• La #théorie de la justification de #système

    « Théorie qui permet de mieux comprendre pourquoi les gens peuvent parfois avoir des affinités politiques contraire à leurs intérêts.

    Cette théorie explore nos affinités idéologiques sous l’angle des #besoins #psychologiques et des motivations émergentes. Ce ne sont donc pas ici nos intérêts qui détermineront nos affinités, mais bien nos besoins #psy, eux-mêmes orientés par la situation.

    Les chercheurs ont effet pu observer que plus les individus et groupes se sentiront menacés (par une crise type Covid par exemple), que leurs besoins seront sapés, plus ils seront potentiellement motivés à vouloir résister à tout changement #social.

    La motivation de justification de système est donc une motivation défensive.

    Non pas parce qu’ils en tirent un intérêt matériel, mais bien parce qu’il y a recherche de stabilité, de familiarité, de contrôlabilité.

    cette motivation favorisera les autorités en place et/ou les idéologies politiques conservatrice ou réactionnaire (et défavoriseront les idéologies progressistes de gauche qui ont pour caractéristique de prôner plutôt un changement social inédit). »

    https://www.hacking-social.com/2022/04/08/la-theorie-de-la-justification-de-systeme

    Ce n’est qu’une théorie mais je suis littéralement submergé par des proches qui votent contre leurs intérêts...
    C’est la 1ère fois que j’ai une piste d’explication.

  • Enquête sur les victimes de violences policières en manifestation | Observatoire des Street-Médics
    https://obs-medics.org/rapports/enquete-sur-les-victimes-de-violences-policieres-en-manifestation

    La présente enquête étudie les victimes et blessures résultantes de l’usage de la force par les autorités sur les rassemblements revendicatifs, en surmontant les biais et contraintes habituellement imposées par le dispositif de sécurité.

    Elle propose et expérimente une méthodologie inédite adaptée aux spécificités du secours en manifestation et aux contraintes inhérentes à ce contexte, et notamment l’inaccessibilité des secours conventionnels, en s’appuyant sur le réseau de secours inofficiel constitué par les équipes de street-médics et secouristes volontaires. Cette méthode est appliquée à l’analyse de 145 rassemblements prenant place dans le cadre du mouvement des Gilets Jaunes et mouvement contre la réforme des Retraites du 23 février 2019 au 14 mars 2020 en France. Sur cette période, il a été établi au travers des bilans journaliers de 87 équipes différentes un recensement de 2.841 victimes ayant été prises en charge auquel s’ajoute un décompte de 29.500 décontaminations superficielles des gaz lacrymogènes (hors décontaminations longues prises en charge).

    Elle montre que l’essentiel des victimes prises en charges (92.9%) ont été blessées par les armes, manœuvres et actions des forces de l’ordre, tandis que autres facteurs ne contribuent que marginalement à la survenue de victimes, avec 3.3% de causes externes et environnementales, 3.0% dû aux actions des manifestants et 0.8% non attribuables. Deux tiers (66.7%) des atteintes sont des blessures traumatiques, principalement aux membres et à la tête provoqués par des frappes de tonfa et de matraque, lanceurs (LBD et flashball) et grenades cinétiques ; et un tiers (32.5%) de troubles non-traumatiques principalement respiratoires et anxieux résultants de l’exposition à des agents lacrymogènes (CS et OC). Il est relevé par ailleurs, alors que la frappe de la tête est normalement proscrite, un nombre élevé de blessures traumatiques à la tête, plus d’une blessure sur six (18.1%). Il s’agit d’un taux particulièrement inquiétant au vu des risques pour la santé et la sévérité des blessures associées à cette zone. Dans l’ensemble, 9.7% des victimes ont nécessité une prise en charge professionnelle ou médicale d’urgence.

    Sur la base de ses mesures, cette enquête apporte une nouvelle estimation statistique de 27.800 (±3360) personnes qui aurait été blessées dans les manifestations sur l’ensemble des mouvements Gilets Jaunes et Retraites – soit une prévalence 5 fois supérieure à celles des autres rassemblements avec 6.18 victimes pour 1000 participants – ainsi qu’un minimum de 311.000 (±47.000) personnes affectées par les gaz lacrymogènes.

  • Je comprends très bien pourquoi les Ukrainiens appellent désormais l’armée russe « les Orques (du Mordor) ». Mais en tant que sociologue, je ne peux bien évidemment pas souscrire aux thèses de la monstruosité. Notre tâche est de comprendre ce qui s’est passé.

    Thread by colinlebedev on Thread Reader App – Thread Reader App
    https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1510522025001037824.html

    Je comprends très bien pourquoi les Ukrainiens appellent désormais l’armée russe « les Orques (du Mordor) ». Mais en tant que sociologue, je ne peux bien évidemment pas souscrire aux thèses de la monstruosité. Notre tâche est de comprendre ce qui s’est passé.

  • THE ANGRY ARAB: What Arab Media Is Saying About Ukraine
    As`ad AbuKhalil - March 24, 2022 – Consortium News
    https://consortiumnews.com/2022/03/24/the-angry-arab-what-arab-media-is-saying-about-ukraine

    (...) Of course, it was highly hypocritical for the Saudi and UAE regimes to be covering Russian atrocities in Ukraine while continuing to commit atrocities in Yemen. Yet, the local Saudi media back home — those newspapers that are published only in Arabic and aren’t directed toward the West, the coverage was more restrained. The Saudi government did not want to spoil its budding relationship with Putin, and just this week the Saudi government extended an invitation to the Chinese president to visit the country.

    Like Israel, the UAE and Saudi Arabia associated themselves too closely with former U.S. President Donald Trump and that has damaged their image among Democrats. Furthermore, Biden — while continuing to sell arms to the Gulf and reassure those regimes about American protection for their security— had spoken too much about the war in Yemen and about the Jamal Khashoggi murder during his campaign to be able to sidestep the issue. Yet, the necessities of the oil market in the wake of the Russian war may force Biden to do just that: to fly to Saudi Arabia and reconcile with MbS in return for higher oil production and for yet more exorbitant arms purchases.

