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«Pas d’espoir pour les glaciers pyrénéens» : d’ici 2034, la chaîne de montagnes se retrouvera dépourvue de glace
▻https://france3-regions.franceinfo.fr/occitanie/hautes-pyrenees/tarbes/pas-d-espoir-pour-les-glaciers-pyreneens-d-ici-2034-la-ch

Sortie le 4 juillet 2025, une nouvelle étude montre les effets irréversibles du réchauffement climatique sur les Pyrénées. Les chercheurs ont statué qu’il n’y aura plus de glace sur la chaîne montagneuse d’ici 2034.

No hope for Pyrenean glaciers | Annals of Glaciology | Cambridge Core
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/annals-of-glaciology/article/no-hope-for-pyrenean-glaciers/E40DEF28197AF460EAD42B604F2355ED

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 July 2025

Updated estimates of 2024 ice thickness, the surface elevation losses in the last years and simulations of mass balance and evolution (using the Instructed Glacier Model) for the three largest Pyrenean glaciers strongly suggest that by 2034 the Pyrenees will be ice-free. If extreme summers like 2022 and 2023 recur, this could happen even earlier. We show that by 2030, 94% (from 0.22 to 0.01 km2) of the ice in Monte Perdido, 91% (from 0.22 to 0.05 km2) of the ice in Ossoue and 79% of the ice in Aneto (from 0.34 to 0.06 km2) will have melted under the RCP4.5 scenario; these numbers are 83%, 72% and 57% under a committed ice loss scenario, meaning that only 0.05, 0.12 and 0.12 km2 of ice will remain, respectively. In 2034, most likely they will have completely disappeared under the three considered scenarios (RCP 4.5, ‘committed ice loss’ and extreme 2022 year in a loop). The loss of these glaciers is a harbinger for what will happen in many other mountain regions.

Academic freedom is widely accepted both as a fundamental value of present-day higher education and as a prerequisite for well-functioning democratic societies. Yet, in recent years, major concerns about the state of academic freedom in Europe have been raised by higher education stakeholders, including policymakers and members of the academic community. .... .... In this article we will discuss these studies and, on the basis of their findings, introduce six categories of threats to academic freedom in Europe. These categories allow for more structured studies on academic freedom in Europe and can contribute to a better understanding of differences and similarities in academic freedom trends among European countries.

▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-review/article/de-facto-academic-freedom-in-the-european-union-threats-and-trends/05803786E0D65721D83BDA9032C37E05

#liberté_académique #europe #science #education #contre_pouvoir

Cognitive processes and pathways between social #isolation, #loneliness, and #paranoia: findings from a cross-lagged network analysis of population-based data
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/psychological-medicine/article/cognitive-processes-and-pathways-between-social-isolation-loneliness-and-paranoia-findings-from-a-crosslagged-network-analysis-of-populationbased-data/E94C660E55289988D449EFC4C5494366

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#cognition

Colonialisme néerlandais - la noix de muscade
▻https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nutmeg

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/94/Banda_Api.jpg

In order to obtain a monopoly on the production and trade of nutmeg, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) waged a bloody battle with the Bandanese in 1621. Historian Willard Hanna estimated that before this struggle the islands were populated by approximately 15,000 people, and only 1,000 were left (the Bandanese were killed, starved while fleeing, exiled, or sold as slaves). The Company constructed a comprehensive nutmeg plantation system on the islands during the 17th century.

As a result of the Dutch interregnum during the Napoleonic Wars, the British invaded and temporarily took control of the Banda Islands from the Dutch and transplanted nutmeg trees, complete with soil, to Sri Lanka, Penang, Bencoolen, and Singapore From these locations they were transplanted to their other colonial holdings elsewhere, notably Zanzibar and Grenada. The national flag of Grenada, adopted in 1974, shows a stylised split-open nutmeg fruit. The Dutch retained control of the Spice Islands until World War II.

Îles Banda / Moluques centrales
▻https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%8Eles_Banda

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f0/Maluku_in_Indonesia_%28special_marker%29.svg/1024px-Maluku_in_Indonesia_%28special_marker%29.svg.png

The Tiny Country that Never got Credit for the Hellhole We Live in Today
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1125840

Genocide in the Spice Islands, The Dutch East India Company and the Destruction of the Banda Archipelago Civilisation in 1621
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/cambridge-world-history-of-genocide/genocide-in-the-spice-islands/FB91452701BB794181164C59D08C659C#

Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies
▻https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_the_Dutch_East_Indies

The Japanese occupation of the Banda Sea Islands, 1942
▻https://warfarewest.x10host.com/dutcheastindies/banda_sea.html

The Banda Sea Operations 1941-1942
Banda Sea Operation
T-Operation, July 29th, 1942

Main Force - 24th Special Base Force led by Rear-Admiral Kouichiro Hatakeyama
• 16th Cruiser Division with light cruiser Izusu
• 24th Base Force, fleet torpedo boats Tomozuru and Syonan (Singapore) Maru #1
• 2nd Southern Expeditionary Fleet, seaplane tender Sanyo Maru
1st Attack Force was destined to Aru Islands. The force sailed from Babo, Dutch New Guinea.
• 52nd Submarine-chaser Division with submarine-chaser Fukuei Maru #15, carrying one platoon of the 24th Special Base Force
2nd Attack Force was destined to Kai Islands. The force sailed from Misool Island.
• Minesweeper Division with minesweeper W8 (21st Special Base Force), carrying one company of the 3rd Yokosuka SNLF and minesweeper W16 (22nd Special Base Force), carrying one platoon of the 24th Special Base Force
3rd Attack Force was destined to Babar Island and Tanimbar Islands. The force sailed from Ambon Island.
• 5th Destroyer Division with destroyers Asakaze, Harukaze, Matsukaze of the 1st Southern Expeditionary Fleet
• Submarine-chaser Division with submarine-chaser Ch5 (22nd Special Base Force), carrying one platoon of 3rd Yokosuka SNLF and submarine-chaser Ch21 (23rd Special Base Force), carrying one company of 24th Special Base Force
• Transport Unit of the 2nd Southern Expeditionary Fleet consisted of 2nd Gunboat Division with gunboats Manyo Maru (2,904 tons) and Hokuyo Maru (4,216 tons)

