élèves n’ont donc que quelques mois pour faire leur choix.
    Par ailleurs, le peu de temps qu’ils consacrent à préparer leur orientation est le plus souvent un temps collectif. Les entretiens en face-à-face sont rares. Et on leur vante surtout les mérites des filières non sélectives de l’université et des sections de technicien supérieur qui préparent au BTS.

    À entendre ces arguments, on se dit que les lycéens ne doivent pas utiliser le dispositif Parcoursup (ex-APB) de la même façon selon qu’ils sont dans un établissement favorisé ou non…

    A. v. Z. : C’est exact. Les plates-formes techniques d’admission dans l’enseignement supérieur qui se sont succédé ces dernières années fournissent les mêmes renseignements aux lycéens et les astreignent aux mêmes procédures. Mais tous les jeunes ne sont pas égaux devant ce type d’outil, qui exige des compétences et un accompagnement, qui suppose d’élaborer des listes de choix de façon stratégique, qui réclame de la patience en cas de non-réponse rapide. Dans les établissements favorisés, des réunions sont organisées à l’intention des élèves et de leurs parents, des dépliants sont distribués, des informations sont mises en ligne sur le site du lycée. Jusqu’au remplacement d’APB par Parcoursup, on enseignait aux élèves des familles de statut élevé les ficelles pour optimiser leurs chances d’obtenir la formation recherchée (en établissant entre autres une hiérarchie des vœux en fonction de leur niveau scolaire et du degré de sélectivité de ces formations). Dans les lycées moyens, les élèves sont beaucoup moins aidés. Les conseils qu’on leur prodigue portent essentiellement sur l’utilisation formelle – et non stratégique – du système. On leur parle davantage de calendrier que de contenus, en leur recommandant notamment de ne pas oublier de saisir leurs vœux avant la clôture du dispositif.

    Plus généralement, Internet constitue la principale source d’information des adolescents sur les filières post-bac. Leur façon de s’orienter sur Internet diffère-t-elle selon leur origine sociale ?

    A. v. Z. : Pour mieux saisir leurs pratiques en la matière, nous avons collecté les traces de navigation d’élèves de terminale de sept lycées franciliens lors d’une séance sur ordinateur. En suivant leurs parcours de site en site et de page en page, après leur avoir fait remplir un court questionnaire sur leurs attentes en matière d’orientation, on voit que dans les bons lycées en général, et dans les classes scientifiques en particulier, les élèves ont appris à se débrouiller dans le labyrinthe des formations. Ils arrivent à bien discriminer les sources (sites officiels, blogs…), à estimer la valeur réelle de ce qui leur est proposé, à identifier ce qui relève du discours publicitaire (nombre d’écoles s’autoproclament « numéro un » dans un domaine…). Ils font cela très vite, individuellement, de manière réfléchie. Les élèves des milieux populaires, dont certains n’ont pas d’ordinateur personnel, sont bien moins armés face à ce genre d’exercice, consultent moins de sites et s’appuient beaucoup sur ce que font leurs camarades.

    Et le contexte familial ? Comment les enfants de milieux défavorisés sont-ils accompagnés par leur famille dans leur orientation ?

    A. V. Z. : Les réponses au questionnaire auprès des jeunes, en cours d’exploitation, montrent l’inégale capacité des familles à aider les jeunes à préparer leur orientation. Selon nos premières analyses, environ les deux tiers des lycéens issus des catégories socioprofessionnelles privilégiées parlent fréquemment du choix d’un programme d’études supérieures et, potentiellement, d’une carrière, avec leurs parents, ce qui n’a rien d’étonnant puisque ces derniers ont de fortes chances d’avoir connu l’enseignement supérieur. Les élèves de milieux populaires, eux, ne sont que 20 % à discuter régulièrement d’orientation sous le toit familial. Les lycéens qui reçoivent le moins de conseils dans leur famille quant à leur orientation sont donc aussi ceux qui, le plus souvent, en reçoivent le moins à l’école, ce qui renforce les inégalités.

    Qui fréquente les salons d’orientation et quelles offres proposent ces espaces ?

    A. v. Z. : Ces salons étant pour la plupart gratuits, aucune barrière économique n’empêche les jeunes de familles à faibles moyens de s’y rendre. Mais, d’après nos observations en Île-de-France, le gros du bataillon des visiteurs est constitué de lycéens issus des classes moyennes, souvent accompagnés de leurs parents.
    Un autre problème est que ces salons, qui se définissent comme une sorte de service public, de vitrine objective des offres de formation dans le supérieur, sont la plupart du temps organisés par les acteurs marchands du secteur. Les établissements privés à la réputation au mieux moyenne (les meilleures écoles n’ont pas besoin de publicité) et aux frais de scolarité élevés s’y taillent la part du lion, et le discours anti-université y est très prégnant. Cette offre biaisée constitue elle aussi une source d’inégalités puisque le privé ne peut pas être une solution pour de nombreux jeunes.

    Quelle mesure permettrait d’améliorer de façon significative la qualité de l’orientation dans les lycées ?

    A. V. Z. : Il faudrait notamment augmenter le nombre de conseillers d’orientation psychologues. Depuis le milieu des années 1990, les pouvoirs publics n’ont pas souhaité renouveler les effectifs de cette profession aujourd’hui quelque peu en déshérence. Aux États-Unis, au contraire, où la fonction des lycées est explicitement de propulser le plus d’élèves possible vers l’enseignement supérieur, il y a souvent deux, voire trois conseillers d’orientation par établissement. En France, faute de personnel, l’orientation repose trop souvent sur les épaules des enseignants. Or, une large partie d’entre eux ne veut pas s’en occuper, et ce d’autant plus qu’ils exercent dans des lycées défavorisés et s’emploient à tenter de « boucler le programme ». Ils pensent que c’est une tâche qui n’est ni valorisée ni valorisante, qui ne fait pas partie de leur mandat officiel et qui suppose de leur part une connaissance – qu’ils n’ont pas – du système d’enseignement supérieur, un système particulièrement complexe et constamment mouvant.

    https://www.inegalites.fr/L-oriention-scolaire-renforce-les-inegalites-entretien-avec-Agnes-van-Zan

  • À « Qiyadah », l’utopie d’un nouveau #Soudan
    https://www.cetri.be/A-Qiyadah-l-utopie-d-un-nouveau

    Soulevé depuis des mois à travers tout le Soudan, le peuple réclame la fin du pouvoir militaire et la transition vers un pouvoir civil. À Khartoum même, au cœur de la capitale, des milliers de personnes s’organisent, discutent, se mobilisent pour atteindre cet objectif. Mais les forces de la contre-révolution s’organisent. Leurs pieds battent l’asphalte encore chaud et la poussière. Leur menton embrasse le ciel. C’est une bien belle parade militaire. Sauf que les pieds sont chaussés de tongs et les (...)

    #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Soudan, #Mobilisations_populaires, #Orient_XXI

  • Comparing the orientation of streets : MapPorn
    https://www.reddit.com/comments/bo8l9g

    Interesting that the 2 US cities that stand out for not having a grid have very different histories that lead them to that.

    Boston is one of the oldest cities in the US and has a very confusing layout because the roads were constructed gradually without central planning and many of the city neighborhoods were small towns that eventually grew together. In this way it has some similarities with the European cities on the right, although it’s obviously not nearly as old.

    Charlotte on the other hand has only developed into a major city relatively recently and was developed at a time when suburban-style sub-developments were common.

    You can really see the difference in a map of both cities. Charlotte has a neat grid downtown and it’s only outside the central part of the city that the streets start meandering. Boston, however, has an incredibly confusing downtown, while some of the outer neighborhoods have grids (although they are all different grids).

    #ville #urbanisme #orientation #visualisations

  • #Parcoursup. Pourquoi faut-il payer pour faire certains vœux de formation ?
    https://www.ouest-france.fr/education/etudiant/parcoursup/parcoursup-pourquoi-faut-il-payer-pour-faire-certains-voeux-de-formatio

    Elle épaule sa fille, en terminale S, dans ses démarches sur la plateforme Parcoursup et ne s’attendait pas à débourser de telles sommes. Certes, les élèves boursiers en sont exonérés, mais ce n’est pas son cas… 37 € multipliés par dix vœux, cela fait un budget. Et encore, si elle se borne aux écoles nationales d’architecture publiques. « L’université technologique de Compiègne demande 95 €. Du coup, ma fille n’a pas émis de vœu. » Car la lycéenne n’a aucune garantie d’être retenue.