    Qatar has won the race among Gulf countries — and indeed among all Arab countries — to become America’s most valuable ally in the region — after Israel. Qatari media’s coverage shows the regime takes its new status as a favored despotic regime rather seriously.

    The UAE had long planned to become the new Israel in the region, but Qatar may have won that dubious honor. The Russian-Ukrainian war may lead the U.S. to further overlook those regimes’ despotism and atrocities in return for continued acts of loyalty.

  • Mon rapport avec le #Karaté est compliqué...

    J’ai commencé les arts martiaux par le Karaté #Shotokan.
    Quand j’ai voulu continué les #arts_martiaux, j’ai testé d’autres choses et je me suis rendu rapidement à l’évidence qu’il fallait tout désapprendre du Karaté.
    Les appuis statiques, les mouvements saccadés et téléphonés, la garde basse, encaisser à la place d’éviter ou d’accompagner le coup...
    Tous ces éléments sont totalement inefficaces en combat et sont pourtant la base du Karaté.
    2 styles de Karaté sortent du lot selon moi.

    Le #Kyokushinkai, j’y reviendrai.
    Le Karaté d’#Okinawa. Ce dernier est particulièrement intéressant culturellement.
    Tout d’abord car comme il est dit dans le reportage ci dessous, il est le mélange incroyable d’un nombre important de styles de Kung Fu provenant de toute la Chine. Ils disent également que ce Karaté aurait importé des éléments d’autres arts martiaux mais je n’ai pas su les reconnaître.
    Ensuite creuser le Karaté d’Okinawa c’est aussi creuser dans le passé du Japon, notamment des classes populaires.
    Il est précisé dans le #reportage qu’il y a eu une volonté des dominants de brider ce karaté et que la population a trouvé plusieurs subterfuges pour continuer à s’entraîner.
    On y retrouve la danse, l’utilisation des outils de tous les jours (notamment agricoles).
    Par ailleurs j’ai aussi trouvé particulièrement intéressant que les maîtres dissocient régulièrement leur culture de la culture ou de la langue japonaise...cela m’a fait pensé aux cultures régionales en France...et aussi à l’identité associée.

    Bon visionnage à ceux que ça intéresserait :
    https://invidious.fdn.fr/watch?v=Fr16x1Gu6gM
    https://invidious.fdn.fr/watch?v=dacYlzWgKZU

  • Invisible terrains: Jaffa’s obscured history - Architectural Review
    https://www.architectural-review.com/essays/city-portraits/invisible-terrains-jaffas-obscured-history

    A ghostly atmosphere engulfs the city today. From its busiest commercial boulevards to its most insular residential alleyways, its architecture is mostly typified by unadorned signs of decay. Intermittently, a few buildings appear that have been entirely refurbished, their structures rebuilt, and their facades completely whitewashed. The contrast between the two is glaring but not incidental. It is a blatant visualisation of an ongoing systematic process of urban depopulation: Israel’s policies pushing Jaffa’s remaining Palestinian residents out of the city through its encouragement of state- and private-led gentrification. All under the pretence of urban regeneration and improvement.

    ‘In Jaffa, as with other Palestinian concentrations in Israel, gentrification is imbued within a wider Israeli settler colonial logic of erasure’

    While gentrification is a common phenomenon in cities globally, in Jaffa, as with other Palestinian concentrations in Israel, it is imbued within a wider Israeli settler colonial logic of erasure. Control and dominance over land is a central component in this logic. Palestinians’ continued presence on the land, and any expression of their living culture and identity, is perceived as a threat to the stability of the homogeneous settler colony.

  • “Chomsky gave me hope in Syria’s prisons. But he’s no friend of our revolution.” Yassin al-Haj Saleh @Yassinhs
    , the “conscience of the Syrian revolution,” on why he finally broke with the American linguist. An essay for @newlinesmag
    :

    Chomsky Is No Friend of the Syrian Revolution - New Lines Magazine
    https://newlinesmag.com/review/chomsky-is-no-friend-of-the-syrian-revolution

    For former communist political prisoners who had spent long years in detention and had experienced the fall of communism while still in prison, this American bellwether was important. He told us that the struggle for justice and freedom was still possible, that we had partners in the world and we were not alone, and that the fall of the Soviet bloc could be emancipatory rather than a backbreaking loss.

    The second book I co-translated with another former political prisoner was Robert Barsky’s “A Life of Dissent.” It was about Chomsky’s life and politics. Even at that early stage, we had some criticisms of Chomsky’s rigid system of thought, limited by U.S. centrism, which is only partly helpful in analyzing many struggles, ours included. We were ourselves dissidents in our country and on two levels: opposing a regime that was showing blatant discriminatory and oppressive tendencies, and expressing critical views about the Soviet Union and its communism. One main principle of the party I was a young member of was “istiklaliyya” (independence or autonomy), which meant that it was we, and we alone, who decided the right policies for our country and our people, not any center abroad. So, we were not orphans looking for a new father, nor were we driven by a want to replace Marxism-Leninism by a Chomskian catechism of sorts. However, we always thought that our cause was one: fighting inequality and oppression everywhere, and on an equal and brotherly basis.

    • Et donc un article de plus de gauche non-occidental, qui argumente sur le fait que voir le monde uniquement par l’impérialisme américain ne permet pas de comprendre le monde.

      Ni ici ni ailleurs ça ne dit qu’il ne faut pas prendre en compte l’impérialisme américain. Mais que c’est largement insuffisant et que si on s’en tient à ça, on ne peut pas comprendre les spécificités de chaque conflit.

      Chomsky’s Americentric perspective tends systematically to minimize the crimes of states that are opposed to the U.S.

      Et c’est un biais courant de la gauche anti-impérialiste (américain) occidentale.