https://i.ibb.co/9mLHRK52/japan-banda-sea-1941-1942-table.jpg

Depart

Location

Arrival

Location

Arrival

Location
departed at 1500,
July 24th, 1942

Ambon Island

arrived at 1625,
July 25th, 1942

Misool Island

arrived at 1030,
July 26th, 1942

Babo, Dutch New Guinea
departed at 1200,
July 28th, 1942

Babo, Dutch New Guinea

arrived at 1620,
July 30th, 1942
1st Attack Force

–

arrived at 0400/0500

Aru Islands
departed at 0800,
July 28th, 1942

Misool Island

arrived at 0430,
July 31st, 1942
2nd Attack Force

–

arrived at 0400/0500

Kai Islands
departed at 1500,
July 29th, 1942

Ambon Island

arrived at 0911,
July 31st, 1942
3rd Attack Force

–

arrived at 0400/0500

Tanimbar Islands
–

–

–

–

arrived at 0310

Babar Island

You will note that in order to carry out this operation, the Japanese had to draw from various Base Forces. Also, their troops were widely dispersed. The Yokosuka 3d was at Ambon, while most of the 24th Base Force troops were either at Babo or Misool Island (north of Ceram Island). The surface units rendezvous at Ambon Island, sailed on the 24th of July 1942 for Misool Island (arrived there at 1625 on 25 July 1942) and at Babo (arrived there at 1030 on 26 July 1942). The X-day for the Japanese was July 30th at 4 locations:
• 1st Attack Force departed Babo at 1200 on 28 July 1942 and arrived at the Aru Islands at 0400 on the 30th.
• 2nd Attack Force departed Misool at 0800 on 28 July 1942 and arrived at the Kai Islands at 0400 on the 30th.
• 3rd Attack Force departed Ambon Island at 1500 on 29 July 1942, split in two sections. Submarine-chaser Ch21 took the platoon of 3rd Yokosuka SNLF to Babar Island, arriving there at 0310 on 30 July 1942, while the main force of the 3rd Attack Force continued to Tanimbar, arriving at 0400 also on the 30th.

Air operations were carried out by the group’s seaplane tender, Sanyo Maru. The 2nd Attack Force arrived at Ambon Island at 0430 on 31 July 1942, while the 3rd Attack Force didn’t get to Ambon Island until 0911. The 1stAttack Force arrived back at Babo, Dutch New Guinea at 1620 on 30 July 1942.

In June 1942 a small civil unrest erupted at Dodo in the Aru Islands. This came about for several reasons. The war had upset the normal ship traffic in the region and this led to unemployment and food shortages. These islands had no KNIL military garrisons and therefore the Dutch decided in July 1942 to send several KNIL detachments to Toeal, Dodo and Saumlaki under the name of “Operation Plover”. The sending of these detachments led to the Japanese response in the form of the attacks starting on 30 July 1942.

The Japanese occupation of Kai Islands, 1942

The Toeal Detachment consisted of KNIL Lieutenant F. Hieronymus and 27 NCO’s and men. They arrived at Toeal, Kai Islands on 12 July 1942. The importance of Toeal lay in the fact that it was the administative centre for the region. The Japanese troops, one company of 3rd Yokosuka SNLF and one platoon of 24th Special Base Force, landed on the islands on 30 July 1942 and the KNIL Detachment defended itself for a while but it was soon driven into the jungle and managed to fight on there for a few days. Only Corporal Jered Malawau and a few men managed to escape by a sailing boat to Australia, while the rest fell into Japanese captivity. KNIL Lieutenant F. Hieronymus was also captured by the Japanese and taken to Ambon Island. He didn’t survive the war as he died later in the Japanese POW camp.

The Japanese occupation of Aru Islands, 1942

The KNIL sent 41 men to the small town of Dodo on the Aru Islands. The Japanese forces, one platoon of 24th Special Base Force, landed on the islands on 30 July 1942 and occupied them without any resistance.

The Japanese occupation of Tanimbar Islands, 1942

A KNIL Detachment was sent to Tanimbar Islands in July 1942 and it was stationed in the town of Saumlaki. The detachment consisted of KNIL Sargeant Julius Tahija and 12 men (13 men total) with 2 light machine-guns. The Japanese ships entered the bay at Saumlaki on July 30th at 0400 local time and consisted of 2 destroyers and probably a small transport ship. The Japanese used small boats to get to the jetty, so the boats they used were not landing craft. The Japanese filed in ranks on the jetty and wanted to march in close order into Saumlaki. At close range, Sargeant J. Tahija and his men opened fire with their two light MGs. The Japanese retreated to their boats leaving several dead on the jetty.
On 31 July 1942 an Australian contingent (Plover Force - 1 officer and 29 men) tried to land in Saumlaki in order to reinforce the Dutch party, but the attempt failed. The Australian party left Darwin in the little vessels Southern Cross and Chinampa on 28th July 1942. Pulling in to the jetty at Saumlaki (Tanimbar Islands) early on the 31st the Chinampa was fired on from the shore and the commander of the Australian detachment on board was killed. Both vessels then returned to Darwin taking the whole of the Australian group with them.

After the retreat, the Dutch came under naval gunfire which at daybreak became more accurate and caused some casualties. Then came a second attack on a wider front and the small Dutch force retreated before being overrun to a sailing ship and escaped to Australia as they were ordered to do. KNIL Sergeant Tahija arrived in Australia with only 6 men left. For his actions he was promoted and was decorated with the Militaire Willems Orde (MWO). Of the total of 82 men that the KNIL dispatched in operation “Plover” only 50 men returned to Australia.

