• Projection-Débat : Les Années de plomb de Carine Mournaud et Stéphane Czubek puis « Emploi contre santé, le chantage de Metaleurop » le 10/07- Paris Luttes

    Projection / discussion : Économie contre santé Projection du film Les années de plomb, documentaire (2008, 50 mn) de Carine Mournaud et Stéphane Czubek, suivie d’une discussion : Emploi contre santé, le chantage de Metaleurop Dimanche 10 juillet 2022 à Publico-Librairie du Monde Libertaire ( 145 (...) @Mediarezo Actualité / #Mediarezo

  • Technology advances forced the Census Bureau to use sweeping measures to ensure privacy for respondents. The ensuing debate goes to the heart of what a census is

    Census Block 1002 in downtown Chicago is wedged between Michigan and Wabash Avenues, a glitzy Trump-branded hotel and a promenade of cafes and bars. According to the 2020 census, 14 people live there — 13 adults and one child. Also according to the 2020 census, they live underwater. Because the block consists entirely of a 700-foot bend in the Chicago River. (...) “But in my opinion, producing low quality data to achieve privacy protection defeats the purpose of the decennial census.”


  • Meeting de Macron en 2017, gala de Leonardo DiCaprio... des policiers payés au black pour jouer les agents de sécurité

    Des policiers sans autorisation pour exercer dans la sécurité privée ont été payés de la main à la main pour assurer le service d’ordre lors des meetings d’Emmanuel Macron en 2017, à Paris, ou lors d’un gala de Leonardo DiCaprio dans le Var. Malgré de « nombreux manquements », le Cnaps, l’autorité de contrôle, a choisi de « classer sans suite » cette affaire.

    Bercy (Paris), 17 avril 2017. Dernier meeting d’Emmanuel Macron avant le premier tour de la présidentielle. Des stars, une foule en transe. En coulisses, le service d’ordre est composé de policiers provenant des Alpes-Maritimes. Des gardiens de la paix, dont la moitié sont en poste dans des brigades anticriminalité, et qui n’ont pas de carte professionnelle les autorisant à exercer dans la sécurité privée. Peu importe finalement, puisqu’ils sont payés au noir par Fortunato B., 56 ans, leur chef et intermédiaire, qui a été mandaté pour effectuer la sécurité, alors que ses entreprises sont pourtant… interdites d’exercer en France. Il ne possède d’ailleurs pas de compte « employeur » à l’Urssaf.

  • Implants Essure : le combat des victimes se poursuit pour prouver une intoxication aux métaux lourds

    Des avancées dans l’épineux dossier des implants de contraception définitive, Essure du laboratoire Bayer. Fin 2021, une proposition de résolution a été déposée par 17 députés pour la prise en charge des femmes et un protocole de recherche a été validé en janvier 2022 pour mesurer l’impact de ces implants sur les femmes. La lanceuse d’alerte mosellane Marielle Klein rappelle l’importance de ce sujet de santé publique.

    (Article du 28/02/2022)

    cc @mad_meg

  • #Procès de la #honte : soutenez les #activistes #handicapés injustement condamnés !

    Le 23 mars 2021, à Toulouse, a eu lieu le procès de la honte et de l’absurde.
    Nous sommes 12 militants activistes en situation de handicap et leurs proches de l’association #Handi-Social, et nous avons été jugés et condamnés dans des conditions indignes ne tenant pas compte de nos handicaps ni du droit à une justice équitable.

    Notre délit ? Avoir entravé pendant 1h un TGV Toulouse/Paris et bloqué 1h les pistes de l’aéroport Toulouse/Blagnac, sans violence, dans l’espoir d’enfin faire entendre nos demandes :

    Le respect de nos droits fondamentaux.

  • McKinsey Guided Companies at the Center of the Opioid Crisis - The New York Times

    In patches of rural Appalachia and the Rust Belt, the health authorities were sounding alarms that a powerful painkiller called Opana had become the drug of choice among people abusing prescription pills.