  • A Guilty Verdict in the First Capitol Rioter Trial
    https://www.thetrace.org/newsletter/a-guilty-verdict-in-the-first-capitol-rioter-trial

    Texas militia member found guilty in the first insurrection case to go to trial. After a few hours of deliberation, a federal jury found Guy Reffitt guilty of five felony charges related to his participation in the events of January 6, 2021. The alleged Three Percenters militia recruiter was found guilty of charges including trespassing at the U.S. Capitol while carrying a handgun and witness tampering after he allegedly threatened his children not to turn him in. “Traitors get shot,” Reffitt, 49, was accused of telling his 18-year-old son. Alongside testimony from his son, much of the evidence came from Reffitt himself, as he recorded himself discussing his plans both before and after the attack. Related: Enrique Tarrio, the leader of the far-right Proud Boys, was arrested and charged with conspiring with followers who participated in the insurrection. Among other allegations, the feds say Tarrio met with Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes the day before the attack.

  • Life along the bloody border between India and Bangladesh: A photo essay - The Polis Project
    https://www.thepolisproject.com/read/life-along-the-bloody-border-between-india-and-bangladesh-a-photo-e

    In 2010, Human Rights Watch (HRW) published Trigger Happy: Excessive Use of Force by Indian Troops at the Bangladesh Border, a report on the border shared by West Bengal in India and Bangladesh. HRW documented the excessive use of force by the Indian Border Force (BSF) on the people of India and Bangladesh who live on both sides of the international border.

    The BSF is a paramilitary body under the Ministry of Home Affairs of India entrusted to maintain security in the border areas with neighboring countries. The agency is governed by an Act of 1968 which is directly. They have their own internal judiciary and civilian courts are not allowed to pass judgment of any member of BSF. This privilege has contributed to create a climate of impunity against the excesses of the agency members.

    The 2,216 kilometers Bangladesh-India border is one of the longest in the world; it densely populated and people who live along it are divided by country, but have much in common in terms of language and culture. There are 1,062 outposts along the border with smaller posts in between where border guards are on constant alert. These posts are mostly managed by non-Bengali speaking forces, who are unable to communicate with the locals thus often escalating tensions and confrontations. Some parts of the border are more porous and function as a trade route for terrorists, human trafficking and smuggling of weapons, cattle and drugs. In 2013, the Global Post defined this border the worst in the world.

  • Imaginer la possibilité de la guerre nucléaire pour y faire face
    http://journals.openedition.org/conflits/22798
    https://c4.wallpaperflare.com/wallpaper/204/185/78/akira-manga-monochrome-wallpaper-preview.jpg

    La guerre nucléaire est une singulière possibilité2. Elle est radicalement intolérable, plus encore que la plupart des autres catastrophes redoutées3. La doctrine de la dissuasion nucléaire dit, sur un mode paradoxal, cette possibilité et cette intolérabilité. C’est en son nom que les États dotés d’armes nucléaires se disent et se montrent prêts à employer leurs armes au prix de plusieurs centaines de milliers de vies civiles, y compris celles de leurs propres ressortissants, soit un prix qu’ils ne sont prêts à payer et un niveau de violence qu’ils ne sont prêts à engager en aucune autre circonstance. Et pourtant, elle demeure possible, suite à une frappe délibérée, accidentelle ou à une escalade inadvertante4. Ajoutons que les experts du Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists considèrent que nous sommes depuis cette année dans une période de danger nucléaire sans précédent. Quelle que soit la position du lecteur sur l’efficacité et la légitimité de la dissuasion nucléaire mais aussi sur la possibilité de quantifier le risque nucléaire, force est donc de constater que supposer l’impossibilité de la guerre nucléaire est une erreur grave de diagnostic. Étant donné son caractère intolérable, l’objet de cette intervention consiste à comprendre comment les citoyens et les décideurs peuvent se figurer cette possibilité qui demeure pour y faire face. En effet, que la guerre nucléaire advienne ou pas, croire à son impossibilité aboutirait à biaiser a priori les jugements éthiques et politiques que nous portons sur les politiques à mener pour la prévenir.

  • I.6. Alexandre Douguine, un heideggerisme à la fois assumé et dissimulé | Cairn.info
    https://www.cairn.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah-2017-2-page-115.htm

    En bonne logique heideggerienne, l’arsenal antijuif et anti-occidental explicitement mobilisé par Douguine l’est au prix d’une dissimulation de l’ampleur de cet antisémitisme et de sa radicalité, et notamment de sa portée antichrétienne, de ses incompatibilités avec la Tradition, et de son mépris pour le réel historique concret des civilisations slaves. C’est Heidegger lui-même qui, dans ses Cahiers noirs, a théorisé la nécessité de la trahison des proches dans le combat contre l’ennemi. Le penseur, selon lui, ne va pas en effet sans un ennemi contre lequel il se dresse, mais il s’agit aussi pour lui de reconnaître et combattre l’ennemi au cœur du proche :

    Voué à la philosophie, le penseur fait front face à un ennemi – l’anti-Être de l’étant (Unwesen des Seienden), qui nie sa présence en étantifiant – qui, sans jamais cesser d’être hostile, se révèle appartenir à ce qui doit être de fond en comble l’ami du penseur – l’essence de l’Être (Wesen des Seyns). Et parce qu’il n’est pas possible de se défiler devant l’ennemi, et parce que la fiabilité envers l’ami est tout, le penseur a une ambivalence insoutenable, mais qui lui est fondamentale, envers l’unique patrie.

