Renvoyée au bled car j’ai quitté l’islam- L’En Dehors
Renvoyée au bled car j’ai quitté l’islam- L’En Dehors
Nautilus Gains New List View with Rubber Banding, Animations + More
Nautilus gained an improved list view this weekend, as code implementing GtkColumnView was merged in to the latest development builds of the file manager. Switching from GtkTreeView (which remains available in GTK4) to the new version is said to offer a number of advantages and offer ‘full feature parity’ with two (temporary) exceptions (these being worked on in separate branches). So what are the benefits? Well, say hello to rubber banding — at long last you can now select multiple files/folders in list view simply by dragging out with your mouse, just like you can in the icon view: There’s […] This post, Nautilus Gains New List View with Rubber Banding, Animations + More is from OMG! Ubuntu!. Do not reproduce elsewhere without (...)
Rappel : le 16 avril, Boby Lapointe naissait à Pézenas il y a 100 ans. Et ce 20 juin, Boby Lapointe disparaissait à Pézenas il y a cinquante ans.
(J’ai la triste impression que la ville de Montpellier, toute à célébrer Molière et le rugby, semble décidée à passer à côté de l’événement.)
qu’en silence _
je ne parlerai plus coeur à coeur qu’en silence
et pour cela préfère solitude
les tables où je m’assieds s’isolent d’elles-mêmes
sans bouger dans le cercle des univers
sable et cendre bon teint se portent sans tain
isolant le vu dans le champ de vision
redevenu énigme topologique
comme à l’époque où l’on n’aurait pas du tout
su le dire on allait sans silence et sans mots
puis on conquiert les mots et tout est fini
Babel inc. nous tond la laine sur le dos
les infans ne connaissent pas leur bonheur
assez tôt sauront que pétulance passe
le tas de sable grandit et les ennuis pareil
c] bituur esztreym aka e-m gabalda, 2022, LAL1.3.
The smart city is a perpetually unrealized utopia | MIT Technology Review
While urban theorists somewhat myopically trace the concept of the “smart city” back to the 1990s, when IBM arguably first coined the term, the CAB’s research represents one of the earliest large-scale efforts to model the urban environment through “big data.” Utilizing a combination of computerized data gathering and storage, statistical cluster analysis techniques, aerial-based color infrared photography (what we today call remote sensing), and direct “on the ground” (i.e., driving around the city) validation of the aerial images, the CAB’s analysis was decidedly different from previous attempts. The CAB partitioned the city into clusters representing social-geographic features that sound straight out of today’s social media playbook: “LA singles,” “the urban poor,” “1950s-styled suburbs.” What the cluster analysis truly revealed were correlations between socioeconomic forces that could be used as predictors for which neighborhoods were falling into poverty and “urban blight.”
Though innovative for the time, the CAB’s harnessing of punch cards and computer-based databases was not an isolated endeavor. It was part of a much larger set of postwar experiments focused on reimagining the urban through computational processes. The urban theorist Kevin Lynch’s 1960 Image of the City spurred years of research into cognitive science on how we map typological elements in urban space (paths, edges, nodes, districts, and landmarks). Cyberneticians such as Jay Forrester at MIT sought to apply complex systems dynamics by way of computer simulations to understand the feedback loops within urban development, involving everything from population and housing to the influence of industry on growth. With Forrester, Lynch, and others, the foundations for smart cities were being laid, just as sensing and computing were entering into the public consciousness.
The contemporary vision of the smart city is by now well known. It is, in the words of IBM, “one of instrumentation, interconnectedness, and intelligence.” “Instrumentation” refers to sensor technologies, while “interconnectedness” describes the integration of sensor data into computational platforms “that allow the communication of such information among various city services.” A smart city is only as good as the imagined intelligence that it either produces or extracts. The larger question, however, is what role human intelligence has in the network of “complex analytics, modeling, optimization, visualization services, and last but certainly not least, AI” that IBM announced. The company actually trademarked the term “smarter cities” in November 2011, underlining the reality that such cities would no longer fully belong to those who inhabited them.
When we assume that data is more important than the people who created it, we reduce the scope and potential of what diverse human bodies can bring to the “smart city” of the present and future. But the real “smart” city consists not only of commodity flows and information networks generating revenue streams for the likes of Cisco or Amazon. The smartness comes from the diverse human bodies of different genders, cultures, and classes whose rich, complex, and even fragile identities ultimately make the city what it is.
