https://www.theatlantic.com

  • X Is a White-Supremacist Site - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/11/x-white-supremacist-site/680538

    Elon Musk has made one of Twitter’s most glaring problems into a core feature on X.
    By Charlie Warzel

    November 5, 2024

    X has always had a Nazi problem. I’ve covered the site, formerly known as Twitter, for more than a decade and reported extensively on its harassment problems, its verification (and then de-verification) of a white nationalist, and the glut of anti-Semitic hatred that roiled the platform in 2016.

    But something is different today. Heaps of unfiltered posts that plainly celebrate racism, anti-Semitism, and outright Nazism are easily accessible and possibly even promoted by the site’s algorithms. All the while, Elon Musk—a far-right activist and the site’s owner, who is campaigning for and giving away millions to help elect Donald Trump—amplifies horrendous conspiracy theories about voter fraud, migrants run amok, and the idea that Jewish people hate white people. Twitter was always bad if you knew where to look, but because of Musk, X is far worse. (X and Musk did not respond to requests for comment for this article.)

    It takes little effort to find neo-Nazi accounts that have built up substantial audiences on X. “Thank you all for 7K,” one white-nationalist meme account posted on October 17, complete with a heil-Hitler emoji reference. One week later, the account, which mostly posts old clips of Hitler speeches and content about how “Hitler was right,” celebrated 14,000 followers. One post, a black-and-white video of Nazis goose-stepping, has more than 187,000 views. Another racist and anti-Semitic video about Jewish women and Black men—clearly AI-generated—has more than 306,000 views. It was also posted in late October.

    Many who remain on the platform have noticed X decaying even more than usual in recent months. “I’ve seen SO many seemingly unironic posts like this on Twitter recently this is getting insane,” one X user posted in response to a meme that the far-right influencer Stew Peters recently shared. It showed an image of Adolf Hitler holding a telephone with overlaid text reading, “Hello … 2024? Are you guys starting to get it yet?” Peters appended the commentary, “Yes. We’ve noticed.” The idea is simply that Hitler was right, and X users ate it up: As of this writing, the post has received about 67,000 likes, 10,000 reposts, and 11.4 million views. When Musk took over, in 2022, there were initial reports that hate speech (anti-Black and anti-Semitic slurs) was surging on the platform. By December of that year, one research group described the increase in hate speech as “unprecedented.” And it seems to only have gotten worse. There are far more blatant examples of racism now, even compared with a year ago. In September, the World Bank halted advertising on X after its promoted ads were showing up in the replies to pro-Nazi and white-nationalist content from accounts with hundreds of thousands of followers. Search queries such as Hitler was right return posts with tens of thousands of views—they’re indistinguishable from the poison once relegated to the worst sites on the internet, including 4chan, Gab, and Stormfront.

    The hatred isn’t just coming from anonymous fringe posters either. Late last month, Clay Higgins, a Republican representative from Louisiana, published a racist, threatening post about the Haitians in Springfield, Ohio, saying they’re from the “nastiest country in the western hemisphere.” Then he issued an ultimatum: “All these thugs better get their mind right and their ass out of our country before January 20th,” he wrote in the post, referencing Inauguration Day. Higgins eventually deleted the post at the request of his House colleagues on both sides of the aisle but refused to apologize. “I can put up another controversial post tomorrow if you want me to. I mean, we do have freedom of speech. I’ll say what I want,” he told CNN later that day.

    And although Higgins did eventually try to walk his initial post back, clarifying that he was really referring to Haitian gangs, the sentiment he shared with CNN is right. The lawmaker can put up another vile post maligning an entire country whenever he desires. Not because of his right to free speech—which exists to protect against government interference—but because of how Musk chooses to operate his platform. Despite the social network’s policy that prohibits “incitement of harassment,” X seemingly took no issue with Higgins’s racist post or its potential to cause real-world harm for Springfield residents. (The town has already closed and evacuated its schools twice because of bomb threats.) And why would X care? The platform, which reinstated thousands of banned accounts following Musk’s takeover, in 2022—accounts that belong to QAnon supporters, political hucksters, conspiracy theorists, and at least one bona fide neo-Nazi—is so inundated with bigoted memes, racist AI slop, and unspeakable slurs that Higgins’s post seemed almost measured by comparison. In the past, when Twitter seemed more interested in enforcing content-moderation standards, the lawmaker’s comments may have resulted in a ban or some other disciplinary response: On X, he found an eager, sympathetic audience willing to amplify his hateful message.

    His deleted post is instructive, though, as a way to measure the degradation of X under Musk. The site is a political project run by a politically radicalized centibillionaire. The worthwhile parts of Twitter (real-time news, sports, culture, silly memes, spontaneous encounters with celebrity accounts) have been drowned out by hateful garbage. X is no longer a social-media site with a white-supremacy problem, but a white-supremacist site with a social-media problem.

    Musk has certainly bent the social network to support his politics, which has recently involved joking on Tucker Carlson’s show (which streams on X) that “nobody is even bothering to try to kill Kamala” and repurposing the @america handle from an inactive user to turn it into a megaphone for his pro-Trump super PAC. Musk has also quite clearly reengineered the site so that users see him, and his tweets, whether or not they follow him.

    When Musk announced his intent to purchase Twitter, in April 2022, the New York Times columnist Ezra Klein aptly noted that “Musk reveals what he wants Twitter to be by how he acts on it.” By this logic, it would seem that X is vying to be the official propaganda outlet not just for Trump generally but also for the “Great Replacement” theory, which states that there is a global plot to eradicate the white race and its culture through immigration. In just the past year, Musk has endorsed multiple posts about the conspiracy theory. In November 2023, in response to a user named @breakingbaht who accused Jews of supporting bringing “hordes of minorities” into the United States, Musk replied, “You have said the actual truth.” Musk’s post was viewed more than 8 million times.

    Though Musk has publicly claimed that he doesn’t “subscribe” to the “Great Replacement” theory, he appears obsessed with the idea that Republican voters in America are under attack from immigrants. Last December, he posted a misleading graph suggesting that the number of immigrants arriving illegally was overtaking domestic birth rates. He has repeatedly referenced a supposed Democratic plot to “legalize vast numbers of illegals” and put an end to fair elections. He has falsely suggested that the Biden administration was “flying ‘asylum seekers’, who are fast-tracked to citizenship, directly into swing states like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin and Arizona” and argued that, soon, “everywhere in America will be like the nightmare that is downtown San Francisco.” According to a recent Bloomberg analysis of 53,000 of Musk’s posts, the billionaire has posted more about immigration and voter fraud than any other topic (more than 1,300 posts in total), garnering roughly 10 billion views.

    But Musk’s interests extend beyond the United States. This summer, during a period of unrest and rioting in the United Kingdom over a mass stabbing that killed three children, the centibillionaire used his account to suggest that a civil war there was “inevitable.” He also shared (and subsequently deleted) a conspiracy theory that the U.K. government was building detainment camps for people rioting against Muslims. Additionally, X was instrumental in spreading misinformation and fueling outrage among far-right, anti-immigration protesters.

    In Springfield, Ohio, X played a similar role as a conduit for white supremacists and far-right extremists to fuel real-world harm. One of the groups taking credit for singling out Springfield’s Haitian community was Blood Tribe, a neo-Nazi group known for marching through city streets waving swastikas. Blood Tribe had been focused on the town for months, but not until prominent X accounts (including Musk’s, J. D. Vance’s, and Trump’s) seized on a Facebook post from the region did Springfield become a national target. “It is no coincidence that there was an online rumor mill ready to amplify any social media posts about Springfield because Blood Tribe has been targeting the town in an effort to stoke racial resentment against ‘subhuman’ Haitians,” the journalist Robert Tracinski wrote recently. Tracinski argues that social-media channels (like X) have been instrumental in transferring neo-Nazi propaganda into the public consciousness—all the way to the presidential-debate stage. He is right. Musk’s platform has become a political tool for stoking racial hatred online and translating it into harassment in the physical world.

    The ability to drag fringe ideas and theories into mainstream political discourse has long been a hallmark of X, even back when it was known as Twitter. There’s always been a trade-off with the platform’s ability to narrow the distance between activists and people in positions of power. Social-justice movements such as the Arab Spring and Black Lives Matter owe some of the success of their early organizing efforts to the platform.