  • Eurasisme : La Russie au centre du jeu | IFRI - Institut français des relations internationales
    https://www.ifri.org/fr/espace-media/lifri-medias/eurasisme-russie-centre-jeu

    Ce positionnement revisite l’eurasisme, théorie politique d’abord développée par l’émigration blanche dans les années 1920. Pour les penseurs eurasistes, comme Nikolaï Troubetskoï, la Russie n’est ni slave, ni occidentale, mais eurasienne, une civilisation à part. Cette dernière est imprégnée de l’orthodoxie slave bien sûr, mais aussi de l’islam des peuples turcophones. Abondamment développée hors des frontières de l’Union soviétique, qui rejette l’héritage religieux dont ses penseurs se prévalent, le concept est revisité à l’intérieur de l’URSS par Lev Goumilev, qui y ajoute une forme de déterminisme environnemental. Ses idées ont connu une certaine postérité en Russie, Poutine ayant lui-même cité Goumilev dans des discours, mais également au Kazakhstan, où l’ancien président Noursoultan Nazarbaïev a créé une université à son nom. Dans la Russie contemporaine, c’est désormais un néo-eurasisme d’extrême droite qui s’invite dans le débat public, porté notamment par Alexandre Douguine.

  • L’utilisation militaire des petits satellites en orbite | IFRI - Institut français des relations internationales
    https://www.ifri.org/fr/publications/briefings-de-lifri/lutilisation-militaire-petits-satellites-orbite

    Par rapport aux satellites traditionnels, les petits satellites offrent des opportunités économiques uniques, en raison de leur temps de développement plus court, de leur coût plus faible, ainsi que de la possibilité de recourir à des processus de fabrication en série.

    De nombreuses applications utilisant des petits satellites s’intègrent dans des constellations, qui sont des systèmes composés de centaines voire de milliers de satellites, lesquels offrent un certain nombre d’avantages, tels que l’augmentation du taux de revisite, ainsi que l’emploi dans des formations comprenant plusieurs types de satellites.

    Les utilisateurs militaires peuvent tirer parti des systèmes commerciaux à des fins militaires - en exploitant les capacités existantes sans avoir à développer de nouveaux systèmes en interne. Les armées doivent chercher des moyens d’exploiter ces tendances à leur avantage, à la fois en utilisant les offres commerciales et en développant des capacités spécifiques aux militaires.

    Les chefs militaires considèrent que les commandants sur le terrain pourront dans un avenir proche demander et recevoir les images du champ de bataille, pour appuyer la prise de décision en temps réel. Le projet Convergence de l’armée américaine a déjà expérimenté cette capacité en octobre 2020.

  • Thread by y_akopov on Thread Reader App – Thread Reader App
    https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1498923100653633536.html

    1. The war is expected to be over in days, or weeks at most. The main bulk of Ukrainian forces in the East is going to be encircled soon, and the main cities are already under siege. The losses are admitted to be “higher than expected”, but it changes nothing.
    2. The possibility of resistance after the

  • How to Remove/Uninstall Cortana in Windows 10 – 3 Ways
    https://www.minitool.com/news/remove-cortana-windows-10.html

    Way 1. Remove Cortana with PowerShell

    Step 1. Press Windows + X, and click Windows PowerShell (Admin) to open Windows PowerShell utility.

    Step 2. Next you can copy and paste the following command line in PowerShell window, and press Enter to remove Cortana from Windows 10.

    Get-AppxPackage -allusers Microsoft.549981C3F5F10 | Remove-AppxPackage

    Way 2. Permanently Disable Cortana via Registry Editor

    Since you can’t uninstall Cortana via Control Panel like uninstalling other programs, you can remove it from your Windows 10 computer by editing the Registry.

    But it’s highly advised you backup Registry first before you do some edits, so that you can easily restore Registry after some wrong operation. (Related: Backup and restore Registry)

    Alternatively, you can also create a system restore point for your Windows system in case something goes wrong. Check how to remove Cortana by editing Registry below.

    Step 1. You can press Windows + R, type regedit in Run dialog, and press Enter to open Registry Editor in Windows 10.

    Step 2. Next click as the following path: HKEY_LOCAL_MACHINE\SOFTWARE\Policies\Microsoft\Windows\Windows Search. If you don’t see a Windows Search folder, you can right-click Windows folder and click New -> Key, and create a new key named Windows Search.

    Step 3. Then right-click Windows Search key and click New -> DWORD (32-BIT) Value. Give the new value a name AllowCortana.

    Step 4. Double-click AllowCortana key and change its Value data to 0. Click OK to save the editing. Restart your computer to make the changes take effect.

    Then you will see a standard Windows Search box but not Cortana at Taskbar. If you want to enable Cortana again, you can go to the AllowCortana key in Registry Editor to delete it or change its value data to 1.

    Way 3. Remove Cortana on Windows 10 with Group Policy

    Step 1. Press Windows + R, type gpedit.msc in Run dialog, and press Enter to open Group Policy in Windows 10.

    Step 2. Click as the following in Group Policy window: Computer Configuration > Administrative Templates > Windows Components > Search.

    Step 3. Find Allow Cortana option in the right window, double-click it.

    Step 4. Click Disabled option and click OK to save the changes. Reboot your computer to apply the changes.

  • Alain de Benoist, du néofascisme à l’extrême droite « respectable » | Cairn.info
    https://www.cairn.info/revue-du-crieur-2017-1-page-128.htm

