#tragédie

Titre !

La grande vadrouille ..?

C’était ça :

▻https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/116794-000-A/chocolat ?

Pas mal, en dépit de quelques incohérences et d’une assez grande liberté par rapport à la véritable histoire de Rafael Padilla.

C’est amusant parce que, il y a longtemps que je n’ai pas ouvert un livre littéraire. Non, en fait, pour reposer mes yeux fatigués par des heures de scrolling sur les réseaux sociaux, je m’affale le plus souvent dans mon canapé devant l’écran (allumé) du téléviseur et je m’y endors avec une facilité déconcertante, sûrement pour rattraper les heures de sommeil perdues la nuit. Le dernier film que j’ai regardé sans m’endormir parlait des tribulations d’une équipe de bras-cassés commandités par un réseau mafieux pour récupérer une (mystérieuse) valise convoitée par quelques (méchants) Russes. J’ai bien ri à la vue de toutes ces péripéties en y voyant comme une sorte d’allégorie des temps actuels où règnent les malfrats de toutes obédiences.
▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronin_(film)

Sinon, si vous aimez le genre défourraillage à tous les coins de rue (avec en sus cette esthétisation de la violence, caractéristique du cinéma d’Extrême-Orient), une histoire de corruption dans la police de Hong Kong en trois volets :
▻https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/RC-024750/infernal-affairs

Et oui, je dois avouer que je suis fasciné par les histoires de voyous. #Tragédie de « l’humaine condition ».

Ah non, je détesterais ce genre de films. Je ne suis de toute manière pas très cinéphile mais tant qu’à faire, si jamais j’avais un « style » de prédilection, ce serait plutôt le genre « cinéma suédois en noir et blanc silencieux avec des plans-séquences de trois quarts d’heure sur une goutte de givre ».

Ceci dit, reposer ses yeux devant la télé (allumée) ce n’est pas la meilleure idée non plus ...

@nicole Toi, tu es la bonne cliente pour « Le cheval de Turin ».

Merci, @nicole : j’ai bien aimé «Chocolat».

1-12-1923 La tragedia del Gleno

https://www.antiwarsongs.org/img/upl/traggleno.jpg

Et sèntit Piero chèl chè i völ fa
Zó sóta ól Glé, chèi de Milà,
I fa öna diga sura ól nòst có,
Prègóm chè ö dé la ègnès mìa zö. [1]

Zitti bifolchi stolti e ignoranti,
Diamo valore ai nostri monti,
Siamo il futuro, la nuova età,
Noi vi doniamo la civiltà.

Notèr n’laura, n’sè mìa dutur,
N’và in miniera, n’fà i muradur,
Ma n’sa chè ö mür con póc cèmènt
èl vé zó co l’àiva, el vé zó cón niènt. [2]

Che ne sapete, voi manovali,
Scienza e opinione non sono uguali,
Non si va a naso, qui c’è un progetto,
C’è l’ingegnere, c’è l’architetto.

Piero l’ghè piö, mé ma sènte mal,
L’è n’sèma a tacé n’fónt a la àl,
La diga la sé rumpida nèl mès,
L’ha portat vià i paés zó nèl Dès. [3]

Dove rombò la morte implacabile
S’alza l’augurio di giovinezza,
Segn’ di rivincita, simbol di lotta,
Pugna perenne tra uomo e natura.

Isè ghè scrìt söl so giornàl,
I fa i poeti, i töl pèr ól cöl,
I fa i sò afàré, i fa le magagne,
Dopo la culpa l’è dè lé montagne. [4]

Desideriamo, vostra maestà,
Una chiesetta dove pregar
Per i nostri morti ed insegnar
Ai figli a piangere e non a odiar.

N’gà ché i morcc amò de sótrà,
E stó preòst èl völ pèrdunà,
Ghè n’pé piö öna ca, ghè zó piö una sésa,
E lü l’domanda i sólcc pèr la césa. [5]

Chiedete troppo, scrive l’impresa,
Voi non potete aver la pretesa
Di noi ridurre miseri e tristi
Siate sensati, non egoisti.

Zó a Dès ìa cèntvotantòtt,
I paisà, nè rèstàt òt,
Dét a la àl gh’è sichsènto morcc,
E lur è lé ché i cönta amò i sólcc. [6]

Non ci fu dolo, non ci fu offesa,
Dice il collegio della difesa,
A far cadere muri e pilastri
Fu un attentato degli anarchisti.

Có l’aria che tira èl saltèra fò
Chè la culpa l’è nòsta sè l’è gnìda zó,
él sarà bél sè stó procés
I ghè l’fa mìa a chèi dèl Dès. [7]

Zitti: la legge è uguale per tutti,
Darem giustizia ai vostri lutti.
Sei sono assolti, ma due condannati
A ben tre anni, ma due condonati.

Zitti: la legge per tutti e uguale,
E tratta il ricco come il manovale
E la condanna a nessuno fa torto,
Un dì di pena per ogni morto.

Zitti: la legge per tutti e uguale,
E tratta il ricco come il manovale
E la condanna a nessuno fa torto,
Un dì di pena -quasi- per ogni morto.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PC_p5AtHTqo&t=52s

–—

Le 1er décembre 1923 à 6 h 30, un contrefort de l’une des voûtes se fissure et cède, entraînant la rupture des voûtes voisines. En quelques minutes, les 4 500 000 m3 du réservoir3 se déversent dans la vallée en contrebas, noyant totalement ou en partie les villages de #Bueggio, #Dezzo et #Corna_di_Darfo ainsi que la vallée jusqu’au lac d’Iseo, tuant au total 356 personnes4,2.

L’analyse du #barrage révèle que sa #rupture est due à un défaut de construction lié à l’emploi d’un #ciment de mauvaise qualité, à l’intégration dans les fondations d’un mur anti-grenade de la Première Guerre mondiale, à un mauvais ancrage des fondations dans le substrat rocheux3 et à un remplissage trop rapide du réservoir alors que le ciment n’était pas suffisamment durci et n’avait pas encore atteint sa résistance mécanique complète.

Une autre hypothèse est celle d’un attentat visant à endommager le barrage qui aurait eu des effets bien plus dévastateurs que prévu du fait de cette mauvaise construction5.

▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barrage_du_Gleno
#Gleno #tragédie #histoire #Italie #1_décembre_1923 #chanson #musique #musique_et_politique #Andrea_Polini #barrage_hydroélectrique #histoire #catastrophe

voir aussi :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1042729

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sbJs48B-zFA&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.antiwarsongs.or

https://www.antiwarsongs.org/img/upl/gleno23.jpg

Il sacco di cemento sulla schiena
pesa quanto la miseria della vita
i ferri tra le braccia di una madre
e il passo si fa rapido alle forge
ma i ferri sono corti
il cemento non fa presa.

Bastassero il lavoro e la fatica
da soli a tenere su quel muro
e intanto metti sassi e ancora sassi
continui a metter sabbia e ancora sabbia
ci vuole malta buona
per tenere su la diga

Gnirà giò ‘l Glen gnirà giò ‘l Glen
Verrà giù il Gleno verrà giù la diga

Ti svegli, è un brutto sogno, piove ancora
ha paura la tua bimba questa notte
non pensare alla minaccia oscura
all’acqua che adesso fa paura
come mille serpenti
che scendono dal muro

L’acqua continua ad uscire
e tu continua a sognare
non devi sapere figlia mia
che questa è una maledizione
è un segno dal cielo
è un segno di Dio

Ol ve giò ‘l Glen ol ve giò ‘l Glen
Viene giù il Gleno viene giù la diga

Il vento arriva all’improvviso
con un tuono sordo e disperato,
galleggia la casa dentro il fiume
Signore è venuta giù la diga
l’acqua scuote le rocce
porta via le case e le persone

Brucia anche l’acqua dentro il fuoco
scende a valle il fiume impazzito
corri forte e non ti voltare
corri forte per non vedere
e sali, sali ancora
per non morire

L’è gnìt giò ‘l Glen l’è gnìt giò ‘l Glen
È venuto giù il Gleno È venuta giù la diga

L’è gnìt giò ‘l Glen l’è gnìt giò ‘l Glen
Signore È venuta giù la diga

#Gleno #tragédie #histoire #Italie #1_décembre_1923 #chanson #musique #musique_et_politique #barrage_hydroélectrique #histoire #catastrophe #Giorgio_Cordini

v. aussi :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1042754

Israël commet-il un génocide à #Gaza ? Le compte rendu d’une #audience historique

Alors que les massacres israéliens à Gaza se poursuivent, l’Afrique du Sud a tenté de démontrer, jeudi 11 et vendredi 12 janvier devant la justice onusienne, qu’un génocide est en train d’être commis par Israël à Gaza.

« Une #calomnie », selon l’État hébreu.

Devant le palais de la Paix de #La_Haye (Pays-Bas), la bataille des #mots a commencé avant même l’audience. Jeudi 11 janvier au matin, devant la #Cour_de_justice_internationale_des_Nations_unies, des manifestants propalestiniens ont exigé un « cessez-le-feu immédiat » et dénoncé « l’#apartheid » en cours au Proche-Orient. Face à eux, des familles d’otages israélien·nes ont montré les photos de leurs proches kidnappés le 7 octobre par le Hamas.

Pendant deux jours, devant 17 juges internationaux, alors que les massacres israéliens à Gaza continuent de tuer, de déplacer et de mutiler des civils palestiniens (à 70 % des femmes et des enfants, selon les agences onusiennes), le principal organe judiciaire des Nations unies a examiné la requête, précise et argumentée, de l’Afrique du Sud, destinée à imposer au gouvernement israélien des « #mesures
_conservatoires » pour prévenir un génocide de la population palestinienne de Gaza.

La première et plus urgente de ces demandes est l’arrêt immédiat des #opérations_militaires israéliennes à Gaza. Les autres exigent des mesures urgentes pour cesser les tueries, les déplacements de population, faciliter l’accès à l’eau et à la nourriture, et prévenir tout génocide.

La cour a aussi entendu les arguments d’Israël, qui nie toute #intention_génocidaire et a martelé son « #droit_à_se_défendre, reconnu par le droit international ».

L’affaire ne sera pas jugée sur le fond avant longtemps. La décision sur les « mesures conservatoires », elle, sera rendue « dès que possible », a indiqué la présidente de la cour, l’États-Unienne #Joan_Donoghue.

Rien ne dit que les 17 juges (dont un Sud-Africain et un Israélien, Aharon Barak, ancien juge de la Cour suprême israélienne, de réputation progressiste mais qui n’a jamais critiqué la colonisation israélienne) donneront raison aux arguments de l’Afrique du Sud, soutenue dans sa requête par de nombreux États du Sud global. Et tout indique qu’une décision sanctionnant Israël serait rejetée par un ou plusieurs #vétos au sein du #Conseil_de_sécurité des Nations unies.

Cette #audience solennelle, retransmise sur le site de l’ONU (revoir les débats du jeudi 11 et ceux du vendredi 12), et relayée par de nombreux médias internationaux, a pourtant revêtu un caractère extrêmement symbolique, où se sont affrontées deux lectures radicalement opposées de la tragédie en cours à Gaza.

« Israël a franchi une limite »

Premier à prendre la parole, l’ambassadeur sud-africain aux Pays-Bas, #Vusi_Madonsela, a d’emblée replacé « les actes et omissions génocidaires commis par l’État d’Israël » dans une « suite continue d’#actes_illicites perpétrés contre le peuple palestinien depuis 1948 ».

Face aux juges internationaux, il a rappelé « la Nakba du peuple palestinien, conséquence de la #colonisation_israélienne qui a [...] entraîné la #dépossession, le #déplacement et la #fragmentation systématique et forcée du peuple palestinien ». Mais aussi une « #occupation qui perdure depuis cinquante-six ans, et le siège de seize ans imposé [par Israël] à la bande de Gaza ».

Il a décrit un « régime institutionnalisé de lois, de politiques et de pratiques discriminatoires, mises en place [par Israël – ndlr] pour établir sa #domination et soumettre le peuple palestinien à un apartheid », dénonçant des « décennies de violations généralisées et systématiques des #droits_humains ».

« En tendant la main aux Palestiniens, nous faisons partie d’une seule humanité », a renchéri le ministre de la justice sud-africain, #Ronald_Ozzy_Lamola, citant l’ancien président Nelson Mandela, figure de la lutte contre l’apartheid dans son pays.

D’emblée, il a tenté de déminer le principal argument du gouvernement israélien, selon lequel la procédure devant la Cour internationale de justice est nulle et non avenue, car Israël mènerait une #guerre_défensive contre le #Hamas, au nom du #droit_à_la_légitime_défense garanti par l’article 51 de la charte des Nations unies – un droit qui, selon la Cour internationale de justice, ne s’applique pas aux #Territoires_occupés. « Gaza est occupée. Israël a gardé le contrôle de Gaza. [...] Ses actions renforcent son occupation : la légitime défense ne s’applique pas », insistera un peu plus tard l’avocat Vaughan Lowe.

« L’Afrique du Sud, affirme le ministre sud-africain, condamne de manière catégorique la prise pour cibles de civils par le Hamas et d’autres groupes armés palestiniens le 7 octobre 2023. Cela étant dit, aucune attaque armée contre le territoire d’un État, aussi grave soit-elle, même marquée par la commission des #crimes atroces, ne saurait constituer la moindre justification ni le moindre prétexte, pour se rendre coupable d’une violation, ni sur le plan juridique ni sur le plan moral », de la #convention_des_Nations_unies_pour_la_prévention_et_la_répression_du_crime_de_génocide, dont est accusé l’État hébreu.

« La réponse d’Israël à l’attaque du 7 octobre, a-t-il insisté, a franchi cette limite. »

Un « génocide » au caractère « systématique »

#Adila_Hassim, principale avocate de l’Afrique du Sud, s’est évertuée à démontrer méthodiquement comment Israël a « commis des actes relevant de la définition d’#actes_de_génocide », dont elle a martelé le caractère « systématique ».

« Les Palestiniens sont tués, risquent la #famine, la #déshydratation, la #maladie, et ainsi la #mort, du fait du siège qu’Israël a organisé, de la #destruction des villes, d’une aide insuffisante autorisée à atteindre la population, et de l’impossibilité à distribuer cette maigre aide sous les #bombardements incessants, a-t-elle énuméré. Tout ceci rend impossible d’avoir accès aux éléments essentiels de la vie. »

Adila Hassim s’est attelée à démontrer en quoi la #guerre israélienne cochait les cases du génocide, tel qu’il est défini à l’article 2 de la convention onusienne : « Des actes commis dans l’intention de détruire, en tout ou en partie, un groupe national, ethnique, racial ou religieux. »

Le « meurtre des membres du groupe », premier élément du génocide ? Adila Hassim évoque le « meurtre de masse des Palestiniens », les « 23 000 victimes dont 70 % sont des femmes ou des enfants », et « les 7 000 disparus, présumés ensevelis sous les décombres ». « Il n’y a pas de lieu sûr à Gaza », dit-elle, une phrase empruntée aux responsables de l’ONU, répétée de nombreuses fois par la partie sud-africaine.

Hasssim dénonce « une des campagnes de bombardement les plus lourdes dans l’histoire de la guerre moderne » : « 6 000 bombes par semaine dans les trois premières semaines », avec des « #bombes de 900 kilos, les plus lourdes et les plus destructrices », campagne qui vise habitations, abris, écoles, mosquées et églises, dans le nord et le sud de la bande de Gaza, camps de réfugié·es inclus.

« Les Palestiniens sont tués quand ils cherchent à évacuer, quand ils n’ont pas évacué, quand ils ont pris la #fuite, même quand ils prennent les itinéraires présentés par Israël comme sécurisés. (...) Des centaines de familles plurigénérationelles ont été décimées, personne n’ayant survécu (...) Personne n’est épargné, pas même les nouveau-nés (...) Ces massacres ne sont rien de moins que la #destruction_de_la_vie_palestinienne, infligée de manière délibérée. » Selon l’avocate, il existe bien une #intention_de_tuer. « Israël, dit-elle, sait fort bien combien de civils perdent leur vie avec chacune de ces bombes. »

L’« atteinte grave à l’intégrité physique ou mentale de membres du groupe », et la « soumission intentionnelle du groupe à des conditions d’existence devant entraîner sa destruction physique totale ou partielle », autres éléments constitutifs du génocide ? Adila Hassim évoque « la mort et la #mutilation de 60 000 Palestiniens », les « civils palestiniens arrêtés et emmenés dans une destination inconnue », et détaille le « #déplacement_forcé de 85 % des Palestiniens de Gaza » depuis le 13 octobre, sans retour possible pour la plupart, et qui « répète une longue #histoire de #déplacements_forcés de masse ».

Elle accuse Israël de « vise[r] délibérément à provoquer la faim, la déshydratation et l’inanition à grande échelle » (93 % de la population souffrent d’un niveau critique de faim, selon l’Organisation mondiale de la santé), l’aide empêchée par les bombardements et qui « ne suffit tout simplement pas », l’absence « d’eau propre », le « taux d’épidémies et de maladies infectieuses qui s’envole », mais aussi « les attaques de l’armée israélienne prenant pour cible le système de santé », « déjà paralysé par des années de blocus, impuissant face au nombre de blessures ».

Elle évoque de nombreuses « naissances entravées », un autre élément constitutif du génocide.

« Les génocides ne sont jamais annoncés à l’avance, conclut-elle. Mais cette cour a devant elle 13 semaines de #preuves accumulées qui démontrent de manière irréfutable l’existence d’une #ligne_de_conduite, et d’#intentions qui s’y rapportent, justifiant une allégation plausible d’actes génocidaires. »

Une « #déshumanisation_systématique » par les dirigeants israéliens

Un autre avocat s’avance à la barre. Après avoir rappelé que « 1 % de la population palestinienne de Gaza a été systématiquement décimée, et qu’un Gazaoui sur 40 a été blessé depuis le 7 octobre », #Tembeka_Ngcukaitobi décortique les propos des autorités israéliennes.

« Les dirigeants politiques, les commandants militaires et les représentants de l’État d’Israël ont systématiquement et explicitement exprimé cette intention génocidaire, accuse-t-il. Ces déclarations sont ensuite reprises par des soldats, sur place à Gaza, au moment où ils anéantissent la population palestinienne et l’infrastructure de Gaza. »

« L’intention génocidaire spécifique d’Israël, résume-t-il, repose sur la conviction que l’ennemi n’est pas simplement le Hamas, mais qu’il est à rechercher au cœur même de la société palestinienne de Gaza. »

L’avocat multiplie les exemples, encore plus détaillés dans les 84 pages de la requête sud-africaine, d’une « intention de détruire Gaza aux plus hauts rangs de l’État » : celle du premier ministre, #Benyamin_Nétanyahou, qui, à deux reprises, a fait une référence à #Amalek, ce peuple que, dans la Bible (I Samuel XV, 3), Dieu ordonne d’exterminer ; celle du ministre de la défense, qui a comparé les Palestiniens à des « #animaux_humains » ; le président israélien #Isaac_Herzog, qui a jugé « l’entièreté de la nation » palestinienne responsable ; celle du vice-président de la Knesset, qui a appelé à « l’anéantissement de la bande de Gaza » (des propos condamnés par #Nétanyahou) ; ou encore les propos de nombreux élus et députés de la Knesset appelant à la destruction de Gaza.

Une « déshumanisation systématique », dans laquelle les « civils sont condamnés au même titre que le Hamas », selon Tembeka Ngcukaitobi.

« L’intention génocidaire qui anime ces déclarations n’est nullement ambiguë pour les soldats israéliens sur le terrain : elle guide leurs actes et leurs objectifs », poursuit l’avocat, qui diffuse devant les juges des vidéos où des soldats font eux aussi référence à Amalek, « se filment en train de commettre des atrocités contre les civils à Gaza à la manière des snuff movies », ou écoutent un réserviste de 95 ans les exhorter à « tirer une balle » sur leur « voisin arabe » et les encourager à une « destruction totale ».

L’avocat dénonce le « manquement délibéré de la part du gouvernement à son obligation de condamner, de prévenir et de réprimer une telle incitation au génocide ».

Après une plaidoirie technique sur la capacité à agir de l’Afrique du Sud, #John_Dugard insiste : « Gaza est devenu un #camp_de_concentration où un génocide est en cours. »

L’avocat sud-africain #Max_du_Plessis exhorte la cour à agir face à Israël, qui « depuis des années (...) s’estime au-delà et au-dessus de la loi », une négligence du droit rendue possible par l’#indifférence de la communauté internationale, qui a su, dans d’autres conflits (Gambie, Bosnie, Ukraine) décider qu’il était urgent d’agir.

« Gaza est devenu inhabitable », poursuit l’avocate irlandaise #Blinne_Ni_Ghralaigh. Elle énumère d’autres chiffres : « Au rythme actuel », égrène-t-elle, « 247 Palestiniens tués en moyenne chaque jour », dont « 48 mères » et « plus de 117 enfants », et « 629 blessés ». Elle évoque ces enfants dont toute la famille a été décimée, les secouristes, les enseignants, les universitaires et les journalistes tués dans des proportions historiques.

« Il s’agit, dit-elle, du premier génocide de l’Histoire dont les victimes diffusent leur propre destruction en temps réel, dans l’espoir vain que le monde fasse quelque chose. » L’avocate dévoile à l’écran les derniers mots du docteur #Mahmoud_Abu_Najela (Médecins sans frontières), tué le 23 novembre à l’hôpital Al-Awda, écrits au feutre sur un tableau blanc : « À ceux qui survivront. Nous avons fait ce que nous pouvons. Souvenez-vous de nous. »

« Le monde, conclut Blinne Ni Ghralaigh, devrait avoir #honte. »

La réponse d’Israël : une « calomnie »

Vendredi 12 janvier, les représentants d’Israël se sont avancés à la barre. Leur argumentation a reposé sur deux éléments principaux : un, la Cour internationale de justice n’a pas à exiger de « mesures conservatoires » car son armée ne commet aucun génocide ; deux, si génocide il y a, il a été commis par le Hamas le 7 octobre 2023.

Premier à prendre la parole, #Tal_Becker, conseiller juridique du ministère des affaires étrangères israélien, invoque l’Histoire, et le génocide infligé aux juifs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, « le meurtre systématique de 6 millions de juifs dans le cadre d’une destruction totale ».

« Israël, dit-il, a été un des premiers États à ratifier la convention contre le génocide. » « Pour Israël, insiste-t-il, “#jamais_plus” n’est pas un slogan, c’est une #obligation_morale suprême. »

Dans « une époque où on fait bon marché des mots, à l’heure des politiques identitaires et des réseaux sociaux », il dénonce une « #instrumentalisation » de la notion de génocide contre Israël.

Il attaque une présentation sud-africaine « totalement dénaturée des faits et du droit », « délibérément manipulée et décontextualisée du conflit actuel », qualifiée de « calomnie ».

Alors que les avocats sud-africains avaient expliqué ne pas intégrer les massacres du Hamas dans leur requête devant la justice onusienne, car « le Hamas n’est pas un État », Tal Becker estime que l’Afrique du Sud « a pris le parti d’effacer l’histoire juive et tout acte ou responsabilité palestiniens », et que les arguments avancés « ne se distinguent guère de ceux opposés par le Hamas dans son rejet d’Israël ». « L’Afrique du Sud entretient des rapports étroits avec le Hamas » et le « soutient », accuse-t-il.

« C’est une guerre qu’Israël n’a pas commencée », dit-il en revenant longuement, images et enregistrements à l’appui, sur les atrocités commises par le Hamas et d’autres groupes palestiniens le 7 octobre, « le plus important massacre de juifs en un jour depuis la #Shoah ».

« S’il y a eu des actes que l’on pourrait qualifier de génocidaires, [ils ont été commis] contre Israël », dit-il, évoquant le « #programme_d’annihilation » des juifs par le Hamas. « Israël ne veut pas détruire un peuple, poursuit-il. Mais protéger un peuple : le sien. »

Becker salue les familles d’otages israéliens présentes dans la salle d’audience, et montre certains visages des 130 personnes kidnappées dont le pays est toujours sans nouvelle. « Y a-t-il une raison de penser que les personnes que vous voyez à l’écran ne méritent pas d’être protégées ? », interroge-t-il.

Pour ce représentant de l’État israélien, la demande sud-africaine de mesures conservatoires revient à priver le pays de son droit à se défendre.

« Israël, poursuit-il, se défend contre le Hamas, le Djihad palestinien et d’autres organisations terroristes dont la brutalité est sans limite. Les souffrances sont tragiques, sont déchirantes. Les conséquences sont parfaitement atroces pour les civils du fait du comportement du Hamas, qui cherche à maximiser les pertes de civils alors qu’Israël cherche à les minorer. »

Becker s’attarde sur la « #stratégie_méprisable » du Hamas, une « méthode de guerre intégrée, planifiée, de grande ampleur et odieuse ». Le Hamas, accuse-t-il, « a, de manière systématique, fondu ses opérations militaires au sein de zones civiles densément peuplées », citant écoles, mosquées et hôpitaux, des « milliers de bâtiments piégés » et « utilisés à des fins militaires ».

Le Hamas « a fait entrer une quantité innombrable d’armes, a détourné l’aide humanitaire ». Remettant en cause le chiffre « non vérifié » de 23 000 victimes (pourtant confirmé par les Nations unies), Tal Becker estime que de nombreuses victimes palestiniennes sont des « militants » qui ont pu prendre « une part directe aux hostilités ». « Israël respecte le droit », martèle-t-il. « Si le Hamas abandonne cette stratégie, libère les otages, hostilités et violences prendront fin. »

Ponte britannique du droit, spécialiste des questions juridiques liées aux génocides, #Malcom_Shaw embraie, toujours en défense d’Israël. Son discours, technique, est parfois interrompu. Il se perd une première fois dans ses notes, puis soupçonne un membre de son équipe d’avoir « pris [sa] #plaidoirie pour un jeu de cartes ».

Shaw insiste : « Un conflit armé coûte des vies. » Mais Israël, dit-il, « a le droit de se défendre dans le respect du #droit_humanitaire », citant à l’audience les propos de la présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen, le 19 octobre 2023. Il poursuit : « L’#usage_de_la_force ne peut constituer en soi un acte génocidaire. » « Israël, jure-t-il, ne cible que les cibles militaires, et ceci de manière proportionnée dans chacun des cas. »

« Peu d’éléments démontrent qu’Israël a eu, ou a, l’intention de détruire tout ou partie du peuple palestinien », plaide-t-il. Shaw estime que nombre de propos tenus par des politiciens israéliens ne doivent pas être pris en compte, car ils sont « pris au hasard et sont sortis de leur contexte », parce qu’ils témoignent d’une « #détresse » face aux massacres du 7 octobre, et que ceux qui les ont prononcés n’appartiennent pas aux « autorités pertinentes » qui prennent les décisions militaires, à savoir le « comité ministériel chargé de la sécurité nationale » et le « cabinet de guerre ».

Pour étayer son argumentation, Shaw cite des directives (non publiques) de Benyamin Nétanyahou destinées, selon lui, à « éviter un désastre humanitaire », à proposer des « solutions pour l’approvisionnement en eau », « promouvoir la construction d’hôpitaux de campagne au sud de la bande de Gaza » ; les déclarations publiques de Benyamin Nétanyahou à la veille de l’audience (« Israël n’a pas l’intention d’occuper de façon permanente la bande de Gaza ou de déplacer sa population civile ») ; d’autres citations du ministre de la défense qui assure ne pas s’attaquer au peuple palestinien dans son ensemble.

« La requête de l’Afrique du Sud brosse un tableau affreux, mais incomplet et profondément biaisé », renchérit #Galit_Rajuan, conseillère au ministère de la justice israélien, qui revient longuement sur les #responsabilités du Hamas, sa stratégie militaire au cœur de la population palestinienne. « Dans chacun des hôpitaux que les forces armées israéliennes ont fouillés à Gaza, elles ont trouvé des preuves d’utilisation militaire par le Hamas », avance-t-elle, des allégations contestées.

« Certes, des dommages et dégâts ont été causés par les hostilités dans les hôpitaux, parfois par les forces armées israéliennes, parfois par le Hamas, reconnaît-elle, mais il s’agit des conséquences de l’utilisation odieuse de ces hôpitaux par le Hamas. »

Rajuan martèle enfin qu’Israël cherche à « atténuer les dommages causés aux civils » et à « faciliter l’aide humanitaire ». Des arguments connus, que de très nombreuses ONG, agences des Nations unies et journalistes gazaouis présents sur place réfutent régulièrement, et que les journalistes étrangers ne peuvent pas vérifier, faute d’accès à la bande de Gaza.

▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/120124/israel-commet-il-un-genocide-gaza-le-compte-rendu-d-une-audience-historiqu

Gaza, l’accusa di genocidio a Israele e la credibilità del diritto internazionale

Il Sudafrica ha chiesto l’intervento della Corte internazionale di giustizia dell’Aja per presunte violazioni di Israele della Convenzione sul genocidio del 1948. Triestino Mariniello, docente di Diritto penale internazionale alla John Moores University di Liverpool, presente alla storica udienza, aiuta a comprendere il merito e le prospettive

“Quello che sta succedendo all’Aja ha un significato che va oltre gli eventi in corso nella Striscia di Gaza. Viviamo un momento storico in cui la Corte internazionale di giustizia (Icj) ha anche la responsabilità di confermare se il diritto internazionale esiste ancora e se vale alla stessa maniera per tutti i Paesi, del Nord e del Sud del mondo”. A parlare è Triestino Mariniello, docente di Diritto penale internazionale alla John Moores University di Liverpool, già nel team legale delle vittime di Gaza di fronte alla Corte penale internazionale (Icc), che ha sede sempre all’Aja.

Non vanno confuse: l’aula di tribunale ripresa dalle tv di tutto il mondo l’11 e il 12 gennaio scorsi, infatti, con il team legale sudafricano schierato contro quello israeliano, è quella della Corte internazionale di giustizia, il massimo organo giudiziario delle Nazioni Unite, che si esprime sulle controversie tra Stati. L’Icc, invece, è indipendente e legifera sulle responsabilità penali individuali.

Il 29 dicembre scorso il Sudafrica ha chiesto l’intervento della prima per presunte violazioni da parte di Israele della Convenzione sul genocidio del 1948, nei confronti dei palestinesi della Striscia di Gaza. Un’udienza storica a cui Mariniello era presente.

Professore, qual era innanzi tutto l’atmosfera?
TM A mia memoria mai uno strumento del diritto internazionale ha avuto tanto sostegno e popolarità. C’erano centinaia, probabilmente migliaia di persone all’esterno della Corte, emittenti di tutto il mondo e apparati di sicurezza, inclusi droni ed elicotteri. Sentire anche le tv più conservatrici, come quelle statunitensi, parlare di Palestina e genocidio faceva comprendere ancora di più l’importanza storica dell’evento.

In estrema sintesi, quali sono gli elementi più importanti della tesi sudafricana?
TM Il Sudafrica sostiene che Israele abbia commesso atti di genocidio contro la popolazione di Gaza, ciò significa una serie di azioni previste dall’articolo 2 della Convenzione sul genocidio, effettuate con l’intento di distruggere del tutto o in parte un gruppo protetto, in questo caso i palestinesi di Gaza. Questi atti, per il Sudafrica, sono omicidi di massa, gravi lesioni fisiche o mentali e l’imposizione di condizioni di vita volte a distruggere i palestinesi, come l’evacuazione forzata di circa due milioni di loro, la distruzione di quasi tutto il sistema sanitario della Striscia, l’assedio totale all’inizio della guerra e la privazione di beni essenziali per la sopravvivenza. Ciò che caratterizza un genocidio rispetto ad altri crimini internazionali è il cosiddetto “intento speciale”, la volontà cioè di voler distruggere del tutto o in parte un gruppo protetto. È l’elemento più difficile da provare, ma credo che il Sudafrica in questo sia riuscito in maniera solida e convincente. Sia in aula sia all’interno della memoria di 84 pagine presentata, vi sono, infatti, una serie di dichiarazioni dei leader politici e militari israeliani, che proverebbero tale intento. Come quella del premier Benjamin Netanyahu che, a inizio guerra, ha invocato la citazione biblica di Amalek, che sostanzialmente significa: “Uccidete tutti gli uomini, le donne, i bambini e gli animali”. O una dichiarazione del ministro della Difesa, Yoav Gallant, che ha detto che a Gaza sono tutti “animali umani”. Queste sono classiche dichiarazioni deumanizzanti e la deumanizzazione è un passaggio caratterizzante tutti i genocidi che abbiamo visto nella storia dell’umanità.

Qual è stata invece la linea difensiva israeliana?
TM Diciamo che l’impianto difensivo di Israele è basato su tre pilastri: il fatto che quello di cui lo si accusa è stato eseguito da Hamas il 7 ottobre; il concetto di autodifesa, cioè che quanto fatto a Gaza è avvenuto in risposta a tale attacco e, infine, che sono state adottate una serie di precauzioni per limitare l’impatto delle ostilità sulla popolazione civile. Israele, inoltre, ha sollevato il tema della giurisdizione della Corte, mettendola in discussione, in quanto non vi sarebbe una disputa in corso col Sudafrica. Su questo la Corte si dovrà pronunciare, ma a tal proposito è stato ricordato come Israele sia stato contattato dal Sudafrica in merito all’accusa di genocidio e non abbia risposto. Questo, per l’accusa, varrebbe come disputa in corso.

Che cosa chiede il Sudafrica?
TM In questo momento l’accusa non deve dimostrare che sia stato commesso un genocidio, ma che sia plausibile. Questa non è un’udienza nel merito, siamo in una fase d’urgenza, ma di richiesta di misure cautelari. Innanzitutto chiede il cessate fuoco, poi la rescissione di tutti gli ordini che possono costituire atti di genocidio. Si domanda alla Corte di imporre un ordine a Israele per preservare tutte le prove che potrebbero essere utili per indagini future e di porre fine a tutti gli atti di cui il Sudafrica lo ritiene responsabile.

Come valuta le due memorie?
TM La deposizione del Sudafrica è molto solida e convincente, sia in merito agli atti genocidi sia all’intento genocidiario. E credo che anche alla luce dei precedenti della Corte lasci veramente poco spazio di manovra. Uno dei punti di forza è che fornisce anche una serie di prove in merito a quello che è successo e che sta accadendo a Gaza: le dichiarazioni dei politici israeliani, cioè, hanno ricevuto un’implementazione sul campo. Sono stati mostrati dei video di militari, ad esempio, che invocavano Amalek, la citazione di Netanyahu.

In realtà il Sudafrica non si limita allo scontro in atto, ma parla di una sorta Nakba (l’esodo forzato dei palestinesi) ininterrotto.
TM Ogni giurista dovrebbe sempre analizzare qualsiasi ostilità all’interno di un contesto e per questo il Sudafrica fa riferimento a 75 anni di Nakba, a 56 di occupazione militare israeliana e a 16 anni di assedio della Striscia.

Come valuta la difesa israeliana?
TM Come detto, tutto viene ricondotto all’attacco di Hamas del 7 ottobre e a una risposta di autodifesa rispetto a tale attacco. Ma esiste sempre un contesto per il diritto penale internazionale e l’autodifesa -che per uno Stato occupante non può essere invocata- non può comunque giustificare un genocidio. L’altro elemento sottolineato dal team israeliano, delle misure messe in atto per ridurre l’impatto sui civili, è sembrato più retorico che altro: quanto avvenuto negli ultimi tre mesi smentisce tali dichiarazioni. Basti pensare alla privazione di beni essenziali e a tutte le informazioni raccolte dalle organizzazioni internazionali e dagli organismi delle Nazioni Unite. A Gaza non esistono zone sicure, ci sono stati casi in cui la popolazione evacuata, rifugiatasi nelle zone indicate da Israele, è stata comunque bombardata.

Ora che cosa pensa succederà?
TM La mia previsione è che la Corte si pronuncerà sulle misure cautelari entro la fine di gennaio e l’inizio di febbraio, quando alcuni giudici decadranno e saranno sostituiti. In alcuni casi ha impiegato anche solo otto giorni per pronunciarsi. Ora ci sono delle questioni procedurali, altri Stati stanno decidendo di costituirsi a sostegno di Israele o del Sudafrica.

Che cosa implica tale sostegno?
TM La possibilità di presentare delle memorie. La Germania sosterrà Israele, il Brasile, i Paesi della Lega Araba, molti Stati sudamericani, ma non solo, si stanno schierando con il Sudafrica.

Il ministro degli Esteri italiano, Antonio Tajani, ha dichiarato che non si tratta di genocidio.
TM L’Italia non appoggerà formalmente Israele dinnanzi all’Icj. La Francia sarà neutrale. I Paesi del Global South stanno costringendo quelli del Nord a verificare la credibilità del diritto internazionale: vale per tutti o è un diritto à la carte?

Se la Corte decidesse per il cessate il fuoco, quali sarebbero le conseguenze, visto che non ha potere politico?
TM Il parere della Corte è giuridicamente vincolante. Il problema è effettivamente di esecuzione: nel caso di un cessate il fuoco, se non fosse Israele ad attuarlo, dovrebbe intervenire il Consiglio di sicurezza.

Con il rischio del veto statunitense.
TM Siamo sul terreno delle speculazioni, ma se la Corte dovesse giungere alla conclusione che Israele è responsabile di un genocidio a Gaza, onestamente riterrei molto difficile un altro veto degli Stati Uniti. È difficile al momento prevedere gli effetti dirompenti di un’eventuale decisione positiva della Corte. Certo è che, quando si parla di Israele, la comunità internazionale, nel senso dei Paesi occidentali, ha creato uno stato di eccezione, che ha sempre posto Israele al di sopra del diritto internazionale, senza rendersi conto che le situazioni violente che viviamo in quel contesto sono il frutto di questo eccezionalismo anche a livello giuridico. Fino a quando si andrà avanti con questo contesto di impunità non finiranno le spirali di violenza.

▻https://altreconomia.it/gaza-laccusa-di-genocidio-a-israele-e-la-credibilita-del-diritto-intern

La Cour internationale de justice ordonne à Israël d’empêcher un génocide à Gaza

Selon la plus haute instance judiciaire internationale, « il existe un #risque réel et imminent qu’un préjudice irréparable soit causé » aux Palestiniens de Gaza. La Cour demande à Israël de « prendre toutes les mesures en son pouvoir pour prévenir la commission […] de tout acte » de génocide. Mais n’appelle pas au cessez-le-feu.

Même si elle n’a aucune chance d’être appliquée sur le terrain, la #décision prise vendredi 26 janvier par la plus haute instance judiciaire des Nations unies marque incontestablement un tournant dans la guerre au Proche-Orient. Elle intervient après quatre mois de conflit déclenché par l’attaque du Hamas le 7 octobre 2023, qui a fait plus de 1 200 morts et des milliers de blessés, conduit à la prise en otage de 240 personnes, et entraîné l’offensive israélienne dans la bande de Gaza, dont le dernier bilan s’élève à plus de 25 000 morts.

La Cour internationale de justice (CIJ), basée à La Haye (Pays-Bas), a expliqué, par la voix de sa présidente, la juge Joan Donoghue, « être pleinement consciente de l’ampleur de la #tragédie_humaine qui se joue dans la région et nourri[r] de fortes #inquiétudes quant aux victimes et aux #souffrances_humaines que l’on continue d’y déplorer ». Elle a ordonné à Israël de « prendre toutes les #mesures en son pouvoir pour prévenir la commission à l’encontre des Palestiniens de Gaza de tout acte » de génocide.

« Israël doit veiller avec effet immédiat à ce que son armée ne commette aucun des actes » de génocide, affirme l’#ordonnance. Elle « considère également qu’Israël doit prendre toutes les mesures en son pouvoir pour prévenir et punir l’incitation directe et publique à commettre le génocide à l’encontre des membres du groupe des Palestiniens de la bande de Gaza ».

La cour de La Haye, saisie à la suite d’une plainte de l’Afrique du Sud, demande « en outre » à l’État hébreu de « prendre sans délai des #mesures_effectives pour permettre la fourniture des services de base et de l’#aide_humanitaire requis de toute urgence afin de remédier aux difficiles conditions d’existence auxquelles sont soumis les Palestiniens de la bande de Gaza ».

Enfin, l’ordonnance de la CIJ ordonne aux autorités israéliennes de « prendre des mesures effectives pour prévenir la destruction et assurer la conservation des #éléments_de_preuve relatifs aux allégations d’actes » de génocide.

La juge #Joan_Donoghue, qui a donné lecture de la décision, a insisté sur son caractère provisoire, qui ne préjuge en rien de son futur jugement sur le fond des accusations d’actes de génocide. Celles-ci ne seront tranchées que dans plusieurs années, après instruction.

La cour « ne peut, à ce stade, conclure de façon définitive sur les faits » et sa décision sur les #mesures_conservatoires « laisse intact le droit de chacune des parties de faire valoir à cet égard ses moyens » en vue des audiences sur le fond, a-t-elle poursuivi.

Elle considère cependant que « les faits et circonstances » rapportés par les observateurs « suffisent pour conclure qu’au moins certains des droits » des Palestiniens sont mis en danger et qu’il existe « un risque réel et imminent qu’un préjudice irréparable soit causé ».

Environ 70 % de #victimes_civiles

La CIJ avait été saisie le 29 décembre 2023 par l’Afrique du Sud qui, dans sa requête, accuse notamment Israël d’avoir violé l’article 2 de la Convention de 1948 sur le génocide, laquelle interdit, outre le meurtre, « l’atteinte grave à l’intégrité physique ou mentale de membres du groupe » visé par le génocide, l’imposition de « conditions d’existence devant entraîner sa destruction physique totale ou partielle » ou encore les « mesures visant à entraver les naissances au sein du groupe ».

Le recours décrit longuement une opération militaire israélienne qualifiée d’« exceptionnellement brutale », « tuant des Palestiniens à Gaza, incluant une large proportion de femmes et d’enfants – pour un décompte estimé à environ 70 % des plus de 21 110 morts [au moment de la rédaction du recours par l’Afrique du Sud – ndlr] –, certains d’entre eux apparaissant avoir été exécutés sommairement ».

Il soulignait également les conséquences humanitaires du déplacement massif des populations et de la destruction massive de logements et d’équipements publics, dont des écoles et des hôpitaux.