  • Au #Soudan, la révolte est devenue un état d’esprit
    https://www.cetri.be/Au-Soudan-la-revolte-est-devenue

    Alors que les manifestations au Soudan entrent dans leur quatrième mois et continuent sans faiblir malgré la répression, l’issue politique demeure incertaine. L’opposition reste divisée et le président Omar Al-Bachir est prêt à tout pour se maintenir au pouvoir et éviter d’être traduit devant la Cour pénale internationale. La révolte populaire qui a éclaté de manière spontanée à Atbara dans le nord du Soudan le 19 décembre peut être considérée comme une réaction tardive à la dégradation de la situation (...)

    #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Soudan, #Orient_XXI, #Mobilisations_populaires

  • Etats-Unis : « C’est l’ensemble du système des admissions à l’université qui est truqué » - Libération
    https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/03/15/etats-unis-c-est-l-ensemble-du-systeme-des-admissions-a-l-universite-qui-

    Inédit, ce scandale jette une lumière crue sur le processus d’admission ultra-compétitif dans les grandes universités du pays, avec des parents, même issus de la classe moyenne, prêts à des investissements financiers massifs, dans un pays où les inégalités ne cessent de se creuser. Il matérialise l’injustice de l’éducation supérieure d’élite et privée aux Etats-Unis, qui représente pour la classe moyenne un sacrifice financier considérable : 44 millions de jeunes Américains doivent rembourser de colossaux prêts étudiants, contractés pour régler des frais de scolarité toujours en augmentation (ils varient de 35 000 à 60 000 dollars par an pour les meilleures universités). La dette étudiante frise aujourd’hui les 1 500 milliards de dollars.

  • Les coachs d’orientation se positionnent sur le « nouveau lycée » (Le Monde)
    https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/03/14/les-coachs-d-orientation-se-positionnent-sur-le-nouveau-lycee_5435942_3224.h

    Grâce aux réformes Blanquer, le “Marché de l’angoisse” (et ses acteurs privés) est en pleine expansion.

    Pour y voir plus clair dans son orientation, Maxime, 15 ans, et sa famille ont fait appel à un cabinet privé. Une démarche qui arrive de plus en plus tôt dans la scolarité.

    […]

    Lui comme plusieurs coachs privés d’orientation interrogés par Le Monde observent ce mouvement : la cible de leurs clients s’est élargie. Si les jeunes de terminale restent majoritaires, des élèves de première, mais aussi de seconde viennent frapper à leur porte.

    #éducation #secondaire #baccalauréat #orientation

    • Il a fallu accélérer la cadence. « Quand nous avons vu qu’il fallait choisir dès cette année des spécialités pour la classe de première, on a décidé de faire appel à un cabinet d’orientation plus tôt que prévu », rapporte Laura, dont le fils, Maxime (les prénoms ont été changés à leur demande), 15 ans, suit son année de seconde au lycée Notre-Dame-du-Grandchamp, à Versailles.

      Mère, père et fils sont installés autour de la table, ce lundi 11 mars, dans une petite salle d’un appartement de bureaux d’un immeuble chic du 8e arrondissement parisien, pour clore le bilan d’orientation du jeune homme. « Nous allons regarder ensemble tes dominantes, parmi les 50 critères de personnalité qui ressortent de l’étude de potentiel que tu as remplie », expose Alexandre de Lamazière, costume noir rayé et chevalière au doigt, président du cabinet privé ODIEP depuis 2009, qui suit quelque 300 jeunes par an.

      Lui comme plusieurs #coachs privés d’orientation interrogés par Le Monde observent ce mouvement : la cible de leurs clients s’est élargie. Si les jeunes de terminale restent majoritaires, des élèves de première, mais aussi de seconde viennent frapper à leur porte. « On se pose la question de l’orientation de plus en plus tôt », estime Armelle Riou, PDG de Mental’O.

      « Inquiétude parentale »
      « Le #coaching_scolaire est une pratique qui date du début des années 2000, mais elle est montée en puissance ces dernières années, avec l’arrivée des “#coachs_d’orientation ” », constate Anne-Claudine Oller, maîtresse de conférences en sciences de l’éducation à l’université Paris-Est-Créteil. Outre un « mouvement général de société mettant l’accent sur la performance et le développement personnel », la sociologue pointe un facteur double dans le monde de l’éducation : d’un côté « l’inquiétude parentale face à l’insertion sur le marché du travail », de l’autre « des réformes qui se succèdent et alimentent l’angoisse, d’APB [la plate-forme Admission post bac] à Parcoursup, en passant par le lycée réformé cette année ».

      Les voies générales S, ES, L vont disparaître à la prochaine rentrée, au profit de trois spécialités à prendre en classe de première, deux en terminale, adossées à un tronc commun. « Il va falloir développer des démarches stratégiques pour savoir comment choisir ces options », résume-t-elle.

      La question est au cœur des discussions entre le coach parisien et la famille de Maxime, second d’une fratrie de cinq enfants et au profil de bon élève. « Tu as un profil très créatif », décrypte le coach au regard du test de Maxime, qui a suivi trois autres rendez-vous depuis février, pour un coût de 700 euros. Avant d’évoquer différents parcours possibles pour rejoindre les métiers de la communication, du numérique, ou encore du graphisme.

      Une spécialité fait longuement débat : faut-il prendre les maths ? Le lycéen n’aime pas franchement la matière. « Mais si tu ne prends pas les maths, beaucoup de portes vont se fermer ensuite », juge Alexandre de Lamazière, alors que Maxime s’inquiète déjà du niveau difficile promis dans la discipline.

      « Stratégie complexe »

      « Les attendus du postbac, ils ont été dévoilés ? », interroge Laura. Un ange passe. « Mais pourquoi ils n’ont pas gardé les maths dans le tronc commun ? », s’interroge le père, commercial dans une entreprise en logiciel. Compromis va être in fine trouvé, en choisissant au moins les maths en première, « par sécurité ».

      Mais la réflexion n’est pas si simple. « Si tu abandonnes les maths, il te restera SVT et histoire-géographie en terminale, constate Laura, au regard des deux autres options envisagées par son garçon. Pas très cohérent… » « C’est vraiment de la stratégie complexe », lâche son mari, désarçonné. Exit les sciences de la vie et de la Terre donc, ce seront les sciences économiques et sociales.

      « Finalement, c’est un peu ce que je pensais au début », réagit le jeune homme, qui avait remis le matin même ses souhaits de spécialités à son lycée. « Maintenant, on en est sûr », ajoute Alexandre de Lamazière, tout en lui conseillant dans tous les cas de « bien “performer” » par la suite. « Même dans les établissements publics et les facs, c’est difficile de rentrer maintenant ! »

      Réforme du lycée : « Les professeurs font tenir un système qui engendre une #angoisse permanente » , TRIBUNE, Thibaut Poirot, Professeur d’histoire en lycée, 04 février 2019

      Le professeur agrégé d’histoire Thibaut Poirot réagit aux propos du ministre Jean-Michel Blanquer, qui a qualifié les enseignants sceptiques à l’égard de la réforme du lycée de « ventilateurs d’angoisse ».Publié le 04 février 2019 à 16h40 -

      Monsieur le Ministre,
      Vous avez qualifié les sceptiques à l’égard de la réforme du lycée de « ventilateurs à angoisse » dans votre interview au JDD du dimanche 3 février. Je tenais à vous faire part respectueusement d’un fait : j’en suis un. Comme des centaines de milliers d’agents du premier service public de France. Non par conservatisme professoral, qui relève du mythe. Oui, le baccalauréat doit changer. Mais je suis devenu un ventilateur, par accumulation. Les courants du doute font tourner de plus en plus rapidement les pales de mon angoisse. Parce que je vois comme d’autres que nous courons à la catastrophe, par habitude si française de préparer sans soutien et sans vrai temps de réflexion une réforme au pas de charge, sans prendre garde aux obstacles et aux difficultés, aux motifs sérieux d’inquiétude sur les motivations, sans entendre les questions concernant les moyens de sa mise en œuvre.
      Je suis bien un ventilateur à angoisse et je le regrette. Car comme nombre de mes collègues, je vois arriver avec un certain malaise les échéances d’une réforme illisible, mal préparée, tant pour le bac 2021 que pour le lycée professionnel.