Chris Salter is an artist and professor of immersive arts at the Zurich University of the Arts. His newest book, Sensing Machines: How Sensors Shape Our Everyday Life, has just been published by MIT Press.
Frédéric Pajak : « J’avais peur que l’on oublie Mix & Remix » - rts.ch - Cinéma
Ecrivain et dessinateur, Frédéric Pajak consacre un documentaire à son complice Philippe Becquelin, alias Mix & Remix. « L’ami » dresse le portrait intime du dessinateur bien connu des Romands, illustrateur de génie à l’humour grinçant, disparu en 2016.
Schengen borders code: Council adopts its general approach
As part of the work carried out under the French presidency to reform and strengthen the Schengen area in the face of new challenges, the Council today adopted its general approach on the reform of the Schengen borders code.
This reform: (i) provides new tools to combat the instrumentalisation of migrant flows; (ii) establishes a new legal framework for external border measures in the event of a health crisis, drawing on the lessons learned from the experience with COVID-19; (iii) updates the legal framework for reintroducing internal border controls in order to safeguard the principle of free movement while responding to persistent threats; (iv) introduces alternative measures to these controls.
The general approach now enables the Council to start negotiations with the European Parliament, once the Parliament has adopted its own position.
The fight against the instrumentalisation of migration flows
The text defines the instrumentalisation of migrants as a situation in which a third country or non-state actor encourages or facilitates the movement of third-country nationals towards the EU’s external borders or to a member state in order to destabilise the EU or a member state. It introduces new measures to combat this phenomenon, including limiting the number of crossing points at the external border or limiting their opening hours, and intensifying border surveillance.
External border measures in the event of a health crisis
The text provides for the possible swift adoption of binding minimum rules on temporary travel restrictions at the external borders in the event of a threat to public health. This will strengthen the currently available tools applied during the COVID-19 pandemic, which have been based on non-binding recommendations.
The binding implementing regulation to be adopted by the Council in such situations will include minimum restrictions, with the possibility for member states to apply stricter restrictions if the conditions so require. It will also include a list of essential travellers to be exempted from certain measures, which will be decided on a case by case basis.
Reintroduction of internal border controls
The text sets out more structured procedures for the reintroduction of internal border controls, with stronger safeguards. It takes into account a recent judgment by the European Court of Justice, which confirmed the principle of freedom of movement within the Schengen area, while specifying the conditions for the reintroduction of internal border controls. In this regard, it offers possible responses to persistent threats to public policy and internal security.
If a continued need for internal border controls is confirmed beyond two years and six months, the member state concerned will need to notify the Commission of its intention to further prolong internal border controls, providing justification for doing so and specifying the date on which it expects to lift controls. The Commission will then issue a recommendation, also relating to that date, and with regard to the principles of necessity and proportionality, to be taken into account by the member state.
Promotion of alternative measures
The text updates the Schengen borders code by providing for alternative measures to internal border controls, in particular by proposing a more effective framework for police checks in member states’ border regions.
The text introduces a new procedure to address unauthorised movements of irregular migrants within the EU. In the context of a bilateral cooperation framework based on voluntary action by the member states concerned, this mechanism will allow a member state to transfer third-country nationals apprehended in the border area and illegally staying in its territory to the member state from which they arrived, in the context of operational cross-border police cooperation.
#Schegen #code_frontières_Schengen #frontières #frontières_extérieures #frontières_intérieures #frontières_internes #migrations #asile #réfugiés #réforme #menaces #liberté_de_circulation #surveillance_frontalière #instrumentalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #mouvements_secondaires #coopération_policière_opérationnelle_transfrontière
Joint Civil Society statement on the Schengen Borders Code
The undersigned civil society organisations would like to express their concerns with regard to several aspects of the Commission’s proposal amending the Schengen Borders Code.
Overall, the proposal embraces a very harmful narrative which assumes that people crossing borders irregularly are a threat to the EU and proposes to address it by increasing policing and curtailing safeguards. At the same time, the proposal fails to recognise the lack of regular pathways for asylum seekers, who are often forced to turn to irregular border crossings in order to seek international protection within the EU, and further complicates access to asylum. The measures put forward by the Commission would have a detrimental impact on the right to freedom of movement within the EU, the principle of non-discrimination, access to asylum and the harmonisation of procedures under EU law. Furthermore, the proposal would increase the use of monitoring and surveillance technologies, without any adequate safeguards.