    Yet the website has also been one of the most reliable mainstream destinations on the internet to see Photoshopped images of public figures (or their family members) in gas chambers, or crude, racist cartoons of Jewish men. Now, under Musk’s stewardship, X seems to run in only one direction. The platform eschews healthy conversation. It abhors nuance, instead favoring constant escalation and engagement-baiting behavior. And it empowers movements that seek to enrage and divide. In April, an NBC News investigation found that “at least 150 paid ‘Premium’ subscriber X accounts and thousands of unpaid accounts have posted or amplified pro-Nazi content on X in recent months.” According to research from the extremism expert Colin Henry, since Musk’s purchase, there’s been a decline in anti-Semitic posts on 4chan’s infamous “anything goes” forum, and a simultaneous rise in posts targeting Jewish people on X.

    X’s own transparency reports show that the social network has allowed hateful content to flourish on its site. In its last report before Musk’s acquisition, in just the second half of 2021, Twitter suspended about 105,000 of the more than 5 million accounts reported for hateful conduct. In the first half of 2024, according to X, the social network received more than 66 million hateful-conduct reports, but suspended just 2,361 accounts. It’s not a perfect comparison, as the way X reports and analyzes data has changed under Musk, but the company is clearly taking action far less frequently.

    Because X has made it more difficult for researchers to access data by switching to a paid plan that prices out many academics, it is now difficult to get a quantitative understanding of the platform’s degradation. The statistics that do exist are alarming. Research from the Center for Countering Digital Hate found that in just the first month of Musk’s ownership, anti–Black American slurs used on the platform increased by 202 percent. The Anti-Defamation League found that anti-Semitic tweets on the platform increased by 61 percent in just two weeks after Musk’s takeover. But much of the evidence is anecdotal. The Washington Post summed up a recent report from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, noting that pro-Hitler content “reached the largest audiences on X [relative to other social-media platforms], where it was also most likely to be recommended via the site’s algorithm.” Since Musk took over, X has done the following:

    Seemingly failed to block a misleading advertisement post purchased by Jason Köhne, a white nationalist with the handle @NoWhiteGuiltNWG.
    Seemingly failed to block an advertisement calling to reinstate the death penalty for gay people.
    Reportedly run ads on 20 racist and anti-Semitic hashtags, including #whitepower, despite Musk pledging that he would demonetize posts that included hate speech. (After NBC asked about these, X removed the ability for users to search for some of these hashtags.)
    Granted blue-check verification to an account with the N-word in its handle. (The account has since been suspended.)
    Allowed an account that praised Hitler to purchase a gold-check badge, which denotes an “official organization” and is typically used by brands such as Doritos and BlackRock. (This account has since been suspended.)
    Seemingly failed to take immediate action on 63 of 66 accounts flagged for disseminating AI-generated Nazi memes from 4chan. More than half of the posts were made by paid accounts with verified badges, according to research by the nonprofit Center for Countering Digital Hate.

    None of this is accidental. The output of a platform tells you what it is designed to do: In X’s case, all of this is proof of a system engineered to give voice to hateful ideas and reward those who espouse them. If one is to judge X by its main exports, then X, as it exists now under Musk, is a white-supremacist website.

    You might scoff at this notion, especially if you, like me, have spent nearly two decades willingly logged on to the site, or if you, like me, have had your professional life influenced in surprising, occasionally delightful ways by the platform. Even now, I can scroll through the site’s algorithmic pond scum and find things worth saving—interesting commentary, breaking news, posts and observations that make me laugh. But these exceptional morsels are what make the platform so insidious, in part because they give cover to the true political project that X now represents and empowers.

    As I was preparing to write this story, I visited some of the most vile corners of the internet. I’ve monitored these spaces for years, and yet this time, I was struck by how little distance there was between them and what X has become. It is impossible to ignore: The difference between X and a known hateful site such as Gab are people like myself. The majority of users are no doubt creators, businesses, journalists, celebrities, political junkies, sports fans, and other perfectly normal people who hold their nose and cling to the site. We are the human shield of respectability that keeps Musk’s disastrous $44 billion investment from being little more than an algorithmically powered Stormfront.

    The justifications—the lure of the community, the (now-limited) ability to bear witness to news in real time, and of the reach of one’s audience of followers—feel particularly weak today. X’s cultural impact is still real, but its promotional use is nonexistent. (A recent post linking to a story of mine generated 289,000 impressions and 12,900 interactions, but only 948 link clicks—a click rate of roughly 0.00328027682 percent.) NPR, which left the platform in April 2023, reported almost negligible declines in traffic referrals after abandoning the site.

    Continuing to post on X has been indefensible for some time. But now, more than ever, there is no good justification for adding one’s name to X’s list of active users. To leave the platform, some have argued, is to cede an important ideological battleground to the right. I’ve been sympathetic to this line of thinking, but the battle, on this particular platform, is lost. As long as Musk owns the site, its architecture will favor his political allies. If you see posting to X as a fight, then know it is not a fair one. For example: In October, Musk shared a fake screenshot of an Atlantic article, manipulated to show a fake headline—his post, which he never deleted, garnered more than 18 million views. The Atlantic’s X post debunking Musk’s claim received just 28,000 views. Musk is unfathomably rich. He’s used that money to purchase a platform, take it private, and effectively turn it into a megaphone for the world’s loudest racists. Now he’s attempting to use it to elect a corrupt, election-denying felon to the presidency.

    To stay on X is not an explicit endorsement of this behavior, but it does help enable it. I’m not at all suggesting—as Musk has previously alleged—that the site be shut down or that Musk should be silenced. But there’s no need to stick around and listen. Why allow Musk to appear even slightly more credible by lending our names, our brands, and our movements to a platform that makes the world more dangerous for real people? To my dismay, I’ve hid from these questions for too long. Now that I’ve confronted them, I have no good answers.

    About the Author
    Charlie Warzel is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of its newsletter Galaxy Brain, about technology, media, and big ideas. He can be reached via email.

    #X #Twitter #Charlie_Warzel #Elon_Musk

  • Trump: ‘I Need the Kind of Generals That Hitler Had’ - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2024/10/trump-military-generals-hitler/680327

    The personal qualities displayed by Trump in his reaction to the cost of the Guillén funeral—contempt, rage, parsimony, racism—hardly surprised his inner circle. Trump has frequently voiced his disdain for those who serve in the military and for their devotion to duty, honor, and sacrifice. Former generals who have worked for Trump say that the sole military virtue he prizes is obedience. As his presidency drew to a close, and in the years since, he has become more and more interested in the advantages of dictatorship, and the absolute control over the military that he believes it would deliver. “I need the kind of generals that Hitler had,” Trump said in a private conversation in the White House, according to two people who heard him say this. “People who were totally loyal to him, that follow orders.” (“This is absolutely false,” Pfeiffer wrote in an email. “President Trump never said this.”)

    A desire to force U.S. military leaders to be obedient to him and not the Constitution is one of the constant themes of Trump’s military-related discourse. Former officials have also cited other recurring themes: his denigration of military service, his ignorance of the provisions of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, his admiration for brutality and anti-democratic norms of behavior, and his contempt for wounded veterans and for soldiers who fell in battle.

  • I’m Running Out of Ways to Explain How Bad This Is - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2024/10/hurricane-milton-conspiracies-misinformation/680221

    The truth is, it’s getting harder to describe the extent to which a meaningful percentage of Americans have dissociated from reality. As Hurricane Milton churned across the Gulf of Mexico last night, I saw an onslaught of outright conspiracy theorizing and utter nonsense racking up millions of views across the internet. The posts would be laughable if they weren’t taken by many people as gospel. Among them: Infowars’ Alex Jones, who claimed that Hurricanes Milton and Helene were “weather weapons” unleashed on the East Coast by the U.S. government, and “truth seeker” accounts on X that posted photos of condensation trails in the sky to baselessly allege that the government was “spraying Florida ahead of Hurricane Milton” in order to ensure maximum rainfall, “just like they did over Asheville!”

    (...)

    If you are a weatherperson, you’re a target. The same goes for journalists, election workers, scientists, doctors, and first responders. These jobs are different, but the thing they share is that they all must attend to and describe the world as it is. This makes them dangerous to people who cannot abide by the agonizing constraints of reality, as well as those who have financial and political interests in keeping up the charade.

    (...)

  • Elon Musk’s Antisemitic, Apartheid-Loving Grandfather - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2023/09/joshua-haldeman-elon-musk-grandfather-apartheid-antisemitism/675396

    In Walter Isaacson’s new biography, #Elon_Musk, a mere page and a half is devoted to introducing Musk’s grandfather, a Canadian chiropractor named Joshua N. Haldeman. Isaacson describes him as a source of Musk’s great affection for danger—“a daredevil adventurer with strongly held opinions” and “quirky conservative populist views” who did rope tricks at rodeos and rode freight trains like a hobo. “He knew that real adventures involve risk,” Isaacson quotes Musk as having said. “Risk energized him.”