      « Ventilateurs à angoisse ». Oui, Monsieur le Ministre. Il n’y a rien d’étonnant. Serions-nous dans un tel état si cette année n’avait pas enchaîné depuis le 1er septembre les annonces contradictoires, les décisions unilatérales de dernière minute ?

      Pas d’effet magique de la réforme
      Monsieur le Ministre, les professeurs sont des individus comme les autres : normalement constitués, dotés d’un cerveau et capables de s’en servir. Quand l’arrivée de la fameuse « DHG » (Dotation horaire globale, qui fixe les moyens d’un établissement) largement ignorée du grand public s’apparente cette année dans chaque lycée de France à une angoisse collective, oui, nous avons un problème. J’ai bien du mal à croire, Monsieur le Ministre, que nous n’aurons que 27 élèves par classe au lycée à la rentrée prochaine, comme vous le laissiez entendre. Il n’y a pas d’effet magique de la réforme.

      Quand votre consultation des professeurs n’entraîne aucun changement majeur des nouveaux programmes inapplicables du lycée, je suis angoissé. Quand vous balayez le vote du Conseil supérieur de l’éducation sur ces programmes, je suis angoissé. Quand nous ne connaissons toujours pas les modalités d’évaluation au baccalauréat dont les nouvelles épreuves commencent dès janvier 2020 (épreuve de contrôle continu), je suis angoissé. Quand nous n’avons pas de réponses à des questions essentielles à six mois d’une rentrée qui se veut une révolution au lycée, je suis angoissé. Quand nous ne savons pas à quoi nous préparons nos élèves, je suis plus qu’angoissé. Aucune heure de préparation au fameux grand oral, aucun moyen effectif sur l’accompagnement à l’orientation, aucune idée des formats d’épreuves. Le vide crée l’angoisse.

      Mais les enseignants ne la montrent pas, cette angoisse. Ils font tenir un système qui engendre pourtant cette angoisse permanente. Cette angoisse, ils la cachent aux familles. Ils conseillent, tentent d’anticiper les effets sur l’orientation. Car les parents, eux aussi, sont angoissés. Comme pour Parcoursup l’an dernier, les enseignants encaissent vos choix, avec l’espoir que cette fois-ci la méthode sera meilleure, les inquiétudes écoutées, le calendrier tenable. Vœux pieux. Pourtant, ils continuent d’être ce filet de sécurité social et politique dans une France de plus en plus angoissée.

      Désengagement des professeurs

      Monsieur le Ministre, je suis un citoyen comme les autres. Je vote (encore). Le corps professoral fait (faisait ?) encore partie de cette frange de la population dont le réflexe républicain à chaque élection est fort. Et depuis 2014, les enseignants ont été bien souvent (trop souvent) au cœur de ce « barrage contre l’extrême droite » qui sert aujourd’hui de mot d’ordre au président de la République.

      Mais voyez-vous, Monsieur le Ministre, tout ce qui concourt à faire passer une vérité auprès de l’opinion en balayant les alarmes, les alertes sur un manque de pilotage d’une réforme, je me dis que ce réflexe ne durera pas longtemps. Je le déplore, j’en ai des angoisses (encore d’autres angoisses…), mais c’est ainsi. Et il faudra encore de nombreuses années pour réparer les blessures, la vindicte, les mots qui n’ont rien à envier aux fameux « cyniques et fainéants » du président. L’angoisse n’est pas seulement un état, Monsieur le Ministre, elle est le terrain du désengagement des professeurs qui refusent de servir de vigies républicaines aux élections pour porter au pouvoir une politique qui renie l’idée même d’un système éducatif républicain, c’est-à-dire respectueux de ses agents.

      Je voudrais, nous voudrions du temps, du temps pour comprendre, pour préparer, pour accompagner. Ce temps, vous le refusez. Mais le temps, joue aussi contre le politique. Ce temps, c’est celui qui prépare les crises démocratiques.
      Par deux fois dans notre histoire récente, si l’extrême droite a pu accéder au deuxième tour de l’élection présidentielle, c’est parce qu’un gouvernement de gauche n’a pas su écouter ses professeurs. Certes, me direz-vous, vous n’êtes pas de gauche. Mais le passage de M. Allègre au ministère [de 1997 à 2000] comme la réforme des zones d’éducation prioritaire et la réforme du collège ont eu des conséquences démocratiques. Parce qu’aucune organisation n’avait mis quelque énergie à écouter ce que les enseignants avaient à dire. Dispersés, déboussolés, ils ont fait défaut à ceux qui pensaient être « le parti traditionnel des professeurs ».

      La leçon vaut pour la gauche, pour la droite, pour toute organisation politique. Je crois que demain, ces électeurs-là ne vous feront pas seulement défaut. Ils refuseront sans doute une nouvelle fois de servir de renfort démocratique quand le scénario politique du pire se reproduira encore. La France y perdra, votre réforme aussi. Monsieur le Ministre, donnez-nous du temps.

  • THE COLLECTOR AND HIS COLLECTION | Dar El-Nimer
    https://www.darelnimer.org/en/events/abboudi-abou-jaoud%C3%A9

    Dar el-Nimer, de plus en plus essentielle à la vie culturelle libanaise, propose une riche exposition d’affiches tirées de la collection d’Abboudi Abou Jaoudé sur le thème de la représentation de l’Arabe dans le cinéma occidental.

    (source : https://www.alquds.co.uk/%d8%b9%d8%a8%d9%88%d8%af%d9%8a-%d8%a3%d8%a8%d9%88-%d8%ac%d9%88%d8%af%d8%a9)

    #orientalisme

  • #Algérie. La rue contre le régime
    https://www.cetri.be/Algerie-La-rue-contre-le-regime

    En trois semaines, l’Algérie s’est soulevée comme jamais contre son président. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, 82 ans, invisible dans la vie publique depuis 2012 et surtout la camarilla qui l’entoure et qui est responsable de la paralysie du pays depuis si longtemps, ont cru qu’un cinquième mandat à la tête du pays passerait sans difficulté, comme les précédents. Ils se sont lourdement trompés. Désormais, c’est le sort du régime qui est en jeu. La fronde a d’abord gagné les stades. Au stade du 20-Août à Alger, le (...)

    #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Algérie, #Mobilisations_populaires, #Orient_XXI

  • Phénoménologie politique du voile (Hourya Bentouhami, Revue Philosophiques 44/2, automne 2017)
    https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/philoso/2017-v44-n2-philoso03291/1042334ar.pdf

    On entend par #phénoménologie #politique la manière dont l’ordre des apparences, la réalité même de ce qui est vu, est déterminée par des #rapports_de_pouvoir reposant sur des logiques de #race, de #sexe et de #classe. Mon objet porte sur la constitution du #voile et des #femmes_musulmanes qui le portent, dans les pays occidentaux et tout particulièrement en France, comme un objet « #phobogène », qui suscite un dégoût à bout d’oeil. Comment expliquer une telle insistance médiatique et politique à vouloir régler l’ordre d’apparition des femmes voilées ? Ma thèse sera de montrer que la #laïcité à la française, dans sa nouvelle version, est fondée sur une théorie des apparences largement déterminée par un #imaginaire_nationaliste de la différence des sexes, par la réactivation d’un #orientalisme_sexuel et par l’#invisibilisation propre au travail du #care auquel les femmes musulmanes sont souvent assignées.

  • Workshop de photo par #Fausto_Podavini organisé par #Witness_Journal —> « association de #promotion_sociale » (sic).

    Voici la photo mise en avant sur twitter pour faire la promotion du workshop :

    Et la photo mise en avant sur le site de WJ :


    https://twitter.com/witnessjournal/status/1096096908328747010

    #photographie #exotisme #femmes #hommes #nudité #orientalisme #seins #soutien-gorge #sexe #zizi

    ping @albertocampiphoto @philippe_de_jonckheere

  • #fusion orientale
    http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/le-gant-de-toilette/fusion-orientale

    Le Gant de Toilette, parfois, vous transporte dans d’autres sphères musicales, dans d’autres contrées linguistiques. Un voyage sonore, là où nos oreilles curieuses, aimeraient bien se laisser inonder de notes et de rythmes. La Bulgarie. Le Congo. La Pologne. La Lettonie. L’Argentine. La Tchéquie. L’Arménie. Le Danemark. L’Albanie.

    Et aujourd’hui, plus qu’un pays. Le monde #arabe. Et plus qu’un genre. La fusion. En compagnie de Rebecca.