Lors des deux demi-journées d’audience, jeudi 11 et vendredi 12 janvier, le conseiller juridique du ministère des affaires étrangères israélien, Tal Becker, avait dénoncé une « instrumentalisation » de la notion de génocide et qualifié l’accusation sud-africaine de « calomnie ».

« C’est une guerre qu’Israël n’a pas commencée », avait poursuivi le représentant israélien, affirmant que « s’il y a eu des actes que l’on pourrait qualifier de génocidaires, [ils ont été commis] contre Israël ». « Israël ne veut pas détruire un peuple mais protéger un peuple : le sien. »
Gaza, « lieu de mort et de désespoir »

La CIJ, de son côté, a fondé sa décision sur les différents rapports et constatations fournis par des organisations internationales. Elle cite notamment la lettre du 5 janvier 2024 du secrétaire général adjoint aux affaires humanitaires de l’ONU, Martin Griffiths, décrivant la bande de Gaza comme un « lieu de mort et de désespoir ».

L’ordonnance rappelle qu’un communiqué de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) du 21 décembre 2023 s’alarmait du fait que « 93 % de la population de Gaza, chiffre sans précédent, est confrontée à une situation de crise alimentaire ».

Le 12 janvier 2024, c’est l’Office de secours et de travaux des Nations unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine dans le Proche-Orient (UNRWA) qui lançait un cri d’alerte. « Cela fait maintenant 100 jours que cette guerre dévastatrice a commencé, que la population de Gaza est décimée et déplacée, suite aux horribles attaques perpétrées par le Hamas et d’autres groupes contre la population en Israël », s’alarmait-il.

L’ordonnance souligne, en miroir, les multiples déclarations de responsables israéliens assumant une répression sans pitié dans la bande de Gaza, si nécessaire au prix de vies civiles. Elle souligne que des rapporteurs spéciaux des Nations unies ont même pu s’indigner de « la rhétorique manifestement génocidaire et déshumanisante de hauts responsables du gouvernement israélien ».

La CIJ pointe par exemple les propos du ministre de la défense Yoav Gallant du 9 octobre 2023 annonçant « un siège complet de la ville de Gaza », avant d’affirmer : « Nous combattons des animaux humains. »

Le 12 octobre, c’est le président israélien Isaac Herzog qui affirmait : « Tous ces beaux discours sur les civils qui ne savaient rien et qui n’étaient pas impliqués, ça n’existe pas. Ils auraient pu se soulever, ils auraient pu lutter contre ce régime maléfique qui a pris le contrôle de Gaza. »

Et, à la vue des intentions affichées par les autorités israéliennes, les opérations militaires dans la bande de Gaza ne sont pas près de s’arrêter. « La Cour considère que la situation humanitaire catastrophique dans la bande de Gaza risque fort de se détériorer encore avant qu’elle rende son arrêt définitif », affirme l’ordonnance.

« À la lumière de ce qui précède, poursuivent les juges, la Cour considère qu’il y a urgence en ce sens qu’il existe un risque réel et imminent qu’un préjudice irréparable soit causé aux droits qu’elle a jugés plausibles avant qu’elle ne rende sa décision définitive. »

Si la décision de la CIJ est juridiquement contraignante, la Cour n’a pas la capacité de la faire appliquer. Cependant, elle est incontestablement une défaite diplomatique pour Israël.

Présente à La Haye, la ministre des relations internationales et de la coopération d’Afrique du Sud, Naledi Pandor, a pris la parole à la sortie de l’audience. Si elle a regretté que les juges n’aient pas appelé à un cessez-le-feu, elle s’est dite « satisfaite que les mesures provisoires » réclamées par son pays aient « fait l’objet d’une prise en compte » par la Cour, et qu’Israël doive fournir un rapport d’ici un mois. Pour l’Afrique du Sud, lancer cette plainte, a-t-elle expliqué, « était une façon de s’assurer que les organismes internationaux exercent leur responsabilité de nous protéger tous, en tant que citoyens du monde global ».

Comme l’on pouvait s’y attendre, les autorités israéliennes ont vivement critiqué les ordonnances d’urgence réclamées par les juges de La Haye. Si le premier ministre, Benyamin Nétanyahou, s’est réjoui de ce que ces derniers n’aient pas réclamé, comme le demandait l’Afrique du Sud, de cessez-le-feu – « Comme tout pays, Israël a le droit fondamental de se défendre. La CIJ de La Haye a rejeté à juste titre la demande scandaleuse visant à nous priver de ce droit », a-t-il dit –, il a eu des mots très durs envers l’instance : « La simple affirmation selon laquelle Israël commet un génocide contre les Palestiniens n’est pas seulement fausse, elle est scandaleuse, et la volonté de la Cour d’en discuter est une honte qui ne sera pas effacée pendant des générations. »

Il a affirmé vouloir continuer « à défendre [ses] citoyens dans le respect du droit international ». « Nous poursuivrons cette guerre jusqu’à la victoire absolue, jusqu’à ce que tous les otages soient rendus et que Gaza ne soit plus une menace pour Israël », a ajouté Nétanyahou.

Jeudi, à la veille de la décision de la CIJ, le New York Times avait révélé que les autorités israéliennes avaient fourni aux juges de La Haye une trentaine de documents déclassifiés, censés démonter l’accusation de génocide, parmi lesquels « des résumés de discussions ministérielles datant de la fin du mois d’octobre, au cours desquelles le premier ministre Benyamin Nétanyahou a ordonné l’envoi d’aide, de carburant et d’eau à Gaza ».

Cependant, souligne le quotidien états-unien, les documents « ne comprennent pas les ordres des dix premiers jours de la guerre, lorsqu’Israël a bloqué l’aide à Gaza et coupé l’accès à l’électricité et à l’eau qu’il fournit normalement au territoire ».

Nul doute que cette décision de la plus haute instance judiciaire des Nations unies va renforcer les appels en faveur d’un cessez-le-feu. Après plus de quatre mois de combats et un bilan lourd parmi la population civile gazaouie, Nétanyahou n’a pas atteint son objectif d’éradiquer le mouvement islamiste. Selon les Israéliens eux-mêmes, près de 70 % des forces militaires du Hamas sont intactes. De plus, les familles d’otages toujours aux mains du Hamas ou d’autres groupes islamistes de l’enclave maintiennent leurs pressions.

Le ministre palestinien des affaires étrangères Riyad al-Maliki s’est réjoui d’une décision de la CIJ « en faveur de l’humanité et du droit international », ajoutant que la communauté international avait désormais « l’obligation juridique claire de mettre fin à la guerre génocidaire d’Israël contre le peuple palestinien de Gaza et de s’assurer qu’elle n’en est pas complice ». Le ministre de la justice sud-africain Ronald Lamola, cité par l’agence Reuters, a salué, lui, « une victoire pour le droit international ». « Israël ne peut être exempté du respect de ses obligations internationales », a-t-il ajouté.

De son côté, la Commission européenne a appelé Israël et le Hamas à se conformer à la décision de la CIJ. L’Union européenne « attend leur mise en œuvre intégrale, immédiate et effective », a-t-elle souligné dans un communiqué.

La France avait fait entendre pourtant il y a quelques jours une voix discordante. Le ministre des affaires étrangères Stéphane Séjourné avait déclaré, à l’Assemblée nationale, qu’« accuser l’État juif de génocide, c’est franchir un seuil moral ». Dans un communiqué publié après la décision de la CIJ, le ministère a annoncé son intention de déposer des observations sur l’interprétation de la Convention de 1948, comme le lui permet la procédure. « [La France] indiquera notamment l’importance qu’elle attache à ce que la Cour tienne compte de la gravité exceptionnelle du crime de génocide, qui nécessite l’établissement d’une intention. Comme le ministre de l’Europe et des affaires étrangères a eu l’occasion de le noter, les mots doivent conserver leur sens », indique le texte.

Les États-Unis ont estimé que la décision était conforme à la position états-unienne, exprimée à plusieurs reprises par Joe Biden à son allié israélien, de réduire les souffrances des civils de Gaza et d’accroître l’aide humanitaire. Cependant, a expliqué un porte-parole du département d’État, les États-Unis continuent « de penser que les allégations de génocide sont infondées » et notent « que la Cour n’a pas fait de constat de génocide, ni appelé à un cessez-le-feu dans sa décision, et qu’elle a appelé à la libération inconditionnelle et immédiate de tous les otages détenus par le Hamas ».

C’est dans ce contexte que se déroulent des discussions pour obtenir une trêve prolongée, la deuxième après celle de novembre, qui avait duré une semaine et permis la libération de plusieurs dizaines d’otages.

Selon les médias états-uniens, Israël a proposé une trêve de 60 jours et la libération progressive des otages encore retenu·es. Selon ce projet, a affirmé CNN, les dirigeants du Hamas pourraient quitter l’enclave. Selon la chaîne d’informations américaine, « des responsables américains et internationaux au fait des négociations ont déclaré que l’engagement récent d’Israël et du Hamas dans des pourparlers était encourageant, mais qu’un accord n’était pas imminent ».

Le Washington Post a révélé jeudi que le président américain Joe Biden allait envoyer dans les prochains jours en Europe le directeur de la CIA, William Burns, pour tenter d’obtenir un accord. Il devrait rencontrer les chefs des services de renseignement israélien et égyptien, David Barnea et Abbas Kamel, et le premier ministre qatari Mohammed ben Abdulrahman al-Thani. Vendredi soir, l’Agence France-Presse (AFP) a affirmé qu’ils se retrouveraient « dans les tout prochains jours à Paris », citant « une source sécuritaire d’un État impliqué dans les négociations ».

▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/260124/la-cour-internationale-de-justice-ordonne-israel-d-empecher-un-genocide-ga

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/ea59ea880-d2aad0/aMPMFSuEDMZ9/oCcNM0uiECTytq4tENboq1vrNnOubMRSA5VH0z7R.png

The dance that give life’
Upon Lampedusa’s rocky shore they came,
From Sub-Saharan lands, hearts aflame,
Chasing dreams, fleeing despair,
In search of a life that’s fair.

Hunger gnawed, thirst clawed, bodies beat,
Brutality’s rhythm, a policeman’s merciless feat,
Yet within their spirits, a melody stirred,
A refuge in humour where hope’s not deferred.

Their laughter echoed ’cross the tiny island,
In music and dance, they made a home,
In the face of adversity, they sang their songs,
In unity and rhythm, they proved their wrongs.

A flood of souls, on Lampedusa’s strand,
Ignited debates across the land,
Politicians’ tongues twisted in spite,
Racist rhetoric veiled as right.

Yet, the common people, with curious gaze,
Snared in the web of fear’s daze,
Chose not to see the human plight,
But the brainwash of bigotry’s might.

Yet still, the survivor’s spirit shines bright,
In the face of inhumanity, they recite,
Their music, their dance, their undying humour,
A testament to resilience, amid the rumour and hate.

For they are not just numbers on a page,
But humans, life stories, not a stage,
Their journey not over, their tale still unspun,
On the horizon, a new day begun.

Written by @Yambiodavid

▻https://twitter.com/RefugeesinLibya/status/1702595772603138331
#danse #fête

L’imbroglio del governo oltre la propaganda

Le politiche europee e italiane di esternalizzazione dei controlli di frontiera con il coinvolgimento di paesi terzi, ritenuti a torto “sicuri”, sono definitivamente fallite.

La tragedia umanitaria in corso a Lampedusa, l’ennesima dalle “primavere arabe” del 2011 ad oggi, dimostra che dopo gli accordi di esternalizzazione, con la cessione di motovedette e con il supporto alle attività di intercettazione in mare, in collaborazione con Frontex, come si è fatto con la Tunisia e con la Libia (o con quello che ne rimane come governo di Tripoli), le partenze non diminuiscono affatto, ed anzi, fino a quando il meteo lo permette, sono in continuo aumento.

Si sono bloccate con i fermi amministrativi le navi umanitarie più grandi, ma questo ha comportato un aumento degli “arrivi autonomi” e l’impossibilità di assegnare porti di sbarco distribuiti nelle città più grandi della Sicilia e della Calabria, come avveniva fino al 2017, prima del Codice di condotta Minniti e dell’attacco politico-giudiziario contro il soccorso civile.

La caccia “su scala globale” a trafficanti e scafisti si è rivelata l’ennesimo annuncio propagandistico, anche se si dà molta enfasi alla intensificazione dei controlli di polizia e agli arresti di presunti trafficanti ad opera delle autorità di polizia e di guardia costiera degli Stati con i quali l’Italia ha stipulato accordi bilaterali finalizzati al contrasto dell’immigrazione “clandestina”. Se Salvini ha le prove di una guerra contro l’Italia, deve esibirle, altrimenti pensi al processo di Palermo sul caso Open Arms, per difendersi sui fatti contestati, senza sfruttare il momento per ulteriori sparate propagandistiche.

Mentre si riaccende lo scontro nella maggioranza, è inutile incolpare l’Unione europea, dopo che la Meloni e Piantedosi hanno vantato di avere imposto un “cambio di passo” nelle politiche migratorie dell’Unione, mente invece hanno solo rafforzato accordi bilaterali già esistenti.

Le politiche europee e italiane di esternalizzazione dei controlli di frontiera con il coinvolgimento di paesi terzi, ritenuti a torto “sicuri”, sono definitivamente fallite, gli arrivi delle persone che fuggono da aree geografiche sempre più instabili, per non parlare delle devastazioni ambientali, non sono diminuiti per effetto degli accordi bilaterali o multilaterali con i quali si è cercato di offrire aiuti economici in cambio di una maggiore collaborazione sulle attività di polizia per la sorveglianza delle frontiere. Dove peraltro la corruzione, i controlli mortali, se non gli abusi sulle persone migranti, si sono diffusi in maniera esponenziale, senza che alcuna autorità statale si dimostrasse in grado di fare rispettare i diritti fondamentali e le garanzie che dovrebbe assicurare a qualsiasi persona uno Stato democratico quando negozia con un paese terzo. Ed è per questa ragione che gli aiuti previsti dal Memorandum Tunisia-Ue non sono ancora arrivati e il Piano Mattei per l’Africa, sul quale Meloni e Piantedosi hanno investito tutte le loro energie, appare già fallito.

Di fronte al fallimento sul piano internazionale è prevedibile una ulteriore stretta repressiva. Si attende un nuovo pacchetto sicurezza, contro i richiedenti asilo provenienti da paesi terzi “sicuri” per i quali, al termine di un sommario esame delle domande di protezione durante le “procedure accelerate in frontiera”, dovrebbero essere previsti “rimpatri veloci”. Come se non fossero certi i dati sul fallimento delle operazioni di espulsione e di rimpatrio di massa.

Se si vogliono aiutare i paesi colpiti da terremoti e alluvioni, ma anche quelli dilaniati da guerre civili alimentate dalla caccia alle risorse naturali di cui è ricca l’Africa, occorrono visti umanitari, evacuazione dei richiedenti asilo presenti in Libia e Tunisia, ma anche in Niger, e sospensione immediata di tutti gli accordi stipulati per bloccare i migranti in paesi dove non si garantisce il rispetto dei diritti umani. Occorre una politica estera capace di mediare i conflitti e non di aggravarne gli esiti. Vanno aperti canali legali di ingresso senza delegare a paesi terzi improbabili blocchi navali. Per salvare vite, basta con la propaganda elettorale.

▻https://ilmanifesto.it/limbroglio-del-governo-oltre-la-propaganda/r/2aUycOowSerL2VxgLCD9N

The fall of the Lampedusa Hotspot, people’s freedom and locals’ solidarity

▻https://2196af27df.clvaw-cdnwnd.com/1b76f9dfff36cde79df962be70636288/200000912-464e9464ec/DSC09012.webp?ph=2196af27df

A few weeks ago, the owner of one of the bars in the old port, was talking about human trafficking and money laundering between institutions and NGOs in relation to what had happened during that day. It was the evening of Thursday 24 August and Lampedusa had been touched by yet another ’exceptional’ event: 64 arrivals in one day. Tonight, in that same bar in the old port, a young Tunisian boy was sitting at a table and together with that same owner, albeit in different languages, exchanging life stories.

What had been shaken in Lampedusa, in addition to the collapse of the Hotspot , is the collapse of the years long segregation system, which had undermined anypotential encounter with newly arrived people. A segregation that also provided fertile ground for conspiracy theories about migration, reducing people on the move to either victims or perpetrators of an alleged ’migration crisis’.

Over the past two days, however, without police teams in manhunt mode, Lampedusa streets, public spaces, benches and bars, have been filled with encounters, conversations, pizzas and coffees offered by local inhabitants. Without hotspots and segregation mechanisms, Lampedusa becomes a space for enriching encounters and spontaneus acts of solidarity between locals and newly arrived people. Trays of fish ravioli, arancini, pasta, rice and couscous enter the small room next to the church, where volunteers try to guarantee as many meals as possible to people who, taken to the hotspot after disembarkation, had been unable to access food and water for three days. These scenes were unthinkable only a few days before. Since the beginning of the pandemic, which led to the end of the era of the ’hotspot with a hole’, newly-arrived people could not leave the detention centre, and it became almost impossible to imagine an open hotspot, with people walking freely through the city. Last night, 14 September, on Via Roma, groups of people who would never have met last week danced together with joy and complicity.

These days, practice precedes all rhetoric, and what is happening shows that Lampedusa can be a beautiful island in the Mediterranean Sea rather than a border, that its streets can be a place of welcoming and encounter without a closed centre that stifles any space for self-managed solidarity.

The problem is not migration but the mechanism used to manage it.

The situation for the thousands of people who have arrived in recent days remains worrying and precarious. In Contrada Imbriacola, even tonight, people are sleeping on the ground or on cots next to the buses that will take them to the ships for transfers in the morning. Among the people, besides confusion and misinformation, there is a lot of tiredness and fatigue. There are many teenagers and adolescents and many children and pregnant women. There are no showers or sanitary facilities, and people still complain about the inaccessibility of food and water; the competitiveness during food distributions disheartens many because of the tension involved in queuing. The fights that broke out two days ago are an example of this, and since that event most of the workers of all the associations present in the centre have been prevented from entering for reasons of security and guaranteeing their safety.

If the Red Cross and the Prefecture do not want to admit their responsibilities, these are blatant before our eyes and it is not only the images of 7000 people that prove this, but the way situations are handled due to an absolute lack of personnel and, above all, confusion at organisational moments.

▻https://2196af27df.clvaw-cdnwnd.com/1b76f9dfff36cde79df962be70636288/200000932-250b0250b2/DSC08952-8.webp?ph=2196af27df

A police commissioner tried unsuccessfully to get only a few people into the bus. The number and determination to leave of the newly arrived people is reformulating the very functioning of the transfers.

A police commissioner tried unsuccessfully to get only a few people into the bus. The number and determination to leave of the newly arrived people is reformulating the very functioning of the transfers.

During transfers yesterday morning, the carabinieri charged to move people crowded around a departing bus. The latter, at the cost of moving, performed a manoeuvre that squeezed the crowd against a low wall, creating an extremely dangerous situation ( video). All the people who had been standing in line for hours had to move chaotically, creating a commotion from which a brawl began in which at least one person split his eyebrow. Shortly before, one of the police commissioners had tried something different by creating a human caterpillar - people standing in line with their hands on their shoulders - in order to lead them into a bus, but once the doors were opened, other people pounced into it literally jamming it (photo). In other words, people are trudging along at the cost of others’ psycho-physical health.

In yesterday evening’s transfer on 14 September (photo series with explanation), 300 people remained at the commercial dock from the morning to enter the Galaxy ship at nine o’clock in the evening. Against these 300 people, just as many arrived from the hotspot to board the ship or at least to try to do so.

The tension, especially among those in control, was palpable; the marshals who remained on the island - the four patrols of the police force were all engaged for the day’s transfers - ’lined up’ between one group and another with the aim of avoiding any attempt to jump on the ship. In reality, people, including teenagers and families with children, hoped until the end to board the ship. No one told them otherwise until all 300 people passed through the only door left open to access the commercial pier. These people were promised that they would leave the next day. Meanwhile, other people from the hotspot have moved to the commercial pier and are spending the night there.

People are demanding to leave and move freely. Obstructing rather than supporting this freedom of movement will lead people and territories back to the same impasses they have regularly experienced in recent years. The hotspot has collapsed, but other forms of borders remain that obstruct something as simple as personal self-determination. Forcing is the source of all problems, not freedom.

Against all forms of borders, for freedom of movement for all.

▻https://www.maldusa.org/l/the-fall-of-the-lampedusa-hotspot-people-s-freedom-and-locals-solidarity

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#Video: Lampedusa on the 14th September

–-> ▻https://vimeo.com/864806349

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#Lampedusa #hotspot #soilidarity #Maldusa

Lampedusa’s Hotspot System: From Failure to Nonexistence

After a few days of bad weather, with the return of calm seas, people on the move again started to leave and cross the Mediterranean from Tunisia and Libya.

During the day of 12 September alone, 110 iron, wooden and rubber boats arrived. 110 small boats, for about 5000 people in twenty-four hours. Well over the ’record’ of 60 that had astonished many a few weeks ago. Numbers not seen for years, and which add up to the approximately 120,000 people who have reached Italy since January 2023 alone: already 15,000 more than the entire year 2022.

It has been a tense few days at the Favaloro pier, where people have been crowded for dozens of hours under the scorching sun.

Some, having passed the gates and some rocks, jumped into the water in an attempt to find some coolness, reaching some boats at anchor and asking for water to drink.

It pains and angers us that the police in riot gear are the only real response that seems to have been given.

On the other hand, hundreds of people, who have arrived in the last two days on the Lampedusa coast, are walking through the streets of the town, crossing and finally reclaiming public space. The hotspot, which could accommodate 389, in front of 7000 people, has simply blown up. That is, it has opened.

The square in front of the church was transformed, as it was years ago, into a meeting place where locals organised the distribution of food they had prepared, thanks also to the solidarity of bakers and restaurateurs who provided what they could.

A strong and fast wave of solidarity: it seems incredible to see people on the move again, sharing space, moments and words with Lampedusians, activists from various organisations and tourists. Of course, there is also no shortage of sad and embarrassing situations, in which some tourists - perhaps secretly eager to meet ’the illegal immigrants’ - took pictures of themselves capturing these normally invisible and segregated chimeras.

In fact, all these people would normally never meet, kept separate and segregated by the hotspot system.

But these days a hotspot system seems to no longer exist, or to have completely broken down, in Lampedusa. It has literally been occupied by people on the move, sleeping inside and outside the centre, on the road leading from the entrance gate to the large car park, and in the abandoned huts around, and in every nook and cranny.

Basic goods, such as water and food, are not enough. Due to the high number of people, there is a structural lack of distribution even of the goods that are present, and tensions seem to mount slowly but steadily.

The Red Cross and workers from other organisations have been prevented from entering the hotspot centre for ’security reasons’ since yesterday morning. This seems an overwhelming situation for everyone. The pre-identification procedures, of course, are completely blown.

Breaking out of this stalemate it’s very complex due to the continuous flow of arrivals : for today, as many as 2000 people are expected to be transferred between regular ships and military assets. For tomorrow another 2300 or so. Of course, it remains unpredictable how many people will continue to reach the island at the same time.

In reaction to all this, we are not surprised, but again disappointed, that the city council is declaring a state of emergency still based on the rhetoric of ’invasion’.

A day of city mourning has also been declared for the death of a 5-month-old baby, who did not survive the crossing and was found two days ago during a rescue.

We are comforted, however, that a torchlight procession has been called by Lampedusians for tonight at 8pm. Banners read: ’STOP DEAD AT SEA’, ’LEGAL ENTRANCE CHANNELS NOW’.

The Red Cross, Questura and Prefecture, on the other hand, oscillate between denying the problem - ’we are handling everything pretty well’ - to shouting at the invasion.

It is not surprising either, but remains a disgrace, that the French government responds by announcing tighter border controls and that the German government announces in these very days - even though the decision stems from agreements already discussed in August regarding the Dublin Convention - that it will suspend the taking in of any refugee who falls under the so-called ’European solidarity mechanism’.

We are facing a new level of breaking down the European borders and border regime by people on the move in the central Mediterranean area.

We stand in full solidarity with them and wish them safe arrival in their destination cities.

But let us remember: every day they continue to die at sea, which proves to be the deadliest border in the world. And this stems from a political choice, which remains intolerable and unacceptable.

Freedom of movement must be a right for all!

▻https://www.maldusa.org/l/lampedusas-hotspot-system-from-failure-to-nonexistence

« L’effet Lampedusa », ou comment se fabriquent des politiques migratoires répressives

En concentrant les migrants dans des hotspots souvent situés sur de petites îles, les Etats européens installent une gestion inhumaine et inefficace des migrations, contradictoire avec certains de leurs objectifs, soulignent les chercheuses #Marie_Bassi et #Camille_Schmoll.

Depuis quelques jours, la petite île de Lampedusa en Sicile a vu débarquer sur son territoire plus de migrants que son nombre d’habitants. Et comme à chacun de ces épisodes d’urgence migratoire en Europe, des représentants politiques partent en #croisade : pour accroître leur capital électoral, ils utilisent une #rhétorique_guerrière tandis que les annonces de #fermeture_des_frontières se succèdent. Les #élections_européennes approchent, c’est pour eux l’occasion de doubler par la droite de potentiels concurrents.

Au-delà du cynisme des #opportunismes_politiques, que nous dit l’épisode Lampedusa ? Une fois de plus, que les #politiques_migratoires mises en place par les Etats européens depuis une trentaine d’années, et de manière accélérée depuis 2015, ont contribué à créer les conditions d’une #tragédie_humanitaire. Nous avons fermé les #voies_légales d’accès au territoire européen, contraignant des millions d’exilés à emprunter la périlleuse route maritime. Nous avons laissé les divers gouvernements italiens criminaliser les ONG qui portent secours aux bateaux en détresse, augmentant le degré de létalité de la traversée maritime. Nous avons collaboré avec des gouvernements irrespectueux des droits des migrants : en premier lieu la Libye, que nous avons armée et financée pour enfermer et violenter les populations migrantes afin de les empêcher de rejoindre l’Europe.

L’épisode Lampedusa n’est donc pas simplement un drame humain : c’est aussi le symptôme d’une politique migratoire de courte vue, qui ne comprend pas qu’elle contribue à créer les conditions de ce qu’elle souhaite éviter, en renforçant l’instabilité et la violence dans les régions de départ ou de transit, et en enrichissant les réseaux criminels de trafic d’êtres humains qu’elle prétend combattre.

Crise de l’accueil, et non crise migratoire

Revenons d’abord sur ce que l’on peut appeler l’effet hotspot. On a assisté ces derniers mois à une augmentation importante des traversées de la Méditerranée centrale vers l’Italie, si bien que l’année 2023 pourrait, si la tendance se confirme, se hisser au niveau des années 2016 et 2017 qui avaient battu des records en termes de traversées dans cette zone. C’est bien entendu cette augmentation des départs qui a provoqué la surcharge actuelle de Lampedusa, et la situation de crise que l’on observe.

Mais en réalité, les épisodes d’urgence se succèdent à Lampedusa depuis que l’île est devenue, au début des années 2000, le principal lieu de débarquement des migrants dans le canal de Sicile. Leur interception et leur confinement dans le hotspot de cette île exiguë de 20 km² renforce la #visibilité du phénomène, et crée un #effet_d’urgence et d’#invasion qui justifie une gestion inhumaine des arrivées. Ce fut déjà le cas en 2011 au moment des printemps arabes, lorsque plus de 60 000 personnes y avaient débarqué en quelques mois. Le gouvernement italien avait stoppé les transferts vers la Sicile, créant volontairement une situation d’#engorgement et de #crise_humanitaire. Les images du centre surpeuplé, de migrants harassés dormant dans la rue et protestant contre cet accueil indigne avaient largement été diffusées par les médias. Elles avaient permis au gouvernement italien d’instaurer un énième #état_d’urgence et de légitimer de nouvelles #politiques_répressives.

Si l’on fait le tour des hotspots européens, force est de constater la répétition de ces situations, et donc l’échec de la #concentration dans quelques points stratégiques, le plus souvent des #îles du sud de l’Europe. L’#effet_Lampedusa est le même que l’effet #Chios ou l’effet #Moria (à #Lesbos) : ces #îles-frontières concentrent à elles seules, parce qu’elles sont exiguës, toutes les caractéristiques d’une gestion inhumaine et inefficace des migrations. Pensée en 2015 au niveau communautaire mais appliquée depuis longtemps dans certains pays, cette politique n’est pas parvenue à une gestion plus rationnelle des flux d’arrivées. Elle a en revanche fait peser sur des espaces périphériques et minuscules une énorme responsabilité humaine et une lourde charge financière. Des personnes traumatisées, des survivants, des enfants de plus en plus jeunes, sont accueillis dans des conditions indignes. Crise de l’accueil et non crise migratoire comme l’ont déjà montré de nombreuses personnes.

Changer de paradigme

Autre #myopie européenne : considérer qu’on peut, en collaborant avec les Etats de transit et de départ, endiguer les flux. Cette politique, au-delà de la vulnérabilité qu’elle crée vis-à-vis d’Etats qui peuvent user du chantage migratoire à tout moment – ce dont Kadhafi et Erdogan ne s’étaient pas privés – génère les conditions mêmes du départ des personnes en question. Car l’#externalisation dégrade la situation des migrants dans ces pays, y compris ceux qui voudraient y rester. En renforçant la criminalisation de la migration, l’externalisation renforce leur #désir_de_fuite. Depuis de nombreuses années, migrantes et migrants fuient les prisons et la torture libyennes ; ou depuis quelques mois, la violence d’un pouvoir tunisien en plein tournant autoritaire qui les érige en boucs émissaires. L’accord entre l’UE et la Tunisie, un énième du genre qui conditionne l’aide financière à la lutte contre l’immigration, renforce cette dynamique, avec les épisodes tragiques de cet été, à la frontière tuniso-libyenne.

Lampedusa nous apprend qu’il est nécessaire de changer de #paradigme, tant les solutions proposées par les Etats européens (externalisation, #dissuasion, #criminalisation_des_migrations et de leurs soutiens) ont révélé au mieux leur #inefficacité, au pire leur caractère létal. Ils contribuent notamment à asseoir des régimes autoritaires et des pratiques violentes vis-à-vis des migrants. Et à transformer des êtres humains en sujets humanitaires.

▻https://www.liberation.fr/idees-et-debats/tribunes/leffet-lampedusa-ou-comment-se-fabriquent-des-politiques-migratoires-repr

Pour remettre les pendules à l’heure :

Saluti dal Paese del “fenomeno palesemente fuori controllo”.

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/ea59ea880-d2aad0/gepDUvr9KgRt/XSLaFP92Y9XrHutA6dj9kEPi795IvVr9wkNIifbY.jpg

Et aussi :

« Les interceptions des migrants aux frontières représentent 1 à 3% des personnes autorisées à entrer avec un visa dans l’espace Schengen »

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/ea59ea880-d2aad0/udCCyt5VOp8D/E1fjKrDoEGuLBbR6MA43krA3gHvi0eyc0mXSPSST.png

Source : Babels, « Méditerranée – Des frontières à la dérive », ▻https://www.lepassagerclandestin.fr/catalogue/bibliotheque-des-frontieres/mediterraneedes-frontieres-a-la-derive

#statistiques #chiffres #étrangers #Italie

Arrivées à Lampedusa - #Solidarité et #résistance face à la crise de l’accueil en Europe.

Suite à l’arrivée d’un nombre record de personnes migrantes à Lampedusa, la société civile exprime sa profonde inquiétude face à la réponse sécuritaire des Etats européens, la crise de l’accueil et réaffirme sa solidarité avec les personnes qui arrivent en Europe.

Plus de 5 000 personnes et 112 bateaux : c’est le nombre d’arrivées enregistrées sur l’île italienne de Lampedusa le mardi 12 septembre. Les embarcations, dont la plupart sont arrivées de manière autonome, sont parties de Tunisie ou de Libye. Au total, plus de 118 500 personnes ont atteint les côtes italiennes depuis le début de l’année, soit près du double des 64 529 enregistrées à la même période en 2022 [1]. L’accumulation des chiffres ne nous fait pas oublier que, derrière chaque numéro, il y a un être humain, une histoire individuelle et que des personnes perdent encore la vie en essayant de rejoindre l’Europe.

Si Lampedusa est depuis longtemps une destination pour les bateaux de centaines de personnes cherchant refuge en Europe, les infrastructures d’accueil de l’île font défaut. Mardi, le sauvetage chaotique d’un bateau a causé la mort d’un bébé de 5 mois. Celui-ci est tombé à l’eau et s’est immédiatement noyé, alors que des dizaines de bateaux continuaient d’accoster dans le port commercial. Pendant plusieurs heures, des centaines de personnes sont restées bloquées sur la jetée, sans eau ni nourriture, avant d’être transférées vers le hotspot de Lampedusa.

Le hotspot, centre de triage où les personnes nouvellement arrivées sont tenues à l’écart de la population locale et pré-identifiées avant d’être transférées sur le continent, avec ses 389 places, n’a absolument pas la capacité d’accueillir dignement les personnes qui arrivent quotidiennement sur l’île. Depuis mardi, le personnel du centre est complètement débordé par la présence de 6 000 personnes. La Croix-Rouge et le personnel d’autres organisations ont été empêchés d’entrer dans le centre pour des « raisons de sécurité ».

Jeudi matin, de nombreuses personnes ont commencé à s’échapper du hotspot en sautant les clôtures en raison des conditions inhumaines dans lesquelles elles y étaient détenues. Face à l’incapacité des autorités italiennes à offrir un accueil digne, la solidarité locale a pris le relais. De nombreux habitants et habitantes se sont mobilisés pour organiser des distributions de nourriture aux personnes réfugiées dans la ville [2].

Différentes organisations dénoncent également la crise politique qui sévit en Tunisie et l’urgence humanitaire dans la ville de Sfax, d’où partent la plupart des bateaux pour l’Italie. Actuellement, environ 500 personnes dorment sur la place Beb Jebli et n’ont pratiquement aucun accès à la nourriture ou à une assistance médicale [3]. La plupart d’entre elles ont été contraintes de fuir le Soudan, l’Éthiopie, la Somalie, le Tchad, l’Érythrée ou le Niger. Depuis les déclarations racistes du président tunisien, Kais Saied, de nombreuses personnes migrantes ont été expulsées de leur domicile et ont perdu leur travail [4]. D’autres ont été déportées dans le désert où certaines sont mortes de soif.

Alors que ces déportations massives se poursuivent et que la situation à Sfax continue de se détériorer, l’UE a conclu un nouvel accord avec le gouvernement tunisien il y a trois mois afin de coopérer « plus efficacement en matière de migration », de gestion des frontières et de « lutte contre la contrebande », au moyen d’une enveloppe de plus de 100 millions d’euros. L’UE a accepté ce nouvel accord en pleine connaissance des atrocités commises par le gouvernement tunisien ainsi que les attaques perpétrées par les garde-côtes tunisiens sur les bateaux de migrants [5].

Pendant ce temps, nous observons avec inquiétude comment les différents gouvernements européens ferment leurs frontières et continuent de violer le droit d’asile et les droits humains les plus fondamentaux. Alors que le ministre français de l’Intérieur a annoncé son intention de renforcer les contrôles à la frontière italienne, plusieurs autres États membres de l’UE ont également déclaré qu’ils fermeraient leurs portes. En août, les autorités allemandes ont décidé d’arrêter les processus de relocalisation des demandeurs et demandeuses d’asile arrivant en Allemagne depuis l’Italie dans le cadre du « mécanisme de solidarité volontaire » [6].

Invitée à Lampedusa dimanche par la première ministre Meloni, la Présidente de la Commission européenne Von der Leyen a annoncé la mise en place d’un plan d’action en 10 points qui vient confirmer cette réponse ultra-sécuritaire [7]. Renforcer les contrôles en mer au détriment de l’obligation de sauvetage, augmenter la cadence des expulsions et accroître le processus d’externalisation des frontières… autant de vieilles recettes que l’Union européenne met en place depuis des dizaines années et qui ont prouvé leur échec, ne faisant qu’aggraver la crise de la solidarité et la situation des personnes migrantes.

Les organisations soussignées appellent à une Europe ouverte et accueillante et exhortent les États membres de l’UE à fournir des voies d’accès sûres et légales ainsi que des conditions d’accueil dignes. Nous demandons que des mesures urgentes soient prises à Lampedusa et que les lois internationales qui protègent le droit d’asile soient respectées. Nous sommes dévastés par les décès continus en mer causés par les politiques frontalières de l’UE et réaffirmons notre solidarité avec les personnes en mouvement.

▻https://migreurop.org/article3203.html?lang_article=fr

Che cos’è una crisi migratoria?

Continuare a considerare il fenomeno migratorio come crisi ci allontana sempre più dalla sua comprensione, mantenendoci ancorati a soluzioni emergenziali che non possono che risultare strumentali e pericolose
Le immagini della fila di piccole imbarcazioni in attesa di fare ingresso nel porto di Lampedusa resteranno impresse nella nostra memoria collettiva. Oltre cinquemila persone in sole ventiquattrore, che si aggiungono alle oltre centomila giunte in Italia nei mesi precedenti (114.256 al 31 agosto 2023). Nel solo mese di agosto sono sbarcate in Italia più di venticinquemila persone, che si aggiungono alle oltre ventitremila di luglio. Era del resto in previsione di una lunga estate di sbarchi che il Governo aveva in aprile dichiarato lo stato di emergenza, in un momento in cui, secondo i dati forniti dal ministro Piantedosi, nella sola Lampedusa erano concentrate più di tremila persone. Stando alle dichiarazioni ufficiali, l’esigenza era quella di dotarsi degli strumenti tecnici per distribuire più efficacemente chi era in arrivo sul territorio italiano, in strutture gestite dalla Protezione civile, aggirando le ordinarie procedure d’appalto per l’apertura di nuove strutture di accoglienza.

Tra il 2017 e il 2022, in parallelo con la riduzione del numero di sbarchi, il sistema d’accoglienza per richiedenti protezione internazionale era stato progressivamente contratto, perdendo circa il 240% della sua capacità ricettiva. Gli interventi dei primi mesi del 2023 sembravano tuttavia volerne rivoluzionare la fisionomia. Il cosiddetto “Decreto Cutro” escludeva i richiedenti asilo dalla possibilità di accedere alle strutture di accoglienza che fanno capo alla rete Sai (Sistema accoglienza migrazione), che a fine 2022 vantava una capacità di quasi venticinquemila posti, per riservare loro strutture come i grandi Centri di prima accoglienza o di accoglienza straordinaria, in cui sempre meno servizi alla persona sarebbero stati offerti. Per i richiedenti provenienti dai Paesi considerati “sicuri”, invece, la prospettiva era quella del confinamento in strutture situate nei pressi delle zone di frontiera in attesa dell’esito della procedura d’asilo accelerata e, eventualmente, del rimpatrio immediato.

L’impennata nel numero di arrivi registrata negli ultimi giorni ha infine indotto il presidente del Consiglio ad annunciare con un videomessaggio trasmesso all’ora di cena nuove misure eccezionali. In particolare, sarà affidato all’Esercito il compito di creare e gestire nuove strutture detentive in cui trattenere “chiunque entri illegalmente in Italia per tutto il tempo necessario alla definizione della sue eventuale richiesta d’asilo e per la sua effettiva espulsione nel caso in cui sia irregolare”, da collocarsi “in località a bassissima densità abitativa e facilmente perimetrabili e sorvegliabili”. Parallelamente, anche i termini massimi di detenzione saranno innalzati fino a diciotto mesi.

Ciò di cui nessuno sembra dubitare è che l’Italia si trovi a fronteggiare l’ennesima crisi migratoria. Ma esattamente, di cosa si parla quando si usa la parola “crisi” in relazione ai fenomeni migratori?

Certo c’è la realtà empirica dei movimenti attraverso le frontiere. Oltre centomila arrivi in otto mesi giustificano forse il riferimento al concetto di crisi, ma a ben vedere non sono i numeri il fattore determinante. Alcune situazioni sono state definite come critiche anche in presenza di numeri tutto sommato limitati, per ragioni essenzialmente politico-diplomatiche. Si pensi alla crisi al confine greco-turco nel 2020, o ancora alla crisi ai confini di Polonia e Lituania con la Bielorussia nel 2021. In altri casi il movimento delle persone attraverso i confini non è stato tematizzato come una crisi anche a fronte di numeri molto elevati, si pensi all’accoglienza riservata ai profughi ucraini. Sebbene siano stati attivati strumenti di risposta eccezionali, il loro orientamento è stato prevalentemente umanitario e volto all’accoglienza. L’Italia, ad esempio, ha sì decretato uno stato d’emergenza per implementare un piano di accoglienza straordinaria dei profughi provenienti dall’Ucraina, ma ha offerto accoglienza agli oltre centosettantamila ucraini presenti sul nostro territorio senza pretendere di confinarli in centri chiusi, concedendo inoltre loro un sussidio in denaro.

Ciò che conta è la rappresentazione del fenomeno migratorio e la risposta politica che di conseguenza segue. Le rappresentazioni e le politiche si alimentano reciprocamente. In breve, non tutti i fenomeni migratori sono interpretati come una crisi, né, quando lo sono, determinano la medesima risposta emergenziale. Ad esempio, all’indomani della tragedia di Lampedusa del 2013 prevalse un paradigma interpretativo chiaramente umanitario, che portò all’intensificazione delle operazioni di ricerca e soccorso nel Mediterraneo. Nel 2014 sbarcarono in Italia oltre centosettantamila migranti, centocinquantamila nel 2015 e ben centottantamila nel 2016. Questo tipo di approccio è stato in seguito definito come un pericoloso fattore di attrazione per le migrazioni non autorizzate e l’area operativa delle missioni di sorveglianza dei confini marittimi progressivamente arretrata, creando quel vuoto nelle attività di ricerca e soccorso che le navi delle Ong hanno cercato negli ultimi anni di colmare.

Gli arrivi a Lampedusa degli ultimi giorni sono in gran parte l’effetto della riduzione dell’attività di sorveglianza oltre le acque territoriali. Intercettare i migranti in acque internazionali implica l’assunzione di obblighi e ricerca e soccorso che l’attuale governo accetta con una certa riluttanza, ma consente anche di far sbarcare i migranti soccorsi in mare anche in altri porti, evitando eccessive concentrazioni in un unico punto di sbarco.