    Renoncer à unir les « comploteurs » et les « nostalgiques » est le fondement de la stratégie culturelle d’A. de Benoist. Tout comme la Nouvelle Gauche des années 1960 cherche à s’affranchir du poids mort que constituent à ses yeux les traditions communistes et sociale-démocrates, la Nouvelle Droite ne veut plus avoir à répondre de l’impuissance politique des extrêmes droites de l’époque. Cette stratégie, A. de Benoist lui donne un nom : « métapolitique », un terme aujourd’hui en vogue dans les milieux dits de la « Dissidence », organisés autour d’Alain Soral et Dieudonné. L’idée est simple : toute politique reposant sur une culture, quiconque est hégémonique dans la culture définit le spectre des politiques possibles. D’où l’idée qu’il faut agir sur ce qui se trouve en deçà (meta) de la politique, à savoir le langage et les catégories de la pensée. La métapolitique est une stratégie mise en œuvre par le plus faible contre le plus fort. Plutôt que de la combattre frontalement, le faible cherche à introduire patiemment ses catégories de pensée dans la culture dominante. Le résultat, nous l’avons sous les yeux aujourd’hui.La Nouvelle Droite se forme dans un contexte historique, les années 1960 et 1970, où les idées de gauche saturent l’espace public. D’où l’omniprésence des références à des penseurs révolutionnaires dans les écrits d’A. de Benoist, par l’entremise desquelles il cherche à convaincre son camp de l’importance de la reconquête intellectuelle. L’un des mythes savamment entretenus le concernant, énoncé par exemple dans ses Mémoires [10]
    [10]A. de Benoist, Mémoire vive, entretiens avec François Bousquet,…
    , est qu’il posséderait la plus grande bibliothèque privée de France. « Deux cent mille livres, ils sont dans une maison de campagne », m’assure-t-il lorsque je lui demande comment tous ces livres tiennent dans l’appartement dans lequel il me reçoit. La métapolitique absorbe l’air du temps. Elle se branche sur les débats dominants de l’époque de sorte à accéder au mainstream, et y faire passer en contrebande ses idées. Dans les années 1960, le mainstream intellectuel, c’est la gauche. L’appétence d’A. de Benoist pour la pensée de gauche persiste à ce jour « Je trouve qu’à la fois il y a un déclin de la gauche absolument terrible et, en même temps, c’est quand même la gauche qui a depuis quinze ou vingt ans écrit les choses les plus intéressantes. » Pendant notre entretien, il cite, pêle-mêle, Ernesto Laclau, Karl Marx, Toni Negri, Moishe Postone, ou encore Cornelius Castoriadis.L’ethno-différentialisme affirme que chaque peuple a un « droit à la différence », c’est-à-dire le droit de vivre comme il l’entend. Ce droit, il l’exerce chez lui, raison pour laquelle ce droit s’accompagne d’une hostilité de principe aux migrations. L’ethno-différentialisme est la version de droite du « multiculturalisme ». Le racisme biologique étant devenu intenable avec l’émergence de la « norme antiraciste » déjà évoquée, il s’est transformé en différentialisme culturel. Les « Européens » ont bien sûr eux aussi leur « droit à la différence ». Dans un texte paru en 1974 dans Éléments, intitulé Contre tous les racismes, A. de Benoist déclare : « Si l’on est contre la colonisation, alors il faut être pour la décolonisation réciproque, c’est-à-dire contre toutes les formes de colonisation : stratégique, économique, culturelle, artistique, etc. On a le droit d’être pour le Black Power, mais à la condition d’être, en même temps, pour le White Power, le Yellow Power et le Red Power [16]

    . » L’ethno-différentialisme, c’est la « décolonisation réciproque », autrement dit chacun chez soi. L’idée que les Blancs sont victimes de racisme, et doivent à ce titre être défendus, a fait son chemin depuis. En témoigne l’usage fait par la droite et l’extrême droite du thème du « racisme antiblanc » au cours de la dernière décennie.

  • Critique de la raison précaire. La vie intellectuelle face à l’obligation de l’extraordinaire

    Dans cet essai qui a eu une réception importante en Espagne, le philosophe Javier López Alós cherche à comprendre comment la précarité affecte les universitaires dans leurs subjectivités, leurs travaux mais aussi dans leur organisation socioprofessionnelle. Combinant l’étude du régime émotionnel à celle des conditions matérielles d’exercice du métier d’enseignant-chercheur, Javier López Alós livre une analyse lumineuse d’un champ académique de plus en plus dévoré par la précarité. Nous proposons ici une traduction inédite d’une partie importante de l’introduction de l’ouvrage, où l’auteur pose les enjeux principaux de sa réflexion, ainsi que du sixième chapitre qui, en évoquant la question du curriculum vitae, souligne les effets délétères de la précarité sur la possibilité de construire un récit et d’engager une recherche.

  • Je viens de commencer « Tuez toutes ce brutes » et je trouve

    le documentaire poussif, factuel et sans idées. Pénible quoi.

    EGo centré, les reconstitutions frisent le ridicule.

    Vraiment.

    Autant le livre est lumineux et stratosphérique.

  • Torture Allegations Against Greek Border Guards
    https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/greece-torture-allegations-against-greek-border-guards-a-f5d95ba0-ed45-4cd0-

    Parvin has clear memories of the cell Greek border guards placed her in. A urine-soaked mattress was on the floor. She and the other refugees sat at the top of bunk beds to escape the filth. Sewage had seaped into the room from a toilet. “It was very dirty, disgusting,” says Parvin.

    Parvin captured the conditions in the cell in two videos. She was the only refugee who had managed to smuggle a mobile phone into the police station. At 2:27 a.m. Turkish time, she sent the videos and shared her location with acquaintances. Her Turkish SIM card still had reception in Greece.

    Parvin’s geolocation data shows that the border guards had taken the group to a police station in the Greek village of Neo Chimonio. It is located just a few kilometers across the border – and appears to be one of the key locations in the Greek pushback system near the Evros River.

  • Pâte à crêpes vintage
    https://www.cuisine-libre.org/pate-a-crepes-vintage

    Recette inénarrable de la pâte à crêpes du chef Raymond Olivier, avec beaucoup, beaucoup d’alcool… Faites chauffer dans une casserole, le lait avec le sel, la vanille, le sucre et le beurre. D’autre part, disposez la farine en forme de puits dans un récipient assez grand. Versez l’huile au centre, ajoutez les œufs entiers. La quantité d’œufs peut être variable, les œufs n’étant pas toujours de la même grosseur. La totalité de la farine doit être absorbée par les œufs. Mélangez bien en fouettant. Versez le…

    #Bière, #Rhum, #Pâtes_à crêpes_et blinis, #Pastis, Farine de blé / #Sans viande, #Végétarien
    #Farine_de blé #crepe #chandeleur

  • Israël, 1948. Le massacre de Tantura a bien eu lieu
    Sylvain Cypel > 2 février 2022
    https://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/israel-1948-le-massacre-de-tantoura-a-bien-eu-lieu,5338

    Révélé en 2000, le meurtre de plus de deux cents civils palestiniens par les forces israéliennes dans le village de Tantoura a longtemps été contesté et l’auteur des révélations calomnié, ostracisé, marginalisé par l’université. Vingt ans plus tard, un film confirme ses travaux : le massacre de Tantoura a bien eu lieu.