Freedom of movement within the EU and violation of the principle of non-discrimination
Several provisions of the proposed amended Schengen Borders Code would encroach the right to freedom of movement within the EU (art. 3(2) TEU, art. 21 and 77 TFEU) by expanding the possibility to reintroduce internal border controls and facilitating the application of so-called “alternative measures” which in practice amount to discriminatory border controls. The discretionary nature of these border checks is very likely to disproportionately target racialised communities, and practically legitimise ethnic and racial profiling and expose people to institutional and police abuse.
While the amended Schengen Borders Code reiterates that internal border controls are prohibited in the Schengen area, it also introduces the possibility to carry out police checks in the internal border areas with the explicit aim to prevent irregular migration, when these are based on “general information and experience of the competent authorities” (rec. 18 and 21 and art. 23). In addition, the proposal clarifies the meaning of “serious threat” which justifies the temporary reintroduction of border controls (which was already possible under art. 25 of the 2016 SBC). Problematically, the proposed definition of “serious threat” also includes “a situation characterised by large scale unauthorised movements of third country nationals between member states, putting at risk the overall functioning of the area without internal border control” (art. 25).
Such provisions, together with the new procedure set by article 23a and analysed below, will in practice legalise systematic border controls which target people based on their racial, ethnic, national, or religious characteristics. This practice is in clear violation of European and international anti-discrimination law and a breach to migrants’ fundamental rights.
Research from the EU Fundamental Rights Agency in 2021 shows that people from an ‘ethnic minority, Muslim, or not heterosexual’ are disproportionately affected by police stops, both when they are walking and when in a vehicle. In addition, another study from 2014 showed that 79% of surveyed border guards at airports rated ethnicity as a helpful indicator to identify people attempting to enter the country in an irregular manner before speaking to them.
The new provisions introduced in the amended Schengen Borders Code are likely to further increase the discriminatory and illegal practice of ethnic and racial profiling and put migrant communities at risk of institutional violence, which undermines the right to non-discrimination and stands at odds with the European Commission’s commitments under the recent Anti-Racism Action Plan.
Lack of individual assessment and increased detention
The proposed revisions to the Schengen Borders Code set a new procedure to “transfer people apprehended at the internal borders”. According to the proposed new rules, if a third country national without a residence permit or right to remain crosses the internal borders in an irregular way (e.g., from Germany to Belgium, or from Italy to France) and if they are apprehended “in the vicinity of the border area,” they could be directly transferred back to the competent authorities in the EU country where it is assumed they just came from, without undergoing an individual assessment (art. 23a and Annex XII). This provision is very broad and can potentially include people apprehended at train or bus stations, or even in cities close to the internal borders, if they are apprehended as part of cross-border police cooperation (e.g. joint police patrols) and if there is an indication that they have just crossed the border (for instance through documents they may carry on themselves, their own statements, or information taken from migration or other databases).
The person will be then transferred within 24 hours. During these 24 hours, Annex XII sets that the authorities might “take appropriate measures” to prevent the person from entering on the territory – which constitutes, in practice, a blanket detention provision, without any safeguards nor judicial overview. While the transfer decision could be subject to appeal, this would not have a suspensive effect. The Return Directive would also be amended, by introducing an obligation for the receiving member state to issue a return decision without the exceptions currently listed in article 6 (e.g., the possibility to issue a residence permit for humanitarian or compassionate reasons). As a consequence, transferred people would be automatically caught up in arbitrary and lengthy detention and return procedures.
Courts in Italy, Slovenia and Austria have recently ruled against readmissions taking place under informal or formal agreements, recognising them as systematic human rights violations with the potential to trigger so-called chain pushbacks. The courts found the plaintiffs were routinely returned from Italy or Austria through Slovenia to Croatia, from where they had been illegally pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In practice, this provision would legalise the extremely violent practice of “internal pushbacks” which have been broadly criticised by civil society organisations across the EU and condemned by higher courts. The new procedure, including the possibility to detain people for up to 24 hours, would also apply to children, even though this has been deemed illegal by courts and despite international consensus that child detention constitutes a human rights violation.