I migranti che raggiungono le nostre coste sono rappresentati come invasori, che violando i nostri confini minacciano la nostra integrità territoriale. L’appello insistito all’intervento delle forze armate che abbiamo ascoltato negli ultimi giorni si giustifica proprio attraverso il riferimento alla necessità di proteggere i confini e, in ultima analisi, l’integrità territoriale dell’Italia. Per quanto le immagini di migliaia di persone che sbarcano sulle coste italiane possano impressionare l’opinione pubblica, il riferimento alla necessità di proteggere l’integrità territoriale è frutto di un grave equivoco. Il principio di integrità territoriale è infatti codificato nel diritto internazionale come un corollario del divieto di uso della forza. Da ciò discende che l’integrità territoriale di uno Stato può essere minacciata solo da un’azione militare ostile condotta da forze regolari o irregolari. È dubbio che le migrazioni possano essere considerate una minaccia tale da giustificare, ad esempio, un blocco navale.

Se i migranti non possono di per sé essere considerati come una minaccia alla integrità territoriale dello Stato, potrebbero però essere utilizzati come strumento da parte di attori politici intenzionati a destabilizzare politicamente i Paesi di destinazione. Non è mancato negli ultimi tempi chi ha occasionalmente evocato l’idea della strumentalizzazione delle migrazioni, fino alla recente, plateale dichiarazione del ministro Salvini. D’altra parte, questo è un tema caro ai Paesi dell’Est Europa, che hanno spinto affinché molte delle misure eccezionali adottate da loro in occasione della crisi del 2021 fossero infine incorporate nel diritto della Ue. Una parte del governo italiano sembra tuttavia più cauta, anche perché si continua a vedere nella collaborazione con i Paesi terzi la chiave di volta per la gestione del fenomeno. Accusare esplicitamente la Tunisia di strumentalizzare le migrazioni avrebbe costi politico-diplomatici troppo elevati.

Cionondimeno, insistendo sull’elemento del rischio di destabilizzazione interna, plasticamente rappresentato dalle immagini delle migliaia di persone ammassate sul molo o nell’hotspot di Lampedusa, il governo propone una risposta politica molto simile all’approccio utilizzato da Polonia e Lituania nel 2021, centrato su respingimenti di massa e detenzione nelle zone di frontiera. L’obiettivo è quello di disincentivare i potenziali futuri migranti, paventando loro lunghi periodi di detenzione e il ritorno nella loro patria di origine.

Gran parte di questa strategia dipende dalla collaborazione dei Paesi terzi e dalla loro disponibilità a bloccare le partenze prima che i migranti siano intercettati da autorità Italiane, facendo di conseguenza scattare gli obblighi internazionali di ricerca e soccorso o di asilo. Una strategia simile, definita come del controllo senza contatto, è stata seguita a lungo nella cooperazione con la Guardia costiera libica. Tuttavia, è proprio il tentativo di esternalizzare i controlli migratori a rendere i Paesi della Ue sempre più vulnerabili alla spregiudicata diplomazia delle migrazioni dei Paesi terzi. In definitiva, sono i Paesi europei che offrono loro la possibilità di strumentalizzare le migrazioni a scopi politici.

Sul piano interno, il successo di una simile strategia dipende dalla capacità di rimpatriare rapidamente i migranti giunti sul territorio italiano. Alla fine del 2021 la percentuale di rimpatri che l’Italia riusciva ad eseguire era del 15% dei provvedimenti di allontanamento adottati. Gran parte delle persone rimpatriate sono tuttavia cittadini tunisini, anche perché in assenza di collaborazione con il Paese d’origine è impossibile rimpatriare. I tunisini rappresentano solo l’8% delle persone sbarcate nel 2023, che vengono in prevalenza da Guinea, Costa d’Avorio, Egitto, Bangladesh, Burkina Faso. L’allungamento dei tempi di detenzione non avrà dunque nessuna incidenza sulla efficacia delle politiche di rimpatrio.

Uno degli argomenti utilizzati per giustificare l’intervento dell’Esercito è quello della necessità di accrescere la capacità del sistema detentivo, giudicata dal Governo non adeguata a gestire l’attuale crisi migratoria. Stando ai dati inclusi nella relazione sul sistema di accoglienza, alla fine del 2021 il sistema contava 744 posti, a fronte di una capacità ufficiale di 1.395. Come suggerisce la medesima relazione, il sistema funziona da sempre a capacità ridotta, anche perché le strutture sono soggette a ripetuti interventi di manutenzione straordinaria a causa delle devastazioni che seguono alle continue rivolte. Si tratta di strutture ai limiti dell’ingestibilità, che possono essere governate solo esercitando una forma sistemica di violenza istituzionale.

Il sistema detentivo per stranieri sta tuttavia cambiando pelle progressivamente, ibridandosi con il sistema di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo al fine di contenere i migranti appena giunti via mare in attesa del loro più o meno rapido respingimento. Fino ad oggi, tuttavia, la detenzione ha continuato ad essere utilizzata in maniera più o meno selettiva, riservandola a coloro con ragionevoli prospettive di essere rimpatriati in tempi rapidi. Gli altri sono stati instradati verso il sistema di accoglienza, qualora avessero presentato una domanda d’asilo, o abbandonai al loro destino con in mano un ordine di lasciare l’Italia entro sette giorni.

Le conseguenze di una politica basata sulla detenzione sistematica e a lungo termine di tutti coloro che giungono alla frontiera sono facili da immaginare. Se l’Italia si limitasse a trattenere per una media di sei mesi (si ricordi che l’intenzione espressa in questi giorni dal Governo italiano è di portare a diciotto mesi i termini massimi di detenzione) anche solo il 50% delle persone che sbarcano, significherebbe approntare un sistema detentivo con una capacità di trentottomila posti. Certo, questo calcolo si basa sulla media mensile degli arrivi registrati nel 2023, un anno di “crisi” appunto. Ma anche tenendo conto della media mensile degli arrivi dei due anni precedenti la prospettiva non sarebbe confortante. Il nostro Paese dovrebbe infatti essere in grado di mantenere una infrastruttura detentiva da ventimila posti. Una simile infrastruttura, dato l’andamento oscillatorio degli arrivi via mare, dovrebbe essere poi potenziata al bisogno per far fronte alle necessità delle fasi in cui il numero di sbarchi cresce.

Lascio al lettore trarre le conseguenze circa l’impatto materiale e umano che una simile approccio alla gestione degli arrivi avrebbe. Mi limito qui solo ad alcune considerazioni finali sulla maniera in cui sono tematizzate le cosiddette crisi migratorie. Tali crisi continuano ad essere viste come il frutto della carenza di controlli e della incapacità dello Stato di esercitare il suo diritto sovrano di controllare le frontiere. La risposta alle crisi migratorie è dunque sempre identica a sé stessa, alla ricerca di una impossibile chiusura dei confini che riproduce sempre nuove crisi, nuovi morti in mare, nuova violenza di Stato lungo le frontiere fortificate o nelle zone di contenimento militarizzate. Guardare alle migrazioni attraverso la lente del concetto di “crisi” induce tuttavia a pensare le migrazioni come a qualcosa di eccezionale, come a un’anomalia causata da instabilità e catastrofi che si verificano in un altrove geografico e politico. Le migrazioni sono così destoricizzate e decontestualizzate dalle loro cause strutturali e i Paesi di destinazione condannati a replicare politiche destinate a fallire poiché appunto promettono risultati irraggiungibili. Più che insistere ossessivamente sulla rappresentazione delle migrazioni come crisi, si dovrebbe dunque forse cominciare a tematizzare la crisi delle politiche migratorie. Una crisi più profonda e strutturale che non può essere ridotta alle polemiche scatenate dai periodici aumenti nel numero di sbarchi.

▻https://www.rivistailmulino.it/a/che-cos-una-crisi-migratoria

Spiegazione semplice del perché #Lampedusa va in emergenza.

2015-2017: 150.000 sbarchi l’anno, di cui 14.000 a Lampedusa (9%).

Ultimi 12 mesi: 157.000 sbarchi, di cui 104.000 a Lampedusa (66%).

Soluzione: aumentare soccorsi a #migranti, velocizzare i trasferimenti.
Fine.

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/ea59ea880-d2aad0/yRkkMkhXF9Wq/TKXyNIqpAUwzzDkxFna6G91voKgAWbtuBilB1Sna.png

▻https://twitter.com/emmevilla/status/1704751278184685635

Interview de M. #Gérald_Darmanin, ministre de l’intérieur et des outre-mer, à Europe 1/CNews le 18 septembre 2023, sur la question migratoire et le travail des forces de l’ordre.

SONIA MABROUK
Bonjour à vous Gérald DARMANIN.

GERALD DARMANIN
Bonjour.

SONIA MABROUK
Merci de nous accorder cet entretien, avant votre déplacement cet après-midi à Rome. Lampedusa, Monsieur le Ministre, débordé par l’afflux de milliers de migrants. La présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula VON DER LEYEN, en visite sur place, a appelé les pays européens à accueillir une partie de ces migrants arrivés en Italie. Est-ce que la France s’apprête à le faire, et si oui, pour combien de migrants ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Alors, non, la France ne s’apprête pas à le faire, la France, comme l’a dit le président de la République la Première ministre italienne, va aider l’Italie à tenir sa frontière, pour empêcher les gens d’arriver, et pour ceux qui sont arrivés en Italie, à Lampedusa et dans le reste de l’Italie, nous devons appliquer les règles européennes, que nous avons adoptées voilà quelques mois, qui consistent à faire les demandes d’asile à la frontière. Et donc une fois que l’on fait les demandes d’asile à la frontière, on constate qu’une grande partie de ces demandeurs d’asile ne sont pas éligibles à l’asile et doivent repartir immédiatement dans les pays d’origine. S’il y a des demandeurs d’asile, qui sont éligibles à l’asile, qui sont persécutés pour des raisons évidemment politiques, bien sûr, ce sont des réfugiés, et dans ces cas-là, la France comme d’autres pays, comme elle l’a toujours fait, peut accueillir des personnes. Mais ce serait une erreur d’appréciation que de considérer que les migrants parce qu’ils arrivent en Europe, doivent tout de suite être répartis dans tous les pays d’Europe et dont la France, qui prend déjà largement sa part, et donc ce que nous voulons dire à nos amis italiens, qui je crois sont parfaitement d’accord avec nous, nous devons protéger les frontières extérieures de l’Union européenne, les aider à cela, et surtout tout de suite regarder les demandes d’asile, et quand les gens ne sont pas éligibles à l’asile, tout de suite les renvoyer dans leur pays.

SONIA MABROUK
Donc, pour être clair ce matin Gérald DARMANIN, vous dites que la politique de relocalisation immédiate, non la France n’en prendra pas sa part.

GERALD DARMANIN
S’il s’agit de personnes qui doivent déposer une demande d’asile parce qu’ils sont persécutés dans leur pays, alors ce sont des réfugiés politiques, oui nous avons toujours relocalisé, on a toujours mis dans nos pays si j’ose dire une partie du fardeau qu’avaient les Italiens ou les Grecs. S’il s’agit de prendre les migrants tels qu’ils sont, 60 % d’entre eux viennent de pays comme la Côte d’Ivoire, comme la Guinée, comme la Gambie, il n’y a aucune raison qu’ils viennent…

SONIA MABROUK
Ça a été le cas lors de l’Ocean Viking.

GERALD DARMANIN
Il n’y a aucune raison. Pour d’autres raisons, c’est des raisons humanitaires, là il n’y a pas de question humanitaire, sauf qu’à Lampedusa les choses deviennent très difficiles, c’est pour ça qu’il faut que nous aidions nos amis italiens, mais il ne peut pas y avoir comme message donné aux personnes qui viennent sur notre sol, qu’ils sont quoiqu’il arrive dans nos pays accueillis. Ils ne sont accueillis que s’ils respectent les règles de l’asile, s’ils sont persécutés. Mais si c’est une immigration qui est juste irrégulière, non, la France ne peut pas les accueillir, comme d’autres pays. La France est très ferme, vous savez, j’entends souvent que c’est le pays où il y a le plus de demandeurs d’asile, c’est tout à fait faux, nous sommes le 4e pays, derrière l’Allemagne, derrière l’Espagne, derrière l’Autriche, et notre volonté c’est d’accueillir bien sûr ceux qui doivent l’être, les persécutés politiques, mais nous devons absolument renvoyer chez eux, ceux qui n’ont rien à faire en Europe.

SONIA MABROUK
On entend ce message ce matin, qui est un peu différent de celui de la ministre des Affaires étrangères, qui semblait parler d’un accueil inconditionnel. Le président de la République a parlé d’un devoir de solidarité. Vous, vous dites : oui, devoir de solidarité, mais nous n’allons pas avoir une politique de répartition des migrants, ce n’est pas le rôle de la France.

GERALD DARMANIN
Le rôle de la France, d’abord aider l’Italie.

SONIA MABROUK
Comment, concrètement ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Eh bien d’abord, nous devons continuer à protéger nos frontières, et ça c’est à l’Europe de le faire.

SONIA MABROUK
Ça c’est l’enjeu majeur, les frontières extérieures.

GERALD DARMANIN
Exactement. Nous devons déployer davantage Frontex en Méditerranée…

SONIA MABROUK
Avec une efficacité, Monsieur le Ministre, très discutable.

GERALD DARMANIN
Avec des messages qu’on doit passer à Frontex effectivement, de meilleures actions, pour empêcher les personnes de traverser pour aller à Lampedusa. Il y a eu à Lampedusa, vous l’avez dit, des milliers de personnes, 5000 même en une seule journée, m’a dit le ministre italien, le 12 septembre. Donc il y a manifestement 300, 400 arrivées de bateaux possibles. Nous devons aussi travailler avec la Tunisie, avec peut-être beaucoup plus encore d’actions que nous faisons jusqu’à présent. La Commission européenne vient de négocier un plan, eh bien il faut le mettre en place désormais, il faut arrêter d’en parler, il faut le faire. Vous savez, les bateaux qui sont produits à Sfax pour venir à Lampedusa, ils sont produits en Tunisie. Donc il faut absolument que nous cassons cet écosystème des passeurs, des trafiquants, parce qu’on ne peut pas continuer comme ça.

GERALD DARMANIN
Quand vous dites « nous », c’est-à-dire en partenariat avec la Tunisie ? Comment vous expliquez Monsieur le Ministre qu’il y a eu un afflux aussi soudain ? Est-ce que la Tunisie n’a pas pu ou n’a pas voulu contenir ces arrivées ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Je ne sais pas. J’imagine que le gouvernement tunisien a fait le maximum…

SONIA MABROUK
Vous devez avoir une idée.

GERALD DARMANIN
On sait qu’on que tous ces gens sont partis de Sfax, donc d’un endroit extrêmement précis où il y a beaucoup de migrants notamment Africains, Subsahariens qui y sont, donc la Tunisie connaît elle-même une difficulté migratoire très forte. On doit manifestement l’aider, mais on doit aussi très bien coopérer avec elle, je crois que c’est ce que fait en ce moment le gouvernement italien, qui rappelle un certain nombre de choses aux Tunisiens, quoi leur rappelle aussi leurs difficultés. Donc, ce qui est sûr c’est que nous avons désormais beaucoup de plans, on a beaucoup de moyens, on a fait beaucoup de déplacements, maintenant il faut appliquer cela. Vous savez, la France, à la demande du président de la République, c’était d’ailleurs à Tourcoing, a proposé un pacte migratoire, qui consistait très simplement à ce que les demandes d’asile ne se fassent plus dans nos pays, mais à la frontière. Tout le monde l’a adopté, y compris le gouvernement de madame MELONI. C’est extrêmement efficace puisque l’idée c’est qu’on dise que les gens, quand ils rentrent sur le territoire européen, ne sont pas juridiquement sur le territoire européen, que nous regardions leur asile en quelques jours, et nous les renvoyons. Il faut que l’Italie…

SONIA MABROUK
Ça c’est le principe.

GERALD DARMANIN
Il faut que l’Italie anticipe, anticipe la mise en place de ce dispositif. Et pourquoi il n’a pas encore été mis en place ? Parce que des députés européens, ceux du Rassemblement national, ont voté contre. C’est-à-dire que l’on est dans une situation politique un peu étonnante, où la France trouve une solution, la demande d’asile aux frontières, beaucoup plus efficace. Le gouvernement de madame MELONI, dans lequel participe monsieur SALVINI, est d’accord avec cette proposition, simplement ceux qui bloquent ça au Parlement européen, c’est le Rassemblement national, qui après va en Italie pour dire que l’Europe ne fait rien.

SONIA MABROUK
Sauf que, Monsieur le Ministre…

GERALD DARMANIN
Donc on voit bien qu’il y a du tourisme électoral de la part de madame LE PEN…

SONIA MABROUK
Vous le dénoncez.

GERALD DARMANIN
Il faut désormais être ferme, ce que je vous dis, nous n’accueillerons pas les migrants sur le territoire européen…

SONIA MABROUK
Mais un migrant, sur le sol européen aujourd’hui, sait qu’il va y rester. La vocation est d’y rester.

GERALD DARMANIN
Non, c’est tout à fait faux, nous faisons des retours. Nous avons par exemple dans les demandes d’asile, prévu des Ivoiriens. Bon. Nous avons des personnes qui viennent du Cameroun, nous avons des personnes qui viennent de Gambie. Avec ces pays nous avons d’excellentes relations politiques internationales, et nous renvoyons tous les jours dans ces pays des personnes qui n’ont rien à faire pour demander l’asile en France ou en Europe. Donc c’est tout à fait faux, avec certains pays nous avons plus de difficultés, bien sûr, parce qu’ils sont en guerre, comme la Syrie, comme l’Afghanistan bien sûr, mais avec beaucoup de pays, la Tunisie, la Gambie, la Côte d’Ivoire, le Sénégal, le Cameroun, nous sommes capables d’envoyer très rapidement ces personnes chez elles.

SONIA MABROUK
Lorsque le patron du Rassemblement national Jordan BARDELLA, ou encore Eric ZEMMOUR, ou encore Marion MARECHAL sur place, dit : aucun migrant de Lampedusa ne doit arriver en France. Est-ce que vous êtes capable de tenir, si je puis dire cette déclaration ? Vous dites : c’est totalement illusoire.

GERALD DARMANIN
Non mais monsieur BARDELLA il fait de la politique politicienne, et malheureusement sur le dos de ses amis italiens, sur le dos de femmes et d’hommes, puisqu’il ne faut jamais oublier que ces personnes évidemment connaissent des difficultés extrêmement fortes. Il y a un bébé qui est mort à Lampedusa voilà quelques heures, et évidemment sur le dos de l’intelligence politique que les Français ont. Le Front national vote systématiquement contre toutes les mesures que nous proposons au niveau européen, chacun voit que c’est un sujet européen, c’est pour ça d’ailleurs qu’il se déplace, j’imagine, en Italie…

SONIA MABROUK
Ils ne sont pas d’accord avec votre politique, Monsieur le Ministre, ça ne surprend personne.

GERALD DARMANIN
Non mais monsieur SALVINI madame MELONI, avec le gouvernement français, ont adopté un texte commun qui prévoit une révolution : la demande d’asile aux frontières. Monsieur BARDELLA, lui il parle beaucoup, mais au Parlement européen il vote contre. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’il vit des problèmes. La vérité c’est que monsieur BARDELLA, comme madame Marion MARECHAL LE PEN, on a compris qu’il y a une sorte de concurrence dans la démagogie à l’extrême droite, eux, ce qu’ils veulent c’est vivre des problèmes. Quand on leur propose de résoudre les problèmes, l’Europe avec le président de la République a essayé de leur proposer de les résoudre. Nous avons un accord avec madame MELONI, nous faisons la demande d’asile aux frontières, nous considérons qu’il n’y a plus d’asile en Europe, tant qu’on n’a pas étudié aux frontières cet asile. Quand le Rassemblement national vote contre, qu’est-ce qui se passe ? Eh bien ils ne veulent pas résoudre les problèmes, ils veulent pouvoir avoir une sorte de carburant électoral, pour pouvoir dire n’importe quoi, comme ils l’ont fait ce week-end encore.

SONIA MABROUK
Ce matin, sur les 5 000, 6 000 qui sont arrivés à Lampedusa, combien seront raccompagnés, combien n’ont pas vocation et ne resteront pas sur le sol européen ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Alors, c’est difficile. C’est difficile à savoir, parce que moi je ne suis pas les autorités italiennes, c’est pour ça que à la demande, du président je vais à Rome cet après-midi, mais de notre point de vue, de ce que nous en savons des autorités italiennes, beaucoup doivent être accompagnés, puisqu’encore une fois je comprends que sur à peu près 8 000 ou 9 000 personnes qui sont arrivées, il y a beaucoup de gens qui viennent de pays qui ne connaissent pas de persécution politique, ni au Cameroun, ni en Côte d’Ivoire, ni bien sûr en Gambie, ni en Tunisie, et donc ces personnes, bien sûr, doivent repartir dans leur pays et la France doit les aider à repartir.

SONIA MABROUK
On note Gérald DARMANIN que vous avez un discours, en tout cas une tonalité très différente à l’égard de madame MELONI, on se souvient tous qu’il y a eu quasiment une crise diplomatique il y a quelques temps, lorsque vous avez dit qu’elle n’était pas capable de gérer ces questions migratoires sur lesquelles elle a été… elle est arrivée au pouvoir avec un discours très ferme, aujourd’hui vous dites « non, je la soutiens madame MELONI », c’est derrière nous toutes ces déclarations, que vous avez tenues ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Je ne suis pas là pour soutenir madame MELONI, non, je dis simplement que lorsqu’on vote pour des gouvernements qui vous promettent tout, c’est le cas aussi de ce qui s’est passé avec le Brexit en Grande-Bretagne, les Français doivent comprendre ça. Lorsqu’on vous dit " pas un migrant ne viendra, on fera un blocus naval, vous allez voir avec nous on rase gratis ", on voit bien que la réalité dépasse largement ces engagements.

SONIA MABROUK
Elle a réitéré le blocus naval !

GERALD DARMANIN
Le fait est qu’aujourd’hui nous devons gérer une situation où l’Italie est en grande difficulté, et on doit aider l’Italie, parce qu’aider l’Italie, d’abord c’est nos frères et nos soeurs les Italiens, mais en plus c’est la continuité, évidemment, de ce qui va se passer en France, donc moi je suis là pour protéger les Français, je suis là pour protéger les Français parce que le président de la République souhaite que nous le faisions dans un cadre européen, et c’est la seule solution qui vaille, parce que l’Europe doit parler d’une seule voix…

SONIA MABROUK
C’est la seule solution qui vaille ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Oui, c’est la seule solution qui vaille…

SONIA MABROUK
Vous savez que l’Allemagne a changé, enfin elle n’en voulait pas, finalement là, sur les migrants, elle change d’avis, la Hongrie, la Pologne, je n’en parle même pas, la situation devient quand même intenable.

GERALD DARMANIN
La France a un rôle moteur dans cette situation de ce week-end, vous avez vu les contacts diplomatiques que nous avons eus, on est heureux d’avoir réussi à faire bouger nos amis Allemands sur cette situation. Les Allemands connaissent aussi une difficulté forte, ils ont 1 million de personnes réfugiées ukrainiens, ils ont une situation compliquée par rapport à la nôtre aussi, mais je constate que l’Allemagne et la France parlent une nouvelle fois d’une seule voix.

SONIA MABROUK
Mais l’Europe est en ordre dispersé, ça on peut le dire, c’est un constat lucide.

GERALD DARMANIN
L’Europe est dispersée parce que l’Europe, malheureusement, a des intérêts divergents, mais l’Europe a réussi à se mettre d’accord sur la proposition française, encore une fois, une révolution migratoire qui consiste à faire des demandes d’asile à la frontière. Nous nous sommes mis d’accord entre tous les pays européens, y compris madame MELONI, ceux qui bloquent c’est le Rassemblement national, et leurs amis, au Parlement européen, donc plutôt que de faire du tourisme migratoire à Lampedusa comme madame Marion MARECHAL LE PEN, ou raconter n’importe quoi comme monsieur BARDELLA, ils feraient mieux de faire leur travail de députés européens, de soutenir la France, d’être un peu patriotes pour une fois, de ne pas faire la politique du pire…

SONIA MABROUK
Vous leur reprochez un défaut de patriotisme à ce sujet-là ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Quand on ne soutient pas la politique de son gouvernement, lorsque l’on fait l’inverser…

SONIA MABROUK
Ça s’appelle être dans l’opposition parfois Monsieur le Ministre.

GERALD DARMANIN
Oui, mais on ne peut pas le faire sur le dos de femmes et d’hommes qui meurent, et moi je vais vous dire, le Rassemblement national aujourd’hui n’est pas dans la responsabilité politique. Qu’il vote ce pacte migratoire très vite, que nous puissions enfin, concrètement, aider nos amis Italiens, c’est sûr qu’il y aura moins d’images dramatiques, du coup il y aura moins de carburant pour le Rassemblement national, mais ils auront fait quelque chose pour leur pays.

SONIA MABROUK
Vous les accusez, je vais employer ce mot puisque la ministre Agnès PANNIER-RUNACHER l’a employé elle-même, de « charognards » là, puisque nous parlons de femmes et d’hommes, de difficultés aussi, c’est ce que vous êtes en train de dire ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Moi je ne comprends pas pourquoi on passe son temps à faire des conférences de presse en Italie, à Lampedusa, en direct sur les plateaux de télévision, lorsqu’on n’est pas capable, en tant que parlementaires européens, de voter un texte qui permet concrètement de lutter contre les difficultés migratoires. Encore une fois, la révolution que la France a proposée, et qui a été adoptée, avec le soutien des Italiens, c’est ça qui est paradoxal dans cette situation, peut être résolue si nous mettons en place…

SONIA MABROUK
Résolue…

GERALD DARMANIN
Bien sûr ; si nous mettons en place les demandes d’asile aux frontières, on n’empêchera jamais les gens de traverser la Méditerranée, par contre on peut très rapidement leur dire qu’ils ne peuvent pas rester sur notre sol, qu’ils ne sont pas des persécutés…

SONIA MABROUK
Comment vous appelez ce qui s’est passé, Monsieur le Ministre, est-ce que vous dites c’est un afflux soudain et massif, ou est-ce que vous dites que c’est une submersion migratoire, le diagnostic participe quand même de la résolution des défis et des problèmes ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Non, mais sur Lampedusa, qui est une île évidemment tout au sud de la Méditerranée, qui est même au sud de Malte, il y a 6000 habitants, lorsqu’il y a entre 6 et 8 000 personnes qui viennent en quelques jours évidemment c’est une difficulté immense, et chacun le comprend, pour les habitants de Lampedusa.

SONIA MABROUK
Comment vous qualifiez cela ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Mais là manifestement il y a à Sfax une difficulté extrêmement forte, où on a laissé passer des centaines de bateaux, fabriqués d’ailleurs, malheureusement….

SONIA MABROUK
Donc vous avez un gros problème avec les pays du Maghreb, en l’occurrence la Tunisie ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Je pense qu’il y a un énorme problème migratoire interne à l’Afrique, encore une fois la Tunisie, parfois même l’Algérie, parfois le Maroc, parfois la Libye, ils subissent eux-mêmes une pression migratoire d’Afrique, on voit bien que la plupart du temps ce sont des nationalités du sud du Sahel, donc les difficultés géopolitiques que nous connaissons ne sont pas pour rien dans cette situation, et nous devons absolument aider l’Afrique à absolument aider les Etats du Maghreb. On peut à la fois les aider, et en même temps être très ferme, on peut à la fois aider ces Etats à lutter contre l’immigration interne à l’Afrique, et en même temps expliquer…

SONIA MABROUK
Ça n’empêche pas la fermeté.

GERALD DARMANIN
Que toute personne qui vient en Europe ne sera pas accueillie chez nous.

SONIA MABROUK
Encore une question sur ce sujet. Dans les différents reportages effectués à Lampedusa on a entendu certains migrants mettre en avant le système social français, les aides possibles, est-ce que la France, Gérald DARMANIN, est trop attractive, est-ce que notre modèle social est trop généreux et c’est pour cela qu’il y a ces arrivées aussi ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Alors, je ne suis pas sûr qu’on traverse le monde en se disant « chouette, il y a ici une aide sociale particulièrement aidante », mais il se peut…

SONIA MABROUK
Mais quand on doit choisir entre différents pays ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Mais il se peut qu’une fois arrivées en Europe, effectivement, un certain nombre de personnes, aidées par des passeurs, aidées parfois par des gens qui ont de bonnes intentions, des associations, se disent « allez dans ce pays-là parce qu’il y a plus de chances de », c’est ce pourquoi nous luttons. Quand je suis arrivé au ministère de l’Intérieur nous étions le deuxième pays d’Europe qui accueille le plus de demandeurs d’asile, aujourd’hui on est le quatrième, on doit pouvoir continuer à faire ce travail, nous faisons l’inverse de certains pays autour de nous, par exemple l’Allemagne qui ouvre plutôt plus de critères, nous on a tendance à les réduire, et le président de la République, dans la loi immigration, a proposé beaucoup de discussions pour fermer un certain nombre d’actions d’accueil. Vous avez la droite, LR, qui propose la transformation de l’AME en Aide Médicale d’Urgence, nous sommes favorables à étudier cette proposition des LR, j’ai moi-même proposé un certain nombre de dispositions extrêmement concrètes pour limiter effectivement ce que nous avons en France et qui parfois est différent des pays qui nous entourent et qui peuvent conduire à cela. Et puis enfin je terminerai par dire, c’est très important, il faut lutter contre les passeurs, la loi immigration que je propose passe de délit a crime, avec le garde des Sceaux on a proposé qu’on passe de quelques années de prison à 20 ans de prison pour ceux qui trafiquent des êtres humains, aujourd’hui quand on arrête des passeurs, on en arrête tous les jours grâce à la police française, ils ne sont condamnés qu’à quelques mois de prison, alors que demain, nous l’espérons, ils seront condamnés bien plus.

SONIA MABROUK
Bien. Gérald DARMANIN, sur CNews et Europe 1 notre « Grande interview » s’intéresse aussi à un nouveau refus d’obtempérer qui a dégénéré à Stains, je vais raconter en quelques mots ce qui s’est passé pour nos auditeurs et téléspectateurs, des policiers ont pris en chasse un deux-roues, rapidement un véhicule s’est interposé pour venir en aide aux fuyards, un policier a été violemment pris à partie, c’est son collègue qui est venu pour l’aider, qui a dû tirer en l’air pour stopper une scène de grande violence vis-à-vis de ce policier, comment vous réagissez par rapport à cela ?

GERALD DARMANIN
D’abord trois choses. Les policiers font leur travail, et partout sur le territoire national, il n’y a pas de territoires perdus de la République, il y a des territoires plus difficiles, mais Stains on sait tous que c’est une ville à la fois populaire et difficile pour la police nationale. La police le samedi soir fait des contrôles, lorsqu’il y a des refus d’obtempérer, je constate que les policiers sont courageux, et effectivement ils ont été violentés, son collègue a été très courageux de venir le secourir, et puis troisièmement force est restée à la loi, il y a eu cinq interpellations, ils sont présentés aujourd’hui…

SONIA MABROUK
A quel prix.

GERALD DARMANIN
Oui, mais c’est le travail…

SONIA MABROUK
A quel prix pour le policier.

GERALD DARMANIN
Malheureusement c’est le travail, dans une société très violente…

SONIA MABROUK
D’être tabassé ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Dans une société très violente les policiers, les gendarmes, savent la mission qu’ils ont, qui est une mission extrêmement difficile, je suis le premier à les défendre partout sur les plateaux de télévision, je veux dire qu’ils ont réussi, à la fin, à faire entendre raison à la loi, les Français doivent savoir ce matin que cinq personnes ont été interpellées, présentées devant le juge.

SONIA MABROUK
Pour quel résultat, Monsieur le Ministre ?

GERALD DARMANIN
Eh bien moi je fais confiance en la justice.

SONIA MABROUK
Parfois on va les trouver à l’extérieur.

GERALD DARMANIN
Non non, je fais confiance en la justice, quand on…

SONIA MABROUK
Ça c’est le principe. On fait tous, on aimerait tous faire confiance à la justice.

GERALD DARMANIN
Non, mais quand on moleste un policier, j’espère que les peines seront les plus dures possible.

SONIA MABROUK
On va terminer avec une semaine intense et à risques qui s’annonce, la suite de la Coupe du monde de rugby, la visite du roi Charles III, le pape à Marseille. Vous avez appelé les préfets à une très haute vigilance. C’est un dispositif exceptionnel pour relever ces défis, qui sera mis en oeuvre.

GERALD DARMANIN
Oui, donc cette semaine la France est au coeur du monde par ces événements, la Coupe du monde de rugby qui continue, et qui se passe bien. Vous savez, parfois ça nous fait sourire. La sécurité ne fait pas de bruit, l’insécurité en fait, mais depuis le début de cette Coupe du monde, les policiers, des gendarmes, les pompiers réussissent à accueillir le monde en de très très bonnes conditions, tant mieux, il faut que ça continue bien sûr. Le pape qui vient deux jours à Marseille, comme vous l’avez dit, et le roi Charles pendant trois jours. Il y aura jusqu’à 30 000 policiers samedi, et puis après il y a quelques événements comme PSG - OM dimanche prochain, c’est une semaine…

SONIA MABROUK
Important aussi.

GERALD DARMANIN
C’est une semaine horribilis pour le ministre de l’Intérieur et pour les policiers et les gendarmes, et nous le travaillons avec beaucoup de concentration, le RAID, le GIGN est tout à fait aujourd’hui prévu pour tous ces événements, et nous sommes capables d’accueillir ces grands événements mondiaux en une semaine, c’est l’honneur de la police nationale et de la gendarmerie nationale.

SONIA MABROUK
Merci Gérald DARMANIN.

GÉRALD DARMANIN
Merci à vous.

SONIA MABROUK
Vous serez donc cet après-midi…

GÉRALD DARMANIN
A Rome.

SONIA MABROUK
…à Rome avec votre homologue évidemment de l’Intérieur. Merci encore de nous avoir accordé cet entretien.

GERALD DARMANIN
Merci à vous.

SONIA MABROUK
Et bonne journée sur Cnews et Europe 1

▻https://www.vie-publique.fr/discours/291092-gerald-darmanin-18092023-immigration

#Darmanin #demandes_d'asile_à_la_frontière

Darmanin: ’La Francia non accoglierà migranti da Lampedusa’

Ma con Berlino apre alla missione navale. Il ministro dell’Interno francese a Roma. Tajani: ’Fa fede quello che dice Macron’. Marine Le Pen: ’Dobbianmo riprendere il controllo delle nostre frontiere’

«La Francia non prenderà nessun migrante da Lampedusa». All’indomani della visita di Ursula von der Leyen e Giorgia Meloni sull’isola a largo della Sicilia, il governo transalpino torna ad alzare la voce sul fronte della solidarietà e lo fa, ancora una volta, con il suo ministro dell’Interno Gerald Darmanin.

La sortita di Parigi giunge proprio mentre, da Berlino, arriva l’apertura alla richiesta italiana di una missione navale comune per aumentare i controlli nel Mediterraneo, idea sulla quale anche la Francia si dice pronta a collaborare.

Sullo stesso tenore anche le dichiarazioni Marine Le Pen. «Nessun migrante da Lampedusa deve mettere piede in Francia. Serve assolutamente una moratoria totale sull’immigrazione e dobbiamo riprendere il controllo delle nostre frontiere. Spetta a noi nazioni decidere chi entra e chi resta sul nostro territorio». Lo ha detto questa sera Marine Le Pen, leader dell’estrema destra francese del Rassemblement National, «Quelli che fanno appello all’Unione europea si sbagliano - ha continuato Le Pen - perché è vano e pericoloso. Vano perché l’Unione europea vuole l’immigrazione, pericoloso perché lascia pensare che deleghiamo all’Unione europea la decisione sulla politica di immigrazione che dobbiamo condurre. Spetta al popolo francese decidere e bisogna rispettare la sua decisione».

La strada per la messa a punto di un’azione Ue, tuttavia, resta tremendamente in salita anche perché è segnata da uno scontro interno alle istituzioni comunitarie sull’intesa con Tunisi: da un lato il Consiglio Ue, per nulla soddisfatto del modus operandi della Commissione, e dall’altro l’esecutivo europeo, che non ha alcuna intenzione di abbandonare la strada tracciata dal Memorandum siglato con Kais Saied. «Sarebbe un errore di giudizio considerare che i migranti, siccome arrivano in Europa, devono essere subito ripartiti in tutta Europa e in Francia, che fa ampiamente la sua parte», sono state le parole con cui Darmamin ha motiva il suo no all’accoglienza. Il ministro lo ha spiegato prima di recarsi a Roma, su richiesta del presidente Emmanuel Macron, per un confronto con il titolare del Viminale Matteo Piantedosi. Ed è proprio a Macron che l’Italia sembra guardare, legando le frasi di Darmanin soprattutto alle vicende politiche interne d’Oltralpe. «Fa fede quello che dice Macron e quello che dice il ministro degli Esteri, mi pare che ci sia voglia di collaborare», ha sottolineato da New York il titolare della Farnesina Antonio Tajani invitando tutti, in Italia e in Ue, a non affrontare il dossier con «slogan da campagna elettorale».

Eppure la sortita di Darmanin ha innescato l’immediata reazione della maggioranza, soprattutto dalle parti di Matteo Salvini. «Gli italiani si meritano fatti concreti dalla Francia e dall’Europa», ha tuonato la Lega. Nel piano Ue su Lampedusa il punto dell’accoglienza è contenuto nel primo dei dieci punti messi neri su bianco. Ma resta un concetto legato alla volontarietà. Che al di là della Francia, per ora trova anche il no dell’Austria. Il nodo è sempre lo stesso: i Paesi del Nord accusano Roma di non rispettare le regole sui movimenti secondari, mentre l’Italia pretende di non essere l’unico approdo per i migranti in arrivo. Il blocco delle partenze, in questo senso, si presenta come l’unica mediazione politicamente percorribile. Berlino e Parigi si dicono pronte a collaborare su un maggiore controllo aereo e navale delle frontiere esterne. L’Ue sottolinea di essere «disponibile a esplorare l’ipotesi», anche se la «decisione spetta agli Stati».

Il raggio d’azione di von der Leyen, da qui alle prossime settimane, potrebbe tuttavia restringersi: sull’intesa con Tunisi l’Alto Rappresentante Ue per la Politica Estera Josep Borrell, il servizio giuridico del Consiglio Ue e alcuni Paesi membri - Germania e Lussemburgo in primis - hanno mosso riserve di metodo e di merito. L’accusa è duplice: il Memorandum con Saied non solo non garantisce il rispetto dei diritti dei migranti ma è stato firmato dal cosiddetto ’team Europe’ (von der Leyen, Mark Rutte e Meloni) senza l’adeguata partecipazione del Consiglio. Borrell lo ha messo nero su bianco in una missiva indirizzata al commissario Oliver Varhelyi e a von der Leyen. «Gli Stati membri sono stati informati e c’è stato ampio sostegno», è stata la difesa della Commissione. Invero, al Consiglio europeo di giugno l’intesa incassò l’endorsement dei 27 ma il testo non era stato ancora ultimato. E non è arrivato al tavolo dei rappresentanti permanenti se non dopo essere stato firmato a Cartagine. Ma, spiegano a Palazzo Berlaymont, l’urgenza non permetteva rallentamenti. I fondi per Tunisi, tuttavia, attendono ancora di essere esborsati. La questione - assieme a quella del Patto sulla migrazione e al Piano Lampedusa - è destinata a dominare le prossime riunioni europee: quella dei ministri dell’Interno del 28 settembre e, soprattutto, il vertice informale dei leader previsto a Granada a inizio ottobre.

►https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/mondo/2023/09/18/darmanin-la-francia-non-accogliera-migranti-da-lampedusa_2f53eae6-e8f7-4b82-9d7

Lampedusa : les contrevérités de Gérald Darmanin sur le profil des migrants et leur droit à l’asile

Le ministre de l’Intérieur persiste à dire, contre la réalité du droit et des chiffres, que la majorité des migrants arrivés en Italie la semaine dernière ne peuvent prétendre à l’asile.

A en croire Gérald Darmanin, presque aucune des milliers de personnes débarquées sur les rives de l’île italienne de Lampedusa depuis plus d’une semaine ne mériterait d’être accueillie par la France. La raison ? D’un côté, affirme le ministre de l’Intérieur, il y aurait les « réfugiés » fuyant des persécutions politiques ou religieuses, et que la France se ferait un honneur d’accueillir. « Et puis, il y a les migrants », « des personnes irrégulières » qui devraient être renvoyées dans leur pays d’origine le plus rapidement possible, a-t-il distingué, jeudi 22 septembre sur BFMTV.

« S’il s’agit de prendre les migrants tels qu’ils sont : 60 % d’entre eux viennent de pays tels que la Côte d’Ivoire, comme la Guinée, comme la Gambie, il n’y a aucune raison [qu’ils viennent] », a-t-il en sus tonné sur CNews, lundi 18 septembre. Une affirmation serinée mardi sur TF1 dans des termes semblables : « 60 % des personnes arrivées à Lampedusa sont francophones. Il y a des Ivoiriens et des Sénégalais, qui n’ont pas à demander l’asile en Europe. »
Contredit par les données statistiques italiennes

D’après le ministre – qui a expliqué par la suite tenir ses informations de son homologue italien – « l’essentiel » des migrants de Lampedusa sont originaires du Cameroun, du Sénégal, de Côte-d’Ivoire, de Gambie ou de Tunisie. Selon le ministre, leur nationalité les priverait du droit de demander l’asile. « Il n’y aura pas de répartition de manière générale puisque ce ne sont pas des réfugiés », a-t-il prétendu, en confondant par la même occasion les demandeurs d’asiles et les réfugiés, soit les personnes dont la demande d’asile a été acceptée.