    (...) Puis il rentre chez lui. Il n’en dort pas de la nuit. Le lendemain, il se présente au tribunal et déclare à la juge qu’il a eu « un moment de faiblesse » et qu’il récuse les aveux qu’il a signés. Mais il est trop tard. La juge revient après deux heures de suspension de séance et déclare valide la déclaration signée par Katz. Le procès est fini, les membres de la brigade Alexandroni sablent le champagne. Les rescapés palestiniens qui devaient venir témoigner et confirmer sa thèse initiale n’auront pas besoin de se déplacer. Aucun tribunal ne les entendra jamais. Les journaux publient avec délectation la déclaration de Katz. Le malheureux étudiant ira en Cour suprême pour demander la reprise du procès. Il sera débouté. Son université fera de lui un paria et invalidera sa thèse — vous imaginez, un faussaire ! Et elle rejettera de ses rangs Ilan Pappé, le seul professeur qui l’avait soutenu publiquement.(...)

    #Tantoura
    https://seenthis.net/messages/946137

    • ’Israel was born in sin. I’m collaborating with a criminal country,’ says former PM’s son
      Ofer Aderet | Sep. 19, 2021 | Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.HIGHLIGHT.MAGAZINE-former-pm-s-son-israel-was-born-in-sin-i-m-coll

      Yaakov Sharett. ’This original sin pursues and will pursue us and hang over us.’Credit: Avihai Nitzan

      Scion to an iconic Zionist family and former member of the Shin Bet, Yaakov Sharett, 95, has become an anti-Zionist who encourages people to leave Israel
      Ofer Aderet | Sep. 19, 2021 | 7:35 PM | 99

      At the end of a series of meetings with Yaakov “Kobi” Sharett, after a total of about ten hours of interviews, with some chutzpah I asked him the obvious question. I wanted to know if he was sure that what he was saying, was said with a clear, considered mind. Sharett, who recently entered his 95th year, smiled and nodded, yes.

      Yaakov Sharett, the son of Israel’s first foreign minister and second prime minister, Moshe Sharett, feels no need to mince his words. He is sharp, incisive and precise – and wants to send the readers a message that is hard to digest.

      The son of the man who signed Israel’s Declaration of Independence in 1948 is ending his days as an anti-Zionist who opposes aliyah and encourages emigration from Israel, predicts dark days for the country. He even supports the Iranian nuclear program.

      “The State of Israel and the Zionist enterprise were born in sin. That’s the way it is,” says the man, who served in the pre-state Palmach, volunteered for the Jewish Brigade in the British Army during World War II, cofounded a kibbutz in the Negev, and served in the Shin Bet security Service and Nativ, the government’s liaison bureau for immigration from Eastern Europe. “This original sin pursues and will pursue us and hang over us. We justify it, and it has become an existential fear, which expresses itself in all sorts of ways. There is a storm beneath the surface of the water,” he says.

      “I’m 94 years old,” added Sharett (the interview took place before his 95th birthday). “I reached my age in peace. Financially, my situation is reasonable. But I fear for the future and fate of my grandchildren and great-grandchildren.”

      Speaking from a penthouse in central Tel Aviv (prime real estate), you don’t appear to be suffering.

      “I describe myself as a collaborator against my will. I’m a forced collaborator with a criminal country. I’m here, I have nowhere to go. Because of my age I can’t go anywhere. And that bothers me. Every day. This recognition won’t leave me. The recognition that in the end Israel is a country occupying and abusing another people.”

      The ‘Get thee out of thine country’ gene

      Some of Sharetts – the family consists of Yaakov and his wife Rina, with their three children, five grandchildren and eight great-grandchildren – already moved abroad, to New York.

      His grandfather, Yaakov Shertok – for whom he was named, and whose surname was later Hebraicized to “Sharett” – was among the founders of the Bilu “Palestine pioneers” movement. He reached Israel in 1882, after a series of pogroms in Russia that came to be dubbed Sufot b’Negev: “Storms in the South.” But a few years later he went back, “yarad,” his grandson says, and had a family in the Diaspora. Moshe Sharett, Yaakov’s father was born in the city of Kherson on the Dnieper River, which is today in Russia, and back then was in Ukraine. Then, in 1906, in the wake of more pogroms, the grandfather and his family returned to Israel – this time permanently.

      Your father made aliyah at age 12. Did he consider himself a Zionist?

      “My father made aliyah because his father made aliyah. Not because he wanted to himself. It’s one of the differences between Sharett and the Second Aliyah band, which founded Mapei and the country. They, and Ben-Gurion at their head, were older than him and made aliyah of their own will. But Sharett was not one of them. He did not undergo any internal upheaval that turned him into a Zionist.”

      When they arrived, the family went to live in the Arab village of Ein Senya north of Ramallah. Over the next two years Moshe learned Arabic. In 1908 they moved to Tel Aviv, where he studied, along with his sister Rivka, in the first class of the Herzliya Hebrew Gymnasium high school.

      Later, one of his teachers at the school told about the young man who suddenly stood up and began speaking Arabic, so much so that “I didn’t believe he was a Jew.”