    Playlist :

    Apo & the Apostles : Bidi Masari Ramy Essam : Balaha Massar Egbari : Cherophobia Soap Kills : Enta Fen Soap Kills : Aranis Yasmin Hamdan : La Mosh Ana Mashrou’ Leila : Habib 47SOUL : Intro To Shamstep 47SOUL : Mo light 47SOUL : Every Land Jadal : Ana Bakhaf Min El Commitment (...)

    #orient #arabe,orient,fusion
    http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/le-gant-de-toilette/fusion-orientale_06136__1.mp3

  • #Soudan. Le grondement de colère de la jeunesse
    https://www.cetri.be/Soudan-Le-grondement-de-colere-de

    Cette insurrection dont les médias parlent si peu · Voilà un mois que le Soudan est en insurrection, et la jeunesse est en première ligne. Elle se révolte contre un régime militaire en place depuis trente ans et dont la faillite est totale sur les plans économique, social et politique. Pourtant, ce mouvement, similaire à celui qui a saisi le monde arabe à l’hiver 2010-2011 rencontre peu d’échos à (...)

    #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

    / Soudan, #Orient_XXI, #Mouvement_étudiant, #Islamisme, Démocratie & participation

    #Démocratie_&_participation

  • Opinion : To Understand France’s Crisis, You Must First Understand Its Cheese
    Karl Sharro, BuzzFeed, le 20 décembre 2018
    https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/karlsharro/an-ancient-land-beset-by-ancient-rivalries

    Karl Sharro is a Lebanese expert analyst on WENA (Western Europe and North American) affairs.

    When you think of France, you think of fine cheeses and wines. Ironically — tragically, perhaps — it’s those cheeses and wines that explain the roots of France’s divisions. As the old French saying goes: “The people who make the cheese are not the ones who eat it.” The origins of the saying have been lost in time, but it’s thought to refer to the tension between the peasantry who produce but can’t afford their products and the bourgeoisie who produce nothing but consume the variety of French delicacies made in the countryside.

    A French cheeseboard with several types of cheese is the perfect representation of the nation. Different parts that have never truly come together, as you know if you tried to mix a Camembert and a Roquefort. And at the center is Paris, the dominant baguette as it is referred to derogatorily. There are many fault lines in this nation, but none are stronger than those between the countryside and the city. At heart, this is a philosophical dispute, as all French disagreements are. It is a clash between the rustic and the Cartesian worldviews — the former has existed for centuries, the latter imposed after the 1789 revolution in the name of the Enlightenment.

    As seasoned observers of the West like myself have become accustomed to in recent years, there is a tendency in Western culture to blame events on external actors and complex conspiracy theories. This strange trait can come as a shock to more rational Middle Eastern observers, but it is quite common across the WENA region, on the streets and in the media. Soon after the protests took off, some attributed them to a changing Facebook algorithm, and others argued they were caused by Russian agitation and propaganda.

    #Karl_Sharro #KarlreMarks :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/730563
    https://seenthis.net/messages/738075

    #Gilets_Jaunes #Fromages #Moyen_Orient #WENA

  • Des graines, des mots, des fiches métiers en libre partage au CDI avec la grainothèque – LudoDOC
    https://ludodoc.wordpress.com/2018/11/19/des-graines-des-mots-des-fiches-metiers-en-libre-partage-au-cdi-a

    Les grainothèques de mots

    Les élèves peuvent au CDI emprunter des mots (choisis pour appartenir au registre soutenu) et les semer librement. Nous avons fait le pari que les élèves allaient employer le mot selon les conseils de culture fournit sur la pochette et enrichir leur vocabulaire …
    Les grainothèques de métiers

    Concernant les métiers, nous avons choisi de faire créer aux élèves sur ce modèle des enveloppes-métiers

    #grainothèque #communs #orientation #séance

  • Tous ceux qui veulent que la guerre au #Yémen continue
    https://www.cetri.be/Tous-ceux-qui-veulent-que-la

    « Il est plus que temps que cette guerre cesse et il est important aussi, c’est même la priorité de la France (...), que l’aide humanitaire puisse passer », a déclaré Françoise Parly, ministre française des armées, le 30 octobre. Pourtant, jusqu’à aujourd’hui, aucune des puissances étrangères engagée au Yémen n’a vraiment agi en ce sens. Ce qui complique l’objectif d’un accord auquel les différentes parties yéménites semblent réticentes. n août 2O18, deux ans après l’échec des négociations de #Paix au Koweït, (...)

    #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Yémen, Paix, #Orient_XXI

  • The Everyday Consumption of “#Whiteness”: The #Gaikokujin-fū (Foreign-Like) Hair Trend in Japan

    In feminist literature, the beauty and the fashion industries have at times been criticized for being one of the means through which women are objectified.1 Likewise, Critical Race Studies have often pinpointed how the existence of a global beauty industry has the effect of propagating Eurocentric beauty ideals.2 Throughout this article I aim to explore the complicated ways in which beauty and racialized categories intersect in Japan through an analysis of the female-targeted hair trend of the gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

    Essentialism is what prompts us to divide the world into two, “us” versus “them,” negating all that is in between the two categories or even changes within the categories themselves. Although this binary thinking has been subject to criticism by various disciplines, such as Critical Race Studies and Postcolonial Studies, it is still among the dominant ways in which human relations are performed in Japanese society. The essentialistic opposing duality between Foreignness and Japaneseness has been constructed in post-war Japan through widespread discourses known by the name nihonjinron (lit. the theories on the Japanese).3 Even though it could be understood as a powerful reply to American racism towards the Japanese, nihonjinron only confirms stereotypes by reversing their value, from negative to positive. Moreover, these theories have had the effect of emphasizing Japanese racial and cultural purity through the alienation and exoticization of the other, most often represented by the white “Westerner”4 (obeijin, seiyōjin, hakujin).

    The ambivalent exoticism that surrounds the foreigner (gaikokujin) has made it possible for racialised categories and consumerism to intersect in the archipelago. The beauty industry is particularly susceptible to the segmentation between “self” and “other,” and the global white hegemony has a certain influence over it. However, as Miller rightly observes, dominant beauty standards in Japan are equally influenced by local values of “Japaneseness.”5 Torigoe goes even farther: in her essay, she positions whiteness as a power relation and through her analysis she demonstrates how white women are constructed as Others in Japanese media representations, thus creating “a racial ladder that places Japanese people on top.”6 The link between whiteness and widespread beauty practices has been criticized also in studies of the neighbouring country of Korea, with scholars arguing that cosmetic surgeries in the country are successful only if they enhance the body’s natural “Koreanness.”7

    My aim in this paper is to tackle the capitalistic commercialization and fetishization of whiteness in contemporary Japan. As it will become clear throughout the analysis, the Japanese beauty industry is creating a particular image of whiteness that is suitable to the consumers’ needs and desires: this toned-down, less threating way of becoming “foreigner-like” is marketed as an accessory that far from overriding one’s natural features, is instrumental in accentuating and valorizing them. Investigating the peculiar position of this beauty trend, which has been affected by the influence of the two contrasting hegemonic discourses of white supremacy and the purity/superiority of the Japanese race, might be helpful in shedding some light on the increasingly complicated ways the concept of race is being constructed in a setting that has been often considered “other” to the Eurocentric gaze.

    Whiteness and the Global Beauty Industry

    Beauty is an important practice in our daily life, and as such it has been at the center of animated discussions about its social function. Seen as one of the practices through which gender is performed, it has been put into scrutiny by feminist literature. The approach used to analyze beauty has been dualistic. On the one hand, the beauty and fashion industries have been criticized for being among the reasons of women’s subordination, depriving them financially8 and imposing on them male normative standards of beauty.9 On the other, it has been cited as one of the ways in which female consumers could express their individuality in an oppressive world.10

    The increasingly globalized beauty and fashion industries have also been subjects of criticism from the viewpoint of Critical Race Studies. It is not uncommon to hear that these industries are guilty of spreading Eurocentric tastes, thus privileging pale-skinned, thin women with light hair.11 The massive sale of skin-whitening creams in Asia and Africa as well as the creation of new beauty standards that privilege thinness over traditionally preferred plump forms are often cited to defend this argument. At the same time, there have been instances in which this denouncing of Eurocentrism itself has been charged guilty of the same evil. Practices such as plastic surgery in South Korea and Japanese preference for white skin have been often criticized as being born out of the desire to be “Western”: these analyses have been contested as simplistic and ignoring the cultural significance of local standards of beauty in shaping beauty ideals.12

    Answers to these diatribes have not been yet found.13 It is nonetheless clear that beauty practices articulate a series of complex understandings about gender and race, often oscillating between particularisms and universalisms. Throughout this article I would like to contribute to this ongoing discussion analyzing how pre-existing notions of race and gender intersect and are re-shaped in a newly emerging trend aptly called gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

    Us/Others in Japan: The Essentialization of the Foreign
    Japan and the tan’itsu minzoku

    It is not uncommon to hear that Japan is one of the most ethnically homogenous countries in the world. In Japanese, the locution tan’itsu minzoku (single/unique ethnic group, people, nation), was often used as a slogan when comparing the archipelago with significantly multi-ethnic countries such as the USA.14 The notion of Japan as a mono-ethnic country is being starkly criticized in recent years:15 minorities such as the zainichi Koreans and Chinese who have been living in the country since the end of the second world war, the conspicuous populations of foreign immigrants from Asia and Latin America, as well as mixed-race people, who were thought of as a social problem until these last ten years,16 have been making their voices heard. In the following paragraphs, I will trace how the idea of a racially homogeneous Japan was constructed.