▻https://twitter.com/BFMTV/status/1704749840133923089

Interrogé sur le profil des migrants arrivés à Lampedusa, le ministère de l’Intérieur italien renvoie aux statistiques de l’administration du pays. A rebours des propos définitifs de Gérald Darmanin sur la nationalité des personnes débarquées sur les rives italiennes depuis la semaine dernière, on constate, à l’appui de ces données, qu’une grande majorité des migrants n’a pas encore fait l’objet d’une procédure d’identification. Sur les 16 911 personnes arrivées entre le 11 et le 20 septembre, la nationalité n’est précisée que pour 30 % d’entre elles.

En tout, 12 223 personnes, soit 72 % des personnes arrivées à Lampedusa, apparaissent dans la catégorie « autres » nationalités, qui mélange des ressortissants de pays peu représentés et des migrants dont l’identification est en cours. A titre de comparaison, au 11 septembre, seulement 30 % des personnes étaient classées dans cette catégorie. Même si la part exacte de migrants non identifiés n’est pas précisée, cette catégorie apparaît être un bon indicateur de l’avancée du travail des autorités italiennes.

Parmi les nationalités relevées entre le 11 et 20 septembre, le ministère de l’Intérieur italien compte effectivement une grande partie de personnes qui pourraient être francophones : 1 600 Tunisiens, 858 Guinéens, 618 Ivoiriens, 372 Burkinabés, presque autant de Maliens, 253 Camerounais, mais aussi des ressortissants moins susceptibles de connaître la langue (222 Syriens, environ 200 Egyptiens, 128 Bangladais et 74 Pakistanais).

A noter que selon ces statistiques italiennes partielles, il n’est pas fait état de ressortissants sénégalais et gambiens évoqués par Gérald Darmanin. Les données ne disent rien, par ailleurs, du genre ou de l’âge de ces arrivants. « La plupart sont des hommes mais aussi on a aussi vu arriver des familles, des mères seules ou des pères seuls avec des enfants et beaucoup de mineurs non accompagnés, des adolescents de 16 ou 17 ans », décrivait à CheckNews la responsable des migrations de la Croix-Rouge italienne, Francesca Basile, la semaine dernière.

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Légalement, toutes les personnes arrivées à Lampedusa peuvent déposer une demande d’asile, s’ils courent un danger dans leur pays d’origine. « Il ne s’agit pas seulement d’un principe théorique. En vertu du droit communautaire et international, toute personne – quelle que soit sa nationalité – peut demander une protection internationale, et les États membres de l’UE ont l’obligation de procéder à une évaluation individuelle de chaque demande », a ainsi rappelé à CheckNews l’agence de l’union européenne pour l’asile. L’affirmation de Gérald Darmanin selon laquelle des migrants ne seraient pas éligibles à l’asile en raison de leur nationalité est donc fausse.

Par ailleurs, selon le règlement de Dublin III, la demande d’asile doit être instruite dans le premier pays où la personne est arrivée au sein de l’Union européenne (à l’exception du Danemark), de la Suisse, de la Norvège, de l’Islande et du Liechtenstein. Ce sont donc aux autorités italiennes d’enregistrer et de traiter les demandes des personnes arrivées à Lampedusa. Dans certains cas, des transferts peuvent être opérés vers un pays signataires de l’accord de Dublin III, ainsi du rapprochement familial. Si les demandes d’asile vont être instruites en Italie, les chiffes de l’asile en France montrent tout de même que des ressortissants des pays cités par Gérald Darmanin obtiennent chaque année une protection dans l’Hexagone.

Pour rappel, il existe deux formes de protections : le statut de réfugié et la protection subsidiaire. Cette dernière peut être accordée à un demandeur qui, aux yeux de l’administration, ne remplit pas les conditions pour être considéré comme un réfugié, mais qui s’expose à des risques grave dans son pays, tels que la torture, des traitements inhumains ou dégradants, ainsi que des « menaces grave et individuelle contre sa vie ou sa personne en raison d’une violence qui peut s’étendre à des personnes sans considération de leur situation personnelle et résultant d’une situation de conflit armé interne ou international », liste sur son site internet la Cour nationale du droit d’asile (CNDA), qui statue en appel sur les demandes de protection.
Contredit aussi par la réalité des chiffres en France

Gérald Darmanin cite à plusieurs reprises le cas des migrants originaires de Côte-d’Ivoire comme exemple de personnes n’ayant selon lui « rien à faire » en France. La jurisprudence de la CNDA montre pourtant des ressortissants ivoiriens dont la demande de protection a été acceptée. En 2021, la Cour a ainsi accordé une protection subsidiaire à une femme qui fuyait un mariage forcé décidé par son oncle, qui l’exploitait depuis des années. La Cour avait estimé que les autorités ivoiriennes étaient défaillantes en ce qui concerne la protection des victimes de mariages forcés, malgré de récentes évolutions législatives plus répressives.

D’après l’Office de protection des réfugiés et apatrides (Ofrpa), qui rend des décisions en première instance, les demandes d’asile de ressortissants ivoiriens (environ 6 000 en 2022) s’appuient très souvent sur des « problématiques d’ordre sociétal […], en particulier les craintes liées à un risque de mariage forcé ou encore l’exposition des jeunes filles à des mutilations sexuelles ». En 2022, le taux de demandes d’Ivoiriens acceptées par l’Ofrpa (avant recours éventuel devant la CNCDA) était de 27,3 % sur 6 727 décisions contre un taux moyen d’admission de 26,4 % pour le continent africain et de 29,2 % tous pays confondus. Les femmes représentaient la majorité des protections accordées aux ressortissants de Côte-d’Ivoire.

Pour les personnes originaires de Guinée, citées plusieurs fois par Gérald Darmanin, les demandes sont variées. Certaines sont déposées par des militants politiques. « Les demandeurs se réfèrent à leur parcours personnel et à leur participation à des manifestations contre le pouvoir, qu’il s’agisse du gouvernement d’Alpha Condé ou de la junte militaire », décrit l’Ofpra. D’autre part des femmes qui fuient l’excision et le mariage forcé. En 2022, le taux d’admission par l’Ofpra était de 33,4 % pour 5 554 décisions.
Jurisprudence abondante

S’il est vrai que ces nationalités (Guinée et Côte-d’Ivoire) ne figurent pas parmi les taux de protections les plus élevées, elles figurent « parmi les principales nationalités des bénéficiaires de la protection internationale » en 2022, aux côtés des personnes venues d’Afghanistan ou de Syrie, selon l’Ofpra. Les ressortissants tunisiens, qui déposent peu de demandes (439 en 2022), présentent un taux d’admission de seulement 10 %.

La jurisprudence abondante produite par la CNDA montre que, dans certains cas, le demandeur peut obtenir une protection sur la base de son origine géographique, jugée dangereuse pour sa sécurité voire sa vie. C’est le cas notamment du Mali. En février 2023, la Cour avait ainsi accordé la protection subsidiaire à un Malien originaire de Gao, dans le nord du pays. La Cour avait estimé qu’il s’exposait, « en cas de retour dans sa région d’origine du seul fait de sa présence en tant que civil, [à] un risque réel de subir une menace grave contre sa vie ou sa personne sans être en mesure d’obtenir la protection effective des autorités de son pays ».

« Cette menace est la conséquence d’une situation de violence, résultant d’un conflit armé interne, susceptible de s’étendre indistinctement aux civils », avait-elle expliqué dans un communiqué. Au mois de juin, à la suite des déclarations d’un demandeur possédant la double nationalité malienne et nigérienne, la Cour avait jugé que les régions de Ménaka au Mali et de Tillaberi au Niger étaient en situation de violence aveugle et d’intensité exceptionnelle, « justifiant l’octroi de la protection subsidiaire prévue par le droit européen ».

D’après le rapport 2023 de l’agence de l’Union européenne pour l’asile, le taux de reconnaissance en première instance pour les demandeurs guinéens avoisinait les 30 %, et un peu plus de 20 % pour ressortissants ivoiriens à l’échelle de l’UE, avec un octroi en majorité, pour les personnes protégées, du statut de réfugié. Concernant le Mali, le taux de reconnaissance dépassait les 60 %, principalement pour de la protection subsidiaire. Ces données européennes qui confirment qu’il est infondé d’affirmer, comme le suggère le ministre de l’Intérieur, que les nationalités qu’il cite ne sont pas éligibles à l’asile.

En revanche, dans le cadre du mécanisme « de solidarité », qui prévoit que les pays européens prennent en charge une partie des demandeurs, les Etats « restent souverains dans le choix du nombre et de la nationalité des demandeurs accueillis ». « Comme il s’agit d’un mécanisme volontaire, le choix des personnes à transférer est laissé à l’entière discrétion de l’État membre qui effectue le transfert », explique l’agence de l’union européenne pour l’asile, qui précise que les Etats « tendent souvent à donner la priorité aux nationalités qui ont le plus de chances de bénéficier d’un statut de protection », sans plus de précisions sur l’avancée des négociations en cours.

▻https://www.liberation.fr/checknews/lampedusa-les-contreverites-de-gerald-darmanin-sur-le-profil-des-migrants

#fact-checking

Lien #Alpes - #Lampedusa :

Les renforts des forces de l’ordre ont permis d’interpeller près de 3 000 migrants depuis le 8 septembre à Menton, dans les Alpes-Maritimes, avant l’afflux possible de migrants débarqués en masse à Lampedusa, a annoncé, vendredi 22 septembre, Emmanuelle Joubert, directrice départementale de la police aux frontières.

►https://seenthis.net/messages/1018121

#frontière_sud-alpine #Vintimille #Alpes_maritimes

#Fanélie_Carrey-Conte sur X :

Comme une tragédie grecque, l’impression de connaître à l’avance la conclusion d’une histoire qui finit mal.
A chaque fois que l’actualité remet en lumière les drames migratoires, la même mécanique se met en place. D’abord on parle d’"#appel_d'air", de « #submersion », au mépris de la réalité des chiffres, et du fait que derrière les statistiques, il y a des vies, des personnes.
Puis l’#extrême_droite monte au créneau, de nombreux responsables politiques lui emboîtent le pas. Alors les institutions européennes mettent en scène des « #plans_d'urgence, » des pactes, censés être « solidaires mais fermes », toujours basés en réalité sur la même logique:chercher au maximum à empêcher en Europe les migrations des « indésirables », augmenter la #sécurisation_des_frontières, prétendre que la focalisation sur les #passeurs se fait dans l’intérêt des personnes migrantes, externaliser de plus en plus les politiques migratoires en faisant fi des droits humains.
Résultat : les migrations, dont on ne cherche d’ailleurs même plus à comprendre les raisons ni les mécanismes qui les sous-tendent, ne diminuent évidemment pas, au contraire ; les drames et les morts augmentent ; l’extrême -droite a toujours autant de leviers pour déployer ses idées nauséabondes et ses récupérations politiques abjectes.
Et la spirale mortifère continue ... Ce n’est pas juste absurde, c’est avant tout terriblement dramatique. Pourtant ce n’est pas une fatalité : des politiques migratoires réellement fondées sur l’#accueil et l’#hospitalité, le respect des droits et de la #dignité de tout.e.s, cela peut exister, si tant est que l’on en ait la #volonté_politique, que l’on porte cette orientation dans le débat public national et européen, que l’on se mobilise pour faire advenir cet autre possible. A rebours malheureusement de la voie choisie aujourd’hui par l’Europe comme par la France à travers les pactes et projets de loi immigration en cours...

▻https://twitter.com/FCarreyConte/status/1703650891268596111

Migranti, Oim: “Soluzione non è chiudere le frontiere”

Il portavoce per l’Italia, Flavio di Giacomo, a LaPresse: «Organizzare diversamente salvataggi per aiutare Lampedusa»

Per risolvere l’emergenza migranti, secondo l’Oim (Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni), la soluzione non è chiudere le frontiere. Lo ha dichiarato a LaPresse il portavoce per l’Italia dell’organizzazione, Flavio di Giacomo. La visita della presidente della Commissione europea Ursula Von der Leyen a Lampedusa insieme alla premier Giorgia Meloni, ha detto, “è un segnale importante, ma non bisogna scambiare un’emergenza di tipo operativo con ‘bisogna chiudere’, perché non c’è nessuna invasione e la soluzione non è quella di creare deterrenti come trattenere i migranti per 18 mesi. In passato non ha ottenuto nessun effetto pratico e comporta tante spese allo Stato”. Von der Leyen ha proposto un piano d’azione in 10 punti che prevede tra le altre cose di intensificare la cooperazione con l’Unhcr e l’Oim per i rimpatri volontari. “È una cosa che in realtà già facciamo ed è importante che venga implementata ulteriormente“, ha sottolineato Di Giacomo.
“Organizzare diversamente salvataggi per aiutare Lampedusa”

“Quest’anno i migranti arrivati in Italia sono circa 127mila rispetto ai 115mila dello stesso periodo del 2015-2016, ma niente di paragonabile agli oltre 850mila giunti in Grecia nel 2015. La differenza rispetto ad allora, quando gli arrivi a Lampedusa erano l’8% mentre quest’anno sono oltre il 70%, è che in questo momento i salvataggi ci sono ma sono fatti con piccole motovedette della Guardia costiera che portano i migranti a Lampedusa, mentre servirebbe un tipo diverso di azione con navi più grandi che vengano distribuite negli altri porti. Per questo l’isola è in difficoltà”, spiega Di Giacomo. “Inoltre, con le partenze in prevalenza dalla Tunisia piuttosto che dalla Libia, i barchini puntano tutti direttamente su Lampedusa”.
“Priorità stabilizzare situazione in Maghreb”

Per risolvere la questione, ha aggiunto Di Giacomo, “occorre lavorare per la stabilizzazione e il miglioramento delle condizioni nell’area del Maghreb“. E ha precisato: “La stragrande maggioranza dei flussi migratori africani è interno, ovvero dalla zona sub-sahariana a quella del Maghreb, persone che andavano a vivere in Tunisia e che ora decidono di lasciare il Paese perché vittima di furti, vessazioni e discriminazioni razziali. Questo le porta a imbarcarsi a Sfax con qualsiasi mezzo di fortuna per fare rotta verso Lampedusa”.

▻https://www.lapresse.it/cronaca/2023/09/18/migranti-oim-soluzione-non-e-chiudere-le-frontiere

Da inizio 2023 in Italia sono sbarcati 133.170 migranti.

La Ong Humanity1, finanziata anche dal Governo tedesco, ne ha sbarcati 753 (lo 0,6% del totale).
In totale, Ong battenti bandiera tedesca ne hanno sbarcati 2.720 (il 2% del totale).

Ma di cosa stiamo parlando?

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/f1538e3aa-7b3151/yYW0h537qt13/eBh32d5JdXaqNntU19pKNWTrM0Zgb0zTsVzJmhSr.png

▻https://twitter.com/emmevilla/status/1708121850847309960
#débarquement #arrivées #ONG #sauvetage

Survivors: ‘Greek coastguard was next to us when boat capsized’

Two Syrian refugees recall their harrowing journey and pin blame on the coastguard for the devastating shipwreck.

“The boat was too heavy,” he told Al Jazeera.

“We were sitting next to each other, and there was a constant fear of sinking.”

On the derelict blue ship that was soon to hit international headlines, he saw about 750 people crammed together, shoulder-to-shoulder, unable to move. They had all hoped to eventually reach Europe.

In a few days, he would see hundreds of these people drown as a Greek coastguard ship floated nearby.

Ahmed fled Syria with his friend Mohammed*, 23. They both asked to use pseudonyms because they fear the Greek government would punish them for speaking out about what they saw that night.

They are two of the 104 survivors of the shipwreck off the coast of Pylos, Greece. Seventy-eight people have been confirmed dead.

Like hundreds of other people on board, their third companion, Mohammed’s cousin, was never found.

Their path to the central Mediterranean was taken in many steps. Ahmed and Mohammed said they left home hoping for a future without violence.

Their journey took them to Lebanon, then Egypt and Libya.

They spent about a month in Libya, where smugglers kept them closed up in an apartment with Egyptians, Pakistanis and other Syrians also making the journey.

Mohammed said the smugglers beat the Egyptians and Pakistanis, constantly cursing and insulting them.

Finally, in the first days of June, they were told, “You are leaving today.”

They were put on the back of trucks that drove to the shore, were loaded onto small boats and were taken to a trawler, the Adriana, out in deeper waters.

“They were beating people there,” Ahmed said.

“They were beating them while taking them to the lower deck of the boat. … It was very bad down there. It smelled of diesel and fish. You couldn’t breathe.”

Ahmed and his companions managed to pay a bribe of $200 to get themselves a spot on the upper deck.

But wherever the passengers sat on the ship, they were wedged together.

Women and children were kept below in the hold. From their cramped spot on the top deck, the young men could see the sea.
‘People were starting to lose consciousness’

From the second day of the voyage, the boat’s engine started breaking down.

“They would repair it, and after a while, it would break down again,” Mohammed said. “Every time they repaired it, it would stop again after two to three hours.”

After the second day at sea, food and water ran out. Panic began to percolate across the ship.

“At that time, people were starting to lose consciousness,” Ahmed said.

“They were falling on the ground. They were fainting. Some were shaking. We were seeing tens, hundreds of people in this state.”

They heard fights were breaking out all across the boat due to hunger, thirst and fear.

“Me, Ahmed and my relative who is now missing were always trying to keep our spirits up,” Mohammed said. “When someone cried, we made jokes. ‘We will make it,’ we were saying to ourselves. But everyone was going crazy.”

By the fourth day, they heard disturbing news from the hold.

“Some people coming up from below said, ‘There are dead people down there,’” Ahmed said.

“They said there were six dead bodies on the boat. Five bodies were down below, and we didn’t see them. One was on the upper deck. We saw him.”

Ahmed and Mohammed said the passengers started telephoning the Italian authorities and the Greek coastguard to ask for help.

“From the fourth day onwards, the Greek coastguard had been aware of us,” Mohammed said.

By the fifth day, June 13, they said it looked like the Adriana had stopped moving completely.

In the afternoon, a helicopter flew overhead.

The passengers could not understand from the deck, but it was the Greek coastguard. In the afternoon, one and then another commercial ship passed by and tossed those on board water over the waves.

“People were saying: ‘Take us with you.’ They were saying, ‘No.’” Mohammed said. “We asked for help, but they refused to help us.”

A Greek coastguard vessel finally approached the fishing trawler around midnight in the first minutes of June 14, the friends said. “‘Follow us,’ they told us. We followed them,” Mohammed said.

“Half an hour later, our boat stopped completely. It could not move. They came back and tied us to their boat.”

Ahmed and Mohammed said the coastguard started to tow their stalled-out trawler, but it took a sharp turn, and the Adriana heaved precariously left, then right, then capsized.

“They were right next to us when it capsized. In the moment it sank, they moved away from us. They deliberately made us sink,” Mohammed said. “We were standing on top of the boat, and we were able to see everything clearly.”

Tossed into the dark Mediterranean Sea, hundreds of people tried to find something to cling onto, some way to survive. “People were holding onto me,” Ahmed said.

“I was going under the water and getting away from people. Every time I got away, I would come across someone else, and they would hold onto me to save themselves. When someone grabbed onto me, we both went underwater together.”

After an hour and a half, Ahmed said he spotted an inflatable coastguard boat and swam towards it.

“They were 200 or 300 metres [220 to 330 yards] away from us,” he said. “I swam to them and got into the boat. They did not come close to us to save us. They were standing far away, and those who could swim were going towards them, like me.”

As he made his way towards the inflatable boat, Ahmed had to push aside bodies floating in the water.

Once taken to the larger coastguard boat, Ahmed was reunited with Mohammed. The two hugged each other, overwhelmed and elated to have found each other.

They started asking about their third companion. He had not made it, and they realised how incomplete their relief was.

The survivors of the shipwreck were taken ashore. Mohammed said that when they were first held in the Greek city of Kalamata, the authorities came to take his testimony of the tragedy three or four times.

“When we told them that we had been towed with a rope, they stopped,” he said. “They were saying that the problem was our boat. They wrote our statements with their own words. They did not write down what we said. They made us say it and write it down.”

Ahmed said no officials have ever taken his testimony.
‘Accountability vacuum’

Both men are now in the Malakasa refugee camp, 40km (25 miles) north of Athens. They are awaiting their asylum claims to be processed. Mohammed is desperate for news of his cousin, even if that news is confirmation he is dead.

Ahmed’s and Mohammed’s accounts contradict the account of the Greek coastguard, which has said the passengers of the Adriana refused aid, it was only immobile for about 20 minutes before it capsized and the coastguard had not towed the boat prior to it capsizing.

Survivors’ accounts line up with other evidence.

The Greek investigative website Solomon has published emails showing that the Greek authorities had been notified that the ship was in distress by 6pm (15:00 GMT) on June 13. And tracking data published and verified by the BBC and The New York Times show that the trawler was not moving for at least seven hours before it capsized.

When asked to comment on allegations that the coastguard towed the boat and was involved in the shipwreck, the Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy told Al Jazeera: “The required information is part of the investigation procedure that is being conducted under strict confidentiality based on the instructions given by the prosecutor of the Supreme Court. Regarding the details of the operation plan of the Hellenic coastguard, no further comments can be made by our service.”

Fingers have been pointed at the Greek coastguard for both the shipwreck and its large death toll.

“It has been evidenced that the Hellenic coastguard uses a range of tactics to move boats they have intercepted at sea into different territorial areas to avoid responsibility for search and rescue and the lodging of their applications for international protection,” said Hope Barker, a policy analyst at the Border Violence Monitoring Network.

“Whilst this usually includes towing boats back to Turkish territorial waters, it is equally likely that if the boat was closer to Italian territorial waters, they would try to transfer it there instead.”

The organisation is calling for an independent investigation and for Frontex, the European Union’s border agency, to withdraw from Greece.

“Violations of fundamental rights by the Hellenic coastguard are routine and systematised operations that have proven to be under-investigated by the Greek state. There is an accountability vacuum that allows these actions to continue unabated,” Barker said.

In Malakasa, Mohammed said he cannot stop thinking about the moment the boat capsized and the screams of the people around him. He does not know how he survived in the water.

“I shouted Ahmed’s and my cousin’s names for a while,” he said. “In that moment, I heard a voice screaming, ‘Mother! Mother!’ I asked that person for his name, and he said, ‘Fuat’.

“He and I told each other our names, so that whichever of us survived would be able to bring the news to the other’s family.”

▻https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/7/5/survivors-greek-coastguard-was-next-to-us-when-boat-capsized

Under the unwatchful eye of the authorities’ deactivated cameras: dying in the darkest depths of the Mediterranean

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A collaborative investigation by Solomon, Forensis, The Guardian and ARD presents the most complete tracing, to date, of the course that the fishing vessel Adriana took until it ultimately sank, causing over 600 people to drown − while under the supervision of Greek and European authorities. A document reveals that according to Frontex recommendations, the Coast Guard vessel was obligated to record the operation on video.

In the early hours of June 14, the state-of-the-art cameras of the Coast Guard vessel ΠΠΛΣ-920 were off.

The deadliest shipwreck within the Greek Search and Rescue Zone, one of the largest the Mediterranean has ever seen, was reportedly not visually detected.

Only hours before, aerial photos of the overloaded fishing vessel were taken. Nearby tankers recorded videos before they were ordered to leave the scene. There were satellite images that captured its movement.

But the exact circumstances in which the Adriana capsized off Pylos, killing more than 600 people, remain unclear three weeks on.

In affidavits and interviews, some of the 104 survivors attributed the sinking of the fishing vessel to an attempt by the Hellenic Coast Guard to tow it to Italian waters.

The Coast Guard emphasizes that it saved human lives, and maintains that the fishing vessel overturned due to a disturbance by the passengers.

Solomon, in a joint investigation with the research group Forensis, The Guardian and German public broadcaster ARD reveals: the Coast Guard vessel ΠΠΛΣ-920, the only vessel present at the time the Adriana capsized, was obligated to “document its operation by video-recording” in accordance with a 2021 Frontex document which recommends that the Greek authorities record their operations continually.

If this had been done, today there would be answers to the questions that the victims’ families are still asking.

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The ΠΠΛΣ-920 cameras were supposed to record

By midday on June 13, the Greek and Italian authorities and Frontex (the European Border and Coast Guard Agency), were aware of the overloaded fishing vessel, which had been sailing aimlessly for four days in the central Mediterranean – its only means of navigation was a compass and the position of the sun.

The activist network Alarm Phone had also relayed to the authorities the desperate SOS of some 750 men, women, and children — mostly from Pakistan, Egypt and Syria — who, lacking potable water, were using their shoelaces to lower containers into the sea: “They are urgently asking for help”.

ΠΠΛΣ-920, the Coast Guard vessel which received the order to depart from the port of Souda, Crete to assist, has been the pride of the Coast Guard since 2021. European funding covered 90% of its cost, and it is one of the best-equipped vessels available in Greece.

And it could not be in better hands: earlier this year, in March, its captain was awarded for “his valuable contribution to the protection of maritime borders and human life at sea.”

According to the Coast Guard, ΠΠΛΣ-920, like its three sister ships (ΠΠΛΣ-900, ΠΠΛΣ-910 and ΠΠΛΣ-930), has two state-of-the-art thermal camera systems. According to the Coast Guard, however, when the fishing vessel capsized, the cameras were not in operation because the crew’s attention was focused on the rescue efforts.

“When we have an incident, we try to have the ability to operate seamlessly. Making some crew members ‘inactive’ so that they can record a video, you understand, is unethical,” Coast Guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou stated on June 15, justifying why the incident was not recorded on video.

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However, one of the three former and current Coast Guard officers who spoke to us during our investigation, said that these cameras do not require constant manual operation and they exist exactly for this reason – to record such incidents.

But there is still a critical issue: a document reveals that, according to Frontex recommendations in March 2021, the Coast Guard vessel was obligated to record the operation.

The document states that “if feasible, all actions taken by Frontex assets or Frontex co-financed assets… should be documented by video consistently.”

The cost of the ΠΠΛΣ-290, one of four state-of-the-art vessels purchased for €55.5 million, has been 90% financed through Frontex. It is designated to be “available for four months a year, for Frontex missions outside of Greek waters.”

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Frontex had recommended the visual recording of operations, during a meeting where representatives from Greece were present as well as from other European countries, following complaints of human rights violations by the Coast Guard.

The complaints that were assessed during the meeting referred to the exact same practice, attributed to ΠΠΛΣ-920: towing vessels of asylum seekers outside of Greek waters.
We created a 3D model of the Adriana

Solomon, Forensis, The Guardian and ARD worked together and after analyzing a wealth of evidence, we present the most complete picture to date, of the Adriana’s course up to the time of its sinking.

We collected more than 20 survivor accounts and analyzed material derived from, among others, witness statements, official reports from the Coast Guard and Frontex, deck logs of the Coast Guard vessel and tankers in transit, aerial photographs and data on the position and movement of ships and aircraft. We also secured exclusive footage from the commercial vessels that were in the area and spoke to sources at Frontex, the Coast Guard, and rescuers.

The analysis of this information resulted in a detailed chronology of the events that occurred on June 13 and 14, an interactive map showing Adriana‘s movement, as well as a 3D model of the fishing vessel.

With the help of the 3D model, we were able to do what no official authority or journalistic investigation has done so far: to conduct in-person interviews with survivors of the wreck, using the visual impression of this body of data.

Using the method of situated testimony, the survivors placed themselves in the 3D model of the ship, indicated their location on the deck, and recalled the events that unfolded before the sinking of the Adriana: from the alleged towing to its capsize.

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In this way, we were able to cross-reference accounts of what happened in the presence of the Coast Guard vessel, based on each person’s eyewitness account.
Main conclusions

Eleven critical findings emerge from the joint investigation:

– Frontex offered to help three times. A Frontex source stated that the Coast Guard did not respond to any of the three requests for assistance.

- The records of ΠΠΛΣ-920 are incoherent and raise questions. For example, while it is reported that immediately before the sinking, the fishing vessel was moving west, it actually appears to be moving for about an hour (00:44 – 01:40) in a southerly direction at a speed of only 0.6 knots. In addition: since, according to the Coast Guard, the fishing vessel’s engine had stopped working at 00:44, why was the preparation of life-saving equipment carried out an hour later, at 01:40?

- While the fishing vessel’s engine was running but there was no navigation capability, according to testimonies, ΠΠΛΣ-920 approached the vessel and gave directions to Italy. A survivor stated: “[a crew member] told us that the Greek ship would go ahead of us and lead us to Italian waters. He told us that in two hours we would be in Italy.” ΠΠΛΣ-920 directed the fishing vessel from a distance, which followed until its engine broke down again.

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– According to Syrian survivors on deck, when the engine broke down, masked men from ΠΠΛΣ-920 boarded the fishing vessel and tied a blue rope to the stern. The above-mentioned testimonies are also consistent with an entry in the ΠΠΛΣ-920 deck logbook, which mentions the participation of a four-member team from the Special Missions Unit in the operation.

- According to the same survivors, there were two brief attempts to tow the fishing vessel. The first time the rope broke. The second time the ΠΠΛΣ-920 increased its speed and the fishing vessel rocked to the right, then to the left, then to the right again and flipped onto its right side.

– The Pakistani survivors were located in the interior of the ship, and could not see what was happening. They stated, however, that while the fishing vessel’s engine was not working, they felt a sharp forward thrust “like a rocket” — a sensation that corroborates the use of a rope for towing.

– Testimonies in this investigation support testaments presented by other journalistic investigations, as well as survivor statements included in the official case file: this action appears to have led to the capsize and eventual sinking of the ship.

- The fishing vessel capsized and survivors climbed on top of it. ΠΠΛΣ-920 left the scene, creating waves that made it more difficult for the survivors to stay afloat.

– After withdrawing, ΠΠΛΣ-920 directed its floodlights on the shipwreck site. Survivors tried to swim to the Coast Guard vessel, but the distance was too great.

– ΠΠΛΣ-920 began the rescue operation 30 minutes after the sinking, and only after the fishing vessel had completely disappeared from the water’s surface.

- Survivors claim that their phones (which were protected in plastic cases) contain visual material from the incident. Immediately after the rescue, according to the same testimonies, Coast Guard officers confiscated their phones, which have not been returned to them.

▻https://vimeo.com/843117800

Survivor accounts of the towing

In the deck log of ΠΠΛΣ-920, which we have seen, there is no mention of any towing attempt. The Coast Guard captain reports that they approached the fishing vessel to offer assistance, received no response, and followed it “from a discreet distance”.

This is disputed by the accounts of the survivors, some of whom not only tell of a rope that was tied to the fishing vessel, but they all mention its color: blue.

This investigation documents, for the first time, the blue cable that was used by ΠΠΛΣ-920, which can also be seen in earlier photos of the vessel.

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The estimation that the attempt to tow the fishing vessel by the ΠΠΛΣ-920 led to its sinking is underlined by the statements of survivors, that form part of the case file which is available to the journalists that participated in this investigation.

“Then the Greek ship came and threw the rope which was tied to the front of our ship,” says a survivor who was on the deck.

The Coast Guard started towing the fishing vessel, he adds, and “when it was going slowly the fishing vessel was fine, but instead of approaching the Greek ship we were moving away. When they hit the gas, I’m sorry to say, that’s when our ship sank.”

The same survivor estimates that the fishing boat capsized due to the “pulling from the Greek ship, because then our ship began to lean to one side. And I, who was standing in a corner, slipped into the water with a relative of mine, who died.”

Another survivor who was also on the deck, but at the stern and without full visibility, says in his testimony that “it was night, the guys in front told me that they tied the rope, but I could feel the motion too, because then we moved, but not for more than two minutes.”

“Then we said stop-stop because our ship is leaning,” he says, adding, “I think we sank due to the fact that our boat was in bad condition and overloaded and that it shouldn’t have been towed.”

In another testimony, the description of the towing attempt is concise: “On the last day the Greek ship threw us a rope and tied us to their ship. The Greek one turned right, then ours overturned and we fell into the water.”

We contacted the Coast Guard, asking questions about the timeline of the shipwreck and asking them to comment on the findings of our investigation. At the time of publication, we have not received a response.
Why didn’t Greece respond to Frontex?

The picture of what actually happened would be more complete if the ΠΠΛΣ-920 was not the only vessel present during the incident.

According to the captain of the merchant ship Faithful Warrior, at 00:18 the Coast Guard’s Search & Rescue Coordination Center gave him permission to depart the scene, thus removing the last witness present. The Faithful Warrior left at 00:30, about 15 minutes before the fishing vessel’s engine stopped working, according to Coast Guard records.

Frontex, which operates in the central Mediterranean, had informed the Greek authorities about the fishing vessel early in the afternoon, and had offered to help.

Specifically, at 19:35 (local Greek time) Frontex offered to assist with the Eagle I aircraft. Afterwards, the Greek side asked Frontex to assist in a search and rescue incident south of Crete, where 80 people were in danger. The vessel in question was spotted by the Frontex Heron drone at 22:50.

At 00:34, Frontex again offered to provide assistance with the Eagle I and a few minutes later, at 00:52, it also offered the Heron. According to a Frontex source who spoke to our joint investigation, the Greek authorities did not respond to any request to send aerial assets to the overloaded fishing vessel.
Fabricated testimonies?

Concerns have also been raised about the possible alteration of survivors’ testimonies.

Survivors gave two rounds of statements: first to the Coast Guard and then to an investigator. Both versions are available to Solomon and the international colleagues who participated in this investigation.

While there are no references to the attempted towing of the fishing vessel in the survivor testimonies recorded by the Coast Guard, the same survivors spoke about it in the second interview with the investigator.

Also, when describing the shipwreck, the testimonies that appear to have been given to the Coast Guard by two survivors of different nationalities, are the same, word for word: “There were too many people in the boat, which was old and rusty … that’s why it capsized and sank in the end.”
Inside the hold

The TikTok video shows his older brother hugging him tightly and kissing him, before he enters the airport, dragging along his suitcase.

He had flown from Karachi to Dubai, and from Dubai to Alexandria, Egypt. From there he boarded another plane that took him to Benghazi, Libya, where he spent over ten days locked in a trafficker’s hideout, before he was taken to board the Adriana.

When he saw the old fishing boat he couldn’t believe it — he thought the trip to Italy would also be by plane. He wanted to go back to Pakistan, but the traffickers wouldn’t let him.

Inside the Adriana, Abdul traveled on the lowest of three levels, in suffocating conditions where he had to sit with his knees bent. “To get from one place to another, you had to step on people.”

Conditions were similar on the middle level, where about 300 people were reportedly crammed in, with more than 200 people still on deck. The testimonies speak of another, separate space inside the fishing vessel, where women and children were located. No women were among the 104 people that were rescued.

The Pakistani travelers had paid a total of €8,000-€10,000 each for the long journey to Europe – Abdul’s family of rice farmers had sold their land to finance his trip.

Abdul had learned to swim in the canals around his family’s crops – when the Adriana sank, it was his ability to swim that allowed Abdul to reach the Coast Guard vessel and save himself.

As he walks along in Athens, Abdul’s relatives call him, asking what’s the name of the city he’s in. He tells us about his family, but he also shows us photos of loved ones who perished: he was onboard the Adriana with 14 of his friends and his uncle. Only he survived.

And of his 350 fellow Pakistanis who were also in the hold with him, only 12 were rescued. “Beautiful people were lost,” says Abdul.

People who participated in the investigation: Christina Varvia, Lydia Emmanouilidou, Katy Fallon, Ebrahem Farooqui, Armin Ghassim, Sebastian Heidelberger, Stefanos Levidis, Andreas Makas, Stavros Malichudis, Iliana Papangeli, Corina Petridi, Timo Robben, Georgia Skartadou, Sulaiman Tadmory, George Christides.

▻https://wearesolomon.com/mag/format/investigation/under-the-unwatchful-eye-of-the-authorities-deactivated-cameras-dying-

Greek shipwreck: hi-tech investigation suggests coastguard responsible for sinking

Research into loss of trawler with hundreds of deaths strongly contradicts official accounts – while finding a failure to mobilise help and evidence that survivor statements were tampered with

Attempts by the Greek coastguard to tow a fishing trawler carrying hundreds of migrants may have caused the vessel to sink, according to a new investigation by the Guardian and media partners that has raised further questions about the incident, which left an estimated 500 people missing

The trawler carrying migrants from Libya to Italy sank off the coast of Greece on 14 June. There were 104 survivors.

Reporters and researchers conducted more than 20 interviews with survivors and drew on court documents and coastguard sources to build a picture of missed rescue opportunities and offers of assistance that were ignored. Multiple survivors said that attempts by the Greek coastguard to tow the vessel had ultimately caused the sinking. The coastguard has strenuously denied that it attempted to tow the trawler.

The night that the trawler capsized, 47 nautical miles off Pylos, in south-western Greece, was reconstructed using an interactive 3D model of the boat created by Forensis, a Berlin-based research agency founded by Forensic Architecture, which investigates human rights violations.

The joint investigation by the Guardian, German public broadcaster ARD/NDR/Funk and Greek investigative outlet Solomon, in collaboration with Forensis, has given one of the fullest accounts to date of the trawler’s course up to its sinking. It unearthed new evidence such as a coastguard vessel moored at a closer port but never dispatched to the incident and how Greek authorities failed to respond not twice, as previously reported, but three times to offers of assistance by Frontex, the EU border and coastguard agency.

Forensis mapped the final hours before the sinking, using data from the coastguard’s log and the testimony of the coast guard vessel’s captain, as well as flight paths, maritime traffic data, satellite imagery and information from videos taken by nearby commercial vessels and other sources. The ship’s last movements contradict the coastguard and reveal inconsistencies within the official account of events, including the trawler’s direction and speed.

Crucially, the investigation showed the overcrowded trawler started moving westward on meeting the single Greek coastguard vessel sent to the scene. According to multiple survivor testimonies given to the Guardian and Greek prosecutors, the coastguard had told the migrants it would lead them to Italy – clashing with the official version that the trawler started moving west of its own accord. The investigation also showed the trawler had turned to the south and was almost stationary for at least an hour until, survivors said, a second and fatal towing attempt took place.
Survivors use the 3D model of the boat to describe what happened on the night of the 14 June.

Two survivors used the 3D model to describe the towing itself, while three others, who were sitting inside or on the vessel’s lower deck, described being propelled forward “like a rocket”, but with the engine not operating. That suggests a towing attempt.

Another survivor separately said he heard people shouting about a rope being attached by the “Greek army” and described being towed for 10 minutes shortly before the trawler sank. “I feel that they have tried to push us out of Greek water so that their responsibility ends,” a survivor said after considering the map of events and reflecting on his memories of the night.

Maria Papamina, a lawyer from the Greek Council for Refugees, one of two legal organisations representing between 40 and 50 survivors, said that there had been two towing attempts recounted to her team. Court documents also show that seven out of eight survivors gave accounts to the civil prosecutor of the presence of a rope, towing and a strong pull, in depositions conducted on 17 and 18 June.

The exact circumstances of the sinking cannot be conclusively proved in the absence of visual evidence. Several survivors testified to having had their phones confiscated by the authorities and some mentioned having filmed videos moments before the sinking. Questions remain over why the newly acquired Greek coastguard vessel at the scene did not record the operation on its thermal cameras. The vessel, called the 920, was 90% financed by the EU to bolster the capabilities of Frontex in Greece and is part of the EU border agency’s joint operations in the country. Frontex recommends that “if feasible, all actions taken by … Frontex co-financed assets should be documented by video consistently”.

In official statements the Greek coastguard said the operation was not recorded because the crew’s focus was on the rescue operation. But a source within the coastguard said cameras do not need constant manual operation and are there precisely to capture such incidents.

The presence of masked men, described by two survivors as attaching a rope to the trawler, is also documented in the ship’s log, which includes an entry about a special ops team known as KEA joining the 920 that night.

According to coastguard sources, it would not be unusual to deploy KEA – typically used in risky situations such as suspected arms or drug smuggling at sea – given the vessel’s unknown status, but one source said that their presence suggested the vessel should have been intercepted on security and maritime safety grounds alone.

One source described the failure to mobilise help closer to the incident as “incomprehensible”. The 920 was deployed from Chania, in Crete, about 150 nautical miles from the site of the sinking. The source said the coastguard had somewhat smaller but still capable vessels, based in Patras, Kalamata, Neapoli Voion and even Pylos itself. The 920 was ordered by coastguard HQ to “locate” the trawler at about 3pm local time on 13 June. It finally made contact close to midnight. An eyewitness official confirmed another vessel was stationed in Kalamata on 14 June and could have reached the trawler within a couple of hours. “It should have been a ‘send everything you’ve got’ situation. The trawler was in clear need of assistance,” the source said.

The Greek coastguard and Frontex were alerted to the trawler on the morning of 13 June. Both agencies had photographed it from the air but no search and rescue operation was conducted – according to the Greek side, because the boat had refused assistance. Authorities received an urgent SOS said to have been relayed to them at 5.53pm local time by the small boats emergency hotline Alarmphone, which was in contact with people on board.

Two of the coastguard sources told the Guardian they believed towing was a likely reason for the boat capsizing. This would not be without precedent. In 2014, an attempt to tow a refugee boat off the coast of Farmakonisi cost 11 lives. Greek courts cleared the coastguard, but the European court of human rights passed a damning judgment in 2022.

Allegations have also been made that survivors’ statements were tampered with. Two rounds of testimonies were given – first to the coastguard and then to a civil prosecutor – both seen by the Guardian. Testimonies to the coastguard by two separate survivors of different nationalities are word for word the same when describing the sinking: “We were too many people on the boat, which was old and rusty … this is why it capsized and sank in the end.”

Under oath to the civil prosecutor, days later, the same survivors describe towing incidents and blame the Greek coastguard for the sinking. The same Syrian survivor who stated in his coastguard testimony that the trawler capsized due to its age and overcrowding would later testify: “When they stepped on it, and I am sorry to mention this, our boat sank. I believe the reason was the towing by the Greek boat.”

Brussels has asked for a “transparent” investigation into the wreck, while there is frustration within Frontex, which repeatedly offered assets to Greek authorities – a plane twice and later a drone – but received no reply. Although Frontex is facing mounting calls to pull out of Greece, the Guardian understands it is considering less drastic measures such as discontinuing co-financing of Greek coastguard vessels.

The Coast Guard said it “would not comment on operational issues or the ongoing investigation which is confidential according to a Supreme Court Order.”

