https://www.balcanicaucaso.org

  • Il leone e la gazzella

    Musulmani né sunniti né sciiti, di origine nomade, di tradizione mistica: sono gli aleviti turchi. Celebrano le loro cerimonie danzando, in luoghi dove uomini e donne siedono fianco a fianco. Ogni agosto si ritrovano ad #Hacıbektaş, tra le colline dell’altopiano anatolico. Per onorare il santo derviscio che sapeva conciliare gli opposti. Disponibile integrale in streaming

    Pour voir le film :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sf8ivsYH6ik

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/I-nostri-prodotti/Il-leone-e-la-gazzella-81191
    #film #film_documentaire #islam #mysticisme #alévisme #Turquie #femmes #hommes #danse #Hacibektas

  • Réfugiés : #violences et #chaos dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine
    Traduit et adapté par Manon Rumiz (Article original : https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bosnia-Erzegovina/Migranti-caos-Bosnia-204594)

    Squats démantelés, familles déportées et laissées sans aide au bord de la route, violentes manifestations anti-migrants.... Dans le canton d’Una-Sana (nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine), la situation des réfugiés devient toujours plus dramatique.

    « C’est le chaos. » Voilà comment Silvia Maraone, qui coordonne les activités de l’ONG italienne Ipsia (https://www.facebook.com/IPSIA.BIH) à #Bihać, résume la situation actuelle dans le canton d’#Una_Sana, explosive depuis le milieu de l’été. « Les conditions imposées par le gouvernement local n’offrent plus de répit à personne. Même les familles, les femmes et les enfants n’ont plus accès aux #camps officiels. Quant aux transports en commun, ils sont désormais interdits aux réfugiés, ce qui permet aux trafiquants de faire des affaires encore plus lucratives. »

    Dans le même temps, la police expulse les #squats et tous les #camps_informels, renvoyant les réfugiés hors des frontières du canton. La population locale, de son côté, manifeste ouvertement son hostilité face à la présence massive de candidats à l’exil. Les agressions verbales et physiques se multiplient, ainsi que les attaques contre les volontaires.

    “Le canton d’Una Sana est plus que jamais le #cul-de-sac de la route des Balkans.”

    Du fait de la #pandémie et de la proclamation de l’#état_d’urgence, la situation s’est encore détériorée depuis le printemps. Les camps officiels, déjà pleins, n’accueillent plus de nouveaux entrants alors mêmes que les arrivées ont repris depuis la réouverture des frontières au mois de juin. Le canton d’Una Sana est plus que jamais le cul-de-sac de la route des Balkans, d’autant qu’à l’ouest, le jeu de domino entre les polices italienne, slovène et croate se poursuit, aboutissant au #refoulement des migrants interceptés dans cette zone frontalière de l’Union européenne.

    La seule réponse apportée par les autorités locales a été l’ouverture, en avril, d’un « #camp_d’urgence » à Lipa, entre Bihać et #Bosanski_Petrovac, dont le millier places a vite été rempli. Les squats se sont donc multipliés dans les #friches_industrielles et dans les bois. De toute façon, les migrants ne souhaitent pas rester ici et le « #game » continue : chaque jour, ils sont des centaines à tenter de déjouer la surveillance de la frontière croate avec l’espoir de ne pas être arrêté avant d’avoir atteint l’Italie.

    Le début du « chaos » qu’évoque Silvia Maraone remonte à la mi-juillet, avec l’expulsion du camp de fortune qui s’était créé à l’entrée de #Velika_Kladuša, près du camp officiel de #Miral, le long de la rivière #Kladušnica. Officiellement, l’opération a été déclenchée à cause des plaintes répétées des riverains. Début août, la police est revenue pour chasser les migrants qui avaient reconstitué un nouveau camp.