    But in 1950, Haldeman’s “quirky” politics led him to make an unusual and dramatic choice: to leave Canada for South Africa. Haldeman had built a comfortable life for himself in Regina, Saskatchewan’s capital. His chiropractic practice was one of Canada’s largest and allowed him to own his own airplane and a 20-room home he shared with his wife and four young children. He’d been active in politics, running for both the provincial and national parliaments and even becoming national chairman of a minor political party. Meanwhile, he’d never even been to South Africa.

  • Is Holocaust Education Making Anti-Semitism Worse ? | Dara Horn
    https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2023/05/holocaust-student-education-jewish-anti-semitism/673488
    L’article est une critique de la façon dont l’extermination des juifs est enseignée (dans pas mal d’endroits aux Etats-Unis, du moins). L’écrivaine pointe un paradoxe. Une des façons privilégiée de répondre aux actes, paroles, théories du complot antisémites actuels est de se mettre à enseigner le génocide (ce n’est pas obligatoire aux Etats-Unis) et à créer des musées dédiés. Mais cette façon de faire est privilégiée justement parce qu’elle permet de ne pas répondre à l’antisémitisme actuel et de se concentrer plus facilement sur un événement du passé, dont les Etats-Unis ne sont pas responsables, le tout sans risquer de trop grandes tensions en classe ou avec les politiciens anti-woke (c’est moi qui résume à la hache) qui s’exciteraient si on osait parler du sort fait à d’autres minorités. Le génocide, comme il y est enseigné, est un sujet aseptisé qui n’est qu’un support à des leçons de morales universelles (favoriser l’empathie, dénoncer le racisme, donner envie de se battre pour une cause). L’antisémitisme des nazis est complètement anhistorique, ceux-ci sont comme des extraterrestres venus avec en 33 et disparus avec en 45. Les Juifs quant à eux n’existent que morts et toute spécificité juive est gommée pour que ne reste que le symbole de victimes absolues. On peut alors facilement se féliciter de ne pas être un nazi vu qu’on n’a pas commis de massacre de masse, et sentir de l’empathie pour une population dont on ignore tout et qu’on pense même disparue, maintenue vivante dans certains musées par des hologrammes animés par une intelligence artificielle.

    Talking with Kennedy, I realized, with a jolt of unexpected horror, that there was an entirely unplanned pattern in my Holocaust tour across America. Almost every city where I spoke with Holocaust-museum educators, whether by phone or in person, had also been the site of a violent anti-Semitic attack in the years since these museums had opened: a murdered museum guard in Washington, D.C.; a synagogue hostage-taking in a Dallas-area suburb; young children shot at a Jewish summer camp in Los Angeles. I was struck by how minimally these attacks were discussed in the educational materials shared by the museums.

    The Skokie museum was built because of a Nazi march that never happened. But this more recent, actual anti-Semitic violence, which happened near or even inside these museums, rarely came up in my conversations with educators about the Holocaust’s contemporary relevance. In fact, with the exception of Kennedy and Regelbrugge, no one I spoke with mentioned these anti-Semitic attacks at all.

    The failure to address contemporary anti-Semitism in most of American Holocaust education is, in a sense, by design. In his article “The Origins of Holocaust Education in American Public Schools,” the education historian Thomas D. Fallace recounts the story of the (mostly non-Jewish) teachers in Massachusetts and New Jersey who created the country’s first Holocaust curricula, in the ’70s. The point was to teach morality in a secular society. “Everyone in education, regardless of ethnicity, could agree that Nazism was evil and that the Jews were innocent victims,” Fallace wrote, explaining the topic’s appeal. “Thus, teachers used the Holocaust to activate the moral reasoning of their students”—to teach them to be good people.

    The idea that Holocaust education can somehow serve as a stand-in for public moral education has not left us. And because of its obviously laudable goals, objecting to it feels like clubbing a baby seal. Who wouldn’t want to teach kids to be empathetic? And by this logic, shouldn’t Holocaust education, because of its moral content alone, automatically inoculate people against anti-Semitism?

    Apparently not.

    https://justpaste.it/bacxg

    • Prétendre que les #USA cad ses capitalistes et politiciens au pouvoir ne portent pas leur part de responsabilité pour l’holocauste est une belle histoire mais loin de la réalité.

      On est au courant de l’apport financier de la famille Bush pour les nazis, Henry Ford est connu pour son antisemitisme (je ne sais pas à quel point il a activement soutenu les nazis allemands), IBM fournissait à la SS les machines pour organiser l’extermination, on refusait de mettre fin à l’holocauste par un raid aérien contre Auschwitz et on s’entendait dans des entretiens infomels et secrets en Suisse avec des émissaires de Göring sur la progression des troupes américaines dans les dernières phases de la guerre.

      Ne parlons pas de la non-dénazification en Allemagne de l’Ouest et de la fondation des services secrets allemands actuels et de la Bundeswehr par des anciens nazis commandités par leurs contreparts états-uniens. L’amitié entre les nantis d’Allemagne et des États Unis est plus jeune que celle entre la turquie génocidaire et l’Allemagne militariste, mais en différence avec celle-là elle est totale y compris ses crimes de guerre et actes de génocide.

      Le grand mensonge de l’innocence américaine rend futiles la commémoration des morts et les accusations contre les nazis allemands.

      #impérialisme #nazis #shoa

  • The Open Letter to Stop ‘Dangerous’ AI Race Is a Huge Mess | Chloe Xiang
    https://www.vice.com/en/article/qjvppm/the-open-letter-to-stop-dangerous-ai-race-is-a-huge-mess

    The letter was penned by the Future of Life Institute, a nonprofit organization with the stated mission to “reduce global catastrophic and existential risk from powerful technologies.” It is also host to some of the biggest proponents of longtermism, a kind of secular religion boosted by many members of the Silicon Valley tech elite since it preaches seeking massive wealth to direct towards problems facing humans in the far future. One notable recent adherent to this idea is disgraced FTX CEO Sam Bankman-Fried. Source: Motherboard

    • Gary Marcus a signé la lettre, il est très loin de la « AI Hype », et a un point de vue beaucoup plus pondéré.

      I am not afraid of robots. I am afraid of people.
      https://garymarcus.substack.com/p/i-am-not-afraid-of-robots-i-am-afraid

      For now, all the technolibertarians are probably cackling; if they had wanted to sabotage the “develop AI with care” crowd, they couldn’t have found a better way to divide and conquer.

      In truth, over 50,000 people signed the letter, including a lot of people who have nothing to do with the long term risk movement that the FLI itself is associated with. These include, for example, Yoshua Bengio (the most cited AI researcher in recent years), Stuart Russell (a well-known AI researcher at Berkeley), Pattie Maes (a prominent AI researcher at MIT), John Hopfield (a physicist whose original work on machine learning has been massively influential), Victoria Krakovna (a leading researcher at DeepMind working on how to get machines to do what we want them to do), and Grady Booch (a pioneering software architect who has been speaking out about the unreliability of current techniques as an approach to software engineering).

      But a few loud voices have overshadowed the 50,000 who have signed.

    • Un aspect qui me chagrine un peu, c’est que même chez Gary Marcus, ça se focalise sur des travers que seraient des utilisations frauduleuses de l’IA : désinformation et fishing essentiellement. (Et tout le monde nous fait un peu chier avec ces histoires de désinformation, comme si Trump, QAnon, les climatosceptiques et les covidiots, les gouvernements qui mentent, avaient besoin de la moindre IA pour générer et rendre « crédibles » leurs foutaises délirantes.)

      Pourtant il y a toutes les utilisations qui sont soit déjà légales, soit prochainement légales, et qui sont totalement épouvantables : « aide » à la justice (lui est noir et pauvre, il ira en prison parce que l’IA super-finaude a trouvé qu’il avait une tête à récidiver), « aide » aux contrôles des aides sociales (elle selon l’IA, elle a un profil à picoler sont argent de la CAAF, alors on va lui couper les vivres), pourquoi pas l’orientation des gamins avec des algorithmes qui font flipper tout le monde (je sais, Parcoursup est loin de l’IA, mais je n’ai aucun doute que c’est la prochaine étape), aide aux flics (celui-là, l’IA a décidé de te me le ficher S illico, vu qu’il est abonné au flux RSS de rezo.net et qu’il lit Bastamag…), automatisation complète de la médecine (au lieu d’une aide au diagnostic, on remplacera carrément le médecin avec une IA), etc.