Access to asylum
The new Code introduces measures which member states can apply in cases of “instrumentalisation of migrants”, which is defined as “a situation where a third country instigates irregular migratory flows into the Union by actively encouraging or facilitating the movement of third country nationals to the external borders” (art. 2). In such cases, member states can limit the number of border crossing points and their opening hours, and intensify border surveillance including through drones, motion sensors and border patrols (art. 5(4) and 13(5)). The definition of instrumentalisation of migrants should also be read in conjunction with the Commission’s proposal for a Regulation addressing situations of instrumentalisation in the field of migration and asylum, which provides member states with numerous derogations to the asylum acquis.
These measures unjustifiably penalise asylum seekers by limiting access to the territory and de facto undermining art. 31 of the Refugee Convention which prohibits States from imposing penalties on refugees on account of their entry or presence in their territory without authorization, and are therefore in violation of international law.
Harmonisation of procedures under EU law and asylum acquis
The proposal lifts the standstill clause introduced by the 2008 Return Directive (art. 6(3)) which prohibits member states from negotiating new bilateral readmission agreements. When negotiating the 2008 Return Directive, both the Commission and the European Parliament had clarified that bilateral readmission agreements should remain an exception, as they undermine the objective of harmonising procedures under EU law.
By incentivising states to adopt new bilateral agreements, and proposing a new internal transfer procedure, the Commission’s proposal promotes the proliferation of exceptional procedures, which are outside the framework set by the Return Directive and the asylum acquis, and circumvents the procedural safeguards included in the Dublin Regulation.
The proposed provisions undermine the substantive and procedural guarantees for third country nationals, such as the right to request asylum, the respect of the principle of non-refoulement, and the right to an effective remedy.
As mentioned above, several national-level courts have ruled on the unlawfulness of readmissions carried out under formal and informal agreements, which often led to instances of chain-refoulement. There is a serious risk that readmission agreements, if they remain a part of the current legislative proposal, could be further abused to perpetrate chain refoulement and collective expulsions, which are in violation of Article 4 of Protocol No. 4 to the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 19 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
Use of monitoring and surveillance technologies
Lastly, the proposal also facilitates a more extensive use of monitoring and surveillance technologies, by clarifying that these are part of member states’ responsibility to patrol borders (art. 2). In addition, article 23, analysed above, clarifies that internal checks, including to prevent irregular migration, can be carried out “where appropriate, on the basis of monitoring and surveillance technologies generally used in the territory”.
By removing obstacles for a more extensive use of monitoring and surveillance technologies, these provisions would create a loophole to introduce technologies which would otherwise be discouraged by pre-existing EU legislation such as the General Data Protection Regulation.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and other automated decision-making systems, including profiling, are increasingly used in border control and management for generalised and indiscriminate surveillance. Insofar as such systems are used to ‘detect human presence’ for the purpose of ‘combating irregular migration’, there is serious concern that such systems can facilitate illegal interdiction, violence at border crossings, and further limit access to asylum and other forms of protection.
Furthermore, these technologies disproportionately target racialised people, thus further exacerbating the risks of increased racial and ethnic profiling. Indeed, monitoring and surveillance technologies which make use of artificial intelligence by nature violate the right to non-discrimination insofar as they are trained on past data and decision-making, and therefore codify assumptions on the basis of nationality and other personal characteristics, which is prohibited by international racial discrimination law.
In light of the concerns discussed above, the undersigned civil society organisations:
– Express their concerns on the harmful impact of narratives which consider people crossing borders irregularly as a threat, and recommend the European Parliament and the Council to delete such references from recital 29, article 23 and article 25(1)(c);
– Call on the EU institutions to uphold the right to freedom of movement and the principle of non-discrimination, including by prohibiting the use of technologies which make use of artificial intelligence and other automated decision-making systems. In this regard, we recommend the European Parliament and the Council to amend article 23, paragraph (a) by deleting the reference to “combat irregular residence or stay, linked to irregular migration” in point (ii) and deleting point (iv) on monitoring and surveillance technologies;
– Urge the EU institutions to uphold the right to apply for asylum, and recommend deleting the definition of ‘instrumentalisation of migration’ in article 2, paragraph 27 and all the ensuing provisions which would apply in this circumstance;
– Condemn the proliferation of exceptional procedures which undermine the right to an individual assessment, and recommend deleting article 23a, annex XII, and the proposed amendment to art. 6(3) of the Return Directive;
– Express their concerns at the glaring inconsistency between some of the proposed provisions and the European Commission’s commitments under the EU Action Plan against Racism, i.e. with respect to ending racial profiling, and call on the EU institutions to uphold their commitment to address and to combat structural and institutional discrimination and include explicit references to the Action Plan against Racism in the text of the Schengen Borders Code.