    « #Milices_citoyennes »

    Quelques jours plus tard, le maire de Bihać, #Šuhret_Fazlić, déclarait que la situation était aussi devenue insoutenable dans sa commune. « Cela n’a jamais été pire qu’aujourd’hui. Chaque jour, nous assistons à l’arrivée d’un flux incontrôlé de migrants. Il y en a déjà des milliers qui campent un peu partout. Une fois de plus, on nous laisse seuls », avant de conclure, menaçant : « Nous sommes prêts à prendre des mesures radicales ». Ce n’est pas la première fois que le maire de Bihać tire la sonnette d’alarme. Début 2018, au tout début de la crise, l’édile déplorait déjà le manque de soutien des autorités de la Fédération, l’entité croato-bosniaque dont dépend le canton, et nationales. À l’automne 2019, Silvia Maraone s’inquiétait aussi : « La situation ne fera qu’empirer dans les mois qui viennent si de nouveaux camps officiels ne sont pas ouverts d’urgence ».

    Selon les chiffres officiels, plus de 80% des réfugiés présents sur le sol bosnien se concentreraient dans le seul canton d’Una Sana. « Il sont plus de 5000, dont à peine la moitié hébergés dans des centres d’accueil officiels. Les autres dorment dans des bâtiments détruits ou dans les bois en attendant de tenter le game », poursuit Silvia Maraone. Ces dernières semaines, la population de Velika Kladuša a organisé des manifestations hebdomadaires contre la présence de migrants. Organisées sur les réseaux sociaux, ces rassemblements réunissent des habitants venus de tout le canton.

    Pire, des #milices citoyennes ont commencé à se mettre en place pour refouler les migrants. « Dans certains groupes Facebook, des membres signalent les plaques des véhicules qui transportent des migrants », observe Silvia Maraone. « Des routes ont même été bloquées, des pierres et des bâtons jetés sur les véhicules. » Ce n’est pas tout. « Des citoyens ont attaqué des migrants en pleine rue, tandis que les volontaires leur venant en aide se sont faits dénoncer à la police. » Le 17 août, les forces de l’ordre ont dû intervenir à Velika Kladuša où des dizaines de riverains s’étaient massés et avaient attaqué un bus où se trouvaient des migrants.

    Pour justifier de telles actions coup de poing, on trouve la rhétorique habituelle de l’extrême-droite complotiste : la prétendue violence de ces migrants et la menace qu’ils feraient peser pour la sécurité de la population locale. Des arguments balayés par les statistiques officielles, mais qui font mouche auprès de Bosniens fatigués par des décennies de divisions, de corruption et de misère.

    Deux jours après la violente manifestation du 17 août à Velika Kladuša, la cellule de crise du canton d’Una-Sana a décrété des mesures très dures : l’évacuation de tous les migrants vivant hors des structures d’accueil officielles, perquisition dans tous les lieux privés offrants des services aux migrants, interdiction de quitter les camps officiels, d’utiliser les transports en commun et d’entrer dans le canton pour tous les migrants. Des postes de contrôle ont aussi été mis en place sur les routes d’accès au canton.

    “Ils ont tout brûlé, vêtements, téléphones portables, sacs à dos. Ils nous ont frappés avec des matraques.”

    « Les personnes expulsées des squats n’ont pas toutes pu être accueillies au camp de #Lipa et ont été refoulées en #Republika_Srpska (l’autre entité de Bosnie-Herzégovine) », dénonce Silvia Maraone. « Même les familles avec enfants sont abandonnées sans aucune aide. » Ces restrictions à la #liberté_de_mouvement violent les #droits_humains fondamentaux, comme l’a dénoncé Amnesty International dans un communiqué, le 25 août. Le réseau Transbalkanska Solidarnost (https://transbalkanskasolidarnost.home.blog) demande aux autorités locales et aux organisations internationales de « mettre fin à la politique du silence », de condamner publiquement ces pratiques illégales, de poursuivre les responsables et d’assurer un accueil digne et sûr aux migrants.