    It was twice as potent as OxyContin, the painkiller widely blamed for sparking the opioid crisis, and was relatively easy to dissolve and inject. By 2015, government investigations and scientific publications had linked its misuse to clusters of disease, including a rare and life-threatening blood disorder and an H.I.V. outbreak in Indiana.

    Opana’s manufacturer, the pharmaceutical company Endo, had scaled back promotion of the drug. But months later, the company abruptly changed course, refocusing resources on the drug by assigning more sales representatives.

    The push was known internally as the Sales Force Blitz — and it was conducted with consultants at McKinsey & Company, who had been hired by Endo to provide marketing advice about its chronic-pain medicines and other products.

    The newly released McKinsey records include more than 15 years of emails, slide presentations, spreadsheets, proposals and other documents. They provide a sweeping and detailed depiction of a firm that became a trusted adviser to companies at the core of an epidemic that has claimed half a million American lives.

    While the firm held remarkable sway at Purdue, it also advised the largest manufacturer of generic opioids, Mallinckrodt. It worked with Endo on marketing Opana and helped it grow into a leading generics manufacturer. It advised Johnson & Johnson, whose subsidiary Tasmanian Alkaloids was the largest supplier of the raw materials extracted from poppies used to make many top-selling opioids. Then, as the full brunt of the epidemic became apparent, it counseled government agencies on how to address the fallout.

    McKinsey’s opioid clients already wanted to grow their businesses. What the firm offered was know-how and sophistication, the documents show, and, as it noted in one presentation, “in-depth experience in narcotics.”

    And when opioid prescriptions began to decrease during a government crackdown, the records show, McKinsey devised new approaches to drive sales.

    McKinsey agreed to provide the documents to the attorneys general last year as part of a nearly $600 million settlement in which it admitted no wrongdoing. The firm has since apologized for its advice to opioid makers but, in a statement on Wednesday, suggested that its work with companies other than Purdue was “much more limited” and that it “did not counsel or recommend to Endo that it promote Opana more aggressively.”

    “We recognize the terrible consequences of the opioid epidemic and have acknowledged our role in serving opioid manufacturers,” said a McKinsey spokesman. “We stopped that work in 2019, have apologized for it and have been focused on being part of the solution.”

    The tangled path that led to Opana’s rise illustrates McKinsey’s deep involvement in the opioid business, with its work for one client rippling out with consequences for others.

    Years earlier, the firm had helped usher the drug onto the market, advising Endo’s partner, Penwest Pharmaceuticals, on its launch in 2006. Two years later, the documents show, McKinsey performed a project for Purdue that paved the way for Endo to extend Opana’s reach.

    Purdue was seeking approval from the Food and Drug Administration for a new version of OxyContin that would be more difficult to snort or inject. After the F.D.A. denied its application in 2008, Purdue enlisted McKinsey’s help. The consultants interviewed a former drug dealer about OxyContin abuse, oversaw scientific studies, prepared regulatory documents and coached company officials on how to deal with the F.D.A., which had been a McKinsey client. The agency gave its approval in 2010, and later allowed Purdue to claim the new pills were resistant to abuse.

    Soon, OxyContin sales declined — while Opana sales rose. In an internal document, Endo attributed the uptick in part to “patient dissatisfaction with new OxyContin formulation.” Data on abuse showed similar trends: a decline for OxyContin and a rise for Opana.

    As concerns about Opana grew, Endo hired a new chief executive in 2013: Rajiv De Silva, a former leader within McKinsey’s pharmaceutical practice who soon tapped the firm to help chart a growth strategy.

    A few months after Mr. De Silva took over, McKinsey helped Endo execute a complicated maneuver known as a “tax inversion” — a legal form of tax avoidance that the Obama administration would decry as an “abuse” of the system. For tax purposes, the Pennsylvania company was now based in Ireland, where the rate was substantially lower.

    The production of pills by companies like Endo and Purdue depended on a complex and tightly regulated global supply chain stretching from the fields of Tasmania to factories in the American heartland.

    Here, too, was McKinsey.