      Automatisation des accès aux droits (immigration, solidarités, logement, éducation…), et incompétence organisées des personnels. Et renforcement de ce principe d’autorité (« le logiciel se trompe moins que les humains ») que déjà beaucoup de personnels ne sont plus en position de prendre la responsabilité d’aller à l’encontre d’une décision prise par un algorithme.

    • Ouais enfin quand tu t’impliques dans un débat, tu es censé te renseigner un peu sur ce qui s’est passé avant dans le champs.

    • Il faut que tu soies plus explicite.

      Ça fait un moment que je suis Gary Marcus, parce qu’il est justement opposé à la « AI Hype », qu’il a déjà publié plusieurs textes expliquant qu’il ne croit pas à l’avénement intelligence générale avec les outils actuels (ce n’est pas un gourou qui annonce la singularité grâce à Bitcoin et ChatGPT, ni un adepte du longtermisme). Et que dans le même temps, il avait déjà publié des textes de méfiance envers les outils actuels, avant de signer l’appel en question (dont il reconnaît explicitement des limites et des problèmes dans le texte qu’il a publié cette nuit – et il y évoque explicitement le texte de Timnit Gebru que tu as posté ci-dessus).

    • Je suppose que « se renseigner » fait référence au paragraphe 6.2 du document On the Dangers of Stochastic Parrots : Can Language Models Be Too Big ? (mars 2021)
      https://dl.acm.org/doi/pdf/10.1145/3442188.3445922

      6.2 Risks and Harms
      The ersatz fluency and coherence of LMs raises several risks, precisely because humans are prepared to interpret strings belonging to languages they speak as meaningful and corresponding to the communicative intent of some individual or group of individuals who have accountability for what is said. We now turn to examples, laying out the potential follow-on harms.

      Là où Gary Marcus a tendance à insister sur des usages plus volontairement nuisibles (« bad actors ») :
      https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2023/03/ai-chatbots-large-language-model-misinformation/673376

      Et quand ça passe au grand public, ça devient particulièrement éthéré. L’édito d’Ezra Klein dans le NY Times (il y a 15 jours) a peut-être influencé l’émergence de l’appel, et c’est très très flou sur les risques liés à l’AI (grosso modo : « c’est tellement puissant qu’on ne comprend pas vraiment », pas loin de la Hype AI) :
      https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/12/opinion/chatbots-artificial-intelligence-future-weirdness.html%20https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/12/opinion/chatbots-artificial-intelligence-future-weirdness.html

    • Je ne sais pas comment faire plus explicite. Une pétition sur l’IA cosignée par Melon Musk et pas par M. Mitchell ou T. Gebru, quand tu connais un tout petit peu le domaine, tu devrais juste te méfier avant d’engager ton nom. Mais bon… you do you, comme on dit.

  • The Mythology of Karen
    https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2020/08/karen-meme-coronavirus/615355/#Anchor%201

    L’article discute la discimination des femmes « blanches » en comparaison avec celle des hommes « noirs » et des femmes « non-blanches ». Ses points de départ sont le meme des « Karen » et le roman de Harper Lee « Ne tirez pas sur l’oiseau moqueur ».

    C’est une bonne analyse d’un point de vue progressiste étatsunien. Pourtant l’auteur Helen Lewis n’arrive pas à cerner la force derrière les différentes formes de discrimination et n’essaye pas de décrire leurs relations dialectiques. Elle nous fournit quelques informations et éléments de réflexion utiles pour une analyse approfondie qui prendrait en compte les relations de classe et le processus de production capitaliste qui forment la perception et les mobiles des protagonistes et antagonistes de la discrimination.

    L’article partage ce point faible avec toutes les analyses féministes et identitaires qui passent à côté de ces méthodes analytiques pourtant connues depuis la rédaction de « L’Idéologie allemande » en 1832. On parle alors de critique bourgeoise ou petite-bourgeoise pour définir ce type de réflexion limitée par la situation de classe de ses auteurs.

    Ce n’est pas un exercice académique. Ces textes et idées sont des outils dangereux dont l’utlisation entraîne le risque de nous monter les uns contre les autres alors que libres de la confusion semée par ces idéologies fallacieuces on s’unirait dans le combat contre nos ennemis et exploiteurs communs.

    19.8.2020 by Helen Lewis - The meme is so powerful because of the awkward status of white women. (image: design showing the haircut typically associated with “Karens”)

    Updated at 10:24 a.m. ET on August 24, 2020.

    What does it mean to call a woman a “Karen”? The origins of any meme are hard to pin down, and this one has spread with the same intensity as the coronavirus, and often in parallel with it. Karens are “the policewomen of all human behavior.” Karens don’t believe in vaccines. Karens have short hair. Karens are selfish. Confusingly, Karens are both the kind of petty enforcers who patrol other people’s failures at social distancing, and the kind of entitled women who refuse to wear a mask because it’s a “muzzle.”

    Oh, and Karens are most definitely white. Let that ease your conscience if you were beginning to wonder whether the meme was, perhaps, a little bit sexist in identifying various universal negative behaviors and attributing them exclusively to women. “Because Karen is white, she faces few meaningful repercussions,” wrote Robin Abcarian in the Los Angeles Times. “Embarrassing videos posted on social media is usually as bad as it gets for Karen.”

    Sorry, but no. You can’t control a word, or an idea, once it’s been released into the wild. Epithets linked to women have a habit of becoming sexist insults; we don’t tend to describe men as bossy, ditzy, or nasty. They’re not called mean girls or prima donnas or drama queens, even when they totally are. And so Karen has followed the trajectory of dozens of words before it, becoming a cloak for casual sexism as well as a method of criticizing the perceived faux vulnerability of white women.

    To understand why the Karen debate has been so fierce and emotive, you need to understand the two separate (and opposing) traditions on which it draws: anti-racism and sexism. You also need to understand the challenge that white women as a group pose to modern activist culture. When so many online debates involve mentally awarding “privilege points” to each side of an encounter or argument to adjudicate who holds the most power, the confusing status of white women jams the signal. Are they the oppressors or the oppressed? Worse than that, what if they are using their apparent disadvantage—being a woman—as a weapon?

    One phrase above all has come to encapsulate the essence of a Karen: She is the kind of woman who asks to speak to the manager. In doing so, Karen is causing trouble for others. It is taken as read that her complaint is bogus, or at least disproportionate to the vigor with which she pursues it. The target of Karen’s entitled anger is typically presumed to be a racial minority or a working-class person, and so she is executing a covert maneuver: using her white femininity to present herself as a victim, when she is really the aggressor.

    Call Donald Trump “the ultimate Karen” if you like, but the word’s power—its punch—comes from the frequently fraught cultural space white women in the United States have occupied for generations. This includes the schism between white suffragists and the abolitionist movement, where prominent white women expressed affronted rage that Black men might be granted the vote ahead of them. “If intelligence, justice and morality are to have precedence in the government, let the question of women be brought up first and that of the negro last,” declared Susan B. Anthony in 1869 at a conference of the American Equal Rights Association. (She was responding to the suggestion by Frederick Douglass that Black male enfranchisement was a more urgent issue than women’s suffrage.) There are also echoes in the Scottsboro Boys case, where eight Black men were wrongly convicted of raping two white women in 1930s Alabama; and the rape of the “Central Park jogger,” where the horrifying violence suffered by a white woman was the pretext for the state’s persecution of innocent men.

    The tension is even more obvious in another infamous case. In August 1955, Carolyn Bryant Donham was 21 years old, and working in a store she owned with her husband, Roy Bryant, in the Mississippi Delta. A Black teenage boy walked into the store, and then—well, no one knows, exactly. Bryant Donham’s initial story was that he wolf-whistled at her. In court, later, she said he grabbed her, insulted her, and told her he’d been with white women before. Decades later, she said that she had made it all up, and couldn’t remember exactly what had happened.

    None of that made any difference to the boy, who was hunted down by Roy Bryant and killed. His body was found days later, so mutilated that his mother insisted on an open-casket funeral, which would force the world to witness what had been done to him. His name was Emmett Till.

    That story is vital to understanding America’s Karen mythology. A white woman’s complaint led white male authority to enact violence on a Black person, and neither she nor they suffered any consequences. Roy Bryant and his half brother were put on trial for Till’s murder, but acquitted by an all-white, all-male jury. Within a racist, patriarchal system, Bryant Donham’s fragility—her white femininity—was not a weakness, but a weapon, because she could always call on white men to protect her. (Yet even that case is more morally complex than it once seemed. In 2017, the Duke University professor Timothy B. Tyson, who was researching a book on the case, discovered that Roy Bryant was physically abusive to his wife. “The circumstances under which she told the story were coercive,” he told The New York Times. “She’s horrified by it. There’s clearly a great burden of guilt and sorrow.”)