      The Sharett siblings made friends at school who would became family, and would become known in the pre-state Jewish community, the “Yishuv,” as the “four in-laws.” These included Dov Hoz, one of the founders of the pre-state Haganah underground militia and one of the pioneers of flying in British Mandate Palestine; Eliyahu Golomb, the uncrowned commander of the Haganah; and Shaul Avigur – originally Meirov, a founder of the Haganah and the commander of the Mossad Le’aliyah Bet mission, to smuggle Jews into Palestine; later he would become the head of Nativ.

      Moshe married Tzipora Meirov, Avigur’s sister. Hoz married Rivka, Sharett’s sister. Golomb married Ada, the younger sister of Moshe and Rivka. The Shertok family home, on Rothschild Boulevard served as the headquarters of the Haganah and the meetings of the group’s leadership – led by the “in-laws” – were held there. A famous phrase from the period attributed the rebirth of Israel to the acts of “the miracles and the in-laws” (it rhymes in Hebrew). Tzipora, Moshe Sharett’s wife and Yaakov’s mother, born in Kvutzat Kinneret, studied agriculture in England, specializing in dairy. Back in Israel, she managed the workers moshav in Nahalat Yehuda near Rishon Letzion.

      After high school, Moshe Sharett went to Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, which then controlled the land that would be Israel, to study law – as did both Ben-Gurion and the future president Yitzhak Ben Zvi – but World War I, which broke out in 1914, cut the plan short. He returned to Palestine and became active in the “Ottomanization” (or Turkification) Movement – which said that only if the Jews in Israel would take on Ottoman citizenship would it be possible to prevent their expulsion.

      In the school where he had studied when he was young, he now taught Turkish, and later even enlisted in the Ottoman army. “My father said that they didn’t come to dispossess the Arabs, but to live with them. He believed there would be room for everyone,” said Yaakov. This approach, conciliatory, naïve or self-righteous – everyone can decide for themselves – pushed Sharett into being the eternal “number 2.” His son agrees that today they would be calling him scornfully a “leftist” and maybe even “hater of Israel.”

      Over the next few decades, he worked his way into the heart of Zionist activity when he was chosen to be the head of the diplomatic department of the Jewish Agency. His resume includes the strategic planning of the “Tower and Stockade” enterprise; the building of the Tel Aviv port; the founding of the Jewish auxiliary police force (Notrim); and the jewel in the crown – the project for volunteering for the British army, peaking in the establishment of the Jewish Brigade during World War II.

      When Israel was founded, Sharett was appointed foreign minister; later he would replace Ben-Gurion as prime minister for a short time.

      It is hard to doubt your father’s Zionism and love of the land. Today he has great-grandchildren in New York. How would he feel if he knew about it?

      “It’s impossible to discount yerida [leaving Israel] as a curse. There are almost no Israelis who don’t have relatives overseas. I’m happy that I have granddaughters, great-granddaughters and a great-grandson in New York."

      “I’m not ashamed to say it. Sharett had a yored father too. My grandfather. If he hadn’t left Israel, I wouldn’t have been born, because after he made yerida he established a family. As opposed to the false mantra ‘I have no other country,’ the facts show that there are other countries. There is more than one land. Over a million Israelis live abroad. The ideological Zionist commitment evaporates the more the generations pass. People understand that there are better places where to raise children and live. Everywhere has problems, life itself is a problem, but Israel has existential problems.”

      Nonetheless, don’t you have a feeling of missing out? Your father signed the Declaration of Independence, and you no longer see Israel as the national home of the Jewish people.

      “The life of the Jewish people is a tragedy. Our people, at a very early stage, proved that it is not a dutiful people and doesn’t know how to sustain a state. So, for most of its time it did not have a national existence, but the existence of a persecuted and hated minority, that lives which lives without a higher organization and without its own government. It may be paying a price, but it withstood it.”

      "One of the genes in our national DNA is the ‘Get thee out of thine country’ (Lekh Lekha) gene that began back in the days of our father Abraham. Since the days of the Second Temple, most of the Jews haven’t lived in Israel. They established a magnificent community on the Tigris River and after that moved to Spain, where they created a wonderful culture for a thousand years, and from there they dispersed all over …”

      And then came the pogroms and after that the Holocaust, and many realized that the “Jewish problem” was solvable only in a territorial way.

      “Suddenly people say, ‘We know what needs to be done,’ for everyone, and are prepared to force their ideas on the public. Who put you [in charge]? The moment Zionism called for the Jews to immigrate to Israel, in order to establish here one home for the Jewish people, which will be a sovereign state, a conflict was created. The Zionist idea was to come to a place where there were people, members of another people, members of another religion, completely different.

      "Have you seen anywhere in the world where the majority would agree to give in to a foreign invader, who says, ‘our forefathers were here,’ and demands to enter the land and take control? The conflict was inherent and Zionism denied this, ignored it… as the proportion of Jews to Arabs changed in favor of the Jews, the Arabs realized that they were losing the majority. Who would agree to such a thing?

      “So violent conflict began, the riots of 1920, 1921, 1929, 1936–1939, and war and another war and another war. Many say that we ‘deserve’ the land because the Arabs could have accepted us as we were and then everything would have been alright. But they started the war, so they shouldn’t complain. I see in this whole transformation of the majority [Arab] to a minority and the minority [Jewish] into a majority as immoral.”

      So you claim that your father was also immoral and so are you – your biography intertwined with that of the Zionist Movement and Israel in its seminal period.

      “If Israel is not OK, I’m not OK either, as someone who pays taxes here. For a certain period there was great hope here that something new had been created. I was a part of that. But now, Zionism, from my point of view, has disappeared. All the promises we made disappeared. I am not comfortable with this. Our national agenda is blood, death and violence. This flag files to this day in our country as a vision. Israel lives on the sword and sharpens it. I am completely alienated from this.”

      What went wrong on the way?