The Japanese occupation of Babar Island, 1942

The Babar Island, located east of Timor Island, was occupied by the Japanese forces at 0310 on 30 July 1942 by a platoon of 3rd Yokosuka SNLF, transported by the submarine-chaser Ch21.

The Japanese occupation of Banda Island, 1942

On 23 February 1942, the Dutch authorities evacuated via air (from the island’s capital Bandaneira) two prominent Indonesian nationalist politicians, Dr. Mohammad Hatta (1902-1980) and Sutan Sjahrir (1909-1966), only a few minutes before the Japanese bombers started to bomb the island. Banda Island, located southeast of Ambon Island, was occupied by the Imperial Japanese troops on 8 May 1942.

The Japanese occupation of Ceram Island, 1942

At the beginning of war the KNIL Detachment in the town of Boela (Ceram Island) numbered approximately 100 men with 4 light machine-guns. They left Ceram Island after destroying the oil installations at Boela. They arrived on Ambon Island on 29 January 1942 and were employed for the defence of Ambon Island. The Japanese fleet consisting of 14 warships and 3 transport ships arrived on the shore of Boela on 31 March 1942. When they found that everything was destroyed they left, leaving behind a garrison of only 200 men. Despite all Dutch personnel being evacuated before the Japanese invasion, one report mentioned that the Japanese managed to bayonet one Dutch radio-operator, who stayed in the town. This force then dispatched a patrol of 15 men to arrest the Dutch magistrate at Geser, who had only 8 native policemen on his disposal, he evaded capture and escaped to Australia.
Note In June 1943 Allied Intelligence estimated the Japanese strength at Saumlaki at 1,000 men.

Note Japanese shipping at this time period was devoted to the Singapore / Rangoon reinforcement, and shipping going to Japan. As a result, the Japanese used two gunboats (Transport Unit) for transporting the company of 24th Special Base Force. They were medium sized, and barely adequate, not to mention that they were well armed for small merchant ships, so they couldn’t carry all the baggage.

Note The Main Force, consisting of light cruiser Izusu and both torpedo boats had the task to block any attempt by the Australians from coming to assist. No actions occured.

Note Tomozuru class: 1931 - Classified as fleet torpedo-boats, which were virtually small destroyers; 737 tons Displacement - 269 feet long. They had 2/4.7" Dual purpose guns as secondary armament. Main armament was 2 21" Torpedos and 48 depth-charges. They had a more prominent role as fast escorts until the Kiabokan’s came out. In 1944, the surviving units had their torpedos landed and depth-charges increased. Displacement rose to 1,043 tons.
Bibliography . Article List . Geographic Names

#Pays_Bas #histoire #capitalisme #colonialisme #génocide #navigation #guerre #Indonésie #noix_de_muscade

Accelerated #brain #aging in patients with major depressive disorder and its neurogenetic basis: evidence from neurotransmitters and gene expression profiles
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/psychological-medicine/article/accelerated-brain-aging-in-patients-with-major-depressive-disorder-and-its-neurogenetic-basis-evidence-from-neurotransmitters-and-gene-expression-profiles/BA1A509EB2E4BB572BF395440810BF64

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#depression

Kach Kouch, Morocco: shedding light on late prehistoric Mediterranean Africa – Cambridge Core Blog
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/blog/2025/02/17/kach-kouch-morocco-shedding-light-on-late-prehistoric-mediterranean-afric

https://www.cambridge.org/core/blog/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/cover_image_des-scaled-e1737543818639.jpg

When we think of the Bronze and Early Iron Age Mediterranean, it’s easy to picture the flourishing societies of Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. These regions are often recognised for their complex trade networks, architectural feats and cultural innovations. But what about the African side of the Mediterranean? Despite its geographic proximity and natural connections, the Maghreb has long been absent from historical narratives, mischaracterised as an ‘empty land’ before the Phoenician arrival around 800 BC. Our research at Kach Kouch, an archaeological site in northwestern Morocco, tells a different story: one of local innovation, adaptation and integration within the broader Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds. Located atop a limestone outcrop overlooking the Oued Laou Valley, Kach Kouch offers a window into life between 2200 and 600 BC. The site is strategically positioned near the Strait of Gibraltar, a key gateway bridging Africa and Europe, as well as the Mediterranean and Atlantic. Our excavations revealed three distinct phases of occupation:

The earliest phase (KK1: 2200–2000 BC) is scarcely represented but nonetheless significant. Though sparse, the evidence suggests an initial occupation contemporaneous with the Copper/Bronze Age transition in neighbouring Iberia.

Following a hiatus, the second phase (KK2: 1300–900 BC) marks a vibrant chapter in the site’s history. During this period, Kach Kouch was home to a stable farming community, the first definitive evidence of settled life predating the Phoenician presence along the Mediterranean coast of the Maghreb. Here, wattle and daub houses, rock-cut silos and grinding stones reveal a flourishing agricultural economy based on crops like barley, wheat and beans, supplemented by sheep, goats and cattle.

The third phase (KK3: 800-600 BC) demonstrates the flexibility and adaptability of Kach Kouch’s inhabitants. This period saw the introduction of eastern Mediterranean cultural innovations, including wheel-thrown pottery, iron tools and architectural traditions. One remarkable structure from this phase combines local wattle and daub techniques with a Phoenician-inspired stone plinth. This fusion of local and foreign practices illustrates how the community actively engaged with Mediterranean exchange networks, integrating new influences while retaining their distinct identity.