    All of this is why the earnest feminist contribution to the Karen debate—why isn’t there a name for haughty, shouty men who make customer-service complaints, or call the police on Black people, putting them in danger?—is irrelevant. There doesn’t need to be a word for that, because the concept being invoked here is the faux victim. Although they differ vastly in magnitude, a direct line of descent can be traced from the Till case to the “Central Park Karen,” a white woman named Amy Cooper who called the New York City police earlier this year claiming that a Black male bird-watcher was threatening her. (Cooper lost her job and is facing criminal charges for filing a false report.) A white woman’s tears were, again, a weapon to unleash the authorities—still coded white and male, despite the advances we have made since the 1950s—upon a Black man.

    The potency of the Karen mythology is yet more proof that the internet “speaks American.” Here in Britain, there is no direct equivalent of the Till case, and voting rights were never restricted on racial lines. The big splits in the British suffrage movement were between violent and nonviolent tactics, and on whether men under 30 should receive the vote before women. Yet British newspapers have rushed to explain the Karen meme to their readers, because Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram—the prime sites for Karen-spotting—are widely used in this country. (In fact, the Karen discussion has spread throughout the English-speaking internet, reaching as far as New Zealand.)

    At some point, though, the particular American history behind Karen got lost. What started as an indictment of racial privilege has become divorced from its original context, and is now a catchall term for shaming women online.

    Not very much unites the rapper Ice T and the “alt-right” activist Paul Joseph Watson of InfoWars, but both can agree on this: Karens are a menace. In July, Ice T identified a “Karen of the Day,” tweeting a video of a woman who refused to wear a mask in a dentist’s office. It was another instance of the meme’s suspicious flexibility: Is a Karen a woman flouting the rules or pettily enforcing them? (Never mind the fact that research shows men are less likely to wear masks, anyway.)

    Watson’s take was even more revealing, because he was not playing to an audience that considers itself progressive. That means he can say the quiet part out loud. In one YouTube video with nearly 1 million views, Watson defines a “Karen” as “an annoying, interfering female adult, who complains about everything.” The first clip in his compilation is of a man cycling past a woman, who tells the cyclist briskly but not angrily: “That’s not social distancing.”

    Cut to Watson: “Okay, Karen.”

    Cut back to the man on the bike, incredulous at being challenged. “Stupid bitch, shut up.”

    This is the hazard of memes, as well as the phenomenon of viral shaming more broadly. There’s no arbiter to decide which Karens are really acting in egregious or racist ways before the millionth like or view is reached, or their names are publicly revealed. Karen has become synonymous with woman among those who consider woman an insult. There is now a market, measured in attention and approbation, for anyone who can sniff out a Karen.

    Whenever the potential sexism of the Karen meme has been raised, the standard reply has been that it originated in Black women’s critiques of racism, that white women have more privilege than Black women, and that therefore identifying and chastising Karens is a form of “punching up.” In February, Aja Romano of Vox defined Karens as “officious white women ruining the party for everyone else,” adding that “Black culture in particular has a history of assigning basic nicknames to badly behaved white women … [from] Barbecue Becky and Golfcart Gail to Permit Patty and Talkback Tammy.” Calling the Karen meme sexist, according to The Washington Post’s Karen Attiah, “only trivializes actual violence and discrimination that destroy lives and communities. And to invent oppression when none is happening to you? … That is peak Karen behavior.”

    The best way to see the Karen meme is as a “scissor,” an idea popularized by the writer Scott Alexander of Slate Star Codex to describe an incident or a statement that drives people to such wildly divergent interpretations that they can never be reconciled. Because white women can be both oppressors and oppressed, Karen is a scissor. Does the word describe a particular type of behavior that resonates because of the particular racial history of the United States? Yes. Is that the only way it is used? No.

    As it happens, the casually sexist roots of the meme are as deep as the anti-racist ones. One of the foundational internet Karens was the ex-wife of a Redditor who chronicled their fraught relationship in the subreddit r/FuckYouKaren, created in December 2017. The intensity of the blowback when pointing facts like this out is itself instructive. The chorus of disdain that greets any white woman who questions the Karen meme comes from a broad, and unexpected, coalition: anti-racists and bog-standard misogynists. (Finally, a political stance to bring this troubled world together.)

    For the same reason, the Karen meme divides white women themselves. On one side are those who register its sexist uses, who feel the familiar tang of misogyny. Women are too loud, too demanding, too entitled. Others push aside those echoes, reasoning that if Black women want a word to describe their experience of racism, they should be allowed to have it. Hanging over white women’s decision on which way to jump is a classic finger trap, familiar to anyone who has confronted a sexist joke, only to be told that they don’t have a sense of humor. What is more Karen than complaining about being called “Karen”? There is a strong incentive to be cool about other women being Karened, lest you be Karened yourself.

    In her 1991 essay “From Practice to Theory, or What is a White Woman Anyway?” the feminist and legal scholar Catharine MacKinnon referenced the Till case to explain the malignant stereotype that has grown up around the “white woman” in the United States. “This creature is not poor, not battered, not raped (not really), not molested as a child, not pregnant as a teenager, not prostituted, not coerced into pornography, not a welfare mother, and not economically exploited,” wrote MacKinnon. “She is Miss Anne of the kitchen, she puts Frederick Douglass to the lash, she cries rape when Emmett Till looks at her sideways, she manipulates white men’s very real power with the lifting of her very well-manicured little finger.” She might have added, echoing the LA Times: Nothing worse happens to the white woman than a viral-video shaming.

    MacKinnon’s point was that sexism existed, and even whiteness did not protect women from suffering it. (A response to MacKinnon by the Yale Collective on Women of Color and the Law contested some of her points, but agreed that feminism had to address the “very real oppression suffered by women, despite any access women may have to social privilege.”) Call the Karen meme sexist, though, and you will stumble into the middle of a Venn diagram, where progressive activists and anti-feminists can agree with each other: When white women say they’ve been raped, we should doubt them, because we know white women lie. And underneath that: What do white women have to complain about, anyway?

    Ageism is also a factor. As a name, Karen peaked in the U.S. in the 1960s, and is now rare for newborns, so today’s Karen is likely to be well into middle age. As women shout and rant and protest in out-of-context clips designed to paint them in the most viral-friendly light possible, they are portrayed as witches, harridans, harpies: women who dare to keep existing, speaking, and asking to see the manager, after their reproductive peak.

    In her essay, MacKinnon wrote that it was hard for women to organize “as women.” Many of us, she wrote, are more comfortable organizing around identities we share with men, such as gay rights or civil rights. “I sense here that people feel more dignity in being part of any group that includes men than in being part of a group that includes that ultimate reduction of the notion of oppression, that instigator of lynch mobs, that ludicrous whiner, that equality coattails rider, the white woman,” she added. “It seems that if your oppression is also done to a man, you are more likely to be recognized as oppressed as opposed to inferior.” That is the minefield that anyone who wants to use the Karen meme to “punch up” has to traverse. You will find yourself in unsavory company alongside those who see white women as ludicrous whiners.

    In 2011, writing in The Atlantic, Ta-Nehisi Coates acknowledged the sexism that suffragists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Sarah Grimké faced from fellow abolitionists, and their sense of being told again and again that women’s rights were important, sure, but not urgent. Coates does not acquit these white suffragists of racial entitlement, but adds: “When the goal—abolition—was achieved, they hoped for some reciprocity. It did not come.” Without excusing their lack of solidarity, he attempts to understand it. The Nineteenth Amendment, which gave women the vote, came nearly 50 years after the Fifteenth, which ruled that voting rights could not be restricted “on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”

    This uneasy history explains why the Karen debate has become so furious. It prods at several questions that are too painful for many of us to address. How far does white skin shield a woman from sexism? Do women “cry rape” with enough frequency to concern us, or is that another misogynist myth? How do Black women navigate competing demands for solidarity from their white sisters and their Black brothers? Does it still feel like punching up if you’re joined by anti-feminists such as Watson, and a guy on a bike who shouts “stupid bitch” at women he doesn’t like? And why is it okay to be more angry with the white women questioning the Karen meme than the white men appropriating it?