      “The Jewish people had two great enemies, Hitler and Stalin, the hangmen of Jewish culture, who emptied and destroyed it – in Poland and the Soviet Union. Those who planned the state were directed first and foremost to the Jewish tribe. Hitler’s Holocaust and Stalin’s spiritual genocide completely changed the structure and the demographic makeup of Israel. Only after it turned out that those who were supposed to come no longer exist, other Jews came. I don’t discount them. From a Jewish perspective they are as Jewish as me and you, but their background is different. They were raised in Muslim countries and came from a background of religions, clans and admiration of the father. People like that then came into Israel, and that changed the situation and to this day is causing problems and upheavals.”

      Would you prefer to see Israel Ashkenazi, secular and liberal, like you are?

      “I’m speaking frankly because I have nothing to hide. I’m 94 years old... The more homogenous society is, the healthier it is. The less so, there are problems. I’m disappointed in the fate of the Jewish people, which divided us into tribes. I’m also disappointed in the character of the state. When I see the prime minister with a kipah on his head, I don’t feel good. This is not the Israel I want to see. How did it happen that this new place, that was to have brought innovations, became the blackest place, controlled by the nationalist ultra-Orthodox? How is it that here of all places, there’s reactionism and zealotry, messianism, the desire to expand and control another people?”

      A trap for the emissary

      Yaakov Sharett was born in 1927 to a well-connected family of the cream of the Yishuv, the Jewish community in Palestine. After him came Yael (the future author Yael Medini), in 1931, and Haim in 1933. He spent his first three years in Tel Aviv and after that, with his father’s career advancement, the family moved to Jerusalem. He studied in Jerusalem with the geographer David Benbenisti, the philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz and the lexicographer Avraham Even Shoshan.

      As a young man, Sharett went to study at Colombia University in the United States and Oxford in the U.K. His expertise was in what was called at the time “Sovietology,” for which he learned fluent Russian, his father’s mother tongue. His uncle, Shaul Avigur, enlisted him in 1960 in a secret unit he had established and led, called Nativ, whose members entered the Soviet Union under the cover of Israeli Embassy staff and helped Jews behind the Iron Curtain.

      Sharett was appointed “first secretary” of the Israeli Embassy in Moscow, and crisscrossed the Soviet Union looking for Jews who showed an interest in Israel and Zionism. His stay there was stopped suddenly after a year, when he was expelled on charges of espionage. One day, while on a visit to Riga, he accepted a letter from a person who presented himself as Jewish and asked him to deliver it to relatives in Israel. This was apparently a trap, because later, as he describes it, “two hulks jumped me, picked me up off the ground, without considering that I had diplomatic immunity.” When he was questioned he was shown the letter that he had hidden in the pocket of his coat, and when they opened it, they found a picture of a missile.

      “Yaakov Sharett expelled from the U.S.S.R.” the newspapers of the day reported. The Soviet news agency Tass reported that Sharett was “caught while spying, touring various parts of the Soviet Union to establish espionage ties and distributing Zionist anti-Soviet illegal literature.

      After his return from Israel he worked for a time in the new Russian department that had been opened in Military Intelligence research. He later retired from intelligence work. “The Russian Aliyah disappointed me greatly,” he says today. “The people that I so much wanted to come here turned out to be right wing and nationalist – the result of years living half-assimilated and needing to hide their origin. Now they turned to the most fanatic and extreme side. I took part in bringing my enemies here. Avigdor Lieberman is a settler. Politically, he is my enemy,” he adds.

      But it’s not the arrival of this or that individual that bothers Sharett. He opposes encouraging people to move to Israel. “Israel is the only country that works to increase its population. Whoever heard of such a thing. That emissaries persuade people to come and live in Israel? There aren’t enough people and traffic jams here?”

      To compromise is not to capitulate

      The next station in Sharett’s life was journalism. He wrote and edited for the Hebrew daily Ma’ariv for two decades, between 1963 and 1983. In the early 1970s he wrote for Ma’ariv from Tehran, where he moved following his wife, a choreographer and dancer who taught dance there. In the early 1980s he also wrote a column called “Man from Mars” in the weekly anti-establishment magazine Haolam Hazeh, where he expressed his critical look at Israelis, as if he were from another planet.

      Sharett also wrote, edited and translated books. In 1988 his book “The State of Israel of the Altneuland house has passed away” the cover shows a death notice in Hebrew. Sharett wrote there that is was “a desperate cry of the moment after the last moment and warms of “an unprecedented existential crisis beyond the possibility of overcoming or preventing it.”

      Other books he translated, “Silent Spring” and “The End of Nature” dealt with a crisis of another kind – the climate crisis, years before the issue appeared on the Israeli agenda.

      Sharett celebrated his 94th birthday in July. “I’m an old man, aware of my age, and I know my years are numbered. I’m not afraid of death itself, but I am afraid of form death will take,” he says in conclusion, and reveals that he has made the decision to take his own life “if I reach the point where my life no longer justifies itself and that I’m a dead man walking, who has no meaning or contribution, but is only a burden on others and his family.” He has already informed his family of his decision. He will contribute his body to science. “I don’t need a grave. I don’t go to the graves of my family. I don’t think that a person’s memory, his soul, is associated with his bones or the place he is buried. I don’t want to take up space in a tiny country like ours. There’s no point at all. In any case, in one or two generations the headstones will be forgotten and abandoned. “

      But before all this happens, he still wants the time to write his autobiography, some of whose chapter headings he revealed in this article. He’s already chosen the name for the book: “Forced Collaborator.”

  • Okuda Hiroko, la Japonaise qui se cache derrière la création du rythme révolutionnaire du reggae « Sleng Teng »
    https://www.nippon.com/fr/japan-topics/g02027

    Au milieu des années 1980, le Sleng Teng fut qualifié de « monster riddim » pour avoir amené le Reggae à effectuer sa révolution électronique. À l’origine de ce morceau à l’immense succès, un clavier électronique Casio et une Japonaise, Okuda Hiroko. Nous l’avons retrouvée, et voici notre entretien avec la créatrice de cette séquence musicale mythique.


    #reggae #casio #riddim