    Transbalkanska Solidarnost a recueilli plusieurs #témoignages sur ces expulsions, dont celles de l’ONG No Name Kitchen à Bosanska Otoka. « Nous dormions dans une ancienne usine abandonnée près de Bihać quand la police est arrivée. Il devait y avoir 20 ou 25 policiers. Ils ont tout brûlé, vêtements, téléphones portables, sacs à dos. Ils nous ont frappés avec des matraques, puis nous ont expulsés ici où nous sommes sans nourriture, sans rien. Je me suis échappé d’Afghanistan pour me sauver et là je retrouve cette violence... Pourquoi ?! », se désole A., 16 ans. Selon les chiffres des associations, plus de 500 réfugiés se sont retrouvés bloqués sur la ligne de démarcation entre les deux entités bosniennes, personne ne voulant les prendre en charge.

    Malgré les menaces qui se font toujours plus fortes, les réseaux de #volontaires continuent de venir en aide aux migrants : distribution de produits de première nécessité, de vêtements et signalement des violences et des violations des droits. « Ce n’est pas facile », reconnaît Silvia Maraone. « Tout le monde vous regarde mal et ceux que vous aidez sont détestés… Nous restons prudents. » Son ONG, Ipsia ; intervient toujours dans le camp de Bira, géré par l’#Organisation_internationale_pour_les_migrations (#OIM) où elle gère le Café social et prépare un projet plus vaste, soutenu par des fonds européens, pour développer des activités, hors des camps, visant à améliorer les relations entre migrants et population locale. Il y a urgence. « Jamais le bras-de-fer avec le reste de la Bosnie n’a été aussi tendu. »

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/refugies-chaos-dans-le-nord-ouest-de-la-bosnie-herzegovine

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #camps_de_réfugiés #campements #IOM #extrême_droite #solidarité

    –-> « Quant aux transports en commun, ils sont désormais interdits aux réfugiés, ce qui permet aux trafiquants de faire des affaires encore plus lucratives »
    #ségrégation #transports_publics #transports_en_commun #apartheid

    –-> « l’#Organisation_internationale_pour_les_migrations (#OIM) gère le Café social et prépare un projet plus vaste, soutenu par des fonds européens, pour développer des activités, hors des camps, visant à améliorer les relations entre migrants et population locale. Il y a urgence. »
    En fait, ce qu’il faudrait faire c’est ouvrir les frontières et laisser ces personnes bloquées en Bosnie, où elles n’ont aucune intention de rester, de partir...

    ping @karine4 @isskein

  • Dall’incontro con gli #Ashiq_locali (menestrelli vaganti) nasce l’idea del progetto Sayat Nova, una ricerca sulle musicalità del Caucaso meridionale. Foto e testi di Onnik Krikorian

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Media/Gallerie/I-menestrelli-vaganti-del-Caucaso

    –---

    Dialetti musicali del Caucaso meridionale

    Finanziati da una campagna di crowd-funding su Kickstarter, tre studenti provenienti dagli Stati Uniti e Gibilterra hanno avviato un progetto di ricerca e registrazione di musiche tradizionali del Caucaso meridionale per renderle disponibili online

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Georgia/Dialetti-musicali-del-Caucaso-meridionale-137946

    #musique #Caucause #caucase_méridional #chants_populaires #musique_populaire #Sayat_Nova

  • EU ’covered up’ Croatia’s failure to protect migrants from border brutality

    Exclusive: Brussels officials feared disclosing Zagreb’s lack of commitment to monitoring would cause ‘scandal’

    EU officials have been accused of an “outrageous cover-up” after withholding evidence of a failure by Croatia’s government to supervise #police repeatedly accused of robbing, abusing and humiliating migrants at its borders.

    Internal European commission emails seen by the Guardian reveal officials in Brussels had been fearful of a backlash when deciding against full disclosure of Croatia’s lack of commitment to a monitoring mechanism that ministers had previously agreed to fund with EU money.