    The Karen debate can, and perhaps will, go on forever, because it is equally defensible to argue that white women are oppressed for their sex, and privileged by their race. (“Half victim, half accomplice, like everyone else,” in Simone de Beauvoir’s phrase.) If successive generations of schoolchildren can see that, maybe adults can too. After all, the most potent echo of the Till case in literature comes from Harper Lee’s To Kill A Mockingbird, published five years after the 14-year-old’s murder. In the book, “white trash” Mayella Ewell testifies that her family’s Black neighbor, Tom Robinson, raped her.(1) It is a lie. The book’s hero, the lawyer Atticus Finch, exposes that lie only by also revealing Mayella’s real trauma: She came on to Tom, and was beaten savagely by her father, Bob, as a result. Bob Ewell’s capacity for extreme violence is further demonstrated when he attempts to kill Finch’s children in revenge for being humiliated in court. Mayella Ewell is half victim, half accomplice—a victim of male violence, and an accomplice to white supremacy.

    Her story, therefore, is one of both complicity and oppression. It is not simple or easy. No wonder it was so challenging then, and no wonder our feelings toward her daughters, the internet’s hated Karens, are so challenging now.

    (1) This piece previously mischaracterized the relationship between Tom Robinson and the Ewell family in To Kill a Mockingbird.

    #USA #mysogynie #racisme #meme #Karen #idéologie #féminisme

  • Is Black Twitter Dead ? And What Is Its Future ?
    https://www.refinery29.com/en-us/the-future-of-black-twitter

    Brock, who refers to Black Twitter as a “discourse collective,” posits that Black users will not be pushed to leave the platform until legal or regulatory interference eliminates other options. “The fact that somebody racist takes charge of a space that we inhabit, doesn’t necessarily mean that we’ll flee. We don’t do white flight,” Brock says. “While there will be a trickle of folk who can afford to, and don’t mind what they will lose when they leave Black Twitter…we’re going to be here for years.”

    À lire aussi sur le sujet, cet article de Meredith Clark de 2015
    https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2015/04/the-truth-about-black-twitter/390120

    #twitter #blacktwitter #mastodon

  • The Climate Economy Is About to Explode - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2022/10/inflation-reduction-act-climate-economy/671659

    Late last month, analysts at the investment bank Credit Suisse published a research note about America’s new climate law that went nearly unnoticed. The Inflation Reduction Act, the bank argued, is even more important than has been recognized so far: The IRA will “will have a profound effect across industries in the next decade and beyond” and could ultimately shape the direction of the American economy, the bank said. The report shows how even after the bonanza of climate-bill coverage earlier this year, we’re still only beginning to understand how the law works and what it might mean for the economy.

    […]

    By 2029, U.S. solar and wind could be the cheapest in the world at less than $5 per megawatt-hour, the bank projects; it will also become competitive in hydrogen, carbon capture and storage, and wind turbines.

    #climat #états-unis

  • Covid-19 : la circulation de BA.5 en forte progression en France - Coronavirus - Le Télégramme

    Surprise ! … ou pas…

    https://www.letelegramme.fr/coronavirus/covid-19-les-dernieres-infos-en-bretagne-et-en-france-direct-14-09-2020

    Santé publique France ne communique pas le nombre de nouvelles contaminations enregistrées ce vendredi 10 juin, « suite à l’identification d’une anomalie dans le processus de transmission des données en amont ». Le taux d’incidence, lui, n’est pas impacté. Toujours en augmentation, il est ce vendredi 10 juin de 251,59 cas pour 100 000 habitants. 14 028 patients covid sont actuellement hospitalisés, dont 869 en réanimation (7 de moins qu’hier). 39 personnes sont mortes ces dernières 24h en France.

  • Margaret Atwood : « La Cour suprême veut faire appliquer des lois du XVIIe siècle » Le Temps.ch
    https://www.letemps.ch/opinions/margaret-atwood-cour-supreme-veut-faire-appliquer-lois-xviie-siecle

    Le droit à l’avortement est en phase terminale aux Etats-Unis, où la Cour suprême envisage d’abroger l’arrêt qui le décriminalise depuis 1973. La grande écrivaine canadienne avait exploré les risques d’une dictature théocratique américaine dès 1985 dans « La Servante écarlate », son chef-d’œuvre dystopique. Voici sa tribune, d’abord publiée dans « The Atlantic » (1)


    Dessin d’abord paru dans le « Washington Spectator », Etats-Unis. — © Edel Rodriguez

    Au début des années 1980, je m’étais embarquée dans l’écriture d’un roman d’anticipation portant sur un futur dans lequel les Etats-Unis s’étaient désunis. Une partie du pays était désormais une dictature théocratique fondée sur la doctrine religieuse et la jurisprudence de la Nouvelle-Angleterre puritaine au XVIIe siècle.

    J’avais planté le décor dans les environs de l’Université Harvard, une institution réputée pour son libéralisme dans les années 1980, mais dont la raison d’être, trois siècles plus tôt, était de former le clergé du puritanisme.

    Retour vers le passé
    Dans la théocratie imaginaire de Galaad, les femmes n’avaient quasiment aucun droit, au même titre qu’en Nouvelle-Angleterre au XVIIe siècle. Les textes bibliques avaient été triés sur le volet, les passages retenus étaient soumis à une interprétation littérale. Dans la Genèse – en particulier dans la famille de Jacob –, les épouses des patriarches disposaient de femmes réduites en esclavage, appelées « servantes ». Ces épouses pouvaient intimer à leur mari d’avoir des enfants avec les servantes, puis elles déclaraient la progéniture comme étant la leur.

    J’ai fini par mettre un point final à ce roman, que j’ai intitulé La Servante écarlate, mais j’ai plusieurs fois suspendu son écriture car le propos me paraissait trop invraisemblable. Quelle idiote je fais. Les dictatures théocratiques ne sont pas cantonnées au temps jadis : il en existe un certain nombre aujourd’hui sur terre. Qu’est-ce qui épargnera ce sort aux Etats-Unis ?

    Prenons un exemple. Nous sommes en 2022, et un projet de décision de la Cour suprême des Etats-Unis a fuité dans la presse le 3 mai : on y lit que l’arrêt Roe v. Wade, jurisprudence en vigueur depuis cinquante ans, serait annulé au motif que l’avortement n’est pas cité dans la Constitution américaine et n’est pas « profondément ancré » dans « notre histoire et notre tradition ». Ce n’est pas faux. La Constitution des Etats-Unis ne mentionne pas la santé reproductive des femmes. A vrai dire, ce document ne fait aucune mention des femmes.

    Les femmes privées de personnalité juridique
    Les femmes ont été délibérément exclues du droit de vote. En 1776, la guerre d’indépendance avait notamment pour slogan « Pas de taxation sans représentation », et un gouvernement ayant l’assentiment des gouvernés était vu d’un bon œil à l’époque, mais rien de tout cela n’était valable pour les femmes. Elles ne pouvaient consentir elles-mêmes à leur représentation ou à leur gouvernement ; toute décision passait par l’intermédiaire de leur père ou époux. Les femmes ne pouvaient pas exprimer leur consentement, pas plus qu’elles ne pouvaient le refuser, car elles étaient privées du droit de vote.

    Cette situation a perduré jusqu’en 1920, année où a été ratifié le dix-neuvième amendement, lequel a suscité une virulente opposition au motif qu’il était contraire à la Constitution dans sa version première. Là encore, ce n’est pas faux.

    Les femmes ont été privées de personnalité juridique dans le droit des Etats-Unis bien plus longtemps qu’elles n’ont eu des droits. Si on commence à revenir sur la jurisprudence constante en s’appuyant sur le raisonnement du juge Samuel Alito [auteur du projet de décision de la Cour suprême divulgué dans la presse], pourquoi ne pas contester le droit de vote des femmes ?

    Notre corps, nous-mêmes
    La santé reproductive est au cœur du tumulte actuel, mais un seul côté de la pièce est visible : le droit de ne pas donner naissance. Cette pièce a un revers : l’Etat peut aussi vous interdire de procréer. L’arrêt Buck v. Bell, rendu en 1927 par la Cour suprême, a autorisé les pouvoirs publics à stériliser des personnes sans leur consentement.

    Cette décision a été invalidée par des affaires ultérieures, et les lois des Etats permettant les campagnes de stérilisation de grande ampleur ont toutes été abrogées, mais l’arrêt Buck v. Bell demeure. Cette forme d’eugénisme était autrefois jugée progressiste, et environ 70 000 stérilisations – d’hommes et de femmes, mais de femmes en majorité – ont eu lieu aux Etats-Unis. On en déduit que la tradition profondément ancrée veut que l’appareil reproductif des femmes n’appartienne pas aux femmes concernées ; il est la seule propriété de l’Etat.