Nine Egyptians on the trawler have been arrested on charges including involuntary manslaughter, causing a shipwreck and migrant smuggling; they deny wrongdoing. According to Guardian information, the accused testified there were two towing attempts, the second resulting in the sinking of the boat. A brother of one of the accused said his sibling paid about £3,000 to be on the boat, amounting to proof, he said, that he was not a smuggler.

In Greece and beyond, survivors and victims’ families are trying to understand what happened. Three Pakistani survivors said they flew from Pakistan through Dubai or Egypt to Libya. Two believed they would fly from Libya to Italy and were shocked on seeing the trawler. “I can’t sleep properly. When I sleep I feel as if I am sinking into the water and will die,” one said.

Nearly half of the estimated 750 people on board are thought to have been Pakistani citizens taking an emerging people-smuggling route to Italy. Pakistani authorities estimate that 115 came from Gujranwala in the east of the country, a region known for its rice plantations and cotton fields but deeply mired in Pakistan’s economic crisis.

Ahmed Farouq, who lives on the outskirts of the city of Gujranwala, lost his son in the Pylos shipwreck. Talking of the alleged towing, he saids: “They wanted it to sink. Why didn’t they save the people first? If they don’t want illegal migrants, let them deport us, but don’t let us drown.”

▻https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/jul/10/greek-shipwreck-hi-tech-investigation-suggests-coastguard-responsible-f

Greek coastguard ’pressured’ disaster survivors to blame Egyptian men

New evidence found by BBC News casts further doubt on the Greek coastguard’s version of events surrounding last month’s deadly migrant boat sinking, in which up to 600 people died.

Two survivors have described how the coastguard pressed them to identify nine Egyptians on board as traffickers.

A new video of the overcrowded boat foundering at sea also challenges the Greek coastguard’s account.

It was taken when the boat was said to be on a “steady course”.

BBC Verify has confirmed the footage was filmed when the coastguard claimed the boat was not in need of rescue - and was in fact filmed by the coastguard itself.

We have also confirmed that the larger vessel in the background is the oil tanker Faithful Warrior, which had been asked to give supplies to the migrant boat.

The official Greek coastguard account had already been challenged in a BBC Verify report - but now we have seen court documents which show serious discrepancies between survivors’ witness statements taken by the coastguards, and the in-person evidence later presented to a judge.

A translator has also come forward with his account of a people-smuggling investigation last year, after another group of migrants were rescued by the coastguard. He describes how witnesses from that incident were intimidated by the coastguard. The legal case collapsed before it could reach trial.

The revelations raise fresh questions about how the Greek authorities handle such disasters.

Both the Greek coastguard and Greek government did not comment and declined our requests for interview.
A map of a section of the Mediterranean Sea showing the possible route taken by the migrant boat off the coast of Libya, near the city of Tobruk. The possible route shows the last approximate location of the boat before it sunk and the path taken by the Faithful Warrior, which had made contact with the boat. Also shown is the Greek port city of Pylos.

Survivors ’silenced and intimidated’

Soon after the 14 June sinking, nine Egyptian men were detained and charged with manslaughter and people-smuggling.

But two survivors of the disaster say migrants were silenced and intimidated by Greek authorities, after suggesting the coastguards may have been to blame for the tragedy.

For the past month, allegations have been made that the coastguard used a rope to tow the fishing vessel, causing it to sink.

The two survivors we spoke to in Athens - who we are calling Ahmad and Musaab to protect their identities - say that is what happened.

“They attached a rope from the left. Everyone moved to the right side of our boat to balance it,” says Musaab. “The Greek vessel moved off quickly causing our boat to flip. They kept dragging it for quite a distance.”

The men described how they spent two hours in the water before being picked up by the coastguard.

When I ask how they knew it was that amount of time, Musaab says his watch was still working so he could tell.

Once on land, in Kalamata, they claim the coastguard told survivors to “shut up” when they started to talk about how the Greek authorities had caused the disaster.

“When people replied by saying the Greek coastguard was the cause, the official in charge of the questioning asked the interpreter to tell the interviewee to stop talking,” says Ahmad.

Ahmad says those rescued were told to be grateful they hadn’t died.

He says there were shouts of: “You have survived death! Stop talking about the incident! Don’t ask more questions about it!”

he men say they are scared to speak out publicly because they fear they too will be accused like the Egyptians.

“If there was a fair system in place, we would contribute to this case,” says Ahmad.

The men told us they had both paid $4,500 (£3,480) for a spot on the boat. Ahmad’s younger brother was also on board. He is still missing.
Collapsing court cases

As well as this testimony given to us by survivors, we have seen court documents which raise questions about the way evidence is being gathered to be presented in court.

In initial statements from five survivors, none mentioned the coastguard trying to tow the migrant vessel with a rope. But days later, in front of a judge, all explained that there had been a failed attempt to tow it.

One initial statement reads:

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/bf0f52ff2-92677b/GZPtNGn28ert/TCqaetyAAqySoqUQIAtj0hLdxHJ0fJAgpHniKDZ6.png

But the same witness later told a judge:

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/bf0f52ff2-92677b/LO6j82vDE8Lf/ivYbuO2JgxmC84URc3B9UsVHTpLjSAmTHEfrIXvs.png

BBC Verify has not spoken to these witnesses and so we can’t say why their accounts changed.

The Greek coastguard initially denied using a rope - but later backtracked, admitting one had been used. But it said it was only to try to board the vessel and assess the situation. It said this was at least two hours before the fishing vessel capsized.

Eighty-two people are confirmed dead in the sinking, but the United Nations estimates as many as 500 more lost their lives.

The Greek authorities say the charged Egyptian men are part of a smuggling ring and were identified by fellow passengers. They face up to life imprisonment if found guilty.

Some survivors allege some of the nine suspects mistreated those on board - while other testimony says some were actually trying to help.

But Ahmad and Musaab told us the coastguard had instructed all of the survivors to say that the nine Egyptian men were to blame for trafficking them.

“They were imprisoned and were wrongly accused by the Greek authorities as an attempt to cover their crime,” says Musaab.

A Greek Supreme Criminal Court deputy prosecutor is carrying out an investigation, but calls - including from the UN - for an international, independent inquiry have so far been ignored. The European Commission has indicated it has faith in the Greek investigation.

But Ahmad and Musaab are not alone in their concerns about the Greek coastguard.
Interpreter comes forward to BBC

When the nine Egyptian men were arrested in the hours after the shipwreck, it was widely reported as an example of efficient detective work by the Greek authorities.

But for Farzin Khavand it rang alarm bells. He feared history was repeating itself.

He says he witnessed Greek coastguards put two innocent Iranian men in the frame for people-smuggling last year, following the rescue of 32 migrants whose boat had got into trouble crossing from Turkey.

Mr Khavand, a UK citizen who speaks Farsi and has lived in the Kalamata area for 20 years, acted as a translator during the coastguard’s investigation into what happened then.

He says the migrants - 28 from Afghanistan and four from Iran - explained that they had set off from Turkey and been at sea for eight days before being rescued.

During this time, the Greek coastguard had approached the boat, before leaving, he was told.

Two Arabic-speaking men had abandoned the boat after the engine blew up, Mr Khavand was told by the Afghan migrants. They said that most people on board had taken turns to try to steer the stricken boat to safety - including the two accused Iranians, who had paid to be on board like everyone else.

“They [the Iranian men] were highly traumatised,” Mr Khavand said.

“They were repeating to me that they’d never even seen an ocean before they set off in Turkey. And they kept being told they were the captain and they said: ’We know nothing about the boat. We can’t even swim.’”

One of the two accused - a man called Sayeed who was facing a long prison sentence - had been rescued with his young son, explained Mr Khavand.

“I asked him ’Why did you take a six-year-old child on a boat?’ And he said the smugglers told us it’s only two hours’ journey.”

Mr Khavand relayed their accounts to the coastguard, exactly as it had been told to him - but he says when he saw the transcripts, the Afghans’ testimony had changed. He fears they altered their stories after pressure from the Greek authorities.

He says the Iranians told him that some of their fellow Afghan passengers had been leaned on by the coastguard to name them as the people-smugglers - to avoid being “treated unpleasantly”, threatened with prison, and being “returned to the Taliban”.

The case eventually collapsed. Mr Khavand says he was not willing to assist the Greek coastguard again. He says when Sayeed and his son were released from custody the €1,500 (£1,278) that had been confiscated from them was not returned.

“The scene ended with me thinking I don’t want to do this again because they were not trying to get to the bottom of the truth. They were trying to pick a couple of guys and accuse them of being people smugglers.”

All of these accusations were put to the Greek authorities by the BBC - but we have received no response. Our request for an interview with Greece’s minister of maritime affairs - who oversees the coastguard - was also rejected.
Greece previously accused of human rights violations

Kalamata lawyer Chrysanthi Kaouni says she has seen other criminal cases brought against alleged people smugglers which have troubled her.

She has been involved in more than 10 such cases, she tells us.

“My concerns are around the translations, the way evidence is gathered and - later on - the ability of the defendants to challenge this evidence,” she said.

“Because of these three points, I don’t think there are enough safeguards according to the international law, and in the end I don’t believe justice is done.”

A new study has found that the average trial in Greece for migrants accused of people smuggling lasted just 37 minutes and the average prison sentence given was 46 years.

The study, commissioned by The Greens/European Free Alliance group in the European Parliament, looked at 81 trials involving 95 people - all of whom were tried for smuggling in eight different areas of Greece between February 2020 and March 2023.

The study claims verdicts were reached often on the testimony of a single police or coastguard officer and, in more than three-quarters of the cases, they didn’t appear in court for their evidence to be cross-examined.

Ahmad says he and the other survivors now want authorities to recover the shipwreck and the people that went down with it, but they have been told it’s too difficult and the water is too deep.

He compares this to the vast amounts of money and resources spent on searching for five people on the Titan submersible in the North Atlantic in June.

“But we were hundreds,” he says. “It’s not just a ship. It’s our friends and family.”

▻https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66154654

Italy warned of dead children on migrant ship hours before it capsized

The findings of an investigation by Welt am Sonntag and

POLITICO raise questions about whether the authorities knew the boat was in distress earlier than they admitted.

Early on the morning of the Adriana’s final day at sea, the Italian authorities sent a troubling warning to their EU and Greek colleagues: Two children had died aboard the overloaded migrant boat.

The alert was sent at 8:01 a.m. UTC, just over an hour after the Italians initially spotted the vessel at 6:51 a.m., an investigation by Welt am Sonntag and POLITICO found. The ship would later stall out in the ocean and capsize that night, killing hundreds of migrants on board.

The new details are revealed in an internal document at the EU border agency Frontex and seen by Welt, part of a “serious incident report” Frontex is compiling on the tragedy.

The findings raise questions about whether the authorities knew of serious distress on the boat much earlier than they have admitted. The document further complicates the timeline European authorities have given about the boat — Frontex has said its own plane was the first to discover the Adriana at 9:47 a.m., while the Greek government has said it was alerted around 8 a.m.

According to the internal document, Rome’s warning went to both Frontex and the Greek coast guard’s central office for rescue operations in Piraeus, which sits on the coast near Athens. Yet despite the alert, the Greek authorities did not send a coast guard vessel to the boat until 7:40 p.m., nearly 12 hours later. The boat then capsized around 11 p.m., roughly 15 hours after Rome’s notice first came through, leaving approximately 600 people dead.

Survivors have said the Greek coast guard’s attempts to attach ropes to the ship caused it to capsize — accounts Greek officials say are not definitive. Only 104 people were brought to shore alive.

Frontex declined to comment on the internal document showing the Italian warning, citing the “ongoing investigations” and referring to a June 16 statement. That statement lists a chronology of events starting at 9:47 a.m. with the Frontex plane spotting the boat.

Dimitris Kairidis, Greece’s newly appointed migration minister, told POLITICO in Brussels that he had not seen the Frontex note, and he neither confirmed nor denied that Athens had received the Rome alert mentioning dead children.

There is, he said, an “independent judicial investigation,” and if anyone is found responsible, “there will definitely be consequences.”

“But until then,” he added, “we should not rush to conclusions and bow to political pressure.”

Asked for comment, the Greek government referred to a statement on its coast guard website from June 14, which mentions information coming from Rome around 8 a.m. It doesn’t say whether that information included a warning about dead children on board.

The Italian government did not respond to a request for comment.

Greece has faced mounting political pressure over the tragedy.

German lawmaker Clara Bünger, a member of The Left, is pushing for a review of the drama that unfolded off the shore of Pylos.

She told Welt that “upon sighting such an overcrowded boat, Frontex should have immediately issued a mayday distress signal; even more so if Frontex knew that there were already Tuesday morning about two dead children on board.”

That this didn’t happen, she added, is “outrageous and unforgivable.”

Frontex has been trying to rehab its reputation under new Director Hans Leijtens, but Bünger argued he is on a doomed mission. Frontex, she argued, should just be dissolved.

“This project has failed miserably,” she said.

Erik Marquardt, a German European Parliament member from the Greens, pointed out that Germany chairs the Frontex Management Board.

“I expect the German government to enforce full transparency here,” he said.

The European Commission, the EU’s executive, said it does not comment on “ongoing investigations” or “leaks.”

But the Commission stressed: “The facts about the tragic incident off the coast of Pylos must be clarified. That is the priority now.”

▻https://www.politico.eu/article/italy-warned-greece-of-dead-children-on-migrant-ship-hour-before-it-capsize

Frontex und Athen wussten 15 Stunden vor Bootsdrama von toten Kindern an Bord

Mitte Juni starben vor der griechischen Küste 600 Migranten, als ihr Boot kenterte. Über die Verantwortung für die schlimmste Katastrophe seit Jahren im Mittelmeer wird seitdem gestritten. Nun kommt heraus: Eine wichtige Information zu den wahren Abläufen wird nach Informationen von WELT AM SONNTAG bewusst zurückgehalten.

Die EU-Grenzschutzagentur Frontex sowie die griechische Regierung verschweigen die wahren Abläufe eines Bootsdramas im Juni mit rund 600 Toten. Wie WELT AM SONNTAG und das ebenfalls zum Axel-Springer-Verlag gehörende Nachrichtenunternehmen „Politico“ erfuhren, muss die hochdramatische Situation vor der griechischen Küste Athen und den Grenzschützern viel früher bewusst gewesen sein als bislang bekannt.

Frontex hatte in einer Stellungnahme mitgeteilt, als Erstes habe ein agentureigenes Flugzeug das völlig überladene Boot um 9.47 Uhr (UTC) entdeckt. Allerdings soll das Boot – so geht es aus einem internen Frontex-Dokument hervor – bereits um 6.51 Uhr erstmals gesichtet worden sein – und zwar durch italienische Behörden.

Um 8.01 Uhr alarmierte die Seenotrettungstelle Rom demnach sowohl Frontex als auch die Leitstelle in Piräus, von wo aus Rettungseinsätze der griechischen Küstenwache gesteuert werden. Noch brisanter: Bestandteil dieses Alarms war die Information, dass an Bord des Bootes bereits zwei Kinder verstorben seien. Wie Italien an seine Informationen zu der Existenz des Bootes und den toten Kindern gelangte, ist unklar.

Der Alarm ist nach Informationen von WELT AM SONNTAG Teil der Notizen des noch in Arbeit befindlichen „Serious Incident Report“, der das Aktenzeichen 12595/2023 trägt. Trotz des Alarms aus Roms unternahmen die griechischen Behörden lange nichts. Erst gegen 19.40 Uhr traf ein Schiff der Küstenwache in der Nähe der Migranten ein.

Das Boot kenterte schließlich gegen 23 Uhr, 15 Stunden nach dem Alarm aus Rom. Unmittelbar davor hatten griechische Küstenwächter Seile an das Boot angebracht, was – so berichteten Überlebende – zum Kentern geführt habe. Nur 104 Menschen wurden lebend an Land gebracht.

WELT AM SONNTAG konfrontierte Frontex mit den Informationen zu dem Alarm aus Rom. Wann ging dieser ein? Was war die Reaktion der Agentur? In einer schriftlichen Antwort hieß es, man könne „aufgrund von laufenden Ermittlungen“ kein Statement abgeben, das über jenes vom 16. Juni hinausgeht. Darin wird die Chronologie der Ereignisse geschildert – mit 9.47 Uhr als Startpunkt, der Sichtung des Bootes durch ein Frontex-Flugzeug.

Der neu ernannte griechische Migrationsminister Dimitris Kairidis sagte in Brüssel, er habe die Frontex-Notiz nicht gesehen; weder bestätigte noch dementierte er, dass Athen diese Information aus Rom erhalten hat. Er erklärte, dass „eine unabhängige gerichtliche Untersuchung“ stattfinde. Sofern jemand für schuldig befunden werde, „wird es definitiv Konsequenzen geben.

Bis dahin solle man „keine voreiligen Schlüsse ziehen und sich dem politischen Druck beugen“. Am Freitag verwies Athen auf ein Statement auf der Küstenwache-Webseite vom 14. Juni, in dem eine Info zu dem Boot aus Rom gegen acht Uhr erwähnt wird. Von toten Kindern kein Wort. Die italienische Regierung beantwortete eine Anfrage zu dem Sachverhalt nicht.

Der Druck aus der Politik auf die Behörde und Athen wächst derweil. Die Linken-Bundestagsabgeordnete Clara Bünger, die auf eine Aufarbeitung des Pylos-Dramas drängt, sagte WELT AM SONNTAG: „Beim Sichten eines derart überfüllten Bootes hätte Frontex sofort einen Mayday-Notruf machen müssen. Das gilt umso mehr, wenn Frontex wusste, dass es am Dienstagmorgen bereits zwei tote Kinder an Bord gab.“ Dass das nicht geschehen ist, sei „ungeheuerlich und unverzeihbar“. Frontex-Direktor Hans Leijtens hätte angekündigt, er wolle Vertrauen wiederherstellen und Menschenrechte achten: „Dieses Vorhaben ist krachend gescheitert.“ Bünger sagte, Frontex sei nicht reformierbar – und forderte die Auflösung.

Der EU-Parlamentarier Erik Marquardt (Grüne) verwies darauf, dass Deutschland den Vorsitz im Frontex-Verwaltungsrat hat: „Ich erwarte von der Bundesregierung, dass sie hier vollständige Transparenz durchsetzt.“ Derartige Versprechen seitens Leijtens würden bislang nicht eingehalten.

Die EU-Kommission ließ verlauten, man äußere sich „weder zu laufenden Untersuchungen noch zu Leaks“, machte aber klar: „Die Fakten über den tragischen Vorfall vor der Küste von Pylos müssen geklärt werden. Das ist jetzt die Priorität.“

▻https://www.welt.de/politik/ausland/article246382076/Migration-Frontex-und-Athen-wussten-15-Stunden-vor-Bootsdrama-von-toten-Kindern

Pylos shipwreck: the Greek authorities must ensure that effective investigations are conducted

In a letter to the Prime Minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, published today, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, stresses that Greece has the legal obligation to conduct effective investigations into the Pylos shipwreck, which resulted in the death of more than 80 persons with many hundreds still missing, to establish the facts and, where appropriate, to lead to the punishment of those responsible.

The Commissioner expresses concern about reports of pressure having been exercised on survivors and about allegations of irregularities in the collection of evidence and testimonies, which may have led to a minimisation of the focus on certain actors in this tragedy, including the Greek Coast Guard. In the case of Safi and Others v. Greece, the European Court of Human Rights spelled out the parameters of an effective investigation into a similar event. Among those parameters, the Commissioner notes that independence is critical to securing the trust of the victims’ relatives, the survivors, the public and Greece’s international partners. While stressing that investigations cannot be limited to the role of alleged smugglers, she requests clarifications on the scope of the investigations initiated after the shipwreck.

Referring to the right of missing persons’ families to know the truth, the Commissioner seeks information on the efforts made to ensure that the remains of deceased migrants are located, respected, identified, and buried.

Expressing concerns at restrictions on survivors’ freedom of movement and the way asylum interviews have been conducted, she requests information on the concrete measures that Greece has taken to abide by its human rights obligations regarding reception conditions and access to the asylum procedure.

"In my view, the shipwreck of 14 June is unfortunately not an isolated incident”, writes the Commissioner. This should prompt a reconsideration of the approach to refugees and migrants arriving by sea at the political, policy and practical level. In this context, the Commissioner urges the Prime Minister to ensure that Greece abides by its international obligations regarding search and rescue, both under maritime law and human rights law.

Finally, the Commissioner reiterates her call for the Greek government to actively create and maintain an enabling legal framework and a political and public environment which is conducive to the existence and functioning of civil society organisations and to the work of human rights defenders and investigative journalists, and to stop their criminalisation and other forms of harassment.

▻https://www.coe.int/en/web/commissioner/-/pylos-shipwreck-the-greek-authorities-must-ensure-that-effective-investigations

Pour télécharger la lettre:
▻https://rm.coe.int/letter-addressed-to-the-prime-minister-of-greece-by-dunja-mijatovic-co/1680ac03ce

#conseil_de_l'Europe

Après le naufrage d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord au large de la Grèce, une enquête de la médiatrice européenne sur le rôle de Frontex

#Emily_O’Reilly, dont le rôle est de demander des comptes aux institutions et aux agences de l’Union européenne, a annoncé avoir ouvert cette procédure à la suite du naufrage survenu en juin, le pire en Méditerranée depuis 2016.

Un peu plus d’un mois après le pire naufrage d’un bateau de migrants depuis 2016 en Méditerrannée, survenu mi-juin au large de la Grèce et qui a fait des centaines de morts, la médiatrice européenne a annoncé, mercredi 26 juillet, avoir ouvert une enquête afin de « clarifier le rôle » de Frontex, l’agence de l’Union européenne (UE) chargée des frontières, dans les opérations de sauvetage.

« Alors que le rôle des autorités grecques fait l’objet d’une enquête au niveau national, celui de Frontex dans les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage doit également être clarifié », a souligné dans un communiqué Emily O’Reilly. Le rôle de la médiatrice est de demander des comptes aux institutions et aux agences de l’UE.

« Il a été signalé que Frontex avait bien alerté les autorités grecques de la présence du navire et proposé son assistance ; mais, ce qui n’est pas clair, c’est ce qu’elle aurait pu ou aurait dû faire d’autre », a-t-elle ajouté.

Le patron de Frontex, Hans Leijtens, a salué l’ouverture de cette enquête, assurant être prêt à coopérer « en toute transparence » pour expliquer le rôle de son agence. « Si nous ne coordonnons pas les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage, sauver des vies en mer est essentiel. Nous apportons une aide aux autorités nationales lorsque cela est nécessaire », a-t-il ajouté dans un message sur X (ex-Twitter).

Partage d’informations entre Frontex et les autorités nationales

Le chalutier vétuste et surchargé, qui était parti de Libye, a fait naufrage au large du sud de Grèce dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin. Il transportait environ 750 personnes à son bord, mais seule une centaine de migrants ont survécu.

Depuis le naufrage, les interrogations sont tournées autour de la lenteur de l’intervention des gardes-côtes grecs et sur les causes du chavirement de l’embarcation.

Par cette enquête sur le rôle de Frontex, Mme O’Reilly veut en particulier se pencher sur le partage d’informations entre l’agence européenne et les autorités nationales en matière d’opérations de recherche et de sauvetage.

Elle la coordonnera aux côtés du médiateur grec, Andreas Pottakis, qui a « la compétence d’examiner » la façon dont les autorités grecques se sont occupées du bateau Adriana.

Mi-juillet, les eurodéputés ont réclamé l’élaboration d’une « stratégie de recherche et de sauvetage fiable et permanente » des migrants en Méditerranée. Dans une résolution transpartisane, dépourvue de caractère contraignant, ils ont appelé Bruxelles à apporter aux Etats membres de l’UE un « soutien matériel, financier et opérationnel » pour renforcer leurs capacités de sauvetage en mer.

Les élus du Parlement européen citaient les chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), selon laquelle plus de 27 600 personnes ont disparu en Méditerranée depuis 2014.

▻https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/07/26/naufrage-d-un-bateau-de-migrants-au-large-de-la-grece-la-mediatrice-europeen

Smuggler, Warlord, EU ally

The lead smugglers behind the Pylos shipwreck are closely linked to General Khalifa Haftar, the Libyan warlord who EU leaders are partnering with to curb migration

On the night of 13 June, a vessel carrying around 750 men, women and children mainly from Pakistan, Egypt and Syria capsized in Greek waters. Only 104 men survived. All women and children died.

In an earlier investigation we revealed Greek coastguard efforts to cover up their role in the fatal shipwreck. The country’s naval court has since launched a preliminary investigation into the coastguard’s response to the sinking, with no arrests or suspensions of officers so far.

The only arrests made were those of nine Egyptians, accused in a separate inquiry of being part of the smuggling network behind the deadly voyage. They were charged with six counts including illegal trafficking of foreigners, organisation crime and manslaughter by negligence.

Using the contacts and documents already available to us, we pursued a follow-up investigation to establish the truth about any smugglers behind the fatal sea crossing, with the aim of identifying the key players and establishing the extent to which the nine Egyptians in prison in Greece are actually responsible.
METHODS

Lighthouse Reports, Der Spiegel, SIRAJ, El País and Reporters United used the previously established relationships with survivors and their families, as well as a network of sources in Libya, to investigate the smuggling network behind the Pylos wreck.

We also looked into the ongoing court case against nine alleged smugglers, analysing confidential court documents and speaking to five of the families of those arrested.
STORYLINES

While investigating the circumstances that led to the shipwreck and Greece’s responsibility in it, we spoke to 17 survivors.

Many named the key smugglers involved in organising the trip during our interviews with them – none of them were people on board the ship.

Some were Eastern Libyan nationals with ties to the region’s powerful ruler, Khalifa Haftar.

One name stood out: Muhammad Saad Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi. Three sources identified him as a key player in the smuggling operation: a survivor, a lower level smuggler and a Libyan insider all gave his name.

Al-Kahshi works for a special forces navy unit called the “frogmen”, run by a family member of his, Bahar Al-Tawati Al-Mnfi. Al-Tawati Al-Mnfi works under the direct orders of Khalifa Haftar.

One survivor explained that Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi used his position to issue the licence that allowed the boat (which came from Egypt) to navigate in Libyan waters and made sure the Libyan coast guards were paid to shut off the marine radar devices that detect ship movements to allow the departure.

We found that the network goes far beyond Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi.

Survivors, insiders and analysts explained that the trip was organised with wide ranging support from powerful people reporting to Haftar.

Libya expert Jalel Harchaoui said the “migrant business” had been flourishing in Eastern Libya in the last 18 months. “Haftar cannot say that he’s not aware,” he added. “He can’t say that he’s not involved.”

“All trips are overseen by his son, Saddam Haftar” said one survivor. “Saddam leads the cooperation himself or assigns one of the frogmen battalions [this may have been the case for the Pylos trip] or the 2020 battalion, depending on who has more migrants to pay the fees.”

Five survivors who flew from Syria to Libya describe how immigration officials facilitated their arrival at Benghazi’s military airport. One said: “At the airport, a person took my passport, went to immigration office, put a stamp and took us outside”.

There was a curfew in Eastern Libya on the night of departure (حظر التجول ليلاً في طبرق الليبية), yet the survivors we interviewed said that it was at night that they, along with hundreds of passengers, were taken to a small bay near Wadi Arzouka, east of Tobruk, and boarded onto the vessel.

Militias supported by Khalifa Haftar are not only involved in smuggling, they are also active in illegal “pullbacks” of migrants in EU waters.

At least two pullbacks (in May and July this year) were carried out by a militia (Tariq Bin Ziyad) controlled by Haftar’s son, including one in Maltese waters.

At least four of the people who died in the Pylos shipwreck were on the boat that was pulled back by the Tariq Bin Ziyad militia on 25 May, according to family members.

These findings raise serious questions about EU member states’ migration prevention policies.

It is known by EU authorities that Eastern Libyan militias answering to Haftar carry out both pullback and smuggling operations. The IOM and the UNHCR briefed EU officials on an increase in departures from eastern Libya , describing them as a “lucrative source of income for the eastern Libyan rulers involved”.

In spite of this, Italy and Malta are making deals with Haftar to prevent migration.

In May, Haftar met with Italian PM Meloni to discuss migration related issues and in June Italy’s interior minister said they would ask Haftar to collaborate in stopping departures.

The same month, for the first time, a Maltese delegation met Haftar in Benghazi to discuss security challenges in the region, with particular emphasis on irregular migration.

Internal EU documents show the commission is looking for ways to curb arrivals from Benghazi’s airport with the collaboration of local operators.

Harchaoui described Italian efforts to encourage Khalifa Haftar to stop departures as “bribery” and pointed to “a very clear admission of how Italy intends to work and what it promised to Haftar: if you reduce the human smuggling volumes, we will inject capital”.

Meanwhile, there’s growing evidence that nine Egyptians imprisoned for trafficking in Greece are being scapegoated.

We spoke to the families of five of the nine Egyptians under arrest – all of them say that they were passengers, not smugglers.

Three of them provided evidence that their relatives paid for their trip, indicating that it’s highly unlikely that they were involved in organising the smuggling operation.

We were able to verify the identity of a smuggler who asked one of the accused men for money ahead of the trip.

We previously found that witness testimony provided to the coast guard had been tampered with, including survivors’ answers to questions about smugglers.

In the documents, two answers to questions about smugglers contain identical sentences.

Those who were interrogated by the coast guard mentioned being pressured to place the blame on the nine Egyptians later indicted.

▻https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/smuggler-warlord-eu-ally

Naufrage au large de la Grèce : deux ONG pointent les défaillances des autorités grecques

Dans un rapport publié le 3 août, Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch reviennent sur les circonstances troubles du drame survenu aux portes de l’Europe dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin, qui a coûté la vie à au moins six cents personnes. Les associations réclament une enquête « efficace, indépendante et impartiale ».

C’est un naufrage qui a d’abord marqué les esprits de par son ampleur : pas moins de 750 personnes se trouvaient à bord d’un bateau de pêche en bois, L’Adriana, au moment où il a chaviré, dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin, au large de Pýlos en Grèce. Partie de Tobrouk en Libye pour rejoindre l’Italie, l’embarcation surchargée transportait des ressortissants syriens, égyptiens, palestiniens ou pakistanais, dont de nombreuses femmes et enfants placés dans la cale pour être « à l’abri » des éventuelles intempéries ou du soleil.

Mais on retient aussi les circonstances troubles dans lequel il s’est produit. Très vite après le naufrage, des premières voix parmi la centaine de rescapés se sont élevées pour pointer le rôle potentiel des gardes-côtes grecs dans ce drame.

Mediapart a documenté, dès le 17 juin, cette version différente de celle avancée par les autorités du pays. Une enquête de la BBC est venue l’appuyer, puis le New York Times a suivi : des témoignages de survivant·es attestent que les gardes-côtes ont non seulement tardé à organiser un sauvetage, mais ont aussi tenté de tirer le bateau à l’aide d’une corde, pouvant ainsi avoir contribué à le faire chavirer.

Après un déplacement de neuf jours en Grèce et une vingtaine d’entretiens réalisés avec des exilé·es sur place, Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch ont relevé également les « disparités extrêmement préoccupantes » entre les récits des survivant·es du Pýlos et la version des événements livrée par les autorités.

Les survivant·es interrogé·es par les deux ONG « ont systématiquement déclaré que le navire des gardes-côtes grecs envoyé sur les lieux avait attaché une corde à L’Adriana et l’avait remorqué, le faisant tanguer, puis chavirer », peut-on lire dans le rapport d’enquête publié conjointement ce jeudi 3 août.

Aux ONG, les responsables des gardes-côtes ont de leur côté affirmé que leurs équipes s’étaient approchées du bateau, reconnaissant avoir utilisé une corde, mais qu’après de « premières négociations », les passagers avaient repoussé la corde pour poursuivre leur trajet.
Le rôle des gardes-côtes grecs et de Frontex interrogé

Une version contredite par le témoignage des survivant·es interrogé·es : « Peu importe leur position sur le bateau, les survivants disent tous avoir ressenti le mouvement du bateau une fois tracté, qui avançait alors très vite alors que le moteur ne fonctionnait plus, précise Alice Autin, chercheuse pour la division Europe et Asie centrale à Human Rights Watch. Tous sont d’accord pour dire que c’est cela qui a fait vaciller le bateau, avant de le faire chavirer. »

Frontex a par ailleurs déclaré avoir repéré l’embarcation dès la veille du naufrage, ce qui a poussé certains acteurs à s’interroger sur le rôle de l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières. Pourquoi n’est-elle pas intervenue pour venir en aide aux passagers ? A-t-elle bien alerté les autorités grecques pour qu’une opération de recherche et de sauvetage soit menée en urgence ?

Dans un communiqué, Frontex a précisé que l’un de ses avions de surveillance « avait immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes », sans toutefois intervenir, au prétexte que les exilé·es avaient refusé « toute aide ». Le lendemain du drame, le patron de l’agence Hans Leijtens était en déplacement en Grèce pour « mieux comprendre ce qu’il s’était passé », et voir comment ses équipes pouvaient aider les autorités grecques, précisant que le fait de « sauver des vies était leur priorité ».

Une version qui ne semble pas avoir convaincu la médiatrice européenne, qui a décidé, le 24 juillet dernier, d’ouvrir une enquête de sa propre initiative pour interroger le rôle de Frontex dans les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage à la suite du naufrage survenu en Grèce.

« Il est clair que Frontex a joué un rôle important dans la mission de recherche et de sauvetage du point de vue de la coordination. À ce titre, je pense qu’il est possible de clarifier davantage son rôle dans de telles opérations », a déclaré dans une lettre ouverte Emily O’Reilly, qui occupe le poste de Médiateur européen.

« Il a été signalé que Frontex avait bien alerté les autorités grecques de la présence du navire et proposé son assistance ; mais ce qui n’est pas clair, c’est ce qu’elle aurait pu ou aurait dû faire d’autre », a-t-elle souligné. Frontex s’est dite prête à coopérer « en toute transparence ».

« Cela posera des questions importantes sur le rôle, les pratiques et les protocoles de l’agence dans le contexte des opérations [en mer] et sur les mesures qu’elle a prises pour se conformer à ses obligations en matière de droits fondamentaux et aux lois de l’UE », estiment Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch.
Des appels à l’aide ignorés

Les deux ONG s’interrogent aussi sur l’aide que les gardes-côtes grecs auraient pu apporter aux migrant·es dans les heures ayant précédé le naufrage. De hauts responsables des gardes-côtes leur auraient affirmé que « les personnes à bord du bateau limitaient leur demande d’aide à de l’eau et de la nourriture » et avaient exprimé leur volonté de poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie.

Mais les survivant·es interrogé·es par Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch ont « déclaré que les passagers avaient demandé à être secourus » et qu’ils avaient entendu d’autres personnes à bord de l’embarcation appeler à l’aide lors d’un échange avec un téléphone satellite, plusieurs heures avant le naufrage. Certains auraient enlevé leur T-shirt pour le secouer en l’air et appeler à l’aide, d’autres auraient hurlé à l’attention des deux navires marchands croisés avant le drame.

« Des récits concordent pour dire que des personnes ont perdu la vie à bord du bateau avant le naufrage et que l’un des corps a été placé sur le pont supérieur au-dessus de la cabine pour signifier l’urgence de la situation », poursuit Alice Autin d’Human rights watch. Et d’ajouter : « Les gardes-côtes grecs avaient la responsabilité de venir en aide aux passagers du bateau et il apparaît au vu des résultats de notre enquête qu’il y a des doutes sur la manière dont cela s’est déroulé. »

Plusieurs survivants ont enfin déclaré que les autorités leur auraient confisqué leur téléphone après le naufrage, poursuivent les ONG. Or, certaines personnes auraient « tout filmé ». Ces téléphones pourraient, s’ils réapparaissaient, servir dans le cadre de l’enquête ouverte par la justice grecque.

« Il est essentiel d’analyser ce qu’ils contiennent pour faire toute la lumière sur le déroulement des faits », conclut Alice Autin. Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch réclament une enquête « efficace, indépendante et impartiale ».

▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/030823/naufrage-au-large-de-la-grece-deux-ong-pointent-les-defaillances-des-autor

Greece: Disparities in accounts of Pylos shipwreck underscore the need for human rights compliant inquiry

Starkly divergent accounts from survivors and Greek authorities around the circumstances of the deadly Pylos shipwreck, underscore the urgent need for an effective, independent, and impartial investigation, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said today. 

The disparities between survivors’ accounts of the Pylos shipwreck and the authorities’ version of the events are extremely concerning

The fishing vessel, Adriana, was carrying an estimated 750 people when it sank on 14 June off the coast of Pylos. In the aftermath, accounts from several of the 104 survivors suggest that the vessel was towed by a Greek coast guard boat, causing the fatal wreck.  The Greek authorities have strongly denied these claims.

“The disparities between survivors’ accounts of the Pylos shipwreck and the authorities’ version of the events are extremely concerning” said Judith Sunderland, Associate Europe and Central Asia Director at Human Rights Watch.

“The Greek authorities, with support and scrutiny from the international community, should ensure that there is a transparent investigation to provide truth and justice for survivors and families of the victims, and hold those responsible to account.”  

A delegation from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch visited Greece between 4 and 13 July 2023 as part of ongoing research into the circumstances of the shipwreck and steps toward accountability. They interviewed 19 survivors of the shipwreck, 4 relatives of the missing, and nongovernmental organizations, UN and international agencies and organizations, and representatives of the Hellenic Coast Guard and the Greek Police.

The organizations’ initial observations confirm the concerns reported by several other reputable sources as to the dynamics of the shipwreck. Survivors interviewed by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch consistently stated that the Hellenic Coast Guard vessel dispatched to the scene attached a rope to the Adriana and started towing, causing it to sway and then capsize. The survivors also consistently said that passengers asked to be rescued, and that they witnessed others on the boat plead for a rescue by satellite phone in the hours before their boat capsized.  

In a meeting with Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, senior officials of the Hellenic Coast Guard said individuals on the boat limited their request for assistance to food and water and expressed their intention to proceed to Italy. They said the crew of the Coast Guard vessel came close to the Adriana and used a rope to approach the boat to assess whether passengers wanted help, but that after the first “negotiations”, passengers threw the rope back and the boat continued its journey.

This preventable tragedy demonstrates the bankruptcy of EU migration policies predicated on the racialized exclusion of people on the move and deadly deterrence

Greek authorities have opened two criminal investigations, one targeted at the alleged smugglers, and another into the actions of the coast guard. It is vital for these investigations to comply with international human rights standards of impartiality, independence, and effectiveness. 

To enhance the credibility of judicial investigations both in practice and perception, they should be under the supervision of the Supreme Court Prosecutor’s Office. Further, Greek authorities should ensure that the Greek Ombudsman’s office is promptly provided with information and resources necessary to carry out its functions as the National Mechanism for Investigating Incidents of Arbitrariness, in relation to any disciplinary investigation.   

Several survivors said that the authorities confiscated their phones following the shipwreck but did not give them any related documentation or tell them how to retrieve their property. Nabil, a survivor of Syrian origin, told the organisations, “It’s not only the evidence of the wreck that has been taken from me, it is my memories of my friends who were lost, my life has been taken from me”. 

The Greek authorities’ longstanding failure to ensure accountability for violent and unlawful pushbacks at the country’s borders raises concerns over their ability and willingness to carry out effective and independent investigations.

Lessons should be learned from the European Court of Human Rights 2022 decision about the 2014 “Farmakonisi” shipwreck, in which survivors argued that their boat had capsized because the Hellenic Coast Guard used dangerous maneuvers to tow them towards Turkish waters. The Court condemned Greece for the authorities’ failures in handling rescue operations and for shortcomings in the subsequent investigation of the incident, including how victims’ testimony was handled.  

In view of the seriousness and international significance of the Pylos tragedy, Greek authorities should seek out and welcome international and/or European assistance and cooperation in the conduct of national investigations as an additional guarantee of independence, effectiveness and transparency.  

A full and credible investigation into the shipwreck should seek to clarify any responsibility for both the sinking of the ship and delays or shortcomings in the rescue efforts that may have contributed to the appalling loss of life. The investigation should involve taking the testimonies of all survivors, under conditions that guarantee their trust and safety.

All forensic evidence, such as traces of communications, videos, and photographs, should be collected, assessed and safeguarded to facilitate accountability processes. Any property, such as cell phones, taken from survivors for investigative purposes should be appropriately logged and returned within a reasonable amount of time.  

All of those involved in or with knowledge of the incident, including the Hellenic Coast Guard, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), the captains and crews of the two merchant vessels, and others who took part in the rescue operation after the shipwreck should be invited or required to testify, as appropriate, and should cooperate fully and promptly with the investigations.

To ensure this is the last, and not the latest, in an unconscionably long list of tragedies in the Mediterranean, the EU should reorient its border policies towards rescue at sea and safe and legal routes

In parallel to the national investigation, the EU Ombudsman has announced that it will open an inquiry into the role of Frontex in search and rescue (SAR) activities in the Mediterranean, including in the Adriana shipwreck. This will pose important questions about the agency’s role, practices and protocols in the context of SAR operations and on what actions it has taken to comply with its fundamental rights obligations and EU laws during this and other shipwrecks.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are continuing to investigate the Pylos shipwreck and demand justice for all those harmed.

“This preventable tragedy demonstrates the bankruptcy of EU migration policies predicated on the racialized exclusion of people on the move and deadly deterrence,” said Esther Major, Amnesty International’s Senior Research Adviser for Europe.

“To ensure this is the last, and not the latest, in an unconscionably long list of tragedies in the Mediterranean, the EU should reorient its border policies towards rescue at sea and safe and legal routes for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants.”  

Background 

As part of their ongoing investigation, the organizations have sent letters requesting information to several key entities, including the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy, the Prosecutors of the Supreme Court and of the Piraeus Naval Court and Frontex.

On 13 June 2023, Frontex said its surveillance plane spotted the Adriana at 09:47 UTC (12:47 EEST/in Athens) and alerted authorities in Greece and Italy. In the following hours, two merchant vessels and later a Hellenic Coast Guard vessel interacted with the Adriana. After the boat capsized at around 2 a.m. EEST on 14 June, only 104 survivors, including several children, were rescued.

The Prosecutor of Kalamata ordered the arrest of nine Egyptian nationals who survived the shipwreck on charges of smuggling, membership in an organized criminal network, manslaughter, and other serious crimes.