Israël attise une guerre civile contre ses citoyens palestiniens | Middle East Eye édition française
« Tout ce qui ne peut être réglé par la violence peut être réglé par plus de violence encore »
Essay: The White Women Who Destroyed Roe v Wade | Mona Eltahawy
When Roe v Wade is overturned, (”if” is a pipedream at this stage), convicted terrorist Raychelle “Shelly” Shannon can claim that she firebombed a path for Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch, who is the face of a law that looks set to end the federally protected right to an abortion, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who will ensure a white, Christian woman deals the deadly blow to abortion rights when the Supreme Court decides on Mississippi’s law this summer. Source: Feminist Giant
Le M😷n😷lecte 🤬🐧 : « Merci Véran, Macron et toute la clique de laisser… » - Framapiaf
Merci Véran, Macron et toute la clique de laisser circuler un agent biologique pathogène de groupe 3, d’avoir levé toute prophylaxie, de bloquer l’accès au deuxième rappel de vaccin pour les moins de 60 ans, de faire une campagne sur le lavage des mains pour un virus à 100% à transmission respiratoire, de raconter qu’une infection = une dose de vaccin alors que l’état de la science prouve que vous êtes seulement des épiciers et que vous nous forcez à jouer à la roulette russe.
On est symptomatiques depuis hier. C’est le test du Minilecte : elle se plaignait d’un gros rhume depuis 2 jours et m’a fait la gueule quand je lui ai dit qu’il n’y avait pas la place pour un gros rhume dans notre protocole…
Monsieur Monolecte est assez touché. Je crains qu’il prenne sur les poumons…
Agnès, chez TF1 ils sont trouvé un « épidémiologiste » qui explique que tu as tort :
– Numéro premièrement : le Covid c’est terminé :
« On n’est plus dans la réalité de l’épidémie, on est probablement dans une fin de l’épidémie », a estimé le scientifique, membre de l’Académie de médecine
Ça me semble clair : ton test il se trompe, puisque nous ne sommes plus dans la « réalité de l’épidémie ».
– Numéro secondo : de toute façon pour juguler l’épidémie il suffit que les « personnes à risques » se démerdent pour se protéger toutes seules dans leur coin (c’est bien connu que c’est comme ça qu’on a réussi à combattre les grandes épidémies) :
Pour cela", poursuit-il, « il faut répéter que les personnes à risques doivent se protéger, porter le masque FFP2 lorsqu’elles sont dans des lieux à risque de contamination, et se faire vacciner. Il faut conserver un haut degré de couverture vaccinale chez les personnes à risque ».
Je vais donc te répéter le conseil médical du moment : Tu as le Covid ? Arrête.
– Numéro troisio : Rasta, si tu as des gosses scolarisés et que tu es une « personne à risques », la solution la plus simple consiste donc à confier tes enfants à l’assistance publique, le temps pour toi de t’arranger pour ne plus être une personne à risque. Y’a un moment faut se responsabiliser un petit peu, au lieu de tout attendre de la collectivité, hein.
– Numéro quatrièmement, je vous rappelle que selon la médecine française (la meilleure du monde que le monde entier nous envie), le Covid long c’est dans ta tête :
Moi, journaliste fantôme au service des lobbies…
par Julien Fomenta Rosat 21/06/2022 paru dans le Fakir n°(103) Date de parution :19 05 2022
« On m’a commandé un article pour dézinguer Ruffin. Je l’aime bien, moi, Ruffin… Je réponds quoi ? »
Il y a quelques mois, on recevait un coup de fil de Julien, un copain journaliste qui fait des ménages dans la com’, pour payer les factures.
Articles bidon, médias complices, déstabilisations, grands groupes pleins aux as... Julien nous raconte le business secret des « agences fantômes ». (...)
Will the Kaliningrad Crisis Lead to War?