    Je vous vois venir : ce n’est pas une histoire d’organes, mais de bébés ! Ce qui n’est pas sans susciter quelques questionnements. Est-ce qu’un gland est un chêne ? Est-ce qu’un œuf est une poule ? A quel moment l’ovocyte humain fécondé devient-il un être ou une personne à part entière ? Nos traditions – disons celles de la Grèce et de la Rome antiques, celles des premiers chrétiens – sont hésitantes à ce sujet.

    A la conception ? Au rythme cardiaque ? Aux premiers coups de pied ? Pour les plus intraitables des militants anti-IVG actuels, c’est à la conception, soit le moment selon eux où un amas cellulaire se voit doté d’une âme. Cette opinion repose néanmoins sur une conviction religieuse : la croyance en l’âme. Tout le monde ne partage pas cette conviction. Pourtant, tout le monde risque aujourd’hui d’être soumis à des lois rédigées par ces croyants. Ce qui est un péché dans un cadre religieux précis est sur le point d’être érigé en infraction pour tous.

    Une affaire de religion
    Reprenons le premier amendement de la Constitution. « Le Congrès ne fera aucune loi qui touche l’établissement ou interdise le libre exercice d’une religion, ni qui restreigne la liberté de la parole ou de la presse, ou le droit qu’a le peuple de s’assembler paisiblement et d’adresser des pétitions au gouvernement pour la réparation des torts dont il a à se plaindre. » Les auteurs de la Constitution américaine, conscients des guerres de religion meurtrières qui avaient déchiré l’Europe à l’apparition du protestantisme, souhaitaient éviter cet écueil. Il n’y aurait donc aucune religion d’Etat. Personne ne pourrait être empêché par l’Etat de pratiquer le culte de son choix.

    C’était pourtant simple : si vous croyez que l’âme apparaît à la conception, vous devez vous abstenir de tout avortement, car il constitue un péché dans votre religion. Si cela ne fait pas partie de vos convictions, vous ne devez pas – conformément à la Constitution – être contraint par les convictions religieuses d’autrui.

    En revanche, si l’avis du juge Samuel Alito devient en effet la nouvelle jurisprudence constante, alors les Etats-Unis seront bien partis pour instaurer une religion d’Etat. Il y avait une religion officielle dans le Massachusetts au XVIIe siècle : en conséquence, les puritains soumettaient les quakers à la pendaison.

    Les sorcières au bûcher !
    Le texte rédigé par le juge Alito prétend se fonder sur la Constitution des Etats-Unis, mais il repose sur une jurisprudence anglaise du XVIIe siècle, une époque où les croyances en la sorcellerie ont abouti à la mort de nombreuses innocentes.

    Les procès des sorcières de Salem étaient bel et bien des procès – où siégeaient juges et jurés –, mais y était admise la preuve dite « spectrale », c’est-à-dire l’idée qu’une sorcière pouvait commettre ses méfaits grâce à son double possédé – son spectre. Selon ce raisonnement, même si vous étiez profondément endormie (témoins à l’appui), mais que quelqu’un vous accusait de supposées maltraitances contre une vache à des kilomètres de là, vous étiez coupable de sorcellerie. Et il était impossible de prouver le contraire.

    De la même manière, il sera très difficile de réfuter une fausse accusation d’avortement. Une fausse couche ou les déclarations d’un ex-conjoint suffira à vous assimiler à une meurtrière. Les accusations motivées par la vengeance et la malveillance se multiplieront, tout comme les dénonciations pour sorcellerie il y a cinq cents ans.

    Si le juge Alito veut faire appliquer les lois du XVIIe siècle, vous seriez bien avisé d’étudier ce siècle avec attention. Est-ce bien l’époque à laquelle vous voulez vivre ?
    Margaret Atwood

    (1) « I invented Gilead, the Supreme Court is making it real » https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/05/supreme-court-roe-handmaids-tale-abortion-margaret-atwood/629833 publiée dans The Atlantic (mai 2022) et traduite par Courrier international.

    #Femmes #usa #Théocratie #bible #Constitution_américaine #avortement #procréation #eugénisme #croyances #convictions_religieuses #puritanisme #sorcières

  • Sanidad confirma que los análisis de los siete primeros casos sospechosos de viruela del mono han dado positivo | Sociedad | EL PAÍS
    https://elpais.com/sociedad/2022-05-18/madrid-eleva-a-23-el-numero-de-casos-sospechosos-de-sufrir-viruela-de-los-mo

    La Comunidad de Madrid, por su parte, ha cifrado en 22 el número de pacientes cuya sintomatología hace sospechar que han contraído la enfermedad, además de los siete ya confirmados por PCR. A lo largo de los próximos días está previsto que se conozcan los resultados de las pruebas pendientes.

    Cuatro fuentes hospitalarias consultadas por EL PAÍS elevan a “entre 40 y 50″ los enfermos atendidos en los dos últimos días en los hospitales de la región. Hay 16 pacientes del Hospital Clínico pendientes de la confirmación de resultados, una docena del Doce de Octubre y varios casos en los hospitales Gregorio Marañón, Ramón y Cajal y la Fundación Jiménez Díaz. “Nos llegan informaciones de casos sospechosos en la mayoría de los grandes hospitales de la región”, explica un responsable hospitalario, basándose en los datos compartidos por los canales de comunicación que mantienen los especialistas de dermatología, urgencias, enfermedades infecciosas y microbiología, entre otros.

    • These monkeypox outbreaks are also unique because … well … they’re occurring in the third year of a pandemic, “when the public is primed to be more acutely aware of outbreaks,” Boghuma Kabisen Titanji, a physician at Emory University, told me. “I don’t think that’s necessarily a good thing.” When it comes to epidemics, people tend to fight the last war. During the West African Ebola outbreak of 2014, American experts had to quell waves of undue paranoia, which likely contributed to the initial downplaying of the coronavirus. Now, because the U.S. catastrophically underestimated COVID, many Americans are panicking about monkeypox and reflexively distrusting any reassuring official statements. “I don’t think people should be freaking out at this stage,” Carl Bergstrom of the University of Washington told me, “but I don’t trust my own gut feelings anymore, because I’m so sick of all this shit that I tend to be optimistic.”

  • We’re not all Ukrainians now
    https://www.politico.eu/article/ukraine-russia-war-nato-eu-us-alliance-solidarity
    L’article pointe l’écart entre la retenue relative des dirigeants occidentaux, qui ne donnent pas tout ce qu’elle veut à l’#Ukraine, et leurs discours, dans lesquels ils prétendent s’aligner sans réserve sur les objectifs ukrainiens et présentent la situation comme une guerre entre monde libre et autocratie. Cet écart est dangereux, selon les auteurs, pour plusieurs raisons.

    For one, it attracts domestic calls for escalation, including demands for maximal war aims, from the restoration of Crimea to direct military intervention.

    Secondly, the White House’s rhetoric also undermines its own refusal to comply with Ukraine’s demands for high-risk assistance in the form of no-fly zones, the complete economic shutdown of Russia or actual troop deployments, undercutting its own restraint.

    [...] Crucially, this rhetoric-policy gap could also raise excessive Ukrainian expectations of support. But those insisting the West should give Ukraine whatever it wants ignore that what Ukraine wants partly depends on what the West will give them — or at least what it says it will. And claims of fully aligned interests may fuel Ukrainian dreams of total victory that are probably untenable and only conducive to prolonging war.

    [...] The problem here isn’t helping Ukraine, it’s pretending the help is unconditional.

    [...] The idea that nations can heavily contribute to a war effort without any say in its execution is offensive. Those arming Ukraine may not be risking enough to suit Ukraine, but they aren’t risking nothing — the danger of Russian retaliation remains. And sanctions entail economic pain for those sanctioning as well as the sanctioned.

    • The War in Ukraine Is Getting Complicated, and America Isn’t Ready | THE EDITORIAL BOARD
      https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/19/opinion/america-ukraine-war-support.html

      But as the war continues, Mr. Biden should also make clear to President Volodymyr Zelensky and his people that there is a limit to how far the United States and NATO will go to confront Russia, and limits to the arms, money and political support they can muster. It is imperative that the Ukrainian government’s decisions be based on a realistic assessment of its means and how much more destruction Ukraine can sustain.