    Ahead of responding to inquiries from a senior MEP in January, a commission official had warned a colleague that the Croatian government’s failure to use money earmarked two years ago for border police “will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’”.

    Supervision of the behaviour of border officers had been the condition set on a larger grant of EU funds to Croatia. There have been multiple allegations of violent pushbacks of migrants and refugees by Croatian police on the border with Bosnia, including an incident in which a migrant was shot.

    In response to allegations of a cover-up, an EC spokesman told the Guardian that what was known had been withheld from MEPs as the information was believed to have been “incomplete”.
    Crosses on our heads to ’cure’ Covid-19: refugees report abuse by Croatian police
    Read more

    It throws a spotlight on both the Croatian government’s human rights record and the apparent willingness of the EU’s executive branch to cover for Zagreb’s failure.

    Croatia is seeking to enter the EU’s passport-free Schengen zone – a move that requires compliance with European human rights standards at borders.

    Despite heated denials by the Croatian authorities, the latest border incident has been described by aid workers as the most violent in the Balkan migration crisis. On 26 May, 11 Pakistani and five Afghan men were stopped by a group wearing black uniforms and balaclavas in the Plitvice Lakes, 16km (10 miles) into Croatia from the Bosnian border.

    “The men in uniforms tied each of the Pakistanis and Afghanis around a tree, so their wrists were bound and they had to turn their faces toward the trees,” according to a report from the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), which provides healthcare for migrants in Bosnia. “Once these people were unable to move, the men in uniforms fired several shots in the air with guns placed close to the ears of the Pakistanis and Afghanis. There were also shots fired close to their legs.’’

    “They kept shooting. They were shooting so closely that the stones under our feet were flying and being blown to pieces,” one of the men told the Guardian. “They kept saying: ‘I want to beat and kill you.’ They tortured us for three to four hours.”

    The council’s report says electro-shockers were placed on people’s necks and heads. “One of the men in uniform was cutting several victims with knives and the same person inflicted cuts on both of the palms of one person.”

    One asylum seeker said that one of the men put his knee on his neck, then cut at him with a blade. ‘‘He sliced the index finger of my left hand, and blood started spurting out like a small shower,’’ he said. “Then he smiled and cut my middle finger followed by my palm with a larger cut. The whole hand is swollen beyond recognition.”

    After a while, the men in balaclavas called other uniformed officers.

    According to the victims and a report by the DRC, “before the police arrival, one of the men in uniform made a film with his mobile phone, while others in his company were laughing, yelling and provoking”.

    Upon the arrival of police officers, the migrants were put into vans and taken to the border at Šiljkovača, a village close to Velika Kladuša. Police officers did not beat them, but ordered them into Bosnian territory.

    “All of them had bleeding wounds on their heads and numerous bruises on various parts of the body,” Nicola Bay, the DRC country director for Bosnia, told the Guardian. “Four of them had broken arms and one had a broken leg and both arms.”

    Contacted by the Guardian, the Croatian police denied the allegations and suggested that asylum seekers could have fabricated the account and that the wounds could be the result of “a confrontation among migrants” that took place ‘‘on 28 May in the vicinity of the Croatian border, near Cazin’’.

    Volunteers and charities who have treated migrants involved in the fight in Cazin, said the two incidents are unrelated and happened two days apart. Those involved in the fight in Cazin have not claimed they were attacked by the police.

    The establishment of supervisory mechanisms to ensure the humane treatment of migrants at the border had been a condition of a €6.8m (£6.1m) cash injection announced in December 2018 to strengthen Croatia’s borders with non-EU countries.

    The mechanism was publicised by the European commission as a way to “ensure that all measures applied at the EU external borders are proportionate and are in full compliance with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws”.

    Croatian ministers claimed last year that the funds had been handed over to the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Croatian Law Centre to establish the supervisory mechanism.

    Both organisations deny receiving the money.

    In January this year, the commission was asked by Clare Daly, an Irish MEP in the Independents 4 Change party, to account for the discrepancy.