    The word minzoku (ethnic group, people, nation) first appeared in the Japanese language in the Taishō Period (1912-1926), as an alternative to the term jinshū (race).17 The concept of race did not exist prior to the Meiji period (1868-1912), when it was introduced by scholars as one of the ideas from the “West” that would have helped Japan become a modernized nation.18 It could be argued that while the opening up of Japan after the sakoku period was not the first time that the Japanese government had to interact with people of different racial features,19 it was the first time that the idea of racial hierarchies were introduced to the country. Japanese scholars recognized themselves to be part of the ōshoku jinshū (“yellow race”), hierarchically subordinate to the “white race.”20 With rising nationalism and the beginning of the colonization project during the Taishō period, the need arose for a concept that could further differentiate the Japanese people from the neighboring Asian countries such as the newly annexed Taiwan and Korea:21 the newly created minzoku fit this purpose well. Scholar Kawai Yuko compared the term to the German concept of Volk, which indicates a group whose identity is defined by shared language and culture. These traits are racialized, as they are defined as being “biological,” a natural component of the member of the ethnic group who acquires them at birth.22 It was the attribution of these intrinsic qualities that allowed the members of the naichi (mainland Japan) to be assigned in a superior position to the gaichi (colonies). Interestingly, the nationalistic discourse of the pre-war and of the war period had the double intent of both establishing Japanese supremacy and legitimizing its role as a “guide” for the colonies grounding it in their racial affinities: unlike the conquerors from Europe, the Japanese were of similar breed.

    These hierarchies were ultimately dissociated from the term minzoku after the end of the Second World War, when it was appropriated by Leftist discourse. Opposing it to ta-minzoku (multiethnic nation or people)23

    that at the time implied divisions and inequalities and was perceived as a characteristic of the Japanese Empire, Left-leaning intellectuals advocated a tan’itsu minzoku nation based on equality. The Leftist discourse emphasized the need of the “Japanese minzoku” to stand up to the American occupation, but the term gradually lost its critical nuance when Japan reached economic prosperity and tan’itsu minzoku came to mean racial homogeneity as a unique characteristic of Japanese society, advocated by the Right.24

    Self-Orientalism

    The term minzoku might have “lost his Volk-ish qualities,”25 but homogeneity in Japan is also perceived to be of a cultural nature. Sociologists Mouer and Sugimoto26 lament that many Japanese people believe to be the carriers of an “unique” and essentialized cultural heritage, that renders them completely alien to foreigners. According to the two scholars, the distinctive qualities that have been usually (self-)ascribed to Japanese people are the following: a weak individuality, the tendency to act in groups, and the tendency to privilege harmony in social situations.27 Essentialized “Japaneseness” is a mixture of these psychological traits with the products of Japanese history and culture. The perception that Japaneseness is ever unchanging and a cultural given of each Japanese individual was further increased by the popularity of the nihonjinron discourse editorial genre, which gained mass-media prominence in the archipelago after the 1970s along with Japan’s economic growth.28 Drawing on Said’s notion of Orientalism,29 Miller states that “in the case of Japan, we have to deal […] with the spectacle of a culture vigorously determined to orientalize itself.”30 According to Roy Miller, Japan has effectively constructed Japaneseness through a process of self-othering, which he refers to as self-Orientalism. The nihonjinron publications were very much influenced by cultural anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s highly influential “The Chrysanthemum and the Sword,” published in 1946. Benedict’s study of the “Japanese people” is based on the assumption that the USA and Japan are polar opposites where the former stands for modernity and individualism whereas the latter is characterized by tradition and groupism.31

    Japanese anthropologists and psychoanalysts, such as Nakane and Doi32 further contributed to the study of Japaneseness, never once challenging the polar opposition between the “Japanese” and the “Westernerners.”

    It would seem contradictory at first for a large number of people in Japan to have this tendency to think and consume their own culture through stereotypes. However, Iwabuchi draws attention to the fact that Japan’s self-Orientalism is not just a passive acceptance of “Western” values but is in fact used to assert the nation’s cultural superiority. It remains nonetheless profoundly complicit with Euro-American Orientalism insofar that it is an essentializing and reifying process: it erases all internal differences and external similarities.33 This essentialization that Japan is capitalizing on proves fundamental for the “West,” as it is the tool through which it maintains its cultural hegemony.

    Images of the Foreigner

    Images of the foreigner are not equal, and they form an important node in the (self-)Orientalistic relations that Japan entertains with the rest of the world. An essentialized view of both the Euro-American and Asian foreigner functions in different ways as a counterweight to the “we-Japanese” (ware ware Nihonjin) rhethoric.

    In the Japanese language, gaikokujin (foreigner) refers to every person who doesn’t have the same nationality as the country she/he lives in.34 The term gaikokujin does not have racial connotations and can be used to effectively describe anyone that is not a Japanese citizen. However, the racially-charged related term gaijin35 refers especially to the “white” foreigner.36 Written very similarly to gaikokujin, the word gaijin actually has a different origin and the double meaning of “foreigner” and “outsider.” The word carries strong implications of “othering,” and refers to the construction of the Europe and America as other to the young nation-state in the Meiji period, during which knowledge was routinely imported from the “West.”37 Thus, gaijin and the representation of foreigners-as-other came to reflect the dominant hierarchies of nineteenth-century “Western” knowledge.38

    Putting every white-skinned individual in the same category functions as a strategy to create the antithetical “West” that is so important as a marker of difference in self-Orientalism: it serves to create an “Other” that makes it possible to recognize the “Self.”39 At the same time, it perpetuates the perception of whiteness as the dominant position in America and Europe. In her analysis on the use of foreigner models in Japanese advertisements, Creighton notes that representation of gaijin positions them both as a source of innovation and style and as a potential moral threat.40

    This splitting is not uncommon when dealing with representations of the Other. What generates it is the fetishistic component that is always present in the stereotype.41 Bhabha argues that this characteristic allows the Other to be understood in a contradictory way as a source of both pleasure and anxiety for the Non-Other. Stuart Hall draws on Bhabha’s theories to state that the stereotype makes it so that this binary description can be the only way in which is possible to think of the Other–they generate essentialized identities.42 In the Japanese context, the gaijin, fulfilling his role as a racially visible minority,43 is thus inscribed in the double definition of source of disruption and person to admire (akogare no taishō).

    Whiteness in the Japanese Context

    Akogare (admiration, longing, desire) is a word that young women44 in Japan often use when talking about the “white, Western” foreigner. Kelsky explains that the word indicates the longing for something that is impossible to obtain and she maintains that “it is a rather precise gloss […] of the term “desire” in Lacanian usage. […] Desire arises from lack and finds expression in the fetish. The fetish substitutes the thing that is desired but impossible to obtain.”45 Fulfilment of this unattainable desire can be realized through activities such as participation in English conversation classes and engaging in conversation with “Western” people.46 The consumption of “Western” images and representations as well as everyday practices associated with the Euro-American foreigner could also be considered a fetish that substitutes the unattainable object of desire. In this sense, the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend might be for the producers one such way of catering to young Japanese women’s akogare for the “Western” world.