Kach Kouch challenges long-held assumptions about the Maghreb’s late prehistoric past, standing out as one of the first well-documented examples of continuous settlement in the region and providing a rare glimpse into the lives of local communities over a span of more than a millennium. For decades, this region has been seen as marginal in the context of Mediterranean history, overshadowed by its more studied neighbours. Yet, the evidence from Kach Kouch tells a story of dynamic local communities that were far from isolated. Our findings at Kach Kouch contribute to a growing wave of archaeological research that seeks to correct these historical biases, placing the Maghreb in its rightful position as an active participant in the social, cultural and economic networks of the Mediterranean. By uncovering the stories of these local communities, we hope to stimulate further research of the rich, interconnected histories of Africa and the Mediterranean.

Read the full article in Antiquity:
DOI: ▻https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2025.10

Pourquoi les personnes âgées qui font du sport boivent plus d’alcool que les autres

« Des niveaux d’activité physique plus élevés ont été associés à une consommation d’alcool plus élevée chez les personnes âgées » : telle est la principale conclusion d’une étude menée par l’Université de médecine de Vienne, en Autriche, publiée la semaine dernière dans la revue European Psychiatry. ▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-psychiatry/article/physical-activity-in-older-adults-as-a-predictor-of-alcohol-consumption-a-longitudinal-analysis-of-3133-individuals-in-the-share-study/11A8FF9F2903613E4A7650CBCEE0998C

Comment donc interpréter ces résultats, alors que l’on considère généralement que l’activité physique peut avoir un effet positif sur les maladies psychiques, y compris la dépendance à l’alcool. Les auteurs de l’étude avancent plusieurs explications possibles, sans privilégier l’une plutôt que l’autre.

#alcool #addiction #alcoolisme #société #sport #activité_physique #santé

Source : ▻https://www.rts.ch/info/dialogue/2025/article/seniors-sportifs-lien-surprenant-avec-la-consommation-d-alcool-28834383.html

La remarquable contribution des #élites politiques suisses au #discours_anti-immigrés

Une étude de chercheurs de l’EPFZ questionne l’origine du discours anti-immigrés qui s’est imposé en Suisse et en Europe. Elle déconstruit au passage bon nombre de clichés et souligne l’importance du vocabulaire emprunté à la #biologie.

Comment expliquer le succès du discours anti-immigrés, thème qui domine la politique suisse depuis des décennies et qui s’impose aujourd’hui partout en Europe ? En théorie, la réponse semble évidente : les électeurs réagissent à des craintes culturelles, économiques et sécuritaires suscitées par l’arrivée de migrants. Une étude publiée fin novembre dans l’American Political Science Review par deux chercheurs l’EPFZ et un chercheur de l’Université Bocconi, en Italie, questionne toutefois cette doxa. Sur la base de l’expérience suisse.

(#paywall)
▻https://www.letemps.ch/opinions/chroniques/la-remarquable-contribution-des-elites-politiques-suisses-au-discours-anti-i
#anti-immigration #migrations #réfugiés #Suisse

Zombie International Currency : The Pound Sterling 1945–1971 | The Journal of Economic History | Cambridge Core
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-economic-history/article/zombie-international-currency-the-pound-sterling-19451971/7B7C31079FB943B4971CD4B9257013AB?WT.mc_id=New+Cambridge+Alert+-+Issues

Il s’agit donc de la première publication en son nom propre d’une personne que j’ai vu grandir.
J’apprécie aussi le fait qu’elle ait choisi délibérément de publier sous licence #creative_commons et tout particulièrement qu’elle sorte un papier sur les monnaies zombies le jour d’Halloween !

The term “zombie bank” refers to a bank that cannot continue operating without some form of government assistance, such as bailout, credit support, or other guarantees.Footnote 2 I define a “zombie international currency” as a currency that requires the intervention of the issuing country, in the form of exchange controls and diplomatic pressure such as threats or economic sanctions, to continue being used internationally. International holders of zombie currencies are comparable to the creditors of zombie banks: they try to decrease their exposure to the zombie to avoid potential losses. This paper argues that sterling was a zombie international currency during the Bretton Woods era.Footnote 3

The Purpose and Organisation of the Alimenta
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/papers-of-the-british-school-at-rome/article/abs/purpose-and-organisation-of-the-alimenta/AD1C299A16A6D5FD4810BBEA7DEB20DC#

Le début de l’aide étatique aux enfants dans le besoin

1.11.1964 by Richard Duncan-Jones

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013

Extract
The opening of Trajan’s reign saw the propagation in Italy of a system of government alimenta or subsistence payments, which had perhaps been begun by his predecessor, Nerva. Their immediate purpose was clearly the support of children in the small inland towns of Italy at which units of the scheme were mainly concentrated. Male recipients of the alimentary dole were given a cash payment of HS16 per month; girls received HS12 per month, the amounts given to illegitimate children being somewhat lower for both sexes. Hadrian laid down that boys who benefited were to be given support until the age of 18, and girls until 14; under Trajan, the ages at which support ceased had presumably been lower. The scheme was financed by grants from the fiscus which were placed with landowners in the districts in which children were to be supported. In general, each landowner who took part in the loans received a sum amounting to about 8% of the stated value of his land, and had to pay to the city interest of 5% per year, which formed the income from which the children were supported.

Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 32 , Issue 1 , November 1964 , pp. 123 - 146
DOI: ▻https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068246200007261

▻https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0063%3Aalphabetic+letter%3DP%3Aentr

#praefectus_alimentorum #Rome #antiquité #aide_sociale #enfance #classes_sociales

À l’âge du Bronze, ce jeu de société a facilité la communication entre plusieurs civilisations | Slate.fr
▻https://www.slate.fr/monde/jeu-de-societe-egypte-antique-plateau-chien-chacal-58-trous-azerbaijan-decouve

https://www.slate.fr/uploads/store/story_268307/original_268307.jpg

Cette version antique du jeu de l’oie se joue à deux et semble avoir eu un très grand succès à l’époque.