    A commission official responded that the UNCHR and Croatian Law Centre had established the monitoring mechanism but from “their own funds” to ensure independence from the government.

    He added: “Hopefully [this] clarifies this matter once and for all”.

    But both organisations have again denied being involved in any monitoring project, clarifying that they had only been engaged in an earlier initiative involving the examination of police files.

    Beyond the apparent inaccuracy of the response to Daly, internal emails suggest the full facts of the “underspending” – as its known to the commission – were also withheld.

    The EC failed to inform Daly that the Croatian government had decided to ring-fence only €102,000 of the €300,000 provided for the monitoring mechanism and that ultimately only €84,672 was actually spent – €17,469.87 was given to the interior ministry and €59,637.91 went to NGOs. A roundtable conference accounted for €1,703.16.

    “While we know that there has been underspending on the €300,000 … we thought that around € 240,000 were nevertheless spent in the context of the monitoring mechanism,” an EU official had written while discussing how to deal with the MEP’s questions. “Having spent only EUR 102,000, will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’.”

    The commission did not pass on information on the spending to Daly but privately officials agreed to seek answers urgently. They also discussed in a phone and email exchange the possibility of intervening in the member state’s planned report due to the poor handling of the matter by the Croatian government.

    “Seeing how unfortunate [Croatia] is presenting this issue, [Croatia] definitively needs (your?) help in putting some ‘final touches’ to the report,” an official in the commission’s migration department wrote to a colleague. “Will [Croatia] provide you with an advance copy of the final report?”

    Daly told the Guardian: “It is outrageous – the commission appears to be colluding with the Croatian authorities in a cover-up.”

    An EC spokesperson said the EU’s executive branch was committed to the establishment of a fully independent border monitoring mechanism.

    The spokesperson said: “We would caution against drawing misleading conclusions from reading the internal email exchanges in isolation.”

    He added: “The Croatian authorities are explaining in their final implementation report how the monitoring mechanism was established, how it works in practice and outline the results.

    “Given that the report submitted by the Croatian authorities was incomplete, the commission asked the Croatian authorities for clarifications first in writing and orally regarding outstanding issues (eg factual data confirming the achievements of the project indicators relating to internal controls and trainings).”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/jun/15/eu-covered-up-croatias-failure-to-protect-migrants-from-border-brutalit
    #complicité #EU #UE #Croatie #violence #réfugiés #asile #migrations #violence #violences #hauts_fonctionnaires #fonds #argent #gardes_frontière #route_des_Balkans #frontières #Plitvice_Lakes #commission_européenne #Union_européenne #couverture

    • Report from Centre for Peace Studies on the pushback of children

      On 29th May 2020, the Centre for Peace Studies – a key member of the Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) – presented a new report alongside the Welcome! Initiative. Addressing the Croatian Government, the “Report on violent and illegal expulsions of children and unaccompanied children” is based on testimonies collected by activists through the BVMN shared database. The publication shares the story of children who sought protection from Croatia, and how Croatia answered in violence.

      “We came to the door of Prime Minister Plenković and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior Božinović, who have been turning their backs on testimonies and accusations for years and silently pursuing a policy of flattering the European Union. Even the most vulnerable are not excluded from violence – children “, said Tea Vidović on behalf of the Welcome! Initiative.

      The report submitted to the Government by the organizations provides testimonies of children and their families and unaccompanied children on violent and illegal methods that they had to experience at the hands of police authorities. This illegal and inhuman behavior violates national laws, international law and human rights, prevents access to international protection and, most importantly, marks children’s lives. Although the Government of the Republic of Croatia and the Ministry of the Interior should take into account the special vulnerability of children, respect their rights and best interests, children experience police brutality and limitation of their freedom for hours without access to water and food.

      “While the government uses every opportunity to emphasize the importance of border protection, we wonder in which way is police protecting Croatian borders? By beating children, confiscating their personal belongings, locking children in police vans for several hours in which they are exposed to extremely high or extremely low temperatures, shooting and using electric shocks, is this how the police protect Croatian borders? ”, points out Ana Ćuća.