    Gaikokujin-fū is inextricably connected to gaijin, “white” foreigners. For instance, the Hair Encyclopedia section of the website Hotpepper Beauty reports two entries with the keyword gaikokujin-fū: gaikokujin-fū karā (foreigner-like color) and gaikokujin-fū asshu (foreigner-like ash). The “color” entry states the following:

    Gaikokujin-fū karā means, as the name suggests, a dye that colors the hair in a tint similar to that of foreigners. The word “foreigner” here mostly stands for people with white skin and blond hair that are usually called “American” and “European.”47

    Similarly, the “ash” entry explains the following:

    The coloring that aims for the kind of blond hair with little red pigments that is often found among Americans is called gaikokujin-fū asshu.

    Asshu means “grey” and its characteristic is to give a slightly dull (dark?) impression. It fits well with many hairstyles ranging from short cuts to long hair, and it can be done in a way to make you look like a “western” hāfu (mixed race individual).

    It is clear from these descriptions that the term gaikokujin-fū is racially charged. What hairdresser discourse is trying to reproduce is a kind of hair color associated with America and Europe’s Caucasian population. They are selling “whiteness.”

    Writing from the viewpoint of multicultural England, Dyer writes that the study of the representation of white people is important because “as long as white people are not racially seen and named, they/we function as a human norm.”49 White discourse is ubiquitous, and it is precisely this unmarked invisibility that makes it a position of dominance. The representation of people belonging to minority groups is inevitably marked or tied to their race or skin color, but Caucasians are often “just people.” At the base of white privilege there is this characteristic of universality that is implied in whiteness.

    The marked positioning of the white foreigner in Japanese society would seem an exception to this rule. Torigoe, while acknowledging that the Japanese media “saturated [her] with images of young white females as the standard of beauty,”50 analyzes in her article how white beauty actually embodies values such as overt sexual attractiveness that would be considered deviant or over the top by standard societal norms.51 Likewise, Russell points to the scrutiny that the bodies of the white female woman receive on Japanese mass media, dominated by a male gaze. White females become subject to the sexual curiosity of the Japanese male, and being accompanied by one of them often makes him look more sophisticated and competitive in a globalized world.52 As the most easily, less controversially portrayed Other through which Japanese self-identity is created, the white individual is often subject to stereotyping and essentialization. Russell notes this happening in both advertisement and the portrayal of white local celebrities, that assume even “whiter” characteristics in order to better market their persona in the Japanese television environment.

    However, it is my opinion that we must be careful to not be exceedingly uncritical of the marginality that Caucasians are subject to in Japanese society. I argue that whiteness is in an ambiguous position in the Japanese context: it would be wrong to say that in the archipelago white people do not benefit from the privileges that have accompanied their racialization up to the present times. The othering processes that whites are subject to is more often than not related to them being brought up and representing a different culture than to their racial difference.54 The word hakujin (lit. white person) is barely used in everyday conversation, whereas it is more common to hear the term kokujin (lit. black person): white people are not reduced to their racial characteristics in the same way as black people might be.55 Whiteness might not be the completely hegemonic in the Japanese context, but the country does not exist in a vacuum, and its standards have been influenced by the globally hegemonic white euro-centric values to some extent.

    To reiterate, white people in the Japanese archipelago experience the contradictory position of being a visible minority subject to reifying “othering” processes while at the same time reaping many of the benefits and privileges that are usually associated with the color of their skin. They are socially and politically located at the margins but are a hegemonic presence in the aesthetic consciousness as an ideal to which aspire to. In the following sections, I will expand on gaikokujin’s ambiguous location by looking at the ways in which whiteness is consumed through the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend.

    Producing Whiteness: Selling gaikokujin-fū Hair
    Creating the “New”

    In order to understand the meanings shaping the catchphrase gaikokujin-fū, I have used a mixture of different approaches. My research began by applying the methods of Visual Analysis56 to the latest online promotional material. I have tried to semiotically analyze the pictures on the websites in relation to the copywriting. In addition, I have complemented it with fieldwork, interviewing a total of seven hairdressers and four girls aged from 20 to 2457 in the period between April and June 2017. It was while doing fieldwork that I realized how important social networking is for the establishment of contemporary trends: this is frequently acknowledged also in the press by textually referencing hashtags.58 Instagram is a very important part of Japanese girls’ everyday life, and is used both as a tool for self-expression/self-promotion as well as a compass to navigate the ever-growing ocean of lifestyle trends. Japanese internet spaces had been previously analyzed as relatively closed spaces created and accessed by predominantly Japanese people, and this had implications on how online discourses about races were carried on.59 However, being a predominantly visual medium, Instagram also functions as a site where information can, to a large extent, overcome language barriers.

    The gaikokujin-fū hashtag counts 499,103 posts on Instagram, whereas 381,615 pictures have been tagged gaikokujin-fū karā.60 Most of them are published by professional whose aim is to publicize their work, and it is not uncommon to find pricing and information for booking in the description.

    Scrolling down the results of the Instagram search, it is easy to notice the high number of back and profile shots; what the hairdressers are trying to show through these pictures is their hairdressing skills. By cutting out the face they are putting the hair itself at the center of the viewer’s attention and eliminating any possibility of identification. The aim here is to sell “whiteness” as an object. The trendsetters are capitalizing on a term (gaikokujin-fū) that has already an appealing meaning outside the field of hair coloring, and that is usually associated with the wider desire or longing (akogare) for “Western” people, culture and lifestyle.

    To the non-initiated, the term gaikokujin-fū might indicate anything that is not “Japanese like” such as curly hair, or blonde hair. However, it became clear when speaking to my hairdresser informants that they only used the term referring to the ash-like coloring. Professionals in the field are reclaiming it to define a new, emerging niche of products that only started appearing a couple of years ago.61 In doing so, Japanese hairdressers are creating a new kind of “whiteness” that goes beyond the “Western” cultural conception of white as blonde and blue-eyed, in order to make it more acceptable to Japanese societal standards. In fact, fair hair is considered extremely unnatural.62 The advantage that ash brown hair has over blonde is the relatively darker shade that allows consumers to stand out without being completely out of place.63

    However, gaikokujin-fū hair comes at a cost. All of my informants told me during the interviews that the colors usually associated with this trend involve dyes have a blue or green base, and are very difficult to recreate on most people of the East Asia whose naturally black hair has a red base. The difficulty they experienced in reproducing the Ash (asshu) and Matt colors on Japanese hair constituted a fundamental charm point for hair technicians, and precisely because of this being able to produce a neat ash coloring might be considered synonymous with keeping on pace with the last technology in hair dying. The Wella “Illumina Color”64 series came out in September 2015, while Throw,65 a Japanese-produced series of hair dyes that eliminate the reddish undertones of Japanese black hair, went on sale very recently in June 2016.66 Another Japanese maker, Milbon, released its “Addichty Color”67 series as recently as February 2017. The globally dominant but locally peripheral whiteness has been “appropriated” and domesticated by Japanese hairdressers as a propeller of the latest trends, as a vital tool in creating the “new.”

    To summarize, the technological developments in hair dyes certainly gave a big push to the popularizing of the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend. Moreover, in a very chicken-and-egg-like fashion, the technological advancing itself was at the same time motivated by the admiration and desire towards Euro-American countries. However, this desire for “Westerness” does not entail adopting whiteness in its essentialized “purest” form,68 as that would have negative implications in the context of Japanese society. Rather, Japanese trendsetters have operated a selection and chosen the variant of whiteness that would be different enough to allow the creation of the “latest” while minimizing its more threatening aspects.
    Branding the “New”

    In the previous section I mentioned the fact that most of pictures posted on the social network Instagram serve to amplify and diffuse existing values for consumption, and constantly refer to a set of meanings that are generated elsewhere reifying them. Throughout this section I will examine the production of these values through the branding of the aforementioned hair dye brands: Wella’s “Illumina Color,” THROW, and Milbon’s “Addichty Color.”

    Wella’s “Illumina Color” offers an interesting case study as it is produced by an American multinational brand. Comparing the Japanese website with the international one, it is clear that we have before our eyes a prime example of “glocalization.”69 While on the international webpage70 the eye-catch is a picture of a white, blue-eyed blonde woman that sports an intricate braided hairstyle with some purplish accents in the braid, the Japanese71 version features a hāfu-like72 young woman with long, flowing straight dark brown hair. The description of the product also contains the suggestive sentence “even the hard and visible hair typical of the Japanese [can become] of a pale, soft color.” The keywords here are the terms hard (katai) and soft (yawaraka). Hardness is defined as being a characteristic typical of the Japanese hair texture (nihonjin tokuyū) and it is opposed to the desired effect, softness. The sentence implies by contrasting the two terms that softness is not a characteristic of Japanese hair, and the assumption could be taken further to understand that it is a quality typical of the “foreign.” Perhaps unsurprisingly, the international webpage contains no such reference and instead vaguely praises the hair dye’s ability to provide a light color. The visuals of the latter are consistent with Dyer’s definition of whiteness.