Populaire dans l’Égypte antique, un jeu de société connu sous le nom du « Jeu à 58 trous » ou encore du « Jeu du chien et chacal » serait originaire du sud-ouest de l’Asie et aurait circulé dans de nombreuses zones de la région. Alors qu’on le croyait originaire d’Égypte, une récente étude publiée par Cambridge University Press en mai 2024 remet en question la théorie de ses origines : des archéologues ont découvert six plateaux de ce jeu sur des sites de la péninsule d’Abşeron et de la réserve de Gobustan, situés en Azerbaïdjan, soit à près de 2000 kilomètres de l’actuel Caire.

Jusqu’à présent, 70 plateaux ont été trouvés dans un large périmètre couvrant l’Égypte, le Levant, la Mésopotamie, l’Iran et l’Anatolie. « Les données recueillies en Azerbaïdjan montrent que les habitants de ce pays jouaient à ce jeu à la fin du IIIe et au début du IIe millénaire avant J.-C. et qu’ils participaient à des interactions régionales qui s’étendaient à toute l’Asie du Sud-Ouest », soulignent les deux auteurs de l’étude, l’archéologue Rahman Abdoullayev et le chercheur Walter Crist.

Dalle Alpi all’Africa. La politica fascista per l’italianizzazione delle “nuove province” (1922-1943)

https://www.viella.it/spool/cover__id5574_w240_t1602681568__1x.jpg

L’Italia fascista mise a punto strategie precise per consolidare il dominio sulle recenti acquisizioni territoriali: le regioni nord-orientali del Paese e le colonie in Africa settentrionale. In che modo il regime si impegnò a formulare e imporre la sovranità italiana su territori e popolazioni molto diversi fra loro, ma ugualmente estranei alla nazione?

Come mostra #Roberta_Pergher attraverso lo studio di quanto avvenne in Alto Adige e in Libia, la politica di insediamento in quelle regioni non fu ideata per risolvere un problema di sovrappopolazione, bensì per rafforzare il controllo su aree di fatto non italiane, quando già si era affermato il principio di autodeterminazione dei popoli e imposizioni di stampo imperialista erano viste con sospetto dall’opinione pubblica internazionale.

Pergher esplora le caratteristiche della politica di insediamento fascista, ma anche il modo in cui gli italiani presero parte o si opposero agli sforzi del regime per italianizzare i territori in cui l’autorità era contestata.

▻https://www.viella.it/libro/9788833132792
#Italie #colonisation #Italie_coloniale #Alpes #Haut-Adige #Libye #nationalisme #contrôle #autodétermination_des_peuples #italianisation

#livre

Le livre a été traduit de l’anglais:
Mussolini’s Nation-Empire. Sovereignty and Settlement in Italy’s Borderlands, 1922–1943

Roberta Pergher transforms our understanding of Fascist rule. Examining Fascist Italy’s efforts to control the antipodes of its realm - the regions annexed in northern Italy after the First World War, and Italy’s North African colonies - she shows how the regime struggled to imagine and implement Italian sovereignty over alien territories and peoples. Contrary to the claims of existing scholarship, Fascist settlement policy in these regions was not designed to solve an overpopulation problem, but to bolster Italian claims to rule in an era that prized self-determination and no longer saw imperial claims as self-evident. Professor Pergher explores the character and impact of Fascist settlement policy and the degree to which ordinary Italians participated in and challenged the regime’s efforts to Italianize contested territory. Employing models and concepts from the historiography of empire, she shows how Fascist Italy rethought the boundaries between national and imperial rule.

https://assets.cambridge.org/97811084/19741/cover/9781108419741.jpg

–-

ajouté à la métaliste sur l’Italie coloniale:
►https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

« #Care » : comment l’étude du #travail_domestique permet de réécrire l’histoire

La notion de care s’est imposée dans le langage courant et politique pour qualifier l’ensemble des activités – rémunérées ou non – qui consistent à prendre soin des autres et de leur cadre de vie ; à assurer le « #travail_reproductif » et non seulement « productif ». Cela recouvre notamment les métiers ou pratiques sociales d’#aide_à_la_personne, les secteurs infirmiers ou médicaux, ou encore un grand nombre de tâches dites « domestiques ».

Les économistes féministes se sont depuis longtemps approprié cette notion pour mettre en valeur des formes de travail exercées par les #femmes et non reconnues socialement et dans les #statistiques économiques, en particulier le #travail_domestique_non_rémunéré. Il ne s’agit pas d’essentialiser des différences entre hommes et femmes mais au contraire de partir du principe que rendre visibles toutes les formes de travail est une étape nécessaire vers l’#égalité, la #reconnaissance_sociale et économique et le partage de ces tâches.

En outre, alors que les mutations sociales et technologiques du XXe siècle ont diminué le temps de travail consacré au care et les tâches domestiques, il est probable que le vieillissement de la population inverse cette tendance. Il implique en particulier une augmentation de la demande de soin et d’aide à la personne, pratiques qui peuvent être rémunérées ou non, reposant dans ce dernier cas sur des liens familiaux ou amicaux.

La loi de 2019 sur les congés de proche aidant et les discussions récurrentes sur les pénuries de personnel pour l’aide à domicile montrent combien nos sociétés se préparent – encore trop lentement et difficilement – aux mutations économiques et sociales causées par le vieillissement.

#Valorisation_monétaire du travail domestique

Il y a évidemment un débat au sein des économistes quant à l’opportunité de compter le travail de care domestique qui n’apparaît pas dans les statistiques officielles et donc de lui donner une #valeur_monétaire. Outre les difficultés méthodologiques de cette quantification, la question est de savoir si valoriser les pratiques non rémunérées comme un travail salarié ne va pas à l’encontre de l’éthique du care en mettant sur le même plan des formes de travail non équivalentes.