      The exact number of children who are victims of police brutality remains unknown. BVMN has reported 209 cases of violent and illegal expulsions of children from Croatia since 2017, while Save the Children recorded 2969 expulsions of children at the borders in the Western Balkans during the first 9 months of last year.

      Two cases are currently pending at the European Court of Human Rights against Croatia, both involving violence and pushback. The first is the case of the family of the tragically late six-year-old girl Madina Hussiny, who was killed at the Croatian-Serbian border. The second includes pushbacks, illegal detention and inhumane treatment of a 17-year-old Syrian boy by Croatian police, who was pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina despite seeking asylum in Croatia.

      The latest report presented is the sixth report on violent and illegal expulsions published in the last four years, and it is the collective work of the Centre for Peace Studies, the Society for Psychological Assistance, the Welcome! Initiative and the Border Violence Monitoring Network. It also brings a short graphic novel based on the story of little #Madina, a young girl killed in transit, for whose death no one has yet been held accountable.

      Therefore, the organisations ask the Government and the Ministry of the Interior to finally take responsibility and for those who sanction and carry out systematic violence. Responsible institutions are obliged to investigate those who commit violence and push back children in need of protection. All children deserve justice and protection.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/report-from-centre-for-peace-studies-on-the-pushback-of-children
      #enfants #enfance #mineurs

      Pour télécharger le #rapport:
      https://www.cms.hr/system/article_document/doc/647/Pushback_report_on_children_and_unaccompanied_children_in_Croatia.pdf

    • Policiers croates accusés de violences contre des migrants : l’UE réclame une "enquête approfondie’’

      Après avoir été interpellée par Amnesty International sur la « violence » des policiers croates à l’égard des migrants, la Commission européenne a réclamé à Zagreb une « enquête approfondie ». L’institution prévoit d’envoyer une mission sur place, quand la situation sanitaire le permettra.

      L’Union européenne est sortie de son ’’silence’’ au sujet des accusations de violences contre des migrants perpétrées par la police croate. Vendredi 12 juin, la Commission européenne a réclamé à Zagreb une "#enquête_approfondie'' à la suite de la publication d’un rapport à charge de l’ONG Amnesty International dénonçant des #passages_à_tabac, des #tortures et des tentatives d’#humiliation de la part de policiers croates (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/25339/on-les-suppliait-d-arreter-de-nous-frapper-ils-chantaient-et-riaient-l).

      « Nous sommes très préoccupés par ces allégations », a déclaré un porte-parole de l’exécutif européen, Adalbert Jahnz. « La #violence, l’humiliation et les #traitements_dégradants des demandeurs d’asile et migrants n’ont pas leur place dans l’Union européenne et doivent être condamnés », a-t-il assuré.

      L’Union européenne avait été directement interpellée par Amnesty International dans son rapport. Ce document affirme que 16 migrants, qui tentaient d’entrer illégalement en Croatie, ont été « ligotés, brutalement battus et torturés » pendant plusieurs heures par des forces de l’ordre, dans la nuit du 26 au 27 mai. « L’Union européenne ne peut plus rester silencieuse et ignorer délibérément les violences et les abus commis par la police croate à la frontière », avait déclaré Massimo Moratti, directeur adjoint de l’antenne européenne de l’ONG.

      https://twitter.com/Jelena_Sesar/status/1271044353629335553?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

      Une mission sur place quand la situation sanitaire le permettra

      L’exécutif européen a également indiqué être « en contact étroit » avec les autorités croates qui « se sont engagées à enquêter » sur ces accusations de mauvais traitements à leur frontière avec la Bosnie (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/18721/plusieurs-migrants-retrouves-blesses-a-la-frontiere-entre-la-bosnie-et). « Nous attendons que ces accusations fassent l’objet d’une enquête approfondie et que toutes les actions nécessaires soient prises », a poursuivi le porte-parole.