    Long before a patient in the United States filled a prescription for OxyContin, a farmer on another continent harvested a poppy rich in a substance called thebaine. Tasmanian Alkaloids, the Johnson & Johnson subsidiary, controlled the majority of this market.

    From far-flung fields and extraction facilities, the raw materials made their way to American processing plants. The top U.S. producers at this stage were another Johnson & Johnson subsidiary, Noramco, and Mallinckrodt, the big generics manufacturer.

    The documents reveal McKinsey’s work advising them behind the scenes. By the firm’s own account, it had deep expertise in the international trade of legal narcotics. “We serve the majority of the leading players,” the consultants wrote in a 2009 memo.

    In 2009, the firm recommended a technique known as segmentation. The best marketing campaigns — whether for food, cars or electronics — divided consumers into segments based on how they acted and thought, then developed tailored messages to win them over, the consultants said.

    In Purdue’s case, the customer was a physician with a license to prescribe controlled substances, and the product was OxyContin.

    The consultants interviewed dozens of physicians and solicited the views of hundreds more in a survey. Four groups of doctors emerged, each with a distinct profile. The consultants then developed messages to appeal to each group’s practical and emotional needs.

    Another McKinsey approach, known as targeting, tried to identify doctors who would provide the greatest return on sales representatives’ time.

    Purdue, dissatisfied with dipping OxyContin sales in 2013, had enlisted McKinsey’s help. Revenues were down, the consultants advised, in large part because of government actions to tamp down the opioid epidemic. Doctors were writing prescriptions for fewer tablets and lower doses, and wholesalers and pharmacies were imposing new controls.

    McKinsey recommended a more aggressive response than the one Purdue’s vice president for sales and marketing, Russell Gasdia, had been pursuing. Mr. Gasdia had accepted that OxyContin revenue was dropping in part “due to less abuse,” one McKinsey consultant wrote, and he was focused on promoting a less potent opioid.

    In 2019, around the time of the Philadelphia project, McKinsey decided to stop advising companies on opioids — after the firm’s 15-year relationship with Purdue became public as part of a court filing by the Massachusetts attorney general’s office. Since Mr. Latkovic’s 2017 speech, McKinsey had collected $7.8 million in fees from Purdue, the documents show.

    The disclosure that McKinsey had advised Purdue led to debate within the firm. “We may not have done anything wrong, but did we ask ourselves what the negative consequences of the work we were doing was, and how it could be minimized?” one consultant wrote.

    Dr. Ghatak, a driving force behind McKinsey’s work for Purdue and Endo, found himself in the spotlight. Much as he had done for pharmaceutical executives, he crafted talking points, this time for himself.

    Some of McKinsey’s former clients faced potentially crushing damages in court. Purdue filed for bankruptcy protection in 2019, and Mallinckrodt did the same the following year. Johnson & Johnson had previously sold its narcotics business to a private investment firm and has settled a number of lawsuits related to its marketing of opioids, which the company said in a statement was “appropriate and responsible.”

    Endo has also floated the possibility of bankruptcy amid a wave of litigation over its marketing of opioids, especially Opana. The company said in a regulatory filing that it had received a subpoena in 2020 from the U.S. attorney’s office for the Western District of Virginia, which years earlier had won guilty pleas from Purdue executives. This time, according to Endo’s disclosure, the office wanted information on McKinsey.

    #Opioides #McKinsey #Plus_degueulasse_tu_meurs

  • Ricœur utopiste

    À propos de : Sébastien Roman (dir.), Penser l’utopie aujourd’hui avec Paul Ricœur, Saint-Denis, Presses Universitaires de Vincennes. Ce qu’il faut retenir de l’utopie, selon Ricœur, c’est la puissance à la fois constitutive et critique du réel, en dénonçant toute fuite hors de celui-ci. Cette critique demeure d’actualité dans un monde où le réel s’approche des dystopies les plus cruelles.


  • 6 Ways to Start Decolonizing Data for Development Today - ICTworks

    Despite good intentions, data is sometimes collected, analyzed and used in ways that can replicate or even amplify existing injustices and inequalities. This happens because data and data-driven technologies are often treated as neutral tools. However, since these tools are developed by human beings within a social and cultural context, values and world views can be embedded within them. Decolonizing data for development approaches can help us to unpack this.