La réponse que les économistes féministes apportent à cette question est que la construction de statistiques et la valorisation monétaire est aujourd’hui le meilleur moyen de montrer l’ampleur du #travail_féminin et la persistance des inégalités entre femmes et hommes au sein du ménage hétérosexuel (voir le récent résumé de Nancy Folbre présentant ces arguments et la recherche dans ce domaine, dont la première contribution remonte à l’ouvrage de Margaret Reid, Economics of household production, publié en… 1934).

Depuis #Margaret_Reid, et encore plus depuis la réappropriation du concept de care en économie dans les années 1980 et 1990, notamment par Nancy Folbre, les économistes ont donc tenté de quantifier le travail domestique, dans le passé quasi-essentiellement exercé par les femmes. L’objectif est de voir comment cette comptabilisation change notre vision du #développement_économique, habituellement mesuré par des salaires et le temps de travail masculins, puis par le #produit_intérieur_brut, qui exclut les tâches domestiques.

Il existe des tentatives actuelles pour inclure les estimations du travail domestique dans le #PIB, mais seule l’histoire économique permet de prendre la mesure du #biais que l’absence de prise en compte du travail féminin dans les statistiques cause à nos représentations du développement économique.

Dans un article récemment paru dans le Journal of Economic History, « Careworn : The Economic History of Caring Labor » (▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-economic-history/article/careworn-the-economic-history-of-caring-labor/68D8EDEB50DCF2AB012433755741108B), la professeure d’histoire économique Jane Humphries cherche à produire une telle estimation pour l’Angleterre sur très longue période, de 1270 à 1860. Ses précédentes recherches ont déjà révolutionné l’#histoire_économique en montrant comment la prise en compte du travail des enfants, puis la construction de séries de salaire des femmes, changeaient le récit traditionnel de la révolution industrielle du XIXe siècle.

Humphries commence par rappeler le paradoxe des recherches actuelles d’histoire économique quantitative qui ont entrepris de calculer des séries de PIB, de niveau de vie et de prix depuis le Moyen-Âge (voir notamment les travaux de #Robert_Allen et #Stephen_Broadberry). Le calcul d’évolution des prix repose en effet sur la définition d’un panier de biens représentatif de la consommation de base (viande, lait, céréales etc.). Mais l’essentiel du travail des femmes nécessaire pour transformer ces biens de base en consommation domestique, nécessaire pour soutenir le travail rémunéré de l’homme du foyer, n’est pas pris en compte dans les statistiques de production !

Soutien au travail de l’homme salarié

Elle rappelle aussi les nombreuses heures nécessaires pour maintenir l’#hygiène dans un foyer, avant la généralisation de l’eau courante et des sanitaires au XXe siècle. Rassemblant de nombreuses sources d’origine et fréquence différentes sur le temps de travail domestique et sur le #salaire horaire de ce travail lorsqu’il était rémunéré, Humphries tente de calculer la valeur totale du travail domestique qui était nécessaire pour qu’un foyer puisse subsister, permettant à l’homme de s’en absenter pour travailler au-dehors.

Même ses estimations les plus basses montrent qu’au moins 20 % de la production totale de valeur (ce que nous appelons aujourd’hui PIB) était consacrée aux #tâches_domestiques – et sont donc absentes de nos mesures habituelles Et si ce chiffre n’était pas plus important dans le passé qu’aujourd’hui, c’est que l’autrice valorise le travail féminin au prix du salaire des femmes de l’époque, qui était très inférieur à celui des hommes.

Notons que l’article ne quantifie que les tâches domestiques liées à la consommation et l’entretien du foyer ; l’autrice souligne qu’elle n’a pas quantifié ce qui touche au « travail reproductif », en particulier la mise au monde et l’allaitement des enfants.

Mais la professeure d’histoire économique s’intéresse ici davantage à l’évolution du coût et temps du travail domestique – relativement au #travail_salarié – au cours des siècles. Elle remarque en particulier une forte augmentation du travail domestique, et de sa valeur relative, lors de la « révolution industrieuse » du XVIIIe siècle, précédant la « révolution industrielle » du XIXe siècle.

Regard biaisé sur l’économie

A la suite des travaux de #Jan_de_Vries, on parle de « #révolution_industrieuse » pour caractériser l’augmentation du temps de travail (en termes de nombre d’heures salariées) causée par la nécessité de maintenir ou accroître le niveau de consommation du ménage. De manière cohérente avec le fait que la révolution industrieuse coïncidait avec une diversification et multiplication des biens de consommation, Humphries montre que le travail domestique nécessaire pour soutenir le travail de l’homme salarié augmentait en même temps que ce dernier.

Plus les ménages avaient accès à de nouveaux produits (tissus, sucre, viande, thé etc.), plus les femmes devaient travailler pour que les hommes puissent les consommer et en profiter. Pour les femmes mariées, conclut-elle, la « révolution industrieuse » n’a pas coïncidé avec une augmentation du travail salarié mais a pris une forme domestique, obscurcissant ainsi encore plus la contribution des femmes à la #croissance_économique et l’amélioration du niveau de vie.

Rappelons, comme Humphries elle-même, la fragilité de ces premières estimations qui reposent sur des sources incomplètes et des hypothèses statistiques fortes.

Toutefois, ce travail a le mérite de mettre à nouveau en lumière combien notre regard sur l’histoire économique est biaisé si nous ne réalisons pas que l’activité économique mesurée au cours du temps (par les statistiques de prix, salaires et production) ne pouvait s’accomplir que parce qu’elle était rendue possible par le travail domestique des femmes. Celui-ci était pourtant invisible dans les statistiques de population ou de production qui devinrent au XIXe siècle un nouveau pilier de la gestion des Etats modernes et de la compréhension de l’économie.