Following an order by the Head of the Prosecutor’s Office of the Piraeus Naval Court, a prosecutor is currently conducting a preliminary investigation into the conditions of the shipwreck and the potential punishable offences by members of the Hellenic Coast Guard. The organizations have sought information with the Greek Minister of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy about any disciplinary investigation opened into the actions of members of the Hellenic Coast Guard.

▻https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/08/greece-disparities-in-accounts-of-pylos-shipwreck-underscore-the-need-for-h

Après le naufrage en Grèce, les autorités grecques et européennes sous le feu des critiques

À la suite de l’annonce de la disparition de plusieurs centaines de personnes dans un naufrage survenu mercredi au large de la Grèce, des dirigeants européens ont fait part de leurs condoléances. Ils ont reçu de nombreuses critiques condamnant les politiques migratoires européennes.

C’est sans doute le naufrage le plus meurtrier depuis 2013. Mercredi 14 juin, vers 2h du matin, un bateau surchargé de migrants a fait naufrage au large de Pylos, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce. Au moins 78 personnes sont mortes dans le drame et des centaines d’autres sont toujours portées disparues. Selon les témoignages des rescapés, qui ont donné des chiffres différents, entre 400 et 750 exilés se trouvaient sur le bateau parti de Tobrouk, dans l’est de la Libye.

À la suite de ce drame, de nombreuses personnalités politiques grecques et européennes ont exprimé leur émotion sur les réseaux sociaux. La présidente de la Commission européenne Ursula von der Leyen s’est dit « profondément attristée par la nouvelle du naufrage au large des côtes grecques et par les nombreux décès signalés ». « Nous devons continuer à travailler ensemble, avec les États membres et les pays tiers, pour éviter de telles tragédies », a-t-elle ajouté.

Ylva Johansson, commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, s’est quant à elle dit « profondément affectée par cette tragédie meurtrière au large des côtes grecques ». « Nous avons le devoir moral collectif de démanteler les réseaux criminels. La meilleure façon d’assurer la sécurité des migrants est d’empêcher ces voyages catastrophiques... », a également indiqué la responsable.

Les messages de soutien des deux dirigeantes ont entraîné de très nombreuses critiques d’internautes. Des défenseurs des droits des migrants, avocats et journalistes ont notamment dénoncé le « cynisme » des autorités européennes, les accusant de promouvoir une politique migratoire européenne dure.

« Vies innocentes »

La classe politique grecque a également réagi au drame. En campagne électorale en vue des législatives du 25 juin, l’ancien Premier ministre conservateur, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, a décidé d’annuler un rassemblement électoral prévu pour la fin de journée à Patras, le grand port de cette région du Péloponnèse, a annoncé son parti Nouvelle Démocratie (ND).

« Nous sommes tous choqués par le tragique naufrage survenu aujourd’hui dans les eaux internationales de la Méditerranée, au sud-ouest du Péloponnèse. Je suis attristé par la perte de tant de vies innocentes », a-t-il déclaré sur Twitter.

Ce responsable politique s’est par ailleurs entretenu au téléphone avec le Premier ministre par intérim, Ioannis Sarmas. Il a également décrété trois jours de deuil dans le pays.

Sur les réseaux sociaux, l’ancien Premier ministre n’a pas non plus été épargné par des internautes l’accusant d’hypocrisie face au drame de Pylos. Le dirigeant a mené une politique très dure envers les exilés durant ses quatre années à la tête du gouvernement. Athènes a été à de très nombreuses reprises accusée de pratiquer des refoulements illégaux de migrants en mer Égée et dans la région de l’Evros.
Des bateaux escortés hors des SAR zones

De nombreux membres d’organisations internationales ont également réagi au drame de Pylos. Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-commissariat des nations unies aux réfugiés (HCR), en charge de la Méditerranée de l’ouest et centrale s’est dit « très attristé par cette nouvelle tragédie ». Le responsable a également confié son inquiétude « de voir ces derniers mois certains États côtiers escorter des bateaux en mauvais état en dehors de leur zone SAR pour s’assurer qu’ils atteignent d’autres zones SAR ».

De son côté, Federico Soda, directeur du département des urgences à l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), a plaidé pour la mise en place de « mesures concrètes pour donner la priorité à la recherche et au sauvetage » et de « voies d’accès sûres pour les migrants ».

L’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières (Frontex) s’est, quant à elle, déclarée « profondément touchée » par le drame. Dans le même message posté sur Twitter, l’agence assure que son avion de surveillance a repéré le bateau le mardi 13 juin au matin et affirme avoir « immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes ».

Selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait effectivement vu le bateau mardi mais il n’est pas intervenu car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ».

Les ONG actives dans l’aide aux exilés ont également fait part de leur effroi face au drame de Pylos. Interrogé par Libération, le président de SOS Méditerranée France, François Thomas, a condamné une « nouvelle tragédie insupportable ». « Il n’existe aucune solidarité européenne. Les moyens de sauvetage sont de moins en moins importants, alors que l’Europe a des moyens. Quand est-ce que tout cela va s’arrêter ? », a-t-il dénoncé.

Médecins sans frontières (MSF), qui intervient en Méditerranée centrale avec son navire humanitaire le Geo barents , a déclaré être « attristé et choqué » par le drame survenu mercredi. L’ONG précise que ses équipes en Grèce se tiennent prêtes à intervenir pour aider autant que possible les rescapés.

Enquête ouverte

Enfin, le pape François, très sensible à la thématique migratoire, est « profondément consterné » par le naufrage, a rapporté jeudi le Vatican dans un communiqué.

« Sa sainteté le pape François envoie ses prières sincères pour les nombreux migrants qui sont morts, leurs proches et tous ceux qui ont été traumatisés par cette tragédie », peut-on lire dans un télégramme signé par le N.2 du Saint-Siège, le cardinal Pietro Parolin, et publié par le Vatican.

Les opérations de secours se poursuivaient jeudi matin pour tenter de retrouver des survivants. Des moyens aériens et maritimes sont déployés mais les espoirs s’amenuisent à mesure que le temps passe. Jusqu’à présent, 104 personnes ont pu être secourues mais Athènes redoute que des centaines d’autres ne soient portées disparues, d’après les témoignages des survivants.

Une enquête a été ouverte par la justice grecque sur le sauvetage de l’embarcation. La Cour suprême grecque a également ordonné une enquête pour définir les causes du drame qui a choqué le pays.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49698/apres-le-naufrage-en-grece-les-autorites-grecques-et-europeennes-sous-

“They are urgently asking for help”: the SOS that was ignored

The Hellenic Coast Guard attributed its failure to proceed to a rescue mission of the migrants before their trawler sunk to their refusal to receive assistance. International law experts, as well as active and former Coast Guard officials, refute the argument. And emails sent by the Alarm Phone group to authorities which are in Solomon’s possession, prove that the passengers of the vessel had sent out an SOS – one that was ignored.

https://wearesolomon.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/2-1024x576.png

The first recovered bodies of the people who lost their lives 80 km southwest of Pylos between the 13th and 14th of June are transferred to the cemetery of Schisto. At least 78 dead and hundreds remain missing. 104 people have been rescued so far, while the search for survivors continues.

But critical questions about possible mishandling by the Hellenic Coast Guard of the tragedy that led to the deadliest shipwreck recorded in recent years in the Mediterranean remain.

The same goes for the responsibilities of Greece and Europe, whose policies have diverted asylum seekers to the deadly Calabria route, which bypasses Greece (for obvious reasons), while also failing to establish legal and safe routes.
“Denied assistance“

In the briefings and timeline of the events leading up to the tragedy, the HCG attributes the failure to rescue the migrants before the sinking of the fishing boat to their repeated “refusal to receive assistance” in their communications with the vessel.

The HCG had been aware of the vessel since the early morning hours of Tuesday, 13/6, and was, according to its own log, in contact with the vessel from as early as 14:00 local time. But no rescue action was undertaken, because “the trawler did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or Greece,” the HCG reported.

The same argument is repeated at 18:00: “Repeatedly the fishing boat was asked by the merchant ship if it required additional assistance, was in danger or wanted anything else from Greece. They replied, “we want nothing more than to continue to Italy”.

But does this absolve the Coast Guard of responsibility?

International law experts as well as former and active members of the Coast Guard question the legal and humanitarian basis of this argument, even if there was indeed a “refusal of assistance”. And they point out to Solomon that the rescue operation should have begun immediately upon detection of the fishing vessel. For the following reasons, among others:

- The vessel was obviously overloaded and unseaworthy, with the lives of the peopled on board, who did not even have life-saving equipment, being in constant danger.

– Accepting a denial of rescue or other intervention by the HCG could make sense only if the vessel carried a state flag, had proper documents, had a proper captain and was safe. None of these applies in the case of the sunk trawler.

- Coast Guard officials had to objectively assess the situation and take the necessary actions regardless of how the passengers of the trawler – or, to be precise, whoever the Coast Guard was in contact with- themselves assessed their own situation.

- The fishing vessel was undoubtedly in a state of distress that mandated its rescue at the latest from the moment the Coast Guard received, through Alarm Phone, an SOS message, which was transmitted to the group by the passengers. This SOS call is not mentioned anywhere in the Coast Guard’s communications.

Proof the Coast Guard knew of the danger

In its own chronology of events, Watch the Med-Alarm Phone says it contacted the authorities at 17:53 local GR time.

The email to the competent authorities, which is available to Solomon, indicates the coordinates where the overloaded vessel was located. It states that there are 750 people on board, including many women and children, and includes a telephone number for contacting the passengers themselves.

“They are urgently asking for help,” the email reads.

From this message, it follows also that FRONTEX, the HQ of the Greek Police and the Ministry of Citizen Protection, as well as the Coast Guard in Kalamata, were also informed.

The message was also communicated to the UNCHR in Greece and Turkey, to NATO, as well as to Greece’s Ombudsman.

Listen to the interview given to Solomon by Maro, an Alarm Phone member:

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV4SptggF2U&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwearesolomon.com%2F

Solomon contacted the Hellenic Coast Guard, asking detailed questions: why was there no rescue operation after the migrants’ distress signal via Alarm Phone? Does a refusal to rescue exculpate the HCG? Why was the vessel (for security and identification purposes) not even checked, given it was not flying a flag? Why was the operation launched only after the vessel sank?

A spokesman for the HCG did not answer the specific questions but instead referred to the Coast Guard’s press release.

Solomon also contacted UNHCR, which confirmed receipt of the email.

“Our Office was indeed notified yesterday (ed. note: 13/06) afternoon in correspondence received from Watch The Med – Alarm Phone, which referred to a vessel in distress southwest of the Peloponnese with a large number of passengers. We immediately informed the competent Greek authorities requesting urgent information about the coordination of a search and rescue operation to bring the people to safety”.

“Please be informed that Frontex has immediately relayed the message to the Greek authorities,” Frontex responded to Alarm Phone’s message, in an email seen by Solomon.

“Duty of rescue, not stand by and watch”

The Coast Guard had to treat the incident as a vessel in distress from the very first moment and take all measures to rescue the people, explains Nora Markard, Professor of International Public Law and International Human Rights at the University of Münster.

“As soon as the distress call was received via Alarm Phone, there was clearly distress. But when a ship is so evidently overloaded, it is in distress as soon as it leaves port, because it is unseaworthy. Even if the ship is still moving. And when there is distress, there is a duty to rescue, not to stand by and watch.

International law defines distress as a situation where there is a reasonable certainty that a vessel or a person is threatened by grave and imminent danger and requires immediate assistance.

“That requires an objective assessment. If a captain completely misjudges the situation and says the ship is fine, the ship is still in distress if the passengers are in grave danger by the condition of the ship,” Dr. Markard explains.

International law unambiguously states that, on receiving information ‘from any source’ that persons are in distress at sea, the master of a ship that is in a position to render assistance must ‘proceed with all speed to their assistance’.

In this particular case, the fishing vessel was not flying a flag, so the incident does not even fall under the category of respect for the sovereignty of the flag state.

“When a ship doesn’t fly a flag at all, as it appears to be the case here, the law of the sea gives other states a right to visit the ship. This includes the right to board the ship to check it out,” says Markard.

Apart from the distress call itself, the Hellenic Coast Guard, therefore, had the additional authority to examine the situation.

“All ships and authorities alerted of the distress have an obligation to rescue, even if the ship in distress is not in their territorial waters but at high sea. Search and rescue zones often include waters that belong to the high sea,” explains Markard.

“If the distress occurs in a state’s search and rescue zone, that state also has an obligation to coordinate the rescue. For example, it can requisition merchant ships to render assistance.”
Coast Guard officer: “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”

A former senior officer of the Greek Coast Guard with vast relevant experience seconds this and raises additional questions.

Speaking to Solomon on condition of anonymity, he explained that the vessel was manifestly unseaworthy and the people on board in danger. Even a refusal to accept assistance was not a reason to leave it to its fate.

The same official also points out there were delays in the response of the HCG (“valuable time was lost”) and an inadequate force of assets. He confirmed that refusal of assistance would only make sense in the case of a legal, documented, seaworthy and flagged vessel. “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”.

Similar statements regarding the claims of the Greek Coast Guard were made by retired admiral of the Coast Guard and international expert, Nikos Spanos, to Greece’s public broadcaster ERT:

“It’s like saying I can just watch you drown and do nothing. We don’t ask the crew on a boat in distress if they need help. They absolutely need help, from the moment the boat is adrift.”

▻https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/they-are-urgently-asking-for-help-the-sos-that-was-ignored

Chi c’era a bordo della barca naufragata al largo della Grecia

Moshin Shazad, 32 anni, era un uomo con l’espressione seria, due figli piccoli, la moglie e la madre da mantenere. Per questo aveva deciso di partire da Lalamusa, una città nel Punjab, in Pakistan. Non riusciva a trovare un lavoro stabile e le bocche da sfamare erano diventate troppe, dopo la nascita del secondo figlio. Voleva raggiungere il cugino, Waheed Ali, che dal 2019 vive in Norvegia.

È partito con altri quattro ragazzi, quattro amici, tra cui Abdul Khaliq e Sami Ullah. Ha telefonato al cugino poco dopo essere salito sul peschereccio stracarico che è partito da Tobruk, in Libia, ed è naufragato il 14 giugno, a 47 miglia da Pylos, in Grecia. “Diceva che sarebbe arrivato in Italia”, racconta Waheed Ali, che ora sta cercando il cugino tra i 108 sopravvissuti, di cui molti sono stati sistemati in un magazzino abbandonato di Kalamata, in Grecia, mentre una trentina sono stati trasferiti in ospedale. Molti erano in ipotermia. Ma Shazad potrebbe anche essere tra i dispersi.

Shawq Muhammad al Ghazali, 22 anni, era uno studente originario di Daraa, in Siria, ed era rifugiato in Giordania, dove al momento vivono la sua famiglia e suo zio Ibhraim al Ghazali. Il ragazzo era partito da Amman per la Libia, e da lì, da Tobruk, si era imbarcato per raggiungere l’Europa. “Non ho sue notizie dall’8 giugno, il giorno della partenza dalla Libia”, dice lo zio. Secondo molti familiari, le autorità greche non stanno aiutando le famiglie ad avere notizie dei parenti o a capire se sono tra i vivi o tra i dispersi.

I superstiti sono per lo più siriani (47) ed egiziani (43), poi ci sono dodici pachistani e due palestinesi, secondo le autorità greche. Tutti uomini. “Non riesco a sapere se è sopravvissuto, sono io che sto dando notizie alla famiglia in Pakistan, ma sono disperato, non riesco a capire e a sapere nulla. Del naufragio ho saputo dalla televisione”, afferma Waheed Ali.

L’imbarcazione su cui viaggiavano Moshin Shazad e gli altri era partita da Tobruk l’8 giugno, era diretta in Italia, lungo una rotta da cui sono arrivati nel 2023 la metà dei migranti partiti dalla Libia.

“Secondo le prime testimonianze sarebbe corretta la stima di 700-750 persone a bordo, tra cui almeno quaranta bambini, che probabilmente erano nella stiva. Se questi numeri fossero confermati, si tratterebbe del secondo naufragio più grave avvenuto nel Mediterraneo dopo quello dell’aprile 2015”, racconta Flavio Di Giacomo, dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim). Settantotto corpi sono stati recuperati finora in mare al largo della penisola del Peloponneso. Ma l’Oim ha affermato di “temere che altre centinaia di persone” siano annegate. Il portavoce della guardia costiera greca Nikos Alexiou ha detto che l’imbarcazione è naufragata, dopo che le persone si sono spostate bruscamente su un lato. L’imbarcazione è affondata in quindici minuti.

Frontex li aveva avvistati
Secondo le autorità greche, un aereo di sorveglianza dell’agenzia europea Frontex aveva avvistato la barca il 13 giugno. In un comunicato Frontex ha confermato di avere visto l’imbarcazione in mattinata, alle 9.47 del giorno precedente al naufragio e di averlo comunicato alle autorità preposte al soccorso, cioè alla guardia costiera greca. Anche la guardia costiera italiana e due mercantili avevano segnalato alle autorità greche l’imbarcazione in difficoltà. Ma secondo la guardia costiera greca, i passeggeri dell’imbarcazione “hanno rifiutato qualsiasi aiuto”, perché i migranti si stavano dirigendo verso l’Italia.

“Nel pomeriggio, una nave mercantile si è avvicinata alla barca e le ha fornito cibo e rifornimenti, mentre i (passeggeri) hanno rifiutato ogni ulteriore assistenza”, ha detto la guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. Una seconda nave mercantile in seguito ha offerto più rifornimenti e assistenza. Ma anche questa volta sono stati rifiutati, secondo i greci.

In serata, una motovedetta della guardia costiera ha raggiunto la nave “e ha confermato la presenza di un gran numero di migranti sul ponte”, è scritto nel comunicato delle autorità greche. “Ma hanno rifiutato qualsiasi assistenza e hanno detto che volevano continuare in Italia”. Tuttavia le leggi internazionali sul soccorso in mare avrebbero imposto in ogni caso ai greci di intervenire per le condizioni in cui l’imbarcazione stava navigando. Diverse testimonianze contestano la versione delle autorità greche.

Il motore della barca si è rotto poco prima delle 23 (gmt) del 13 giugno, da quel momento la barca è andata alla deriva. I naufraghi hanno chiesto aiuto, telefonando alla rete di volontari Alarmphone, già dal 13 giugno, dicendo di avere contattato anche “la polizia”. L’attivista Nawal Soufi, che vive in Italia, ha raccontato che i migranti con cui era in contatto telefonico le hanno detto che alcune imbarcazioni si sono avvicinate, distribuendo delle bottigliette di acqua.

“Il 13 giugno 2023, nelle prime ore del mattino, i migranti a bordo di una barca carica di 750 persone mi hanno contattata comunicandomi la loro difficile situazione. Dopo cinque giorni di viaggio, l’acqua era finita, il conducente dell’imbarcazione li aveva abbandonati in mare aperto e c’erano anche sei cadaveri a bordo. Non sapevano esattamente dove si trovassero, ma grazie alla posizione istantanea del telefono Turaya (telefono satellitare, ndr), ho potuto ottenere la loro posizione esatta e ho allertato le autorità competenti”, scrive Soufi, condividendo la sua ricostruzione su Facebook.

“La situazione si è complicata quando una nave si è avvicinata all’imbarcazione, legandola con delle corde su due punti della barca e iniziando a buttare bottiglie d’acqua. I migranti si sono sentiti in forte pericolo, poiché temevano che le corde potessero far capovolgere la barca e che le risse a bordo per ottenere l’acqua potessero causare il naufragio. Per questo motivo, si sono leggermente allontanati dalla nave per evitare un naufragio sicuro”, continua l’attivista nel suo post.

“Durante la notte, la situazione a bordo dell’imbarcazione è diventata ancora più drammatica. Io sono rimasta in contatto con loro fino alle 23 ore greche, cercando di rassicurarli e di aiutarli a trovare una soluzione”. Fino all’ultima chiamata in cui “l’uomo con cui parlavo mi ha espressamente detto: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte in vita’”, conclude. Il parlamentare greco Kriton Arsenis, che ha parlato con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, ha confermato la versione dell’attivista Soufi e ha dichiarato che l’imbarcazione si è ribaltata dopo essere stata trainata con delle corde dai greci. Secondo Arsenis, i greci volevano spingere l’imbarcazione di migranti nelle acque di ricerca e soccorso italiane.

▻https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/annalisa-camilli/2023/06/15/naufragio-grecia
#Frontex

Grecia, strage di Pylos. «Nessuna pace per gli assassini»

https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/manifestazione-atene-1536x1024.jpg

Mentre il mare inghiotte i corpi e lo Stato rinchiude i sopravvissuti si riempiono le strade delle città greche

Da tempo, definiamo la politica migratoria europea “necropolitica”, ovvero – seguendo Achille Mbembe – una politica che crea le condizioni strutturali per produrre la morte di un gruppo di persone.

Un’architettura di morte, che vediamo ogni giorno nel regime europeo del confine, sempre più legale, sofisticata, diffusa. Ci accorgiamo ora che ci hanno tolto anche la morte, nel senso che personalmente e collettivamente – noi “vivi” – le diamo, facendo esperienza di quella degli altri, vicini e lontani. Ci hanno tolto anche la morte perché hanno tolto il lutto a chi ha perso una persona cara, la possibilità di piangere un corpo morto, la possibilità di conoscerne il nome, di sapere chi, dove, quando, quanti.

Probabilmente non sapremo mai quante persone sono affogate nella strage avvenuta tra martedì 13 e mercoledì 14 giugno ad 80 chilometri al largo del porto di Pylos. Gli stessi migranti, al telefono con l’attivista Nawal Soufi, parlavano di 750 persone a bordo, di cui molti bambini. La Guardia costiera ellenica dice 646. Le foto e le informazioni disponibili fino ad ora confermano quest’ordine di grandezza, ma le cifre sono destinate a rimanere indicative. Il naufragio è avvenuto nella zona con il mare più profondo di tutto il Mediterraneo: circa 60 km a sud-ovest di Pylos si trova la Fossa di Calipso, una depressione che supera i 5.000 metri di profondità. Gli esperti dicono che il recupero dei corpi sarà quindi particolarmente difficoltoso, il mare li inghiottirà per sempre. Ad oggi, sono solo 104 i superstiti, difficilmente questo numero aumenterà.

Oltre la produzione della morte si situa forse l’annullamento, l’annientamento della persona (della vita). Sono parole che, chiaramente, richiamano il nazismo. Non sapere chi, non sapere quanti, non poter riavere i corpi – massivamente e sistematicamente – è qualcosa che, credo, si avvicina all’annientamento.

I dettagli che iniziano a trapelare dipingono un quadro dei fatti che non solo seppellisce ogni retorica della “tragica fatalità”, ma svela le responsabilità dirette della HCG (Hellenic Coast Guard) nel causare il “capovolgimento” della barca. Come ricostruito dall’attivista Iasonas Apostolopoulos, sulla base delle dichiarazioni del parlamentare Kriton Arsenis, che ha potuto parlare con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, la HCG avrebbe legato il peschereccio con delle corde e provato a trascinarlo. Sarebbe stato proprio questo tentativo di rimorchio a far ribaltare la barca. Queste ricostruzioni si allineano con i primi racconti di Nawal Soufi.

▻https://twitter.com/ABoatReport/status/1669301668259741696/history

Evidentemente, la differenza – se esiste – tra uccidere e lasciar morire sfuma: non è “solo” indifferenza complice, non è “semplicemente” girarsi dall’altra parte. L’omissione di soccorso è la punta dell’iceberg di un sistema complesso – quello dei confini europei – progettato per annientare la vita. Sistema di cui la guardia costiera è solo un tassello. Non è l’Europa che finge di non vedere, è l’Europa che, strutturalmente, con delle politiche precise e radicate nel tempo, produce morte.

La versione ufficiale della HCG descrive invece il capovolgimento come frutto di una maldestra manovra – in mare piatto – del peschereccio stesso. Dall’altra parte, puntano tutto sulla colpevolizzazione delle vittime: “Ripetevano costantemente di voler salpare per l’Italia e di non volere alcun aiuto dalla Grecia”, si ribadisce ossessivamente nel comunicato. Ma è assodato che questo improbabile “non volevano essere aiutati”, secondo il diritto del mare, non giustifica il mancato soccorso, come chiarito dall’ordine degli avvocati di Kalamata – che si è offerto di supportare gratuitamente i sopravvissuti. Così come è assodato che la HCG sapeva tutto dalla mattina di martedì 13 giugno, alla luce dell’avvistamento da parte del velivolo di Frontex e degli SOS diffusi da Alarm Phone – pubblicati da wearesolomon – e inoltrati anche ad UNCHR, NATO, e al difensore civico greco.

Ma non lasciamo non detti: probabilmente l’HCG voleva trascinare il peschereccio in zona SAR maltese o italiana. Questa volontà è stata più forte di quella di salvare 750 vite umane in evidente pericolo. Forse anche per questo, ai giornalisti è stato impedito di parlare con i sopravvissuti. Dopo delle pressioni, è stato permesso solo ai parlamentari.

Come da copione, nove di loro, egiziani, sono stati arrestati accusati di traffico di esseri umani ed omicidio 1, mentre la maggior parte (71 persone) è stata trasferita nel campo di Malakasa 2, nel “centro di accoglienza e identificazione”: una struttura chiusa, controllata, isolata, priva di supporto psicologico e assistenza medica adeguata. Sono siriani, egiziani, pakistani e palestinesi. Non devono poter raccontare, devono capire che non c’è pietà, che nulla gli sarà concesso.

https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/malakasa2.jpg https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/malakasa3.jpg

Nel porto di Kalamata, sembra di rivivere i giorni di Cutro: arrivano i familiari da tutta Europa e non solo. Alcuni trovano i propri cari, molti non li troveranno. Nessun aiuto da parte dello Stato, nessuna informazione, dicono. Non c’è pace per i vivi, non c’è pace per i morti. Finora sono stati recuperati ed identificati 78 corpi, saranno trasportati con dei camion frigorifero al cimitero di Schisto.

Intanto, si riempiono le strade della Grecia. Dal porto di Pylos ad Atene, Salonicco, Patrasso, Karditsa, Kalamata, migliaia di persone si sono messe in marcia. Ad Atene, giovedì sera, una marea umana si è scontrata con i soliti gangster in divisa.

La risposta dello Stato è sempre la stessa, anche con i solidali. Sono piazze commosse ma piene di rabbia. Una rabbia degna. Puntano chiaramente il dito verso gli assassini: non solo la guardia costiera, ma lo Stato greco, l’Unione Europea, Frontex, questo sistema coloniale e razzista.

Domenica 18 giugno nel pomeriggio un altro corteo, chiamato dalla Open Assembly Against Pushbacks and Border Violence, si muoverà dal Pireo verso gli uffici di Frontex: l’agenzia europea non potrà giocare la parte dei “buoni” che avevano segnalato per tempo la barca in pericolo.

Dalle strade, si leva una promessa: non dimentichiamo, non perdoniamo.

Senza funerali
▻https://i.imgur.com/gwzd0yG.jpg
▻https://twitter.com/maurobiani/status/1669719647107661824

Did migrants reject help before deadly Greek wreck, or beg for it? Coast guard, activists disagree

This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)
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This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)

This much is clear: On June 9, an old steel fishing trawler left eastern Libya for Italy, carrying far too many people.

As many as 750 men, women and children from Syria, Egypt, the Palestinian territories and Pakistan were on board, fleeing hopelessness in their home countries and trying to reach relatives in Europe.

Five days later, the trawler sank off the coast of Greece in one of the deepest parts of the Mediterranean Sea. Only 104 people, all men, survived. The remains of 78 people were recovered.

There are still more questions than answers about what led up to one of the worst shipwrecks in recent Mediterranean history.

Activists, migration experts and opposition politicians have criticized Greek authorities for not acting earlier to rescue the migrants, even though a coast guard vessel escorted the trawler for hours and watched helplessly as it sank.

Below is a timeline of events based on reports from Greek authorities, a commercial ship, and activists who said they were in touch with passengers. They describe sequences of events that at times converge, but also differ in key ways.

The Greek Coast Guard said that the overcrowded trawler was moving steadily toward Italy, refusing almost all assistance, until minutes before it sank. This is in part supported by the account of a merchant tanker that was nearby.

But activists said that people on board were in danger and made repeated pleas for help more than 15 hours before the vessel sank.

International maritime law and coast guard experts said that conditions on the trawler clearly showed it was at risk, and should have prompted an immediate rescue operation, regardless of what people on board may have said.

Much of these accounts could not immediately be independently verified.

Missing from this timeline is the testimony of survivors, who have been transferred to a closed camp and kept away from journalists.

All times are given in Greece’s time zone.

FIRST CONTACT

Around 11 a.m. on Tuesday, Italian authorities informed Greece that a fishing trawler packed with migrants was in international waters southwest of the Peloponnese. Greece said the Italian authorities were alerted by an activist.

Around the same time, human rights activist Nawal Soufi wrote on social media that she had been contacted by a woman on a boat that had left Libya four days earlier.

The migrants had run out of water, Soufi wrote, and shared GPS coordinates through a satellite phone showing they were approximately 100 km (62 miles) from Greece.

“Dramatic situation on board. They need immediate rescue,” she wrote Tuesday morning.

Over the course of the day, Soufi described some 20 calls with people on the trawler in a series of social media posts and a later audio recording. The Associated Press could not reach Soufi.

A surveillance aircraft from the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex spotted the overcrowded trawler at 11:47 p.m. and notified Greek authorities, the agency told AP. On Saturday, Frontex told AP its plane had to leave the scene after 10 minutes due to a fuel shortage but that it had also shared with Greece details and photos of the “heavily overcrowded” trawler.

DIFFERING ACCOUNTS OF CONDITIONS ON BOARD

At 2 p.m., Greek authorities established contact with someone on the trawler. The vessel “did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or from Greece,” according to a statement.

But activists said that people on the boat were already in desperate need by Tuesday afternoon.

At 3:11 p.m., Soufi wrote, passengers told her that seven people were unconscious.

Around the same time, Alarm Phone, a network of activists with no connection to Soufi who run a hotline for migrants in need of rescue, said they received a call from a person on the trawler.

“They say they cannot survive the night, that they are in heavy distress,” Alarm Phone wrote.

At 3:35 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter located the trawler. An aerial photo released showed it packed, with people covering almost every inch of the deck.

From then until 9 p.m., Greek authorities said, they were in contact with people on the trawler via satellite phone, radio, and shouted conversations conducted by merchant vessels and a Coast Guard boat that arrived at night. They added that people on the trawler repeatedly said they wanted to continue to Italy and refused rescue.

MERCHANT SHIPS BRING SUPPLIES

At 5:10 p.m., Greek authorities asked a Maltese-flagged tanker called the Lucky Sailor to bring the trawler food and water.

According to the company that manages the Lucky Sailor, people on the trawler “were very hesitant to receive any assistance,” and shouted that “they want to go to Italy.” Eventually, Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Limited wrote in a statement, the trawler was persuaded to accept supplies.

Around 6 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter reported that the trawler was “sailing on a steady course and heading.”

But at 6:20 p.m., Alarm Phone said that people on board reported that they were not moving, and that the “captain” had abandoned the trawler in a small boat.

“Please any solution,” someone on board told Alarm Phone.

The Greek authorities’ account suggested the trawler stopped around that time to receive supplies from the Lucky Sailor.

At 6:55 p.m., Soufi wrote, migrants on board told her that six people had died and another two were very sick. No other account so far has mentioned deaths prior to the shipwreck, and the AP has not been able to verify this.

Around 9 p.m., Greek authorities asked a second, Greek-flagged, merchant vessel to deliver water, and allowed the Lucky Sailor to leave.

Then, at around 10:40 p.m., a Coast Guard boat from Crete reached the trawler, and remained nearby until it sank. According to the Coast Guard, the vessel “discreetly observed” the trawler from a distance. Once again, the Coast Guard said, the trawler did not appear to have any problems and was moving “at a steady course and speed.”

THE FINAL HOURS

According to Soufi’s account, attempts to deliver supplies may have contributed to the trawler’s troubles.

Shortly after 11 p.m., she wrote that the trawler began rocking as its passengers tried to catch water bottles from another vessel. According to people on board, ropes were tied to the ship, destabilizing it and causing a “state of panic,” she said.

The report from the Lucky Sailor said no lines were tied to the trawler, and supplies were delivered in watertight barrels tied to a rope.

“Those on board the boat caught the line and pulled,” the company managing the Lucky Sailor told the AP.

The other merchant vessel did not immediately reply to the AP’s questions.

A spokesman for the Greek Coast Guard said late Friday that its vessel had briefly attached a light rope to the trawler at around 11 p.m. He stressed that none of the vessels had attempted to tow the trawler.

Commander Nikos Alexiou told Greek channel Ant1 TV that the Coast Guard wanted to check on the trawler’s condition, but people on board again refused help and untied the rope before continuing course.

Soufi’s last contact with the trawler was at 11 p.m. She said later in a voice memo that “they never expressed the will to continue sailing to Italy,” or refused assistance from Greece. “They were in danger and needed help.”

THE WRECK

According to authorities, the trawler kept moving until 1:40 a.m. Wednesday, when its engine stopped. The Coast Guard vessel then got closer to “determine the problem.”

A few minutes later, Alarm Phone had a final exchange with people on the trawler. The activists were able to make out only: “Hello my friend … The ship you send is …” before the call cut off.

At 2:04 a.m., more than 15 hours after Greek authorities first heard of the case, the Coast Guard reported that the trawler began rocking violently from side to side, and then capsized.

People on deck were thrown into the sea, while others held onto the boat as it flipped. Many others, including women and children, were trapped below deck.

Fifteen minutes later, the trawler vanished underwater.

In the darkness of night, 104 people were rescued, and brought to shore on the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht that was sailing in the vicinity of the shipwreck. Greek authorities retrieved 78 bodies. No other people have been found since Wednesday.

As many as 500 people are missing.

▻https://apnews.com/article/migrants-shipwreck-rescue-greece-coast-guard-c160027a00d1ad2f859b97e3e8e7643

Après le naufrage, des survivants dénoncent les gardes-côtes grecs et Frontex

La version officielle grecque sur l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée est mise à mal par les témoignages de survivants. Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également pointé du doigt. Une enquête a été ouverte.

Plus de quatre jours après le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche en provenance de Libye, où s’étaient embarquées jusqu’à 750 personnes – notamment des ressortissantes et ressortissants égyptiens, syriens et pakistanais –, l’espoir est mince de retrouver des survivant·es au large des côtes sud de la Grèce.

Les questions sont nombreuses en particulier sur l’action des gardes-côtes grecs, accusés par certains témoignages d’avoir provoqué l’accident. La Cour suprême grecque a ordonné une enquête sur les circonstances du drame, l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée avec des centaines de morts. Pour l’heure, 104 personnes ont été rescapées et 78 corps récupérés.

Jeudi après-midi, Kriton Arsenis, ancien eurodéputé, a rencontré des survivants dans le port de Kalamata, sur la péninsule du Péloponnèse, en tant que membre de la délégation de Mera25, le parti de Yánis Varoufákis. « Les réfugiés nous ont dit que l’embarcation a chaviré pendant qu’elle était tirée par le bateau des gardes-côtes », a-t-il raconté.

« Les survivants nous disent que le bateau a basculé alors qu’il faisait l’objet d’une manœuvre où il était tiré par les gardes-côtes helléniques, a déclaré de son côté Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut Commissariat aux réfugiés pour la Méditerranée occidentale et centrale. Ils nous disent qu’il était tiré non pas vers les côtes grecques, mais en dehors de la zone de secours en mer grecque. »

Ces témoignages vont à l’encontre de la version officielle, qui, jusqu’à vendredi, expliquait que les gardes-côtes n’étaient pas intervenus.

La Grèce est régulièrement accusée de refouler des migrant·es en mer, provoquant la crainte, derrière une aide supposée, d’être en réalité éloigné·es du territoire – une pratique illégale au regard du droit international maritime et de la Convention de Genève, qui doivent permettre à toute personne en situation de détresse d’être secourue et acheminée vers un port dit « sûr » et de pouvoir, si elle le souhaite, déposer une demande d’asile dans le pays qu’elle tentait de rallier.

En mai dernier, des révélations du New York Times ont mis en lumière cette pratique, grâce à une vidéo d’un « push-back » prise sur le fait. Mediapart avait documenté un cas semblable en 2022, qui avait provoqué la mort de deux demandeurs d’asile.
Le patron de Frontex sur place

Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également mis en question, car selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait repéré le bateau mardi après-midi mais les secours ne sont pas intervenus car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ». Son patron Hans Leijtens s’est rendu à Kalamata pour établir les faits et « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans ce naufrage « horrible ».

« On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […], il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a affirmé pour sa part à la télévision grecque ERT Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes. D’après Alexis Tsipras, le chef de l’opposition grecque de gauche, qui s’est entretenu avec des rescapés, « il y a eu un appel à l’aide ».

Le HCR et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), deux agences des Nations unies, se sont félicités des enquêtes « qui ont été ordonnées en Grèce sur les circonstances qui ont conduit au chavirement du bateau et à la perte de tant de vies », tout en rappelant que « le devoir de secourir sans délai les personnes en détresse en mer est une règle fondamentale du droit maritime international ».

Le HCR et l’OIM ont rappelé vendredi que depuis le début de l’année, au moins 72 778 migrants sont arrivés en Europe (dont 54 205 en Italie), par les routes migratoires en Méditerranée orientale, centrale, et occidentale ou par le nord-ouest de l’Afrique. Dans le même temps, au moins 1 037 migrants sont morts ou portés disparus.

Neuf Égyptiens ont été arrêtés dans le port de Kalamata. Ils sont âgés de 20 à 40 ans et soupçonnés de « trafic illégal » d’êtres humains. Parmi les suspects, qui devraient comparaître lundi devant le juge d’instruction, figure le capitaine de l’embarcation qui a chaviré, d’après une source portuaire à l’AFP.

Areti Glezou, travailleuse sociale au sein de l’ONG grecque Thalpo était en première ligne aux côtés des rescapés. Manifestement choquée, elle se souviendra longtemps de certains détails à glacer le sang. « Un homme me racontait qu’il a nagé pendant deux heures au côté de corps d’enfants avant d’être secouru. » Elle s’arrête, reprend son souffle et, les larmes aux yeux, elle poursuit : « Oui, ça, ils me l’ont tous dit, les cales étaient remplies de femmes et d’enfants. » Aucun n’aura été retrouvé vivant.

Plus de 120 Syriens se trouvaient à bord et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont indiqué vendredi à l’AFP des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud du pays. Berceau du soulèvement antirégime déclenché en 2011, elle est revenue sous le contrôle des forces gouvernementales en juillet 2018. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie saoudite.

Vendredi matin, on a cependant vu des larmes de joie sur le port de Kalamata. Des deux côtés des barrières qui entourent le hangar où logent les rescapés, deux frères se sont aperçus. Fardi a retrouvé Mohamed vivant. Le grand a retrouvé le petit. Autour d’eux les sourires fleurissent sur les visages. Pour quelques brefs instants, journalistes, humanitaires et hommes en uniformes redeviennent d’abord des êtres humains. Comme un rayon de lumière qui illumine soudain un océan de tristesse.

Une demi-heure plus tard, des bus viennent chercher les rescapés pour les emmener au camp de Malakasa dans la région d’Athènes. Le hangar est désormais vide.

►https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/170623/apres-le-naufrage-des-survivants-denoncent-les-gardes-cotes-grecs-et-front

Naufrage de migrants en Méditerranée : ce que l’on sait sur les responsabilités des garde-côtes grecs

Depuis le naufrage dramatique qui a fait 78 morts et possiblement plusieurs centaines d’autres mercredi 14 juin, les critiques ciblent l’absence d’intervention préalable des gardes-côtes grecs. Ces derniers rejettent la faute sur les passagers du navire.

Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants mercredi 14 juin avec des centaines de personnes à bord, au large de la Grèce, a soulevé de nombreuses questions sur les responsabilités des autorités. Voici ce que l’on sait depuis que ce chalutier vétuste a chaviré et coulé dans les eaux internationales, faisant au moins 78 morts.
L’opération de sauvetage

Les garde-côtes grecs ont affirmé mercredi matin « avoir été prévenus mardi par les autorités italiennes concernant un bateau avec à bord un grand nombre d’étrangers ». Des patrouilleurs grecs ont été mobilisés pour le repérer. « C’est un appareil aérien de Frontex [la décriée agence européenne de gardes-frontières, ndlr] qui a le premier repéré le bateau mardi après-midi, puis deux bateaux qui naviguaient dans la zone », selon les garde-côtes.

Nawal Soufi, une bénévole travaillant pour la ligne téléphonique d’assistance à des migrants en danger Alarm Phone, assure sur son compte Facebook avoir reçu un SOS d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord en provenance de Libye.

A 22 h 40 mardi, le chalutier notifie une panne du moteur. Le patrouilleur à proximité « a immédiatement tenté d’approcher le chalutier pour déterminer le problème », ont noté les garde-côtes. Vingt-quatre minutes plus tard, le patron du patrouilleur a annoncé par radio que le bateau avait chaviré. Il a coulé en quinze minutes.
La défausse grecque contre les migrants

Selon les garde-côtes grecs, « il n’y a pas eu de demande d’aide » des personnes à bord du bateau de pêche. « Après de nombreux appels du centre opérationnel des garde-côtes grecs pour les secourir, la réponse du bateau de pêche a été négative », selon le communiqué. « La salle des opérations […] a été en contact répété avec le bateau de pêche. Ils ont constamment répété qu’ils souhaitaient naviguer vers l’Italie », selon la même source.

Le porte-parole du gouvernement a également expliqué vendredi que « les garde-côtes se sont rapprochés du bateau, ils ont jeté une corde pour le stabiliser, mais les migrants ont refusé l’aide ». « Ils disaient ‘‘No help, Go Italy’’ [’’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’’, ndlr] », a-t-il ajouté.

Pour sa part, le porte-parole de la police portuaire Nikolaos Alexiou a souligné qu’on ne pouvait « pas remorquer un bateau avec un si grand nombre de gens à bord par la force, il faut qu’ils coopèrent ».