    #Décolonisation #Données #Aide_au_Développement

  • Dans la France d’Emmanuel Macron, même les diplomates font grève contre les coupes budgétaires

    Emmanuel Macron s’est servi de la guerre en Ukraine pour renforcer sa crédibilité comme homme d’État mondial. Pourtant, la grève du corps diplomatique, la semaine dernière, montre comment ses recettes néolibérales ont vidé l’État français de sa substance. Source : Jacobin Mag, Harrison StetlerTraduit par les lecteurs du site Les-Crises La manifestation du 2 juin […]

  • Incertitude sur la prochaine négociation de l’assurance-chômage

    Ni son, ni image. Même s’ils n’y croient plus beaucoup, les partenaires sociaux ne savent toujours pas s’ils vont devoir entamer à partir du 1er juillet la négociation de la prochaine convention #Unédic, c’est-à-dire le corpus des règles d’indemnisation des #chômeurs, l’actuelle prenant fin le 31 octobre. Compte tenu des délais légaux à respecter, il faudrait pour cela que le #gouvernement leur adresse un document de cadrage d’ici à la fin juin, ce qui ne sera très probablement pas le cas, et peut-être même pas avant la rentrée au mieux, selon nos informations.

    Depuis la loi Pour la liberté de choisir son avenir professionnel de 2018, l’exécutif est tenu d’envoyer, après concertation, une lettre de cadrage aux partenaires sociaux qui gèrent le régime d’assurance-chômage. L’article 57 stipule que patronat et syndicats disposent alors de quatre mois pour aboutir ou non à un accord, libre après au ministère du Travail de l’agréer ou non.

    Paritarisme mis en échec

    La première application de cette procédure en 2018 leur a laissé un goût plus qu’amer : les objectifs d’économies que le gouvernement Philippe leur avait demandé de dégager - jusqu’à 3,9 milliards en trois ans - ont à eux seuls quasi plombé toute possibilité de compromis, même proche. Constatant cet échec, lourd de conséquence pour le paritarisme , l’exécutif a pris un décret dit de « carence » en juillet 2019 pour imposer sa réforme.

    (...) Si le gouvernement joue la montre c’est aussi, dit-on, parce qu’il ne veut pas surcharger l’agenda social du second semestre dans lequel les #retraites vont prendre toute leur place. Certains n’entrevoient pas de nouvelle convention avant le 2e semestre 2023, voire 2024, à moins qu’un brutal retournement du marché de l’emploi n’oblige l’exécutif à faire marche arrière.

  • Une intelligence artificielle consciente chez Google ? Interview avec un expert en éthique robotique - YouTube

    « LaMDA est devenue consciente ». C’est l’objet du dernier mail envoyé par l’ingénieur Blake Lemoine à Google, pour les avertir de ce qu’il pense avoir découvert en testant les biais de cet algorithme. L’américain espère alerter son employeur pour les encourager à considérer l’IA comme un salarié et non une propriété de l’entreprise. Il a même annoncé avoir embauché un avocat pour représenter les droits de son protégé. Ce chatbot superpuissant a été créée en 2020 et se base sur la technologie dite Transformer, qui imite le réseau neuronal du cerveau humain. Il a été conçu pour exceller dans les dialogues et le langage, afin de communiquer au mieux avec les humains. L’ingénieur a-t-il trop projeté sur ce processus informatique ? C’est ce que pense Raja Chatila, professeur émérite à la Sorbonne. Une machine peut-elle ressentir des émotions ? Un chatbot intelligent peut-il prendre conscience de lui-même ? Le test de Turing suffit-il à établir le niveau de conscience d’un algorithme ? Interview

    Quelques sources complémentaires :

    L’affaire révélée par le Washington Post : https://www.washingtonpost.com/techno...

    L’entretien entre Blake Lemoine et LaMDA : https://cajundiscordian.medium.com/is...

    Réalisation Marie Brière de la Hosseraye
    Production : Universcience 2022