      La Commission prévoit aussi d’envoyer, quand la situation sanitaire le permettra, une mission sur place, dans le cadre d’un mécanisme de surveillance du respect des droits fondamentaux par les autorités aux frontières lié à l’allocation de fonds européens.

      Le ministère croate de l’Intérieur a, de son côté, immédiatement démenti ces accusations, en ajoutant cependant qu’une enquête serait ouverte.

      Des milliers de migrants empruntent chaque année la « route des Balkans » pour essayer de rejoindre l’Europe occidentale. La plupart passent par la Croatie, pays membre de l’UE, le plus souvent en provenance de la Bosnie.


      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/25354/policiers-croates-accuses-de-violences-contre-des-migrants-l-ue-reclam

    • Croatia: Fresh evidence of police abuse and torture of migrants and asylum-seekers

      In a horrifying escalation of police human rights violations at the Croatian border with Bosnia, a group of migrants and asylum seekers was recently bound, brutally beaten and tortured by officers who mocked their injuries and smeared food on their bleeding heads to humiliate them, Amnesty International has revealed today.

      Amnesty International spoke to six men among a group of 16 Pakistani and Afghan asylum-seekers who were apprehended by the Croatian police on the night between 26 and 27 May near Lake Plitvice, as they tried to cross the country to reach Western Europe.

      Between eight and ten people wearing black uniforms and balaclavas identical to those used by Croatia’s Special Police, fired their weapons in the air, kicked and repeatedly hit the restrained men with metal sticks, batons and pistol grips. They then rubbed ketchup, mayonnaise and sugar that they found in one of the backpacks on migrants’ bleeding heads and hair and their trousers. Amnesty International also spoke to doctors who treated the men and NGOs who witnessed their injuries.

      “The European Union can no longer remain silent and wilfully ignore the violence and abuses by Croatian police on its external borders. Their silence is allowing, and even encouraging, the perpetrators of this abuse to continue without consequences. The European Commission must investigate the latest reports of horrifying police violence against migrants and asylum-seekers.” said Massimo Moratti, Deputy Director of the Europe Office, following the latest incident on the Croatian border.

      Physical and psychological abuse

      Amir from Pakistan told Amnesty: “We were pleading with them to stop and show mercy. We were already tied, unable to move and humiliated; there was no reason to keep hitting us and torturing us.” He said the armed men showed no sympathy. “They were taking photos of us with their phones, and were singing and laughing.” Amir had a broken arm and nose, stiches on the back of his head, and visible bruising all over his face and arms.

      Ten men suffered serious injuries that night. Thirty-year-old Tariq now has both of his arms and a leg in a cast, visible cuts and bruises on his head and face and is suffering from severe chest pain.

      “They did not give us a chance to say anything at all when they caught us. They just started hitting us. While I was lying on the ground, they hit my head with the back of a gun and I started bleeding. I tried to protect my head from the blows, but they started kicking me and hitting my arms with metal sticks. I was passing in and out of consciousness the rest of the night.” Tariq is now forced to use a wheelchair to move around and it will take months before he is able to move on his own again.

      The men told Amnesty International how they felt humiliated as militia rubbed mayonnaise and ketchup on to their bloody heads and faces. One masked man squirted mayonnaise on an asylum-seeker’s trousers between his legs, while others laughed and sang “Happy Birthday” around them.

      After almost five hours of continuous abuse, the migrants were handed over to the Croatian Border Police who transported them close to the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina in two vans before ordering them to walk. “They were taken aback by our condition. We were drenched in blood and very shook up. We could barely stand, much less walk for hours to Bosnia. But they told us to go. They told us to carry the guys who couldn’t walk and just go.” Faisal told Amnesty.

      Some of the men eventually reached Miral, a reception centre run by the International Organization for Migration in Velika Kladusa in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but five, who were too weak to walk, stayed behind and were eventually picked up by an NGO operating in the camp.