▻https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/eric-monnet/care-letude-travail-domestique-permet-de-reecrire-lhi/00112088
#rémunération #invisibilisation #économie #économie_féministe #quantification #rémunération #salaire

Le choix qui nous attend : le droit international ou un « ordre international fondé sur des règles [états-uniennes] » ?
Article de John Dugard, ancien membre de la Commission du droit international, Juge ad hoc de la Cour internationale de Justice, Rapporteur spécial des Nations Unies sur la situation des droits de l’homme dans les territoires palestiniens occupés.

publié le 21 février 2023 par la revue Leiden Journal of international Law (Cambridge University Press)

traduction google
▻https://www-cambridge-org.translate.goog/core/journals/leiden-journal-of-international-law/article/choice-before-us-international-law-or-a-rulesbased-international-order/7BEDE2312FDF9D6225E16988FD18BAF0?_x_tr_sl=en&_x_tr_tl=

Article original
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/leiden-journal-of-international-law/article/choice-before-us-international-law-or-a-rulesbased-international-order/7BEDE2312FDF9D6225E16988FD18BAF0

Analyse de la (non-) fourniture d’#eau à #Gaza par Israël comparée à la situation en #Cisjordanie
Thread by jan_selby on Thread Reader App – Thread Reader App
▻https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1712540135932440742.html

https://threadreaderapp.com/images/screenshots/thread/1712540135932440742.jpg

Jan Selby
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One thing I will comment on is this from Israeli Energy Minister Israeli Katz: ’For years we supplied #Gaza with ... water ... instead of saying thank you, they sent 1000s of human animals to slaughter, murder, rape & kidnap babies, women & elderly’ 1/
I won’t comment on the last bit, just on the point about water - as I know something about it ...2/
First, Israel hardly supplies any water to Gaza even in normal times. The big issues as far as water supplies are concerned at the moment are not these supplies from Israel (only 10 mcm annually) but no power supplies, the destruction of Gaza’s power plant, 3/
and the wider destruction of water and wastewater infrastructure. No power is crucial - no power for water delivery or wastewater treatment. No power is much more important than no water - with electricity/fuel Gaza’s can desalinate and get water from wells. Without it not. 4/
The question of why Gaza gets so little water from Israel is also worth commenting on, as it perfectly illustrate much about Israel-Gaza-West Bank dynamics. It’s not because it doesn’t need it. It obviously does - it doesn’t rain that much in Gaza, 5/
and there’s no way it should be self-sufficient in water. The reason it doesn’t receive much water from Israel is that Israel’s water networks bypass it, going round it to supply Israeli communities to the east and south. Just as in relation to ’security’, so also water: ...6/
longstanding Israeli policy has been to cut Gaza off and hope that it sinks into the sea. 7/
In case you are wondering why Israel should even supply Gaza with water, then also consider this: thr situation on the West Bank is the exact reverse! 8/
It rains plenty in most of the West Bank, and as s result the West bank has plentiful groundwater resources. But there, Palestinians are forced to import water from Israel! The city of Ramallah now gets all of its water supplied by pipe from Israel. Annaul rainfall in Ramallah 9/
is higher than London’s! But Israeli restrictions on Palestinian well drilling in the West Bank have meant that Palestinians have turned to Israel for piped supplies. And in this case, Israel has been happy to oblige. 10/
There thus exists a crazy situation (even before recent events) where Gaza, which has meagre water resources and cannot be self-sufficient, hardly receives any water from Israel, whereas the West Bank, with its heavy rains, is compelled to import it - and uphill! 11/
As final points, it’s also worth noting that this water isn’t just ’given’ by Israel, in two regards. First, it is paid for. The water received by the West Bank and Gaza alike is paid for by the Palestinian Authority. And second, ...12/
much of this is water which, first in 1948-9 and then 1967 and by Israeli settlers, has been taken by force. Water is the conflict in microcosm. 13/
This and related stuff is discussed in my book published last year. I don’t want to use this to self-publicise. But here it is anyway. With Gaza’s power plant on the cover, it seems appropriate to share right now. end 14/

Divided Environments
Cambridge Core - International Relations and International Organisations - Divided Environments
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/divided-environments/0621F20A4464C4E05BF76980BBF25D3F
One last thing, as I should have been clear on why Israel is happy to supply water to the West Bank. 3 reasons: first, because Israel has got plenty of water and is happy to find markets for it; 15/
Second because the water is supplied to West Bank Palestinian communities through water networks constructed for Israeli settlements; West Bank settlements and Palestinian towns and villages there have both been integrated into Israel’s national water supply network, ... 16/
as part of its policy of de facto annexation. And third, because Israeli policy has been to try to keep the PA and Palestinian elites in the West Bank happy, to co-opt them, e.g. by providing a basic amount of water. The 2nd and 3rd factors do not apply in the case of Gaza. 17/
As with water, so with the conflict’s overall political geography: Israeli policy to the West Bank has been to colonise and co-opt; whereas to Gaza it has been to isolate, imprison. And as a footnote: Whatever happens next, it’s hard to imagine this continuing. End 18/

Swiss extractivism: Switzerland’s role in Zambia’s copper sector

Switzerland is usually not looked upon as a substantial economic actor in Africa. Taking Zambian copper as a case study, we show how important Swiss companies have become in the global commodities trade and the services it depends on. While big Swiss trading firms such as #Glencore and Trafigura have generated increasing scholarly and public interest, a multitude of Swiss companies is involved in logistics and transport of Zambian copper. Swiss extractivism, we argue, is a model case for trends in today’s global capitalism. We highlight that servicification, a crucial element of African mining regimes today, creates new and more flexible opportunities for international companies to capture value in global production networks. These opportunities partly rely on business-friendly regulation and tax regimes in Northern countries, a fact which makes companies potentially vulnerable to reputation risks and offers opportunities to civil society actors criticising their role. New and different Swiss–Zambian connections emerge from civil society networks organising around companies’ economic activities.

▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-modern-african-studies/article/swiss-extractivism-switzerlands-role-in-zambias-copper-sector/8DF2B9E7BF6B9126BEE463233894395F
#extractivisme #Zambie #mines #Suisse #cuivre

Ce MYSTÈRE VIEUX DE 20 000 ans vient d’être percé ! - YouTube
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Tuotjbn0BU

C’est un mystère vieux de 20 000 ans qui vient d’être percé. En Grande-Bretagne, un homme se questionnait depuis quelque temps sur la signification de détails visibles sur d’anciennes peintures rupestres. Ce Britannique, qui n’a pas étudié à l’université, a mené sa propre enquête et a proposé sa théorie à des chercheurs, qui ont été surpris par ses talents de déduction.
Mais que signifient ces étranges points que l’on peut voir aux côtés d’animaux, sur plusieurs peintures datant de l’âge de glace ? C’est la question que s’est posée Ben Bacon après avoir vu ces petits détails qui laissent perplexes les plus éminents chercheurs depuis des années.

Life in soil: The psychology of soil in California

https://ichef.bbci.co.uk/images/ic/320x320/p0d04gl4.jpg

Isabelle Legeron travels to California, a part of the world whose soil holds a complex history. She meets the indigenous Californians reviving ancestral methods of tending to the land, and the soil scientists exploring the impact of colonisation and agriculture on the soil of the Golden State.

With indigenous Californian land steward Redbird (Pomo/Paiute/Wailaki/Wintu), director of the California Indian museum Nicole Lim (Pomo), indigenous ecologist Dr Melissa Nelson (Anishinaabe/Métis/Norwegian), indigenous educator Sara Moncada (Yaqui/Irish), professor Paul Starrs (USA) and soil scientists Suzanne Pierre (India/Haiti/USA), Kenzo Esquivel (Japanese/Mexican/USA) and Yvonne Socolar (USA).

▻https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/w3ct43cn

#sol #terre #Californie #peuples_autochtones #colonisation #colonialisme #géographie_du_vide #paysage #agriculture #maïs #USA #Etats-Unis #végétation
#podcast #audio

ping @_kg_

Investigation of a cluster of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 infections in a hospital administration building | Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology | Cambridge Core
▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/infection-control-and-hospital-epidemiology/article/investigation-of-a-cluster-of-severe-acute-respiratory-syndrome-coronavirus-2-infections-in-a-hospital-administration-building/6DDF1B79BC1015D566938228D7561C00

Dans les cas d’exposition prolongée une transmission par #aérosols est possible malgré une #ventilation adéquate,

Objective:
To investigate a cluster of coronavirus disease 2019 (#COVID-19) infections in employees working on 1 floor of a hospital administration building.

Methods :
Contact tracing was performed to identify potential exposures and all employees were tested for #SARS-CoV-2. Whole genome sequencing was performed to determine the relatedness of SARS-CoV-2 samples from infected personnel and from control cases in the healthcare system with COVID-19 during the same period. Carbon dioxide levels were measured during a workday to assess adequacy of ventilation; readings above 800 parts per million (ppm) were considered an indication of suboptimal ventilation. To assess the potential for airborne transmission, DNA-barcoded aerosols were released, and real-time polymerase-chain reaction was used to quantify particles recovered from air samples in multiple locations.

Results :
Between December 22, 2020 and January 8, 2021, 17 co-workers tested positive for SARS-CoV-2, including 13 symptomatic and 4 asymptomatic individuals. Of the 5 cluster SARS-CoV-2 samples sequenced, 3 were genetically related but the employees denied higher-risk contacts with one another. None of the sequences from the cluster were genetically related to the 17 control SARS-CoV-2 sequences. Carbon dioxide levels increased during a workday but never exceeded 800 ppm. DNA-barcoded aerosol particles were dispersed from the sites of release to locations throughout the floor; 20% of air samples had >1 log10 particles.

Conclusions :
In a hospital administration building outbreak, sequencing of SARS-CoV-2 confirmed transmission among co-workers. Transmission occurred despite the absence of higher-risk exposures and in a setting with adequate ventilation based on monitoring of carbon dioxide levels.

Le PDF : ▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/6DDF1B79BC1015D566938228D7561C00/S0899823X22000459a.pdf/investigation-of-a-cluster-of-severe-acute-respiratory-syndrome-coronavir

These reports and the cluster reported here raise concern that airborne transmission might occur when individuals share the same enclosed space for prolonged periods despite ventilation that meets current standards

Autour de l’interdiction du #voile dans les écoles françaises et ses conséquences...

« Un récent article dans une revue de référence pour la science politique mondiale montre ainsi que la loi de 2005 interdisant le voile dans les écoles françaises a nui à la #réussite_éducative des filles musulmanes, à leur trajectoire sur le marché du #travail et à la composition de leur famille. »

▻http://blog.sciencespo-grenoble.fr/index.php/2021/05/28/decrire-comprendre-transmettre-agir-voila-a-quoi-nous-voulo

Voici l’article cité dans le billet de blog :

Political Secularism and Muslim Integration in the West : Assessing the Effects of the French Headscarf Ban

In response to rising immigration flows and the fear of Islamic radicalization, several Western countries have enacted policies to restrict religious expression and emphasize secularism and Western values. Despite intense public debate, there is little systematic evidence on how such policies influence the behavior of the religious minorities they target. In this paper, we use rich quantitative and qualitative data to evaluate the effects of the 2004 French headscarf ban on the socioeconomic integration of French Muslim women. We find that the law reduces the secondary educational attainment of Muslim girls and affects their trajectory in the labor market and family composition in the long run. We provide evidence that the ban operates through increased perceptions of discrimination and that it strengthens both national and religious identities.

▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/political-secularism-and-muslim-integration-in-the-west-assessing-the-effects-of-the-french-headscarf-ban/2934B2DD5336FF53B8881F3F0C506B41

#interdiction #école #écoles #France #loi #filles #femmes #femmes_musulmanes #discriminations #inégalités

ping @isskein @karine4