    Unlike Wella, Milbon and beauty experience are Japanese companies, and their products ORDEVE Addichty and THROW are only geared to the Japanese marketplace. Milbon’s ORDEVE Addichty dye series is the most recent of the two. The product’s promotional webpage is almost entirely composed of pictures: the top half features 14 moving pictures, two for each of the seven colours available. The pictures slide in a way that shows the customer all the four sides of the model’s bust up, and each one of the girls is holding a sign with the name of the product. To the center left, we see a GIF image with the name of the brand in the roman and Japanese alphabet, accompanied by the catchphrase hajimete mitsukaru, atarashii watashirashisa (“I found it for the first time, a new way of being myself”), that slides into another text-filled picture that explains the concepts behind the branding.

    Occidental-like (ōbeijin) voluminous hair with a shine (tsuya) never seen before. This incredible feeling of translucence (tōmeikan) that even shows on your Instagram [pictures], will receive a lot of likes from everybody. Let’s find the charm of a freer myself with Addichty color!

    The red-diminishing dyes are here associated with both physical and ideological characteristics identified as “Western,” like the “feeling of translucence” (tōmeikan)73 and “freedom” (jiyū). The word tōmeikan is a constant of technical descriptions of gaikokujin-fū and it is generally very difficult for the hairdressers to explain what does it mean. My hairdresser informant N. quickly explained to me that having translucent hair means to have a hair color that has a low red component. Informants H. and S., also hair professionals, further explained that translucency is a characteristic typical of hair that seems to be semi-transparent when hit by light. While in the English-speaking world it would certainly be unusual to positively describe somebody’s hair as translucent, tōmeikan is a positive adjective often used as a compliment in other different contexts and it indicates clarity and brightness. In fact, the Japanese Daijisen dictionary lists two definitions for translucent, the second of which reads “clear, without impurities.”74 It is perhaps in relation to this meaning that the melanin-filled black core of the Japanese hair is considered “heavy” (omoi) and strong. Reddish and lighter brown colors are also defined in the same way. What is more, even hair colors at the other end of the spectrum can be “muddy”(nigori no aru): blonde hair is also described as such.75 It is clear that while tōmeikan is a quality of “occidental hair,” it is not a characteristic of all the shades that are usually associated with whiteness.

    In the last sentence, “freedom” is linked to charm (miryoku) and the individual. These three concepts are also very often associated with the foreigner. The freedom of the gaijin is a freedom from social constraints and from the sameness that pervades dominant representations of Japaneseness.76 Individualism is further emphasized by the pronoun “myself,” which in the original Japanese is a possessive pronoun to the word “charm” (miryoku). As a word, miryoku has an openly sexual connotation, and because of this it might be linked to the concept of “foreignness.” As Torigoe found out in her analysis of Japanese advertisements, white women are often represented as a sexualized counterpart to the more innocent Japanese woman.77 Gaikokujin-fū hair offers customers the possibility to become closer to obtaining this sexiness, that distances the self from the monotone standards of society.

    Of the three, THROW is possibly the most interesting to analyze, mostly because of the huge quantity of content they released in order to strengthen the brand image. In addition to the incredibly detailed homepage, they are constantly releasing new media contents related to gaikokujin-fū coloring on their “THROW Journal.”78

    The “story” page of the website serves as an explanation of the brand identity. It is a vertically designed page heavy on images, possibly designed to be optimally visualized in mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets. The first image that the viewer encounters is that of a girl whose brown hair is flowing in the wind, which results in some strands covering the features of her pale-white face. This makes it hard to understand her nationality and makes it so that all the attention is focused on the light, airy qualities of the hair. As I said before, “lightness” (karusa) is associated to translucency and is one of the characteristics at the center of the marketing of gaikokujin-fū. This picture very clearly renders those sensations in a way that is very pleasant to the eye and indeed invites consumption.

    Under the picture we find a very short narration that complements it. In bigger characters, the words dare de mo nai, watashi ni naru, that roughly translates as “I’ll become a myself, that is nobody else.” Here again we find an emphasis on individuality and difference. Scrolling down, we find the following paragraph written in a smaller font:

    I leave my body to the blowing wind.

    My hair is enveloped in light, and is filled by the pleasant air.

    What I needed was this [facial] expression.

    I got rid of what I did not need, and refreshingly freed my mind.

    Gracefully, freely.

    I should just enjoy myself more.79

    Unlike the tagline in the Addichty webpage, THROW’s brand identity is here described in ideological terms only. Once again, “freedom” is the central theme, and is associated with a sensation of freshness (kaze, “the wind”; also, the onomatopoeia sutto, here rendered as “refreshingly”). The image of release is further emphasized by the fact that “I” of this text is in close contact with nature: her skin feels the wind, she is shrouded in light and breathes pure air. But what is the subject being released from? The fourth and the last line would suggest that she is being trapped by social constraints, something akin to the Freudian super-ego, that somehow renders her unable to enjoy herself for what she really is. My literal translation of the sixth line makes it hard to understand the hedonistic implications of its meaning: what the original Japanese implies is not simply that she should “have fun,” but she should be finding pleasure in what she is and not what she is expected to be. It is perhaps strange to the eyes of the Euro-American observer accustomed to the discourse of white supremacy that the consumption of whiteness comes with an invitation to spontaneity. The whiteness being sold here is certainly perceived in a radically different way from the Eurocentric “West,” where it is associated with self-constraint.80 It is being marketed to the Japanese public in a way that reminds the portrayal of minorities in the white-dominated world,81 and that makes it particularly appealing to the archipelago’s consumers.

    Listening to the producers’ interviews, it becomes clear for them that the red pigments of the hair, as a symbol of this self-Orientalistically represented “Japaneseness” are represented as a further constraint. Producer Kimura Naoto speaks of a “liberation from redness for the women who hate it”;82 fellow member of the production team Horiuchi brings up the ever-present desire in Japanese women to “become like foreigners,”83 but neither of the two explains the connection between the deletion of red pigments from the hair and the possibility of becoming foreigner-like. It is perhaps this lack of an explicit connection in an explanation from an expert that makes it perceived as an “obvious truth.” In fact, nobody seems to refer to the fact that red undertones are common overseas as well, not to mention the existence of redheads in predominantly Caucasian regions. By hiding these facts, the red pigments are constructed as something that is peculiarly Japanese and juxtaposed to the exclusively foreign blue pigments, further contributing to the essentializing of the gaikokujin that propels self-Orientalism.

    Consuming Whiteness: Gaikokujin-fū and Everyday Life

    To understand the ways that gaikokujin-fū was being interpreted and consumed I conducted fieldwork for two months (April-June 2017) in Tokyo. Engaging in participant observation proved to be relatively easy, since superficial conversation about beauty trends is one of the most common ways that young women around my age use to socialize. Most of my peers were very quick to react every time I lightly introduced the subject. However, due to the perceived “lightness” of the topic, not many people showed to be willing to talk prolongedly about it. This prompted me to supplement the fieldwork with semi-structured interviews I conducted with four people aged 20-22.

    The general reaction to the gaikokujin-fū buzzword was one of recognition–the existence of the trend was acknowledged both by people who were actually familiar with it as well as by others who were not really interested but had seen the phrase and recognized a more general idea behind it. As the reader might expect after having gone through the previous chapter, consumers of gaikokujin-fū hair all brought up the difficulties they had in obtaining the desired results. When I first contacted K., a 23-year-old university student in Tokyo, she told me to wait till the following week for the interview since she had an appointment to dye her hair of an ash-like color. Seven days later, I was surprised to see that her hair had not changed much. Turns out that her virgin hair was a very difficult base to work with: having never bleached it, it proved to be very resistant to blue-green dyes. Dying the hair of an ash-like color would have been impossible as the naturally red pigments of the hair would have completely nullified the effect.