Selon un réfugié syrien en Allemagne, Reber Hebun, arrivé en Grèce pour retrouver son frère de 24 ans, survivant du naufrage, « les garde-côtes grecs n’ont rien fait pour les aider au début alors qu’ils étaient près d’eux », a-t-il dit après avoir parlé avec son frère. « Un bateau commercial a donné de l’eau et de la nourriture et tout le monde s’est précipité, le bateau a été déstabilisé à ce moment », selon lui.
Les critiques envers les garde-côtes grecs

Des experts et des ONG ont mis en cause les garde-côtes grecs qui auraient dû intervenir quoi qu’il arrive, selon eux. Pour Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) pour la Méditerranée centrale et occidentale, « l’argument grec selon lequel les personnes ne voulaient pas être secourues pour poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie ne tient pas ». « C’est aux autorités grecques qu’il incombait de procéder ou, au moins, de coordonner une opération de sauvetage, en utilisant soit leurs propres navires de sauvetage soit en faisant appel à tout autre bateau sur zone, y compris à des navires marchands », a-t-il jugé. « Selon le droit maritime international, les autorités grecques auraient dû coordonner plus tôt cette opération de sauvetage, dès lors que Frontex avait repéré ce bateau en détresse », a-t-il poursuivi.

« On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […] il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a critiqué pour sa part Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes.

Hans Leijtens, le patron de Frontex, s’est rendu jeudi à Kalamata pour chercher à « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans cet « horrible » naufrage.

Vendredi, l’ONU a demandé des investigations rapides et des mesures « urgentes et décisives » pour éviter de nouveaux drames. « Il doit avoir une enquête approfondie sur les événements qui se sont déroulés au cours de cette tragédie. Et j’espère que nous pourrons trouver des réponses et apprendre de l’expérience », a souligné Jeremy Laurence, porte-parole du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme.
Des centaines de personnes à bord

78 corps ont jusqu’ici été retrouvés en mer au large des côtes de la péninsule du Péloponnèse, selon les garde-côtes grecs, et 104 personnes ont pu être secourues à temps. Mais le bilan serait en réalité bien plus lourd. Le porte-parole du gouvernement grec, Ilias Siakantaris, avait assuré mercredi que des informations non confirmées faisaient état de 750 personnes à bord du chalutier. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) « redoute que des centaines de personnes supplémentaires » se soient noyées « dans l’une des tragédies les plus dévastatrices en Méditerranée en une décennie ».

Parmi les personnes qui se trouvaient à bord, figuraient notamment plus 120 Syriens, et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont déploré vendredi des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart de ces migrants sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie Saoudite, selon les mêmes sources.

Les recherches se poursuivent mais les espoirs de retrouver des survivants s’amenuisent, trois jours après le drame. De nombreuses femmes et enfants auraient voyagé dans la cale du navire, qui a sombré dans une zone de la Méditerranée de plusieurs milliers de mètres de profondeur, la fosse Calypso.

Par ailleurs, 9 personnes de nationalité égyptienne soupçonnées d’être des passeurs ont été arrêtées à la suite du drame.

▻https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/naufrage-de-migrants-en-mediterranee-ce-que-lon-sait-sur-les-responsabili

Message de Vicky Skoumbi envoyé sur la mailing-list de Migreurop, le 18 juin 2023 :

une vidéo glaçante avec un #témoignage de survivants qui fait état de la #responsabilité criminelle des #garde-côtes_grecs, avec la traduction d’un post d’Iasonas Apostolopoulos

▻https://www.facebook.com/519820384/videos/5877893008981441

« Les garde-côtes grecs se sont approchés de nous et nous ont lancé une corde bleue. Ils ont commencé à nous remorquer. La façon dont ils nous tiraient n’était pas correcte. Nous criions. Le navire a alors commencé à prendre de la gîte sur la gauche, les garde-côtes se sont tournés vers le côté opposé et notre navire a commencé à prendre de la gîte sur le côté et à couler.

Nous essayions de grimper sur le bateau, nous voulions survivre.

Les garde-côtes ont détaché la corde. Nous criions à l’aide. Ils ont fait tourner leur navire, créant une grosse vague, et notre bateau a complètement chaviré. Les personnes qui se trouvaient sur le côté du bateau se sont retrouvées en dessous. Nous pouvions entendre les gens dans la cale frapper sur la tôle en fer.

Le bateau a complètement coulé ».

–—

Le journaliste Fallah Elias de la chaîne allemande WDR a partagé sur Twitter le témoignage absolument choquant et horrifiant d’un naufragé secouru.

▻https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432

Dans la vidéo, d’autres survivants pakistanais confirment que les garde-côtes grecs ont fait couler le bateau en le remorquant.

Ni une, ni deux, ni trois, de nombreux témoignages désignent le gouvernement grec et les garde-côtes comme les seuls responsables du naufrage et de la noyade de centaines de personnes à Pylos. Au lieu de les secourir, ils ont tiré le bateau avec une corde jusqu’à ce qu’il chavire. Probablement pour les faire sortir de la zone de sauvetage grecque.

Selon certaines informations, une centaine d’enfants figureraient parmi les morts.

Si tout cela est vrai, il s’agit du plus grand homicide de l’histoire de l’Europe d’après-guerre.

NE LAISSONS PAS L’AFFAIRE ÊTRE ÉTOUFFÉE !

▻https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432?s=46&t=0dqDdxigZeccg_TvNxhfAA

Möglicherweise waren Push-Backs der Küstenwache Schuld am Bootsunglück in Griechenland

https://www1.wdr.de/radio/wdr5/sendungen/europamagazin/Fluechtlingsboot-104~_v-gseapremiumxl.jpg

Es gibt Vorwürfe, dass das Boot mit Geflüchteten vor Griechenland wegen Push-Backs der griechischen Küstenwache gesunken ist. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili berichtet im Interview, was Überlebende des Unglücks erzählen.

Nach dem Bootsunglück vor Griechenland mit hunderten Toten gibt es schwere Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache, das Unglück verursacht zu haben. Die Rede ist von so genannten Push-Backs. Darunter versteht man Maßnahmen, mit denen flüchtende Menschen daran gehindert werden, die Grenze zu übertreten und einen Asylantrag zu stellen. In der EU-Grundrechte-Charta wird das Recht auf Asyl gemäß der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention allerdings garantiert.

Die Küstenwache weist den Vorwurf von Push-Backs zurück - jetzt soll die europäische Polizeibehörde Europol ermitteln. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili ist in Griechenland und hat mit seinem Team mit Überlebenden sprechen können.

WDR: Es gibt Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache. Worum geht es da?

Bamdad Esmaili: Es geht darum, dass es Vorwürfe gibt, dass die griechische Küstenwache dieses Boot in die Richtung von italienischem Gewässer gezogen hat - dass sie es sozusagen gepushbackt hat. Diesen Vorwurf hatten wir bislang nur gehört, gestern Abend gelang es meinem Kollegen, der arabisch spricht, dann mit ungefähr zehn überlebenden Geflüchteten zu sprechen. Sie haben unabhängig voneinander berichtet, dass dieses Boot tatsächlich gezogen wurde - nicht nur einmal, nicht nur zweimal, sondern insgesamt dreimal. Und dabei ist das Schiff dann ins Wanken gekommen und ist gesunken.

WDR: Das heißt, das Ziehen dieses Bootes, der Versuch es nach Italien zu ziehen und damit aus der Zuständigkeit Griechenlands herauszuholen, ist für dieses Unglück - so scheint es zumindest im Moment - verantwortlich?

Esmaili: Das ist der Vorwurf, der im Raum steht. Das muss natürlich erstmal bewiesen werden. Die Griechen lehnen das vehement ab und dementieren das. Sie sagen nach wie vor immer noch, dass sie Hilfe angeboten haben und das Schiff habe diese Hilfe nicht gewollt, weil sie demnach nach Italien wollten.

WDR: Wir können davon ausgehen, dass es jetzt eine größere Untersuchung geben wird. Wie wird in Griechenland darüber diskutiert, was hören Sie da?

Esmaili: Das ist zum Politikum geworden, weil nächste Woche Parlamentswahlen in Griechenland sind. Vor allem die Opposition nutzt dieses Thema jetzt aus und kritisiert die Regierung. Und es ist für drei Tage eine Staatstrauer angeordnet worden. Es gibt auch Proteste, Kundgebungen, es gab einen Trauermarsch in Athen, also das ist ein Riesenthema hier in Griechenland.

WDR: Sie haben erwähnt, dass Sie mit Überlebenden sprechen konnten. Wie haben diese denn die Situation auf dem Schiff beschrieben? Abgesehen von der Frage, ob sie gezogen wurden und damit das Unglück ausgelöst wurde.

Esmaili: Man muss sich das so vorstellen: Ein Schiff, das 30 Meter lang ist, war völlig überfüllt. Die Überlebenden erzählen uns, dass sie von den Schleppern gehört haben, dass 747 Personen auf diesem Schiff waren. Deswegen ist auch immer von knapp 750 Personen die Rede und die waren überall: Unten, oben auf dem Deck, seit Tagen unterwegs, ohne Nahrung, ohne Wasser. Da kann man sich vorstellen, wie die Stimmung auf dem Schiff war.

WDR: Das heißt, man muss davon ausgehen, dass das Unglück zu hunderten Toten geführt hat. Was geschieht jetzt mit den Menschen, die gerettet wurden - auch mit denen, mit denen Sie gesprochen haben?

Esmaili: Wir sind jetzt in Malakasa in der Nähe von Athen und dort sind 71 Personen untergebracht, die kommen ganz normal ins Asylverfahren. Knapp 30 Personen sind noch in Kalamata im Krankenhaus, die werden behandelt und dann kommen sie vermutlich auch ins ganz normale Asylverfahren.

WDR: Ganz normale Asylverfahren nach dem, was sie erlebt haben, das ist sicherlich auch eine schwierige Situation. Wurde die Suche nach Überlebenden denn inzwischen eingestellt?

Esmaili: Das kann ich so nicht bestätigen. Wir haben gestern Abend noch gehört, dass noch weiter gesucht wird, aber natürlich kann man nach so vielen Tagen und bei so vielen Menschen davon ausgehen, dass man kaum noch Überlebende aus dem Meer retten kann. Rund 100 Kinder sollen auch mit an Bord gewesen sein.

▻https://www1.wdr.de/nachrichten/bootsunglueck-mittelmeer-interview-bamdad-esmaili-100.html

Nella stiva.

▻https://i.imgur.com/E8A8fxO.png

#Mauro_Biani #dessin_de_presse #caricature

Frontex statement following tragic shipwreck off Pylos

We are shocked and saddened by the tragic events that unfolded off the coast of Greece. The Frontex Executive Director, who travelled to Greece after learning about the tragedy, has offered any support the authorities may need.

People smugglers have once again trifled with human lives by forcing several hundred migrants on a fishing boat not designed to fit such a number of people. Many were trapped underneath the deck. Our thoughts go out to the families of the victims.

On 13 June before noon, a Frontex plane spotted the fishing vessel inside the Greek search and rescue region in international waters. The ship was heavily overcrowded and was navigating at slow speed (6 knots) direction north-east.

Frontex immediately informed the Greek and Italian authorities about the sighting, providing them with information about the condition of the vessel, speed and photos.

The plane kept monitoring the vessel, constantly providing updates to all relevant national authorities until it ran out of fuel and had to return to base.

As a Frontex drone was to patrol the Aegean on the same day, the agency offered to provide additional assistance ahead of the planned and scheduled flight. The Greek authorities asked the agency to send the drone to another search and rescue incident south off Crete with 80 people in danger.

The drone, after attending to the incident south off Crete, flew to the last known position of the fishing vessel. The drone arrived at the scene four hours later at 04:05 (UTC) in the morning, when a large-scale search and rescue operation by Greek authorities was ongoing and there was no sign of the fishing boat. No Frontex plane or boat was present at the time of the tragedy.

▻https://frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/frontex-statement-following-tragic-shipwreck-off-pylos-dJ5l9p

–-
Commentaire de Lena K. sur twitter :

This might be important. According to Frontex, they offered a drone to fly over the location of the Pylos shipwreck in the evening of 13th, but the Greek authorities decided to send it to another distress incident south of Crete. Convenient (for both).

▻https://twitter.com/lk2015r/status/1670143075040088068

Naufrage en Grèce : le bateau dérivait, contrairement à la version des garde-côtes

Que s’est-il passé dans les heures précédant le terrible naufrage au large du Péloponnèse ? Les garde-côtes grecs affirment que le chalutier bondé faisait route vers l’Italie à une vitesse régulière et n’avait pas besoin d’être secouru. Une enquête de la BBC affirme le contraire : le chalutier était à l’arrêt et nécessitait une aide urgente.

Version contre version. Depuis le terrible naufrage du mercredi 13 juin au large de la Grèce, qui a coûté la vie à au moins 500 personnes (▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49759/au-moins-200-pakistanais-parmi-les-victimes-du-naufrage-en-grece), les autorités grecques campent sur leurs positions : le chalutier, qui comptait au moins 700 exilés à bord, n’était pas en danger imminent. Du moins, pas dans les heures précédant le naufrage.

Selon le communiqué officiel du Premier ministre grec (▻https://www.primeminister.gr/2023/06/14/32002), Kyriakos Mitsotakis, le bateau, parti de Tobrouk en Libye, naviguait en direction de l’Italie. « À 15h35, le navire de pêche a été repéré par l’hélicoptère de la Garde côtière [grecque] naviguant à vitesse régulière », peut-on lire sur le communiqué. Il avait été repéré pour la première fois vers 11h du matin, et depuis, les autorités grecques le surveillait à distance. Pourquoi ne pas le secourir immédiatement ? Parce qu’il ne semblait pas en difficulté, se défendent les Grecs. « Le navire navigu[ait] avec un cap et une vitesse constantes », écrivent-ils dans leur rapport.

Cette ligne de défense sera la même tout au long de la journée. À partir de 15h30 jusqu’à 21h, les autorités helléniques affirment avoir été à de nombreuses reprises en communication avec le bateau via téléphone satellite. À chaque fois, les garde-côtes notent que le chalutier navigue à vitesse régulière. Et que les exilés ne réclament aucune aide. « Les migrants criaient : ’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’ », expliquait déjà vendredi 16 juin le porte-parole des garde-côtes grecs, Nikos Alexiou.

Dans un autre communiqué publié le 19 juin (▻https://www.hcg.gr/el/drasthriothtes/dieykriniseis-anaforika-me-eyreia-epixeirhsh-ereynas-kai-diaswshs-allodapwn-se-d), Athènes maintient sa position et affirme que le bateau a parcouru une distance de 24 nautiques marins - soit 44 km - depuis le moment où il a été repéré jusqu’à son naufrage.

« Le navire ne bouge pas »

Seulement, l’enquête menée par la BBC (►https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) contredit la version grecque. Grâce aux coordonnées GPS des autres navires présents dans la zone méditerranéenne, la BBC est arrivée à la conclusion que le bateau n’a pas bougé entre 18h et 21h, mardi 13 juin. Un premier chalutier – le Lucky sailor – s’en est approché, sur ordre des garde-côtes grecs, à 18h pour lui fournir des vivres et de l’eau. Trois heures plus tard, c’est au même point de coordonnées maritimes qu’un second navire – le Faithfull Warrior - s’est rendu pour un autre ravitaillement.

Et la BBC de continuer. « Une vidéo – qui aurait été tournée depuis le Faithful Warrior – prétend montrer des vivres livrés au navire via une corde dans l’eau. La BBC a vérifié ces images et a découvert que le navire - qui ne bouge pas – correspond à la forme du navire de migrants en détresse. Les conditions météorologiques correspondent à celles signalées à l’époque. »

Pourtant, dans le dernier communiqué du 19 juin, les Grecs ne parlent pas d’immobilisation du navire. « Dans la soirée, le navire de patrouille côtière [...] est arrivé dans la région et a repéré [le chalutier] se déplaçant par ses propres moyens, à faible vitesse », maintiennent-ils.

Et d’insister. Lors des deux ravitaillements, le navire a dans un premier temps poursuivi sa route avant de finalement s’arrêter. « Une fois le processus [de ravitaillement] terminé, les occupants du bateau ont commencé à jeter les fournitures à la mer », notent-ils encore dans leur document.

« Navire secoué par le vent et les vagues »

Enfin, à 22h40, les garde-côtes affirment s’être approché du chalutier tout en restant « à distance ». Là encore, ils ne détectent aucun problème de navigation. Et proposent de l’aide au navire en difficulté. « [Le chalutier] s’est de nouveau arrêté quelques minutes à l’approche [de la garde-côtière] puis a continué son chemin ».

Entre le dernier ravitaillement et l’immobilisation du chalutier - à cause d’une panne mécanique -, une distance d’environ 6 mille nautiques (11 km) a été parcouru. À aucun moment, selon Athènes, le navire n’a donc été immobile.

À l’échelle de la Méditerranée, ces dizaines de mille nautiques parcourus par le chalutier ne signifie pas qu’il naviguait de plein gré, insiste la BBC. Mais plutôt qu’il se déplaçait à peine « ce que l’on peut attendre d’un navire en détresse secoué par le vent et les vagues dans la partie la plus profonde de la mer Méditerranée », explique la BBC. Selon le média, les garde-côtes auraient donc dû procéder au sauvetage.

Vers 2h du matin, dans la nuit du mardi à mercredi, le bateau fera naufrage. Le bilan provisoire fait toujours état de 78 morts, et des centaines de disparus.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49764/naufrage-en-grece--le-bateau-derivait-contrairement-a-la-version-des-g

Il video di Frontex e quel barcone stracarico in balia del mare

Nel video di Frontex il barcone stracarico di migranti in navigazione tra la Libia, da dove era partito quattro giorni prima, e l’Europa. Le immagini sono state registrate il 13 giugno alle ore 9.48 Utc. Il naufragio è avvenuto la notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=Drz5OVIkWi0&embeds_referring_origin=https%3A%2F%2Fw

Salgono a 80 le vittime accertate del tragico naufragio avvenuto a sud del Peloponneso, in Grecia, la settimana scorsa. I soccorsi hanno recuperato i corpi di altri due uomini a largo di Pylos. Le persone tratte in salvo sono ancora 104, mentre mancano all’appello almeno 600 persone, tra cui 100 bambini che al momento del naufragio si trovavano nella stiva. I corpi sono stati trasportati nel porto di Kalamata. Proseguono intanto le ricerche della Guardia costiera.

Il racconto di un sopravvissuto

«La Guardia costiera greca ci ha detto che ci avrebbe portato in acque italiane, che ci stavano spingendo. Era una nave da guerra. Poi la nostra barca si è ribaltata. Sono finito in mare, urlavo, non hanno fatto nulla per salvarci. Ho cercato di rimanere a galla per mezz’ora poi quando sono arrivate le barche della Guardia costiera mi sono allontanato perchè avevo paura. Ho visto la luce di una nave commerciale in lontananza e l’ho raggiunta». E’ la testimonianza-choc che sta circolando in queste ore su twitter. Si Tratta di un sopravvissuto siriano che racconta cosa è successo quella notte, fra martedì e mercoledì di una settimana fa, quando il barcone, partito dalla Libia, si è inabissando portandosi dietro almeno 600 persone (fra cui 100 bambini).

La ricostruzione della Guardia costiera greca
«In totale, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 30 miglia nautiche dal momento del rilevamento al momento dell’affondamento» ha dichiarato la Guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. «Il chiarimento», precisa la nota, arriva a seguito delle «pubblicazioni della stampa internazionale e nazionale» secondo cui il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno 7 ore prima di capovolgersi. «Nelle ore pomeridiane» di martedì 13 giugno, l’imbarcazione dei migranti «è stata avvicinata da una nave cisterna per fornire assistenza», continua il comunicato della Guardia costiera costiera sul naufragio del peschereccio a largo di Pylos. Nel testo si specifica nuovamente che i migranti a bordo avevano fatto resistenza e che poi il peschereccio si è fermato ed «è iniziato il rifornimento di viveri». Dalle ricostruzioni delle autorità elleniche si legge anche che una seconda nave cisterna si è impegnata ad avvicinarsi all’imbarcazione dei migranti per fornire provviste, ma il peschereccio avrebbe fatto resistenza e si sarebbe spostato verso ovest. Alla fine, la nave cisterna ha iniziato la procedura di rifornimento ma al termine di questa i migranti «hanno iniziato a gettare le provviste in mare». «L’intero processo di rifornimento di provviste agli occupanti del peschereccio da parte delle due navi commerciali è durato in totale più di quattro ore e trenta minuti», aggiunge la Guardia costiera, specificando che «nelle ore serali» è arrivata nella zona una loro motovedetta e «ha avvistato il peschereccio che si muoveva autonomamente, a bassa velocità». Secondo la ricostruzione delle autorità elleniche, la motovedetta «ha avviato una procedura di avvicinamento all’imbarcazione per accertarsi delle condizioni attuali del natante e dei suoi occupanti», mentre «la nave si è fermata di nuovo per alcuni minuti durante l’avvicinamento da parte della motovedetta e poi ha continuato la sua rotta».
«Dal momento in cui è stato completato il processo di rifornimento fino all’immobilizzazione del peschereccio a causa di un guasto meccanico, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 6 miglia nautiche» conclude la Guardia costiera greca.

Islamabad: 300 cittadini pachistani annegati a Pylos
Più di 300 pachistani sono annegati nel naufragio del peschereccio al largo delle coste greche del Peloponneso: il numero delle vittime è stato reso noto dal presidente del Senato di Islamabad Muhammad Sadiq Sanjrani inviando le condoglianze alle famiglie. Lo scrive la Cnn. «I nostri pensieri e le nostre preghiere sono con voi e preghiamo che le anime defunte trovino la pace eterna», ha detto Sanjrani. «Questo devastante incidente sottolinea l’urgenza di affrontare e condannare l’esecrabile traffico illegale di esseri umani». Le autorità greche non hanno ancora confermato il bilancio delle vittime pakistane.

▻https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/naufragio-in-grecia-la-versione-dei-greci

A survivor of #Pylos shipwreck shared harrowing details:

➡️Two people died from thirst and hunger on the 4th and 5th days of the journey
➡️On the 4th day, people started drinking from the boat engine’s water. On the 5th day, a state of “slow death” was announced

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Fy-oJJ1WcAEuCvZ?format=png&name=small#.jpg

➡️On 16 June, they started calling for any coastguard as they didn’t know they were in the Greek waters.
➡️A luxury yacht provided 4 boxes of water for almost 750 people & this created tension between people due to thirst.

➡️A giant Greek ship threw ropes to people & towed the boat. Then, they started throwing water bottles at them leading to an imbalance in the boat
➡️The boat started sinking. We started to beg to be rescued and showed them the dead bodies but the ship wasn’t qualified for rescue

➡️Around sunset, a Greek military ship with masked people wearing black approached, towed them with only one blue robe & increased their ship’s speed
➡️That was when the ship capsized. People started shouting as they sink. People on the Greek military ship were just watching
Full testimony here:
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

▻https://twitter.com/ecre/status/1670739249417560064

I superstiti del naufragio di Pylos accusano la Guardia costiera greca

Nella notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno le autorità greche avrebbero tentato di trainare il peschereccio partito dalla Libia con a bordo oltre 700 persone, provocandone l’inabissamento. Le testimonianze dei sopravvissuti, confinati subito dopo aver toccato terra, smontano la versione di Atene. Le vittime sarebbero almeno 643

https://i0.wp.com/altreconomia.it/app/uploads/2023/06/Frontex-Pylos.png?resize=770%2C500&ssl=1#.jpg

Secondo diverse testimonianze dei sopravvissuti il peschereccio con oltre 700 persone a bordo è affondato al largo delle coste greche, nelle prime ore di mercoledì 21 giugno, durante un tentativo fallito di rimorchio da parte della Guardia costiera greca. L’accusa è contenuta nelle dichiarazioni rilasciate da alcuni naufraghi all’autorità giudiziaria di Kalamata, città meridionale greca –visionate dall’Ap news (▻https://apnews.com/article/greece-migrant-shipwreck-smugglers-9daf86915e8bd89a1697dd1ee75504ac) e dal quotidiano ellenico Kathimerini- che smentiscono la versione delle autorità greche secondo cui la barca non sarebbe stata scortata nelle sue ultime ore di navigazione e non ci sarebbe stato alcun tentativo di abbordarla.

“La nave greca ha gettato una corda ed è stata legata alla nostra prua -ha spiegato Abdul Rahman Alhaz, 24 anni, palestinese che è riuscito a salvarsi-. Dopo hanno iniziato a muoversi e a tirare, per poco più di due minuti. Noi gridavamo ‘Stop, stop’ perché la barca era sovraccarica. Poi ha cominciato a inclinarsi”.

L’inabissamento del peschereccio partito dalla Libia avrebbe provocato almeno 643 vittime, secondo quanto è stato possibile ricostruire dalle testimonianze dei 104 sopravvissuti. Sarebbero 100 i bambini, sempre secondo i racconti di chi si è salvato dal naufragio, che con le donne erano stipati nella stiva della nave. Sulle dinamiche dell’incidente, però, fin da subito erano emersi versioni contrastanti.

Un’inchiesta realizzata dalla BBC (►https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) mostra che il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno sette ore prima di capovolgersi mentre la guardia costiera, invece, nel comunicato stampa rilasciato successivamente al naufragio sottolinea che dalle 15.30 all’1.40 la navigazione è proseguita a “velocità e rotta costante”. La versione della BBC si basa sui dati di Marin traffic, che traccia i movimenti delle imbarcazioni nel Mediterraneo, e che confermerebbe che le navi inviate dalle autorità greche per fornire supporto all’imbarcazione carica di naufraghi siano intervenute tutte nella stessa zona e che quindi la nave avrebbe percorso “meno di poche miglia nautiche, come ci si può aspettare da una nave colpita dal vento o dalle onde nella parte più profonda del Mar Mediterraneo”. Inoltre, sempre secondo la testata inglese, la foto dell’imbarcazione pubblicata dai guardacoste ellenici giovedì 15 giugno, riferita a poche ore prima del capovolgimento, dimostra che la nave era ferma e soprattutto smentisce la versione secondo cui le stesse autorità “avevano osservato da una distanza discreta il susseguirsi dei fatti”.

“Abbiamo lanciato una richiesta di soccorso il giorno prima del naufragio verso le 8 del mattino -ha raccontato un sopravvissuto alla Ong Consolidated rescue group- (►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

). Non sapevamo neanche che fossimo in Grecia”. Alle 9.47 del mattino Frontex, l’Agenzia che sorveglia le frontiere europee, ha comunicato alle autorità italiane e greche la presenza di un peschereccio sovraffollato e la Centrale operativa di Roma intorno alle 11 ha comunicato la posizione della nave, nel Sud del Peloponneso, al centro operativo di Atene. Alle 13.50 da Mitilini si è alzato un elicottero della Guardia costiera greca diretto verso il peschereccio, raggiunto verso le 15.35. Le stesse autorità greche, intanto, stavano chiedendo alle imbarcazioni che navigavano nell’area di cambiare rotta. “Una barca ci ha rifornito di quattro boxes d’acqua da sei bottiglie l’una: le persone si colpivano per prenderla -continua il sopravvissuto-. Questa nave ci ha lanciato una corda per avvicinarci ma ci ha detto che non era loro compito salvarci e che presto sarebbe arrivata la Guardia costiera”. La situazione a bordo era tesa, racconta sempre l’uomo intervistato dal Consolidated rescue group, al quarto giorno di navigazione non c’era né acqua né cibo, due persone erano morte e giacevano sul vascello: al quinto giorno, quello precedente al naufragio, qualcuno beveva dal motore perché l’acqua era finita. Ma anche nel racconto dell’uomo quello che succede al calar del sole di martedì scorso, dopo l’intervento delle navi civili, ripercorre le testimonianze di decine di altri naufraghi. “La Guardia costiera, una volta arrivata, ci ha detto di seguirli così l’Italia ci avrebbe salvato. Lo abbiamo fatto per mezz’ora, poi il motore si è rotto. Erano vestiti di nero e mascherati, senza segni militari. Ci hanno tirati con una corta e poi sono ripartiti, la nave ha perso stabilità e poco dopo è affondata”.

Da Atene le autorità hanno dichiarato che i naufraghi hanno più volte rifiutato il loro intervento perché volevano proseguire verso l’Italia. Diverse testimonianze dei naufraghi smentiscono questa versione. Nawal Soufi, attivista rifugiata indipendente che quel giorno ha lanciato per prima l’Sos per la barca in avaria, ha dichiarato di essere stata in contatto con le persone sulla barca fino alle 23 di martedì. “L’uomo con cui stavo parlando mi ha detto espressamente: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte viva’”, ha scritto. Poco prima di mezzanotte il motore si è spento.

El Pais (▻https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-06-20/greece-imposes-silence-around-shipwreck-of-overcrowded-migrant-boat.) ha accusato le autorità greche di “imporre il silenzio” ai sopravvissuti al naufragio. Durante la loro permanenza nel porto di Kalamata, i 104 naufraghi avevano infatti mobilità limitata e scarso accesso alle comunicazioni: la Guardia costiera, secondo quanto ricostruito dal quotidiano spagnolo, li avrebbe confinati all’interno di un complesso recintato da cui non è stato permesso loro di uscire. Successivamente, venerdì 16 giugno, sono stati trasferiti a Malakasa, un campo per richiedenti asilo vicino ad Atene. Ma anche in questa nuova sistemazione la possibilità di uscire e avere contatti con l’esterno è risultata limitata

Intanto martedì 20 giugno il tribunale di Kalamata ha convalidato l’arresto di nove uomini di origine egiziana accusati di essere i membri dell’equipaggio: omicidio colposo, naufragio e partecipazione a un’organizzazione criminale sono i capi d’accusa. L’avvocato Athanassios Iliopoulos, che rappresenta un presunto trafficante di 22 anni, ha dichiarato all’Associated Press che tutti e nove i sospettati hanno negato le accuse in tribunale affermando di essere essi stessi naufraghi. Iliopoulos ha detto che il suo cliente ha riferito di aver venduto il suo camion preso in prestito dai suoi genitori per raccogliere 4.500 euro per il viaggio. Anche in Pakistan, dove è stato proclamato il lutto nazionale per le vittime del naufragio, l’ufficio del primo ministro Shehbaz Sharif ha annunciato che sono state arrestate dieci persone accusate di far parte dell’organizzazione. “Intensificheremo gli sforzi nella lotta contro le persone coinvolte nell’atroce crimine della tratta di esseri umani”, ha dichiarato il capo del governo. Per la presidente della Commissione europea Ursula von der Leyen “è urgente agire”, sottolineando che l’Ue dovrebbe aiutare i Paesi africani come la Tunisia, da cui molte persone partono, a stabilizzare le loro economie. Non ha in questo caso menzionato la Libia, luogo da cui il peschereccio del naufragio è partito.

La Grecia è stata più volte accusata di violare sui propri confini le norme sul salvataggio in mare e i diritti delle persone in transito. A maggio 2023 un’inchiesta del New York Times ha mostrato, con tanto di video ad alta definizione, le autorità greche riportare indietro verso le coste turche decine di profughi già arrivati sul territorio, tra cui anche bambini, lasciando alla deriva l’imbarcazione. Altro che attività di search and rescue. Il portale di inchiesta Solomon (▻https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/just-007-of-819m-border-budget-to-greece-earmarked-for-search-and-resc) ha ricostruito come degli 819 milioni di euro forniti ad Atene all’interno del “Fondo di gestione delle frontiere europee” appena lo 0,07% (neanche 600mila euro) sarà destinato allo sviluppo delle attività di ricerca e soccorso in mare. La maggior parte del denaro riguarda invece l’approvvigionamento di attrezzature di deterrenza come droni, veicoli di ogni tipo, termocamere, elicotteri e sistemi di sorveglianza automatizzati. Tutto ciò che non è servito per salvare 640 persone.

▻https://altreconomia.it/i-superstiti-del-naufragio-di-pylos-accusano-la-guardia-costiera-greca

Greece shipwreck survivors were ’abandoned for 10 minutes’

Survivors of the June 14 shipwreck off Greece have made serious accusations against the country’s Coast Guard in witness statements.

Statements gathered from some of the 104 survivors of a recent shipwreck off Greece contain serious accusations against the Greek Coast Guard.

Search operations for more corpses continue after the fishing vessel, which is believed to have been carrying up to 800 migrants, capsized last week south of Greece’s Peloponnese.
Survivors blame Greek Coast Guard

“When the ship capsized, the Coast Guard cut the rope and continued on its way. It went farther away as we were all screaming. After 10 minutes, they came back with small boats to pick up people but they did not go as far as the ship itself. They only picked up those who managed to swim away,” one survivor told the Greek newspaper Kathimerini, recounting the last minutes of shipwreck that left at least 82 dead and hundreds missing.

Surviving witnesses have been questioned by the Kalamata port authority.

Every person interviewed confirmed — with slight variations in their reconstructions — that the shipwreck had been caused by a Greek Coast Guard patrol boat.

One of the survivors said the Coast Guard’s attempt to tow the overcrowded fishing vessel created turbulence in the water that eventually caused the ship to capsize.

“They tried to pull it using force for two or three minutes and everyone whistled to try to make them stop, since they were pulling it strongly and creating waves,” one said.

Another added that, “for the first few minutes we went forward, but then the Coast Guard turned to the right and the ship overturned.”
Polemics inflame political conflict prior to vote

These witness statements run counter to the Coast Guard’s official version. Captains aboard the patrol boat say they only hooked up to the vessel for a few minutes to check the situation onboard before the ship wrecked.

The situation has inflamed political conflict ahead of Greece’s government elections, which will be held Sunday.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/49846/greece-shipwreck-survivors-were-abandoned-for-10-minutes

They knew the boat could sink. Boarding it didn’t feel like a choice.

The story of how as many as 750 migrants came to board a rickety blue fishing trawler and end up in one of the Mediterranean’s deadliest shipwrecks is bigger than any one of the victims. But for everyone, it started somewhere, and for #Thaer_Khalid_al-Rahal it started with cancer.

The leukemia diagnosis for his youngest son, 4-year-old Khalid, came early last year. The family had been living in a Jordanian refugee camp for a decade, waiting for official resettlement after fleeing Syria’s bitter war, and doctors said the United Nations’ refugee agency could help cover treatment costs. But agency funds dwindled and the child’s case worsened. When doctors said Khalid needed a bone-marrow transplant, the father confided in relatives that waiting to relocate through official channels was no longer an option. He needed to get to Europe to earn money and save his son.

“Thaer thought he didn’t have a choice,” said his cousin, Abdulrahman Yousif al-Rahal, reached by phone in the Jordanian refugee camp of Zaatari.

In Egypt, the journey for #Mohamed_Abdelnasser, 27, started with a creeping realization that his carpentry work could not earn enough to support his wife and two sons.

For #Matloob_Hussain, 42, it began the day his Greek residency renewal was rejected, sending him back to Pakistan, where his salary helped put food on the table for 20 extended family members amid a crippling economic crisis.

“Europe doesn’t understand,” said his brother Adiil Hussain, interviewed in Greece where they had lived together. “We don’t leave because we want to. There is simply nothing for us in Pakistan.”

On Matloob’s earlier journey to Europe, he had been so scared of the water that he kept his eyes closed the whole time. This time, the smugglers promised him they would take him to Italy. They said they would use “a good boat.”

The trawler left from the Libyan port city of #Tobruk on June 8. Just 104 survivors have reached the Greek mainland. Eighty-two bodies have been recovered, and hundreds more have been swallowed by the sea.

As the Mediterranean became a stage for tragedy on June 14, a billionaire and several businessmen were preparing for their own voyage in the North Atlantic. The disappearance of their submersible as it dove toward the wreckage of the Titanic sparked a no-expenses-spared search-and-rescue mission and rolling headlines. The ship packed with refugees and migrants did not.

About half the passengers are believed to have been from Pakistan. The country’s interior minister said Friday that an estimated 350 Pakistanis were on board, and that many may have died. Of the survivors from the boat, 47 are Syrian, 43 Egyptian, 12 Pakistani and two Palestinian.

Some of the people on the trawler were escaping war. Many were family breadwinners, putting their own lives on the line to help others back home. Some were children. A list of the missing from two towns in the Nile Delta carries 43 names. Almost half of them are under 18 years old.

This account of what pushed them to risk a notoriously dangerous crossing is based on interviews with survivors in Greece and relatives of the dead in Pakistan, Jordan and Egypt, as the news sent ripples of distress throughout communities from North Africa to South Asia. Some people spoke on the condition of anonymity, because they feared being drawn into government crackdowns on human smuggling networks.

Rahal’s family said they do not know how he contacted the smugglers in Libya, but remember watching as he creased under the fatigue and shame of having to ask anyone he could for the thousands of dollars they were requesting for safe passage to Italy.

Thirteen men left from El Na’amna village, south of the Egyptian capital, Cairo, in the hope of achieving the same. Ten miles away in Ibrash, another village, Abdelnasser left the house as he usually did for his 2 a.m. factory shift but joined a packed car to Libya instead, along with 29 other young men and boys. “He told us nothing,” said his father, Amr. “We would have stopped him.”

Many of the families said the departures caught them by surprise and that local intermediaries working for the smugglers later communicated with relatives in Egypt to gather the requested funds.

In El Na’amna, several people said the figure was $4,500 per person — a sum impossibly high for most rural Egyptians. In Ibrash, Abdelnasser’s uncle said, two of the delegates who arrived to collect the money were disguised in women’s dress. Another woman did the talking. She collected the money, photographed receipts, and then told the family that the deal was done.

‘He said the boat was very bad’

The time spent waiting in Libya was harder than the migrants expected, said family members who spoke with them throughout that period. The port city of Tobruk had become a transit hub for people, and the migrants reported that the smugglers treated them like goods to be traded. The lucky ones rented cramped apartments where they could wait near the bright blue sea.

Travelers who had arranged to meet their intermediaries in the city of Benghazi were transported in large refrigerator trucks to the desert. One survivor described a house there “with a big yard and big walls and people at the door with guns.” It was so busy that people slept in the yard outside. Inside, a 24-year-old Pakistani migrant, Bilal Hassan, tried to lighten the mood by reciting Punjabi poetry. He is smiling in the video he sent his family, but other men in the room look tense.

Some migrants told their families they were getting anxious and didn’t trust their smugglers. Others sent brief messages to reassure and say that they were fine.

Rahal spoke to his wife, Nermin, every day. A month passed with no news of onward passage and his mood darkened. He worried about Khalid. In Jordan, the boy kept asking when he would see his father again. “I don’t know,” Rahal texted in reply. When one smuggler’s offer fell through, he found another who promised to get the job done faster. In voice messages to his cousin, he sounded tired.

“I’ll manage to get the money,” he said.

His last call to his wife was June 8. Men from the smuggling network were yelling at the migrants to pack together as closely as possible in rubber dinghies that would take them to the trawler. Up ahead, the blue fishing boat looked like it was already full.

Matloob Hussein, the Pakistani who had lived in Greece, called his brother from the trawler. “He said the boat was very bad,” Adiil recounted. “He said they had loaded people on the boat like cattle. He said he was below deck and that he preferred it so he didn’t have to see that he was surrounded by water.”

When Adiil asked why his brother hadn’t refused to board, Matloob said the smugglers had guns and knives. As the boat pulled out of Tobruk’s concrete port, he told Adiil he was turning his phone off — he did not expect to have a signal again until they arrived.

After the calls to loved ones stopped, from the foothills of Kashmir to the villages of the Nile Delta, families held their breath.

It felt, said one relative, like a film that had just stopped halfway through.

In hometowns and villages, waiting for news

News of the blue trawler’s capsize trickled out on the morning of June 14. The coast guard’s initial report said that at least 17 people had drowned while noting that more than 100 had been saved. On the Greek mainland, relatives waited for updates in the baking sun outside a migrant reception center. Back in hometowns and villages, some people kept their cellphones plugged into the power sockets so they did not risk missing a call.

The residents of El Na’amna and Ibrash didn’t know what to do. Police arrested a local smuggler but provided no updates on the whereabouts of the missing. Rumors swirled that most were dead. The mother of 23-year-old Amr Elsayed described a grief so full that she felt as if she were burning.

A Pakistani community leader in Greece, Javed Aslam, said he was in direct contact with more than 200 families asking for news. Accounts from survivors suggested that almost all the Pakistani passengers, along with many women and children, had been stuck on the lower levels of the boat as it went down.

Adiil came looking for his brother. He was turned away from the hospital where survivors had been treated, but left his details anyway. Outside the Malakasa reception center, where the survivors were staying, 15 miles north of Athens, several Pakistanis seemed to know Matloob as “the man in the yellow T-shirt.” No one had seen him since the wreck.

Perhaps it was crazy, Adiil said Thursday, but somehow he still had hope. He had registered his DNA with the local authorities and he had spoken to other families there every day. Now he didn’t know what to do with himself. His eyes were red from crying. He carried creased photographs of his brother in his pocket.

In one image, Matloob is standing with his dark-eyed daughter, 10-year-old Arfa. Adiil had told the girl that her father was in the hospital, but that fiction was weighing more on him by the day as she kept asking why they couldn’t speak.

Khalid had been asking for his father, too, but no one knew how to make a 4-year-old understand something they barely understood themselves.

Nermin, relatives said, was “in bad shape.” She had a funeral to organize without a body. But first she had to take Khalid to the hospital for his biopsy, to learn how far the cancer had spread.

▻https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/06/24/greek-migrant-boat-victims

‘If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned:’ CNN investigation raises questions about Greek coast guard’s account of shipwreck tragedy

The hull of the fishing trawler lifted out of the water as it sank, catapulting people from the top deck into the black sea below. In the darkness, they grabbed onto whatever they could to stay afloat, pushing each other underwater in a frantic fight for survival. Some were screaming, many began to recite their final prayers.

“I can still hear the voice of a woman calling out for help,” one survivor of the migrant boat disaster off the coast of Greece told CNN. “You’d swim and move floating bodies out of your way.”

With hundreds of people still missing after the overloaded vessel capsized in the Mediterranean on June 14, the testimonies of those who were onboard paint a picture of chaos and desperation. They also call into question the Greek coast guard’s version of events, suggesting more lives could have been saved, and may even point to fault on the part of Greek authorities.

Rights groups allege the tragedy is both further evidence and a result of a new pattern in illegal pushbacks of migrant boats to other nations’ waters, with deadly consequences.