I have to wonder if the Lithuanians consulted with their allies in Western Europe or with the United States before they made this choice? This seems like a potential case of alliance entrapment to me. That’s when one alliance member—typically the smaller, weaker party—succeeds in pulling their alliance partner into a fight that isn’t in that partner’s interest.
There’s been a lively scholarly debate on the question of entrapment and whether it happens frequently, but this seems like an excellent real-world example of a state (Lithuania) that appears to be more risk-tolerant and willing to see conflict than some of its allies (i.e., France, Germany, or the United States).
European officials scramble to douse Kaliningrad tensions
Two officials told POLITICO the new guidance makes clear that Lithuanian customs authorities have to check the goods to avoid sanctions evasion, but can allow onward transport of metals if they are destined for Russia’s internal market — meaning Kaliningrad.
Revue de presse du 19.06 au 25.06.22
[Màj : 9h]
Moi, journaliste fantôme au service des lobbies…
Comprendre la polémique autour de la Nupes et Jeremy Corbyn, accusé de complaisance avec l’antisémitisme
Mahomet et les péteux
Plus de ponts, moins de murs
Les nouveaux lieux de l’industrie
Le Popadantsy, ce genre littéraire qui a discrètement acclimaté les Russes à une guerre contre l’Ukraine
« La laïcité est une forme de dictature » : le fiasco d’un concours d’éloquence
Coupe du monde au Qatar : jusqu’à 7 ans de prison pour une relation hors-mariage
Le grand chambardement économique
« Ils ont une haine de la langue, de l’effort de réflexion »
Assemblée nationale : le dernier « Acte » des gilets jaunes ?
« Les hommes s’en fichent. Seules les femmes se battent pour nourrir leurs enfants » : au Rwanda, les agricultrices en première ligne pour augmenter la production
Fregola alla primavera, pesto d’herbes fraiches et pecorino poivré
Salade sarde de fregola alla primavera, pesto d’herbes fraiches et pecorino poivré cuisiné avec de l’huile de colza. Cuire les #Pâtes fregola sarda dans une grande casserole d’eau salée pendant une dizaine de minutes jusqu’à ce qu’elles soient moelleuses. Egoutter et rincer à l’eau froide, puis ajouter un filet d’huile de colza. Disposer les pistaches sur une plaque recouverte de papier sulfurisé. Torréfier dans un four préalablement préchauffé à 160°C pendant quelques minutes. Surveiller la torréfaction,… #Petit_pois, Pâtes, #Parmesan, #Salades_de pâtes, #Sardaigne / #Sans viande, #Végétarien, #Bouilli
Les 6 conditions pour que la Chine soit 1ère puissance mondiale.
Lancements de fusées suivant une fulgurante croissance économique où les villes fleurissent comme des champignons en temps pluvieux et à l’ombre de la double idéologie construite de Confucius et de Marx. La Chine refuse d’être 1ère puissance quand elle n’endigue les adversités et hostilités qui la menacent en partition de ses territoires. Grands événements : Gigantisme de l’inattendu.
Agenda du Libre pour la semaine 26 de l’année 2022
Calendrier Web, regroupant des événements liés au Libre (logiciel, salon, atelier, install party, conférence), annoncés par leurs organisateurs. Voici un récapitulatif de la semaine à venir. Le détail de chacun de ces 23 événements (France : 22, internet : 1) est en seconde partie de dépêche. lien nᵒ 1 : Aprillien nᵒ 2 : Agenda du Librelien nᵒ 3 : Carte des événementslien nᵒ 4 : Proposer un événementlien nᵒ 5 : Annuaire des organisationslien nᵒ 6 : Agenda de la semaine précédentelien nᵒ 7 : Agenda du Libre QuébecSommaire
[FR Biot] SophiaConf - Du lundi 27 juin 2022 à 08h17 au mercredi 29 juin 2022 à 08h17.
[internet Chambéry] Mapathon Missing Maps - Le lundi 27 juin 2022 de 18h00 à 20h00.
[FR Villeurbanne] C’est ouvert ! - Le lundi 27 juin 2022 de 19h00 à 22h00.
[FR Lyon] Rencontres Professionnelles du Logiciel Libre - Le (...)
Handicap : un véritable combat pour faire valoir ses droits
Un lecteur, que nous appellerons Jean, nous a écrit pour nous raconter le véritable combat qu’il mène pour faire reconnaître son handicap auprès des …