    Whiteness as Empowerment, Whiteness as Difference

    K. was nonetheless very accommodating and answered my questions very enthusiastically. To her, the word gaikokujin had indeed a very positive meaning, and she specifically associated it to difference. My informant used a very harsh word when talking about her fellow Japanese: to her, Japanese style equals mass-production. Her image of Japan was perfectly congruent with those described by Mouer and Sugimoto in their critique of Nihonjinron. “Ordinary” Japanese girls were, in her opinion, the cutesy and quiet girls with straight black hair and bangs covering their foreheads. Why did she feel attracted to gaikokujin-fū in the first place? K. felt that the “traditional” Japanese image was constraining, and she had both very physical and empirical reasons (she does not like face with bangs) as well as a specific ideological background. It is worth nothing here that K. has had since her childhood a very strong akogare towards “Western countries”: she has studied English since she was a small child and is now studying Italian, which led her to spend a year abroad in the University of Venice. Moreover, she attended a very liberal protestant high school in Tokyo, where students were allowed to dye their hair and had no obligation to wear the school uniform. She herself stated that the liberal environment she was brought up in had a huge influence on her view of the world and thus she did not feel the need to “conform.” K. speaks from a privileged position that allowed her to glimpse a “different” world, in which she is promised freedom. In a similar fashion to the representations I analysed in the previous chapter, “Western” foreign becomes a symbol of liberation from the societal constraints of a traditionalistic society.

    The liberating qualities of the akogare towards the essentialized “Western” foreign have been brought up in previous research as a space for young women to astray themselves from the hierarchies of everyday life. The link between freedom and diversity was indeed particularly strong in K., who feels somehow “oppressed” by certain aspects of society. However, this is far from being a universal mode of consumption: in fact, the other three girls never even mentioned anything ideological. To S., a 22-year-old girl I met while studying in Tokyo two years ago, dying her hair of an ash-like hue was an act genuinely finalized to the enhancement of her beauty: she thought the color made her face look brighter. While she too stated during the interview that foreigners are viewed as cool and fashionable, she did not allude to a desire to “become” one nor she mentioned any ideological values associated with them that she emphasized with. In her everyday practice, whiteness is consumed as a tool regardless of its hegemonic signified. Informants A. and H. talked about the trend in a similar way. H. initially dyed her hair because she liked how cute ash hair looked on her favourite model, and had little more to say other than that. Her friend A., who recently graduated from a fashion school, confessed that in her environment standing out was more the rule than a subversive act. Her ash phase was brief and followed by even more explosive hues such as blue and pink. S., A., and H., were very much less conscious of their ways of consumption, but, as French theorist Michel de Certeau argues,84 it is precisely the aimlessness of their wandering that make their practices subvert the hegemony established by the global white supremacy. Having gaikokujin-fū hair is one of the strategies that Japanese women have at their disposition to attain beauty, and while it is trendy, it is far from being superior to different styles. Whiteness becomes an accessory that enhances the natural beauty of the self, and it is not employed to override one’s original racial features but rather to enrich them through the display of individuality. Under this light, it is possible to see the consumption of foreign-like hair as an unconscious tentative of overcoming the racialized barriers that might generate uncanny feelings in the eyes of the “white” spectator.

    Subdued Subversion and the Ambiguities of Consumption

    There are however at least two factors that complicate the consumption of gaikokujin-fū hair, making it a multifaceted and complex process. Firstly, during my interview with K. we discussed the differences between this and other fashion trends that tend to refuse the stereotypical sameness of the constructed Japanese image. K. suggested the existence of an even more individualistic trend–Harajuku–style fashion. The Harajuku district of Tokyo is famous world-wide for hosting a wide range of colourful subcultures,85 which my interviewee described with terms such as dokusouteki (creative) and yancha (mischievous). Harajuku fashion is individuality taken to such a level in which it becomes even more openly contestant of society. S. described these subcultures as referencing the image of “an invented fantasy world, completely out of touch with reality.” The gaikokujin-fū hair colour is indeed a way to break out of the “factory mould,” but it is a relatively tame way of doing it as it is the consumption of a domesticized otherness. As I also pointed out during the analysis of the production processes, the aesthetics of the trend are largely shaped in relation to societal norms and purposely do not excessively break out of them. Especially in its darker tones, foreign-like ash hair is visually closer (albeit chemically harder to obtain) than platinum blonde, and it is precisely in these shades that the hue is being consumed by girls like K. and S.

    Furthermore, one could say that Gaikokujin-fū hues can at times be experimentations instrumental to the formation of one’s identity. H. and S. both explained that they tried out ash dyes as a phase, only then to move on to something that they thought better reflected their own selves. In both cases, that meant going back to their natural black color and to darker tones. H., in particular, after spending her three years of freedom in university experimenting with various hues, finally concluded in her fourth and final year that natural black hair was “what suits Japanese people best.”. After trying out the “Other” and recognizing it as such, her identification acted as what Stuart Hall might have called a suture between her as an acting subject and the discursive practices of “Japaneseness.”86 As “foreignness,” and whiteness as one of its variants, cannot be easily conceived outside the dominant self-Orientalistic discourses, even gaikokujin-fū is inevitably bound to the essentialized “Japaneseness” of the Nihonjinron. This is only worsened by the fact that foreign-like hair colors are a product in the beauty market: they need to be marketed to the consumers, and this necessitates simplification. Essentialization and the reinforcement of self-Orientalism are the high prices that one must pay for the consumption of the other, and constitute a big limitation of its subversive power.

    Conclusion

    I have attempted to analyse the ways in which whiteness is produced and consumed in Japan, a country with significant economic and cultural power that does not have a significant Caucasian population. I have chosen as the topic a feature of the human body that is usually considered peripherical to the construction of racialized categories, and I have attempted to demonstrate how it becomes central in the production of an occidentalistic image of “whiteness” in the Japanese Archipelago.

    What this trend helps us to understand is the complexities and multiplicities of whiteness. By shedding some light on the way that hairdressers in Japan construct and sell the gaikokujin-fū trend we become aware of the fact that an aspect such as hair color that we do not usually pay much attention to in relation to this racialized category can be central when the same is consumed in a different setting. It is significant that what is being marketed here it is a slightly different paradigm from the Eurocentric or conventional idea of “white” people, that sees at its center blonde-haired, fair-skinned people with blue or green eyes: whiteness is mitigated and familiarized in order to make it more desirable to wider audiences. Its localized production and its consumption as a disposable accessory might be taken as challenging to the global dominance of Caucasian aesthetic.

    Acting in the (locally) ambiguous field of racial representations,87 hairdressers in Japan are creating their own whiteness, one that is starkly defined by what is socially acceptable and what is rejected.88 It thus becomes apparent the fact that racialized categories are nothing but discourses, constantly morphing in relation to time and space. The existence of a different whiteness created by and for the use of people who are not considered as belonging to this racialized category creates conflict with the discourse of a global, hegemonic whiteness by demonstrating its artificiality and construction.

    However, the use of the word gaikokujin inevitably generates ambivalent meanings. The trend becomes linked to the discourse of “foreignness” and the desires associated with it. Eventually, it ends up reproducing the essentialist and reifying stereotypes that are creating through the occidentalistic (and self-Orientalistic) practices of nihonjinron. The trend potentially reinforces the “us/them” barriers that are at the basis of essentialistic thought by juxtaposing the desired “foreign hair” as a polar opposite of the more conservative and traditional “Japanese hair.”

    To reiterate, gaikokujin-fū might be subversive on the global scale, but it is nonetheless an expression of the oppressive mainstream on the local level, as it restates notions of difference and exclusivity that form the basis for social exclusion of phenotypically alien foreigners. Unfortunately, the practices of marketing necessitate simplifications, and makes it is hard to achieve what I believe would be the most subversive action: the elimination of these reifying barriers. It is imperative that we start to think about ways to talk about race and culture in a non-essentializing manner while maintaining an anti-white-centric stance.

    Although the problem of essentialization cannot be resolved by looking at representation only, by looking at how the product is effectively consumed in everyday life we might find that these semi-conscious practices already offer some hints on how to overcome the barriers that reification builds around us. It is indeed true that consumers answer to the “call” of the marketers, and that they identify themselves to some extent with the images of racialized whiteness created by the beauty industry. However, what the interviews revealed is that often times the link between image and product is broken in the immediacy of consumption. By using whiteness as an accessory, some of the consumers open up a space in which they contest the seriousness and rigidity of racialized categories–a space that allows hybridity to exist.


    http://zapruderworld.org/journal/archive/volume-4/the-everyday-consumption-of-whiteness-the-gaikokujin-fu-foreign-like-
    #corps #beauté #femmes #géographie_culturelle #japon #cheveux #identité #altérité #orientalisme #blancheur #hakujin #blancs #représentation