      Confronting this reality may be painful, but it is not appeasement. This is what governments are duty bound to do, not chase after an illusory “win.” Russia will be feeling the pain of isolation and debilitating economic sanctions for years to come, and Mr. Putin will go down in history as a butcher. The challenge now is to shake off the euphoria, stop the taunting and focus on defining and completing the mission.

    • Ukraine’s Way Out
      https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/05/ukraine-war-russia-putin-end/629890

      But Kyiv’s right to fight for complete territorial sovereignty does not make doing so strategically wise. Nor should Ukraine’s remarkable success in repelling Russia’s initial advance be cause for overconfidence about the next phases of the conflict. Indeed, strategic pragmatism warrants a frank conversation between NATO and Ukraine about curbing Kyiv’s ambitions and settling for an outcome that falls short of “victory.”

    • What is America’s end-game for the war in Ukraine?
      https://www.ft.com/content/315346dc-e1bd-485c-865b-979297f3fcf5

      Increasingly diplomats and analysts are debating how far Ukraine will go as the war drags on. America’s promises to leave the final borders up to Ukraine have left some allies uneasy, analysts said.

      Stefanini, Italy’s former ambassador to Nato, expresses concern at the lack of clarity over the eventual objectives. “Does it mean getting back to the pre-February 24 situation? Does it mean rolling back the territorial gains that Russia made in 2014? Does it mean regime change in Moscow?” he asks. “Nothing of that is clear.”

      Charap, of the Rand Institute, said the US and Ukraine’s interests are aligned on the war’s outcome, but that could change in the months ahead.

      “If they decide victory looks like something the US finds to be hugely escalatory, our interests may diverge. But we’re not there yet,” he said.

  • The Imprisoned Egyptian Activist Who Never Stopped Campaigning for His Country’s Future - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/books/archive/2022/05/egyptian-revolution-alaa-abd-el-fattah-review/629862

    Alaa Abd el-Fattah’s writings reveal where the revolution lost steam, and how to rebuild its momentum.

    #prisonniers_politiques #Égypte #nos_alliés

  • Climate Change Is Rewiring the Network of Animal Viruses - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2022/04/how-climate-change-impacts-pandemics/629699

    For the world’s viruses, this is a time of unprecedented opportunity. An estimated 40,000 viruses lurk in the bodies of mammals, of which a quarter could conceivably infect humans. Most do not, because they have few chances to leap into our bodies. But those chances are growing. Earth’s changing climate is forcing animals to relocate to new habitats, in a bid to track their preferred environmental conditions. Species that have never coexisted will become neighbors, creating thousands of infectious meet-cutes in which viruses can spill over into unfamiliar hosts—and, eventually, into us. Many scientists have argued that climate change will make pandemics more likely, but a groundbreaking new analysis shows that this worrying future is already here, and will be difficult to address. The planetary network of viruses and wildlife “is rewiring itself right now,” Colin Carlson, a global-change biologist at Georgetown University, told me. And “while we thought we understood the rules of the game, again and again, reality sat us down and taught us: That’s not how biology works.”

    In 2019, Carlson and his colleague Greg Albery began creating a massive simulation that maps the past, present, and future ranges of 3,100 mammal species, and predicts the likelihood of viral spillovers if those ranges overlap. The simulation strained a lot of computing power; “every time we turn it on, an angel dies,” Carlson told me. And the results, which have finally been published today, are disturbing. Even under the most optimistic climate scenarios, the coming decades will see roughly 300,000 first encounters between species that normally don’t interact, leading to about 15,000 spillovers wherein viruses enter naive hosts.

    The Anthropocene, an era defined by humanity’s power over Earth, is also an era defined by viruses’ power over us—a Pandemicene. “The moment to stop climate change from increasing viral transmission was 15 years ago,” Carlson said. “We’re in a world that’s 1.2 degrees warmer [than preindustrial levels], and there is no backpedaling. We have to prepare for more pandemics because of it.”

    Southeast Asia will also be especially spillover-prone because it’s home to a wide range of bats. Flight gives bats flexibility, allowing them to react to changing climates more quickly than other mammals, and to carry their viruses farther. And bats in Southeast Asia are highly diverse, and tend to have small ranges that don’t overlap. “You shake that like a snowglobe and you get a lot of first encounters,” Carlson said.

    Such events will also be problematic elsewhere in the world. In Africa, bats are probably the natural reservoirs for Ebola. Thirteen species could potentially carry the virus, and as global warming forces them to disperse, they’ll encounter almost 3,700 new mammal species, leading to almost 100 spillovers. So far, the biggest Ebola outbreaks have occurred in West Africa, but Carlson said that within decades, the disease could easily become a bigger problem for the continent’s eastern side too. “And that’s emblematic of everything,” he told me: Every animal-borne disease will likely change in similarly dramatic ways.

    And spillovers that initially occur between other mammals could someday affect us: The original SARS virus hopped from bats to humans via civets, and HIV reached us from monkeys via chimpanzees and gorillas. For an animal virus to jump into humans, geography, biological compatibility, and other factors must line up in just the right way. Each event is unlikely: Imagine playing Russian roulette using a gun with a million chambers. But as the climate changes, we’re loading more of those chambers with bullets, and pulling the trigger more frequently.

    The revelations are “so large and heavy to behold that even as we were writing them, we didn’t want to,” Carlson said. But despite every attempt that he and Albery made to naysay their own work, the simulation kept spitting out the same results. They confirm that three of our greatest existential threats—climate change, pandemics, and the sixth mass extinction of wildlife—are really intertwined parts of the same mega-problem. To tackle it, “we need atmospheric scientists talking to ecologists talking to microbiologists talking to demographers,” Rachel Baker, whose research at Princeton focuses on climate and disease, told me.

    But pandemics are inherently unpredictable, and no amount of prevention will fully negate their risk. The world must be ready to meet the viruses that slip through the net. That means fortifying public health and health-care systems, strengthening social safety nets, and addressing all the weaknesses of the pre-COVID normal that made the world so vulnerable to the current pandemic and will leave it susceptible to the next. The world, in its desire to move past COVID, is already forgetting the lessons of the recent past, and perhaps assuming that a generation-defining crisis will occur only once a generation. “But no, all of this could happen again tomorrow,” Carlson said. And “if this many viruses are undergoing host jumps this much,” multiple pandemics could strike together.

    #Pandémies #Changement_climatique #Virus #Pandémicène

  • How did this many deaths become normal? | Ed Yong - 8 mars 2022
    https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2022/03/covid-us-death-rate/626972

    America is accepting not only a threshold of death but also a gradient of death. Elderly people over the age of 75 are 140 times more likely to die than people in their 20s. Among vaccinated people, those who are immunocompromised account for a disproportionate share of severe illness and death. Unvaccinated people are 53 times more likely to die of #COVID than vaccinated and boosted people; they’re also more likely to be uninsured, have lower incomes and less education, and face eviction risk and food insecurity. Working-class people were five times more likely to die from COVID than college graduates in 2020, and in California, essential workers continued dying at disproportionately high rates even after vaccines became widely available. Within every social class and educational tier, Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous people died at higher rates than white people. If all adults had died at the same rates as college-educated white people, 71 percent fewer people of color would have perished. People of color also died at younger ages: In its first year, COVID erased 14 years of progress in narrowing the life-expectancy gap between Black and white Americans. Because death fell inequitably, so did grief: Black children were twice as likely to have lost a parent to COVID than white ones, and Indigenous children, five times as likely. Older, sicker, poorer, Blacker or browner, the people killed by COVID were treated as marginally in death as they were in life. Accepting their losses comes easily to “a society that places a hierarchy on the value of human life, which is absolutely what America is built on,” Debra Furr-Holden, an epidemiologist at the Michigan State University, told me.

    These recent trends oozed from older ones. Well before COVID, nursing homes were understaffed, disabled people were neglected, and low-income people were disconnected from health care. The U.S. also had a chronically underfunded public-health system that struggled to slow the virus’s spread; packed and poorly managed “epidemic engines” such as prisons that allowed it to run rampant; an inefficient health-care system that tens of millions of Americans could not easily access and that was inundated by waves of sick patients; and a shredded social safety net that left millions of essential workers with little choice but to risk infection for income. Generations of racist policies widened the mortality gap between Black and white Americans to canyon size: Elizabeth Wrigley-Field, a sociologist at the University of Minnesota, calculated that white mortality during COVID was still substantially lower than Black mortality in the pre-pandemic years. In that light, the normalizing of COVID deaths is unsurprising. “When deaths happen to people who are already not valued in a million other ways, it’s easier to not value their lives in this additional way,” Wrigley-Field told me.