This boat was carrying up to 750 Pakistani, Syrian, Egyptian and Palestinian refugees and migrants. Only 104 people have been rescued alive.

CNN has interviewed multiple survivors of the shipwreck and their relatives, all of whom have wished to remain anonymous for security reasons and the fear of retribution from authorities in both Greece and at home.

One survivor from Syria, whom CNN is identifying as Rami, described how a Greek coast guard vessel approached the trawler multiple times to try to attach a rope to tow the ship, with disastrous results.

“The third time they towed us, the boat swayed to the right and everyone was screaming, people began falling into the sea, and the boat capsized and no one saw anyone anymore,” he said. “Brothers were separated, cousins were separated.”

Another Syrian man, identified as Mostafa, also believes it was the maneuver by the coast guard that caused the disaster. “The Greek captain pulled us too fast, it was extremely fast, this caused our boat to sink,” he said.

The Hellenic Coast Guard has repeatedly denied attempting to tow the vessel. An official investigation into the cause of the tragedy is still ongoing.

Coast guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou told CNN over the phone last week: “When the boat capsized, we were not even next to (the) boat. How could we be towing it?” Instead, he insisted they had only been “observing at a close distance” and that “a shift in weight probably caused by panic” had caused the boat to tip.

The Hellenic Coast Guard has declined to answer CNN’s specific requests for response to the survivor testimonies.

Direct accounts from those who survived the wreck have been limited, due to their concerns about speaking out and the media having little access to the survivors. CNN interviewed Rami and Mostafa outside the Malakasa migrant camp near Athens, where journalists are not permitted entry.

The Syrian men said the conditions on board the migrant boat deteriorated fast in the more than five days after it set off from Tobruk, Libya, in route to Italy. They had run out of water and had resorted to drinking from storage bottles that people had urinated in.

“People were dying. People were fainting. We used a rope to dip clothes into the sea and use that to squeeze water on people who had lost consciousness,” Rami said.

CNN’s analysis of marine traffic data, combined with information from NGOs, merchant vessels and the European Union border patrol agency, Frontex, suggests that Greek authorities were aware of the distressed vessel for at least 13 hours before it eventually sank early on June 14.

The Greek coast guard has maintained that people onboard the trawler had refused rescue and insisted they wanted to continue their journey to Italy. But survivors, relatives and activists say they had asked for help multiple times.

Earlier in the day, other ships tried to help the trawler. Directed by the Greek coast guard, two merchant vessels – Lucky Sailor and Faithful Warrior – approached the boat between 6 and 9 p.m. on June 13 to offer supplies, according to marine traffic data and the logs of those ships. But according to survivors this only caused more havoc onboard.

“Fights broke out over food and water, people were screaming and shouting,” Mostafa said. “If it wasn’t for people trying to calm the situation down, the boat was on the verge of sinking several times.”

By early evening, six people had already died onboard, according to an audio recording reviewed by CNN from Italian activist Nawal Soufi, who took a distress call from the migrant boat at around 7 p.m. Soufi’s communication with the vessel also corroborated Mostafa’s account that people moved from one side of the boat to the other after water bottles were passed from the cargo ships, causing it to sway dangerously.

The haunting final words sent from the migrant boat came just minutes before it capsized. According to a timeline published by NGO Alarm Phone they received a call, at around 1:45 a.m., with the words “Hello my friend… The ship you send is…” Then the call cuts out.

The coast guard says the vessel began to sink at around 2 a.m.

The next known activity in the area, according to marine traffic data, was the arrival of a cluster of vessels starting around 3 a.m. The Mayan Queen superyacht was the first on the scene for what soon became a mass rescue operation.

A responsibility to rescue

Human rights groups say the authorities had a duty to act to save lives, regardless of what people on board were saying to the coast guard before the migrant boat capsized.

“The boat was overcrowded, was unseaworthy and should have been rescued and people taken to safety, that’s quite clear,” UNHCR Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean Vincent Cochetel told CNN in an interview. “There was a responsibility for the Greek authorities to coordinate a rescue to bring those people safely to land.”

Cochetel also pointed to a growing trend by countries, including Greece, to assist migrant boats in leaving their waters. “That’s a practice we’ve seen in recent months. Some coastal states provide food, provide water, sometimes life jackets, sometimes even fuel to allow such boats to continue to only one destination: Italy. And that’s not fair, Italy cannot cope with that responsibility alone.”

Survivors who say the coast guard tried to tow their boat say they don’t know what the aim was.

There have been multiple documented examples in recent years of Greek patrol boats engaging in so-called “pushbacks” of migrant vessels from Greek waters in recent years, including in a CNN investigation in 2020.

“It looks like what the Greeks have been doing since March 2020 as a matter of policy, which is pushbacks and trying to tow a boat to another country’s water in order to avoid the legal responsibility to rescue,” Omer Shatz, legal director of NGO Front-LEX, told CNN. “Because rescue means disembarkation and disembarkation means processing of asylum requests.”

Pushbacks are state measures aimed at forcing refugees and migrants out of their territory, while impeding access to legal and procedural frameworks, according to the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). They are a violation of international law, as well as European regulations.

And such measures do not appear to have deterred human traffickers whose businesses prey on vulnerable and desperate migrants.

In an interview with CNN last month, then Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis denied that his country engaged in intentional pushbacks and described them as a “completely unacceptable practice.” Mitsotakis is widely expected to win a second term in office in Sunday’s election, after failing to get an outright majority in a vote last month.

A series of Greek governments have been criticized for their handling of migration policy, including conditions in migrant camps, particularly following the 2015-16 refugee crisis, when more than 1 million people entered Europe through the country.

For those who lived through last week’s sinking, the harrowing experience will never be forgotten.

Mostafa and Rami both say they wish they had never made the journey, despite the fact they are now in Europe and are able to claim asylum.

Most of all, Mostafa says, he wishes the Greek coast guard had never approached their boat: “If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned.”

▻https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/23/europe/greece-migrant-boat-disaster-investigation-intl-cmd/index.html
#témoignage

Greece shipwreck survivors faced ’unacceptable’ conditions on arrival in country

NGOs say survivors of sinking are being held in a closed centre with limited access to psychological support

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Survivors of the Pylos shipwreck, which has left an estimated 500 people missing, faced an “unacceptable” reception in Greece and continue to be held in conditions unsuitable for vulnerable people, NGO workers say.

The overloaded fishing trawler carrying an estimated 750 people capsized and sank in front of the Greek coastguard last week, following an allegedly botched attempt by the coastguard to tow the vessel.

The survivors, put at 104 and all men - as no women or children are said to have survived the wreck - were taken to Kalamata, a city on the Peloponnese peninsula, where they were kept in a storage warehouse for two to three days before being transferred to an asylum registration facility at Malakasa, north of Athens.

“We witnessed an unacceptable reception of extremely vulnerable people in Kalamata,” Eleni Spathanaa, a volunteer lawyer for Refugee Support Aegean, an organisation providing legal advice for the survivors of the wreck, told Middle East Eye.

Survivors slept on mattresses on the warehouse floor, and the area around it was ringed with fencing. A video posted on Twitter showed a Syrian teenager attempting to embrace his brother through the bars.

According to Spathanaa, in the first few days no concerted effort was made by authorities to facilitate contact with the survivors’ families, although the Greek Red Cross was providing some access to mobile phones.

A suffocating experience

The survivors were transported to a registration facility in Malakasa on 16 and 17 June.

According to Spathanaa, conditions at #Malakasa are not much of an improvement on those at Kalamata. Survivors are housed in shared shipping containers, and, as at #Kalamata, the facility is ring-fenced, with access severely restricted.

The prison-like conditions came as a shock.

“We witnessed... people devastated [and in] shock. They could not even understand where they were,” said Spathanaa. "I could not understand why they were put in a closed centre. Of course, these conditions are not suitable for people who have just survived a shipwreck.

“These people were [contained], after such a suffocating experience - all of them have lost friends, some of them close relatives... they cannot even conceive what has happened.”

According to Spathanaa, some of the survivors’ basic needs are not being met at the facility, with some reporting that requests for extra clothing to keep warm at night have been refused. Requests for tea, coffee and cigarettes were also reportedly denied.

Spathanaa and her colleagues also found that, despite suffering from acute distress, the survivors were being “fast-tracked” through the process of registration for asylum applications.

“This was quite problematic because most of the people [we met] had not even seen a lawyer before passing through this process,” she said.

Emergency psychological and medical aid at the facility is being provided by the NGO Doctors Without Borders (MSF). “We saw a lot of distress,” MSF head of mission Sonia Balleron told MEE. “The medical team is clear that [the survivors] are all potentially at risk of PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder].”

The team have reported treating chemical burns, injuries from exposure to the sun and sea water, as well as hypo-glycaemic shock (the effect of low blood sugar), due to the people aboard the boat being deprived of food for up to six days.

According to Balleron, many of the survivors are suffering from sleep disorders and night terrors in the wake of the disaster.

“What we hear mostly... is people [recalling] seeing their friends dying in front of their eyes,” said Balleron. “They also talk about not knowing who survived and who died, which is causing a lot of stress. Families are calling a lot to try to understand if their relatives are among the survivors or not.”
A political choice

For Spathanaa, the conditions experienced by the survivors of the wreck on arrival in Kalamata and Malakasa are no accident, but a “political choice”.

At the end of 2022, the ESTIA accommodation scheme, an EU funded housing programme for vulnerable asylum seekers, was terminated. The programme, which was started in 2015, was intended to assist families with children, people with disabilities and survivors of torture with suitable housing and medical care.

When it closed on 16 December, vulnerable asylum seekers were transferred from ESTIA accommodation to remote camps with as little as 24 hours’ notice. Human rights groups warned that the curtailment of the scheme could exacerbate isolation of asylum seekers and “re-traumatise” survivors of violence and torture.

“We have these vulnerable survivors, and we don’t have the option of sheltering them in dignified and suitable conditions,” said Spathanaa. “I don’t think if the shipwreck’s passengers were tourists, that they would treat them like that. They wouldn’t put them in a warehouse.”

This is not lost on the international community. Social media posts in the wake of the disaster have highlighted the discrepancy in the efforts by the Greek coastguard to prevent last week’s wreck with the resources expended on recovering the missing Titan submarine in the Atlantic Ocean.

Widespread protests in Greece over the authorities’ inaction to the disaster have also highlighted the inequities that play out in the waters of the Mediterranean: on 18 June, two cruise ships were greeted at Thessaloniki port with a banner reading: “Tourists enjoy your cruise in Europe’s biggest migrants cemetery.”

▻https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/greece-shipwreck-survivors-unacceptable-conditions-upon-arrival
#emprisonnement #survivants

Enquête par #Lighthouse_Reports:
Drowning in Lies. Greece tries to cover up its own role in the #Pylos shipwreck by tampering with evidence
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1008145

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On the night of June 14, Captain Richard Kirkby is piloting the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht belonging to a Mexican multibillionaire, through the calm, black waters of the Mediterranean when he receives an emergency call. “Ship sinking. Large number of people. Vessels in the vicinity are requested to initiate search and rescue operations.” The crew hears the screams from people drowning before they can see them.

The shipwreck that takes place that night would turn out to be the deadliest in the Mediterranean in many years. Around 750 people are thought to have been on board the fishing boat that went down off the coast of the Peloponnese. When the Mayan Queen IV reaches the site at 2:55 a.m., only the lights of another ship can be seen. They belong to the Greek Coast Guard, vessel LS 920 – according to investigation files that DER SPIEGEL and its partners have acquired.

But the Greeks cannot be reached via radio. So three crew members from the Mayan Queen IV climb into a life boat and start searching for survivors, constantly heading toward the cries for help. They stay as quiet as they can so as not to miss a single voice. Ultimately, they will pull 15 people out of the water.

Early in the morning, the Greek Coast Guard requests permission to bring additional survivors on board. The Greek vessel is too small to safely bring all the survivors to shore. But the Mayan Queen IV – a ship with four decks, tinted windows and a helicopter landing pad – is large enough. At 7:20 a.m., the yacht sets course for Kalamata. On board are 100 of a total of 104 survivors – migrants wrapped in silver emergency blankets cowering where the super-rich are normally sunning themselves.
Survivors if the shipwreck in the port of Kalamata: “Ship sinking. Large number of people.”

Hundreds of refugees don’t survive this night – despite the fact that the Greek Coast Guard arrived at the site several hours before the accident. As early as the morning of the previous day, an Italian agency had sent them a warning and a non-governmental organization had forwarded an SOS from the fishing boat. Even the European Union border control agency Frontex had identified the ship’s plight and offered additional assistance. How can it be that hundreds of migrants died anyway? It is a question that has plagued the Greek Coast Guard for the last two weeks.

The accusations that survivors have leveled at the Greeks are serious: Did the Coast Guard leave the people to their fate for too long? Were they trying to pull the ship into Italian waters – as some testimony seems to indicate? Perhaps to keep hundreds of migrants from landing in Greece?

A team of reporters from DER SPIEGEL joined forces with the nonprofit newsroom Lighthouse Reports, investigative journalism consortium Reporters United, the Spanish newspaper El País, the Syrian investigative reporting outlet Siraj and the German public broadcaster ARD to explore these questions. The reporters interviewed survivors, many of whom had already turned to the aid organization Consolidated Rescue Group. They examined leaked investigative reports, videos and geodata and spoke with sources inside Frontex.

The reporting indicates that, at the very least, the Greek Coast Guard may have made grave errors. Sixteen refugees have accused the Greeks, for example, of causing the fishing boat to capsize, while seven are convinced that Greek rescue attempts were hesitant at best – which would mean they were willing to accept the deaths of hundreds of people. There are also serious doubts about the willingness of Greek authorities to thoroughly investigate the disaster. The leaked investigation reports raise questions as to whether Greek officials may have altered testimony in their favor.

One of those who survived, we’ll call him Manhal Abdulkareem, tells his story in mid-June from the Greek camp Malakasa. He requests that we not use his real name or even describe him out of fear of how the Greek authorities might react. What he has to say does not paint them in a positive light.

The Syrian once worked as a stonemason in Jordan. Last spring, he decided to risk the crossing to Italy. He traveled to Libya and boarded the vessel in the port city of Tobruk on June 9. Abdulkareem is one of hundreds of people who crowded onto the vessel, and he was one of the lucky ones: He was able to buy himself a place on deck. Later, it would save his life.

Other refugees crowded into the boat’s cold storage room. According to survivors, women and children were below decks, many of them from Pakistan. For them, the belly of the ship would turn into a coffin.

Abdulkareem’s account of the initial days onboard the ship is consistent with the stories told by other survivors. He says that they began running out of water on the third of five days onboard, that the motor cut out on several occasions and that the captain seemed to have lost his orientation. The goal of reaching Italy was more distant than ever.

The Greek Coast Guard was also aware of the dire situation onboard the fishing boat. On the morning of June 13, they received the first warning from the Italian Coast Guard. Frontex agents filmed the ship from the air at midday. At 5:13 p.m. local time, the non-governmental organization Alarmphone wrote an email to the Greek authorities. The email noted that there were 750 people on the ship. “They are requesting urgent assistance.”

At the time of the call for help, the fishing vessel was around 80 kilometers (50 miles) off the coast of the Peloponnese. Nevertheless, the Greek Coast Guard sent a ship that was anchored in far-away Crete.

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At least two freighters supplied the fishing vessel with water, but they didn’t take anyone onboard. Abdulkareem and other survivors say that by this point, two passengers on the boat had already died. The Greek Coast Guard ship only arrived at 10:40 p.m.

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There are two versions for what then took place.

Manhal Abdulkareem reports that the Greek Coast Guard escorted their ship for a time, until the fishing boat’s engine again cut out. Then, he says, the Coast Guard attached a rope to the vessel. “We thought they knew what they were doing,” says Abdulkareem.

The Coast Guard, he says, towed the vessel at a rapid speed, first to the right, then the left, and then back to the right – and then it capsized. Fifteen additional survivors tell a similar story. Some believe the behavior of the Coast Guard was accidental. Others think it was intentional.

When the vessel capsized, there were people trapped inside its hull. One survivor says he heard them knocking. Those who were on deck jumped into the water. “People were falling on us,” says one man from Egypt. Some clung to the sinking vessel, while others grabbed in a panic for anything that was floating, including other people.

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“I know how to swim, but that wasn’t enough,” Abdulkareem would later say. He says he had to avoid others so that he wouldn’t be pulled down into the depths. Four survivors say that the Coast Guard put those in the water in even greater danger by maneuvering in such a way that created large waves.

While still in the water, Abdulkareem began searching for his brother, but was unable to find him. As the vessel was sinking, say survivors, the Greek Coast Guard ship pulled back to a distance of hundreds of meters.

Abdulkareem and six others accuse the Greeks of delayed rescue efforts and only launching inflatable dinghies after significant time had passed. Some estimate that several minutes passed before they took any action at all. Others say the delay was fully half an hour. “They could have saved many people,” says a survivor from Syria. Abdulkareem’s brother still hasn’t been found.

The Greek Coast Guard has a competing account for what took place. According to an official log from June 14, their ship reported on the evening prior to the disaster that the refugees were “on a stable course” – a claim that video evidence and tracking data refute. The people on board, according to the official account, rejected assistance because they “wanted nothing more than to continue onward to Italy.” If the Greek Coast Guard is to be believed, the fishing boat capsized shortly after 2 a.m. The first official log provides no cause for the accident.

Later, the Greek government spokesman said that the Coast Guard had attached a rope to the boat. But only to “stabilize” the vessel. By the time of the accident, the rope had already been cast off, the spokesman said, and the fishing vessel had never been towed. The rope, he insists, was not the cause of the shipwreck. In an interview with CNN, a Coast Guard spokesman speculated that panic may have broken out onboard, leading to the boat listing to one side.

There is no proof for either version. But doubts about the Greek account are significant, even within Frontex. At the agency’s headquarters in Warsaw, EU border guards can follow in real time what is taking place on the EU’s external borders. In this case, the agents must have realized early on the danger that the migrants were in.

On two occasions – at 6:35 p.m. and at 9:34 p.m. – they offered to send the airplane back to the ship that the migrants had already seen at midday. It was refueled and ready to take off, according to an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. But the Greek Rescue Coordination Center in Piraeus, Frontex says, ignored the offer. The plane remained on the ground.

The only other available aircraft, a Frontex drone, was initially sent to another distress call, according to Frontex. It only arrived at the scene after the fishing vessel had sunk. In Brussels, hardly anyone believes that the rebuff of Frontex was an accident. Many see a pattern: Greek authorities systematically send away Frontex units, says one Brussels official. That happens particularly often, the official says, in situations that later turn out to be controversial.

The mistrust with which Athens now finds itself confronted – even from EU institutions – has a lot to do with previous violations of international law on the Aegean. The Greek Coast Guard has repeatedly towed groups of refugees back into Turkish waters – before then abandoning them on life rafts with no means of propulsion.

Proof for such pushbacks has become so overwhelming that the Frontex fundamental rights officer recently recommended that the organization suspend cooperation with the Greek Coast Guard. The “strongest possible measures” are necessary to ensure that the Greeks once again begin complying with applicable law, reads an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. Joint missions can only be resumed once a new basis for trust has been established, the memo continues.

The skepticism has become so great that Frontex has even sent a team to Greece to question survivors itself. Two Frontex officials say that the results of investigations conducted thus far seem to contradict the Greek version of events. One Greek lawyer is even demanding an official state investigation of the Coast Guard for manslaughter through failure to render aid.

Most survivors, though, don’t believe that the Greek state will investigate the role played by its own Coast Guard. The treatment they received in the days following the catastrophe was too poor for such optimism.

Sami Al Yafi, a young Syrian, is one of them. He, too, has asked that his real name not be printed out of fear of the Greek authorities. He accuses the Coast Guard of manipulating his statement. He claims to have clearly testified that the Coast Guard had caused the ship to capsize, but he was unable to find that statement in the transcript of his interview. An additional survivor says that he had a similar experience.

There are also corresponding inconsistencies in the investigation file. In six instances, according to the file, survivors said nothing about a tow rope in their first interview with the Coast Guard – or at least there is no mention of such in the minutes taken by the Coast Guard. Later, in interviews with public prosecutors, they then accused the Coast Guard of causing the capsizing by towing the vessel.

Moreover, the minutes taken by the Greek Coast Guard frequently include the exact same formulations. According to those minutes, four survivors used exactly the same words in describing the events – despite the fact that the interviews were led by different interpreters. In one case, a member of the Coast Guard apparently acted as an interpreter.

When approached for comment, Greek officials said they were unable to comment on the accusations. The accounts, they said, are part of a confidential investigation. They said they were also unable to comment on the actions of the Coast Guard.

Manhal Abdulkareem, the man who lost his brother, isn’t satisfied. “We are a group of 104 survivors,” he says. All of them know, he says, who caused the boat to capsize.

On at least one occasion, Greek officials have been found guilty of accusations similar to those that have now been lodged by Abdulkareem and other survivors. It was left up to the European Court of Human Rights to pass that verdict. Last year, the court found that the Greek Coast Guard in 2014 towed a refugee boat until it capsized. Three women and eight children died in that incident. Then, too, the Coast Guard claimed that panic had broken out onboard the vessel and that the refugees themselves had caused the boat to capsize. It is the exact same story they are currently telling.

▻https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/new-accusations-against-the-greek-coast-guard-we-thought-they-knew-what-they

Everyone Knew the Migrant Ship Was Doomed. No One Helped.

Satellite imagery, sealed court documents and interviews with survivors suggest that hundreds of deaths were preventable.

From air and by sea, using radar, telephone and radio, officials watched and listened for 13 hours as the migrant ship Adriana lost power, then drifted aimlessly off the coast of Greece in a slowly unfolding humanitarian disaster.

As terrified passengers telephoned for help, humanitarian workers assured them that a rescue team was coming. European border officials, watching aerial footage, prepared to witness what was certain to be a heroic operation.

Yet the Adriana capsized and sank in the presence of a single Greek Coast Guard ship last month, killing more than 600 migrants in a maritime tragedy that was shocking even for the world’s deadliest migrant route.

Satellite imagery, sealed court documents, more than 20 interviews with survivors and officials, and a flurry of radio signals transmitted in the final hours suggest that the scale of death was preventable.

Dozens of officials and coast guard crews monitored the ship, yet the Greek government treated the situation like a law enforcement operation, not a rescue. Rather than send a navy hospital ship or rescue specialists, the authorities sent a team that included four masked, armed men from a coast guard special operations unit.

The Greek authorities have repeatedly said that the Adriana was sailing to Italy, and that the migrants did not want to be rescued. But satellite imagery and tracking data obtained by The New York Times show definitively that the Adriana was drifting in a loop for its last six and a half hours. And in sworn testimony, survivors described passengers on the ship’s upper decks calling for help and even trying to jump aboard a commercial tanker that had stopped to provide drinking water.

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On board the Adriana, the roughly 750 passengers descended into violence and desperation. Every movement threatened to capsize the ship. Survivors described beatings and panic as they waited for a rescue that would never come.

The sinking of the Adriana is an extreme example of a longtime standoff in the Mediterranean. Ruthless smugglers in North Africa cram people onto shoddy vessels, and passengers hope that, if things go wrong, they will be taken to safety. But European coast guards often postpone rescues out of fear that helping will embolden smugglers to send more people on ever-flimsier ships. And as European politics have swung to the right, each new arriving ship is a potential political flashpoint.

So even as passengers on the Adriana called for help, the authorities chose to listen to the boat’s captain, a 22-year-old Egyptian man who said he wanted to continue to Italy. Smuggling captains are typically paid only when they reach their destinations.

The Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs said it would not respond to detailed questions because the shipwreck was under criminal investigation.

Despite many hours of on-and-off surveillance, the only eyewitnesses to the Adriana’s final moments were the survivors and 13 crew members aboard the coast guard ship, known as the 920. A Maritime Ministry spokesman has said that the ship’s night-vision camera was switched off at the time. Court documents show that the coast guard captain gave the authorities a CD-ROM containing video recordings, but the source of the recordings is unclear, and they have not been made public.

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece defended the coast guard during comments in Brussels this past week, calling its critics “profoundly unfair.” The sinking has brought rare public criticism from officials in the European Union, which has remained silent as the Greek government has hardened its stance toward migrants.

In Greece, nine Egyptian survivors from the Adriana were arrested and charged with smuggling and causing the shipwreck. In sworn testimonies and interviews, survivors said that many of the nine brutalized and extorted passengers. But interviews with relatives of those accused paint a more complicated picture. At least one of the men charged with being a smuggler had himself paid a full fee of more than $4,000 to be on the ship.

Collectively paying as much as $3.5 million to be smuggled to Italy, migrants crammed into the Adriana in what survivors recalled was a hellish class system: Pakistanis at the bottom; women and children in the middle; and Syrians, Palestinians and Egyptians at the top.

An extra $50 or so could earn someone a spot on the deck. For some, that turned out to be the difference between life and death.

Many of the passengers, at least 350, came from Pakistan, the Pakistani government said. Most were in the lower decks and the ship’s hold. Of them, 12 survived.

The women and young children went down with the ship.
Setting Sail

Kamiran Ahmad, a Syrian teenager, a month shy of his 18th birthday, had arrived in Tobruk, Libya, with hopes for a new life. He had worked with his father, a tailor, after school. His parents sold land to pay smugglers to take him to Italy, praying that he would make it to Germany to study, work and maybe send some money home.
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“We had no choice but to send him by sea,” his father said in an interview.

But as the Adriana set sail at dawn on June 9, Kamiran was worried. His cousin, Roghaayan Adil Ehmed, 24, who went with him, could not swim. And the boat was overcrowded, with nearly twice as many passengers as he had been told.

No life vests were available, so Roghaayan paid $600 to get himself, Kamiran and a friend to an upper deck.

They were part of a group of 11 young men and boys from Kobani, a mainly Kurdish city in Syria devastated by more than decade of war. The group stayed in dingy, rented rooms in Beirut, Lebanon, then flew to Egypt and on to Libya.

The youngest, Waleed Mohammad Qasem, 14, wanted to be a doctor. When he heard that his uncle Mohammad Fawzi Sheikhi was going to Europe, he begged to go. On the flight to Egypt, the two smiled for a selfie.

Haseeb ur-Rehman, 20, a motorcycle mechanic from the Pakistan-administrated Kashmir, felt he had to leave home to help his family survive. Together with three friends, he paid $8,000 and left for Libya.

He was one of the few Pakistanis who managed to snatch a spot on deck.

The journey, if all went well, would take three days.

As early as the second day, survivors recalled, the engine started breaking down.
Lost

By Day 3, food and clean drinking water had run out. Some migrants put dried prunes in seawater, hoping the sweetness would mellow the saltiness. Others paid young men $20 for dirty water.

Unrest spread as it became clear that the captain, who was spending most of his time on a satellite phone, had lost his way.

When Pakistanis pushed toward the upper deck, Egyptian men working with the captain beat them, often with a belt, according to testimony. Those men, some of whom are among the nine arrested in Greece, emerged as enforcers of discipline.

Ahmed Ezzat, 26, from the Nile Delta, was among them. He is accused of smuggling people and causing the shipwreck. In an interview, his brother, Islam Ezzat, said that Ahmed disappeared from their village in mid-May and re-emerged in Libya weeks later. He said a smuggler had sent someone to the family home to collect 140,000 Egyptian pounds, or $4,500, the standard fee for a spot on the Adriana.

Islam said he did not believe Ahmed had been involved in the smuggling because he had paid the fee. He said the family was cooperating with the Egyptian authorities. Ahmed, like the others who have been charged, has pleaded not guilty.
‘They Will Rescue You’

By Day 4, according to testimonies and interviews, six people in the hold of the ship, including at least one child, had died.

The next day, June 13, as the Adriana lurched toward Italy between engine breakdowns, migrants on deck persuaded the captain to send a distress call to the Italian authorities.

The Adriana was in international waters then, and the captain was focused on getting to Italy. Experts who study this migratory route say that captains are typically paid on arrival. That is supported by some survivors who said their fees were held by middlemen, to be paid once they had arrived safely in Italy.

The captain, some survivors recalled, said the Italian authorities would rescue the ship and take people to shore.

Just before 1 p.m., a glimmer of hope appeared in the sky. A plane.

Frontex, the European Union border agency, had been alerted by the Italian authorities that the Adriana was in trouble and rushed to its coordinates. There was no doubt the ship was perilously overloaded, E.U. officials said, and unlikely to make it to any port without help.

Images of the rusty blue fishing boat appeared in the Frontex command center in Warsaw, where two German journalists happened to be touring, a Frontex spokesman said. The Adriana was a chance to showcase the agency’s ability to detect ships in distress and save lives.

Now that Frontex had seen the ship, which was in Greece’s search-and-rescue area of international waters, the Greek authorities would surely rush to help.

Two hours later, a Greek Coast Guard helicopter flew past. Its aerial photographs show the ship’s upper decks crammed with people waving their hands.

Nawal Soufi, an Italian activist, fielded calls from frantic migrants.

“I’m sure that they will rescue you,” she told them. “But be patient. It won’t be immediate.”
Mayday

Around 7 p.m. on June 13, almost seven hours after Frontex spotted the Adriana, the Greek authorities asked two nearby commercial tankers to bring the migrants water, food and diesel to continue their journey, according to video recordings and court documents.

A crucial part of the Greek authorities’ explanation for not rescuing the Adriana is their claim that it was actively sailing toward Italy. When the BBC, using data from neighboring vessels, reported that the Adriana had been practically idle for several hours before it sank, the Greek government noted that the ship had covered 30 nautical miles toward Italy since its detection by Frontex.

But satellite imagery and data from the ship-tracking platform MarineTraffic show that the Adriana was adrift for its final seven hours or so. Radar satellite imagery from the European Space Agency shows that by the time the Greeks summoned the commercial ships, the Adriana had already reached its closest point to Italy.

From then on, it was drifting backward.

The first tanker, the Lucky Sailor, arrived within minutes. The second, the Faithful Warrior, arrived in about two and a half hours. The captain of the Faithful Warrior reported that some passengers had thrown back supplies and screamed that they wanted to continue to Italy. How many people actually rejected help is unclear, but they included the Adriana’s captain and the handful of men who terrorized the passengers, according to survivors’ testimonies and interviews.

Others were placing distress calls. Alarm Phone, a nonprofit group that fields migrant mayday calls, immediately and repeatedly told the Greek authorities, Frontex and the United Nations refugee agency that people on the Adriana were desperate to be rescued. Several passengers testified that they had tried to jump aboard the Faithful Warrior. But the migrants said that the frenzy only destabilized the Adriana, so the Faithful Warrior withdrew.

As night fell, the Faithful Warrior’s captain told the Greek control center that the Adriana was “rocking dangerously.”

Radio transmission records show that, over five hours, the Greek control center transmitted five messages across the Mediterranean using a channel reserved for safety and distress calls.

Henrik Flornaes, a Danish father of two on a yacht far from the area, said he heard two mayday relay signals that night. They provided coordinates near the location of the Adriana, he said.

A mayday relay directs nearby ships to begin a search and rescue.

But the Greek Coast Guard itself mounted no such mission at this point.
An End Foretold

As midnight of June 14 approached, the Greek Coast Guard vessel 920, the only government ship dispatched to the scene, arrived alongside the Adriana.

The presence of the 920 did not reassure the migrants. Several said in interviews that they were unsettled by the masked men. In the past, the Greek government has used the coast guard to deter migration. In May, The Times published video footage showing officers rounding up migrants and ditching them on a raft in the Aegean Sea.

The mission of the 920 is unclear, as is what happened after it arrived and floated nearby for three hours. Some survivors say it tried to tow the Adriana, capsizing it. The coast guard denied that at first, then acknowledged throwing a rope to the trawler, but said that was hours before it sank.

To be sure, attempts to remove passengers might have backfired. Sudden changes in weight distribution on an overcrowded, swaying ship could have capsized it. And while the 920 was larger was than the Adriana, it was not clear if had space to accommodate the migrant passengers.

But Greece, one of the world’s foremost maritime nations, was equipped to carry out a rescue. Navy ships, including those with medical resources, could have arrived in the 13 hours after the Frontex alert.

Exactly what capsized the ship is unclear. The coast guard blames a commotion on the ship. But everyone agrees that it swayed once to the left, then to the right, and then flipped.

Those on deck were tossed into the sea. Panicking people stepped on each other in the dark, desperately using each other to come up for air, to stay alive.

At the water’s surface, some clung to pieces of wood, surrounded by drowned friends, relatives and strangers. Others climbed onto the ship’s sinking hull. Coast guard crew members pulled dozens of people from the sea. One person testified that he had initially swum away from the 920, fearing that the crew would drown him.

Waleed Mohammad Qasem, the 14-year-old who wanted to be a doctor, drowned. So did his uncle, who had posed with him for a selfie. The ship’s captain also died.

Hundreds of people, including the women and young children, inside the Adriana stood no chance. They would have been flipped upside down, hurled together against the ship as the sea poured in. The ship took them down within a minute.

Haseeb ur-Rehman, the Pakistani motorcycle mechanic on the top deck, survived. “It was in my destiny,” he said from a migrant camp near Athens. “Otherwise, my body would have been lost, like the other people in the boat.”

Near the end, Kamiran Ahmad, the teenager who had hoped to study in Germany, turned to his cousin Roghaayan. From the migrant center in Greece, the older cousin remembered his words: “Didn’t I tell you we were going to die? Didn’t I tell you we were already dead?”

Both went into the water. Kamiran’s body has not been recovered.

▻https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/01/world/europe/greece-migrant-ship.html

#Aude_Vidal #espoir #tragédie #capitalisme #bourgeoisie #pouvoir #démocratie #démocrature

Le reportage est construit comme le roman de B.Traven Le Trésor de la Sierra Madre dont la version cinématographique fut réalisée par John Huston avc Humphrey Bogart dans re lôle principal. Sur Youtube on en trouve une version radiophonique avec Bogart.

▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Le_Tr%C3%A9sor_de_la_Sierra_Madre_(roman)

Le Trésor de la Sierra Madre (titre original : Der Schatz der Sierra Madre) est un roman d’aventures de B. Traven, paru en 1927.
Le roman est adapté au cinéma sous le même titre par John Huston en 1948.

TREASURE OF THE SIERRA MADRE - LUX RADIO THEATER
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lc3OvFwk1CY

bref +/- 12 milliards de $ du trésor de Kadhafi ont disparu en Afrique du Sud et des pays voisins. Cet argent liqude est sous le contrôle de Zuma est ses alliés qui s’en servent pour dominer l’ANC et la politique de la région. Les lybiens n’en verront jamais la couleur. Les équipes de chasseurs de trésor se battent entre eux pour obtenir des contrats avec les gouvernements parallèles du pays les autorisants à négocier le transfert en Lybie des caisses remplies de billets.

C’est une aventure dangereuse. Il y a des morts.
Ce que vous ne savez pas encore : Je viens de repérer le trésor dans les restes du Bunker d’Adolf Hitler sous un parking à Berlin-Mitte. On apprendra dans le prochain épisode comment et par qui l’énorme somme servira à la construction de Reichsflugscheiben dernier cri ;-)

▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mythe_des_ovnis_du_IIIe_Reich

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/80/Naziufo.png

+ d’infos :
Afrique du Sud, corruption au sommet de l’État
▻https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/087437-000-A/afrique-du-sud-corruption-au-sommet-de-l-etat
▻https://api-cdn.arte.tv/api/mami/v1/teaser/5d7a1b61-1906-4291-81bf-5f80f924369a/1618835299/1024x256

En 2017, les « GuptaLeaks » révèlent l’étendue de la corruption qui frappe les institutions sud-africaines. Retour sur un scandale politico-financier qui a précipité la chute de l’ex-président Jacob Zuma.

#corruption #Lybie #Afrique_du_Sud #aventure #tragédie

voir aussi :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/938661

#Irlande : sept essais de #vaccins contraires à l’ #éthique ont été menés entre 1934 et 1973. + 9000 décès d’enfants de mères célibataires dans ces établissements tenus par des religieuses catholiques et l’Etat
▻https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/11892060-une-enquete-en-irlande-pointe-le-drame-des-maisons-pour-meres-celibatai

Une commission d’enquête sur les anciennes maisons pour mères célibataires en Irlande a mis en lumière mardi la mortalité dramatique des enfants dans ces établissements tenus par des religieuses catholiques et l’Etat.

Elle a aussi révélé l’hostilité générale envers ces naissances jugées illégitimes. « Toute la société était complice », a résumé le Premier ministre Micheal Martin à l’occasion de la publication après cinq ans d’enquête du rapport de 3000 pages. Il a annoncé qu’il présenterait les « excuses » de l’Etat mercredi devant le Parlement irlandais, le Dail.

L’enquête a mis en évidence 9000 décès, soit 15% des 57’000 enfants qui sont passés par ces établissements entre 1922 et 1998. « Il est difficile de concevoir l’ampleur de la #tragédie et le chagrin qui se cache derrière ce chiffre », a déclaré le ministre irlandais de l’Enfance, Roderic O’Gorman.

Ces maisons ne sauvaient pas les vies
Dans son rapport, la commission a conclu qu’avant 1960, de fait ces maisons « mère-enfant » ne « sauvaient pas les vies des enfants ’illégitimes’ », pire, « il semblent avoir significativement réduit leurs perspectives de survie ».

Le taux de #mortalité « très élevé » était « connu des autorités locales et nationales à l’époque et enregistrés dans les publications officielles », souligne-t-il. La plupart des décès dont les cause étaient identifiables étaient dus à des infections respiratoires et des gastro-entérites.

Ces maisons accueillaient jeunes filles et jeunes femmes rejetées par leurs familles qui n’avaient pour la plupart « aucune alternative ». Considérés comme illégitimes, les enfants qui y naissaient étaient souvent séparés de leur mère pour ensuite être adoptés, rompant tout lien avec leur famille biologique.

Scandales dans l’Eglise catholique
La commission a été mise sur pied pour faire la lumière sur le haut niveau de mortalité des enfants dans ces anciennes institutions de la très catholique Irlande. Cette affaire s’inscrit dans une série de scandales qui ont ébranlé la puissante église catholique irlandaise ces dernières années, avec l’ampleur de la pédophilie et les « Magdalene Sisters », ces jeunes filles qui travaillaient gratuitement dans des blanchisseries exploitées commercialement par des #religieuses.

Dans le cas des « maisons mère-enfant », l’enquête avait été ouverte en 2015 dans le sillage des travaux d’une historienne, Catherine Corless. Elle affirmait que près de 800 enfants nés dans l’une de ces maisons de naissance, le foyer St Mary des soeurs du Bon Secours de Tuam (ouest de l’Irlande), avaient été enterrés dans une fosse commune entre 1925 et 1961.

Responsabilité des familles
Le rapport final porte surtout la responsabilité sur les familles qui envoyaient les femmes concernées dans ces établissements ou ne leur laissaient pas d’autre choix faute de soutien, et au delà sur toute la société irlandaise.

Il décrit un chapitre « sombre et honteux de l’histoire récente de l’Irlande », a déclaré Micheal Martin, et met en lumière la « culture misogyne » qu’a connu le pays pendant « plusieurs décennies », particulièrement les « discriminations graves et systématiques contre les femmes, particulièrement celle qui ont accouché hors mariage ».

« Nous avions une attitude complètement déformée vis-à-vis de la sexualité et de l’intimité », « dysfonctionnement » pour lequel « les jeunes mères et leurs fils et filles » dans ces établissement « ont été contraints de payer un prix terrible », a déclaré Micheal Martin.

afp/jpr

Mères « forcées à abandonner leurs enfants »
Un groupe de victimes de ces institutions, Irish First Mothers, a dénoncé l’échec du rapport à établir que « les mères étaient forcées à abandonner leurs enfants ». Dans un communiqué publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le groupe estime que la commission « absout à la fois l’église et l’Etat de toute responsabilité systémique pour ce qu’elle reconnaît comme l’incarcération de fait de mères enceintes ».

Jusqu’au années 1960, « la plupart des femmes plaçaient leur enfant à l’adoption » et quittaient l’établissent « dans les quelques mois qui suivaient la naissance », selon le rapport.

Certaines estiment que « leur consentement n’était pas total, libre et éclairé », mais hormis quelques cas qui ont été porté devant la justice, « il n’y a pas de preuve que tel était leur opinion au moment de l’adoption ».

Les investigations ont également permis d’établir que sept essais de vaccins contraires à l’éthique ont été menés dans ces maisons entre 1934 et 1973.

#religion #catholique #monstres #culture_du_viol #viol #femmes #ventre_des_femmes #blame_the_victim #génocide #enfants #femmes #vaccin #Tuam #couvent #religion #Galway #Magdalene_asylums #église #église_catholique #enfants_placés

@bce_106_6 il semble que tu te sois trompé d’endroit pour poster ce message... ou alors il y a un nouveau bug dans seenthis.

Saison 1 : le philtre
▻https://soundcloud.com/anacharsis-editions/sets/tristan-saison-1-le-philtre

Saison 2 : la table
▻https://soundcloud.com/anacharsis-editions/sets/tristan-saison-2-la-table

#audio #podcast #littérature #littérature_médiévale #moyen_âge #Trisan_et_Yseult #conte #chanson #Éditions_Anacharsis #amour #tragédie

#Sérendipité : le site de la conteuse chanteuse de la première saison #Sika_Gblondoumé
▻http://itinerance-orale.net/Creations.html

Avec un pestacle entier sur Trisan et Yseult : Yseult not dead

Sinon les éditions Anacharsis sont une excellente maison, avec plein de textes historiques et anthropologiques (ET littéraires, et tout ça mélangé, pas cloisonné), avec une grande attention sur le sérieux historique et les sources.

J’avais été à leur présentation de leurs livres sur les pirates
L’enfer de la flibuste
▻http://editions-anacharsis.com/L-Enfer-de-la-flibuste
et Les infortunes d’Alfonso Ramirez
▻http://editions-anacharsis.com/Les-Infortunes-d-Alonso-Ramirez

Ils sont très critiques envers d’autres historiens, notamment l’école de Marcus Rediker, qu’ils trouvent très peu rigoureux sur les sources et donc basé surtout sur des fantasmes et sur du romancé.

(Et aussi ils sont en SPIP alors c’est des gens bien :p )