      An emergency doctor at the medical clinic in Velika Kladusa who treated the men told Amnesty International that they all had injuries on the back of their heads which were consistent with a blow by a blunt object and required stiches. Most had multiple fractures, joint injuries, collapsed lungs, cuts and bruises and several were traumatized. Their recovery could take months.

      Routine violent pushbacks and torture by the Croatian police remain unpunished

      While only the latest in the series, the incident points to a new level of brutality and abuse by the Croatian police. In early May, the Guardian reported about a group of men who were forced across the Croatian border after being beaten and having orange crosses spray-painted on their heads. The Croatian Ministry of Interior dismissed the allegations, but the testimonies of violence and intimidation fit the trend of unlawful pushbacks taking place not only on the Croatian, but also on other external borders of the European Union.

      Numerous reports over the past three years have revealed how the Croatian border police routinely assault men, women and teenagers trying to enter the country, destroy their belongings and smash their phones before pushing them back to Bosnia. People are sometimes stripped of their clothes and shoes, and forced to walk for hours through snow and freezing cold rivers.

      A physician in the Velika Kladusa clinic told Amnesty International that approximately 60 per cent of migrants and asylum-seekers who required medical treatment reported that their injuries were inflicted by the Croatian police, while they were trying to cross the border. “Many injuries involve fractures of long bones and joints. These bones take longer to heal and their fractures render the patient incapacitated for extended periods of time. This appears to be a deliberate strategy – to cause injuries and trauma that take time to heal and would make people more reluctant to try to cross the border again or any time soon,” the physician told Amnesty International.

      The Croatian Ministry of Interior has so far dismissed these allegations, refusing to carry out independent and effective investigations into reported abuses or hold its officers to account. In a climate of pervasive impunity, unlawful returns and violence at the border have only escalated. Amnesty International has shared the details of this incident with the Ministry of Interior, but has not received an official response.

      The EU’s failure to hold Croatia to account

      The European Commission has remained silent in the face of multiple, credible reports of gross human rights abuses at the Croatian border and repeated calls by the European Parliament to investigate the allegations. Furthermore, Croatia remains a beneficiary of nearly EURO 7 million of EU assistance for border security, the vast majority of which is spent on infrastructure, equipping border police and even paying police salaries. Even the small proportion (EURO 300,000) that the Commission had earmarked for a mechanism to monitor that the border measures comply with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws, has been no more than a fig leaf. Last year, the Commission recommended Croatia’s full accession to the Schengen Area despite human rights abuses already being commonplace there.

      “The European Commission cannot continue to turn a blind eye to blatant breaches of EU law as people are being branded with crosses on their heads or brutally tortured and humiliated by Croatian police. We expect nothing less than the condemnation of these acts and an independent investigation into reported abuses, as well as the establishment of an effective mechanism to ensure that EU funds are not used to commit torture and unlawful returns. Failing urgent action, Croatia’s inhumane migration practices will turn the EU into an accomplice in major human rights violations taking place at its doorstep,” said Massimo Moratti.

      Violent pushbacks from Croatian border have been a regular occurrence since late 2017. The Danish Refugee Council recorded close to 7,000 cases of forcible deportations and unlawful returns to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2019, most of which were accompanied by reported violence and intimidation by Croatian police. Despite the brief respite during the lockdown due to COVID-19 pandemic, pushbacks continue with 1600 cases reported only in April. The figures are increasing daily, as the restrictions across the region are being lifted and the weather is turning milder.

      Amnesty International has interviewed over 160 people who have been pushed back or returned to Bosnia and Herzegovina since July 2018. Nearly one third reported being beaten, having their documents and telephones stolen, and verbally abused in what appears to be a deliberate policy designed to deter future attempts to enter the country.

      https://www.amnesty.eu/news/croatia-fresh-evidence-of-police-abuse-and-torture-of-migrants-and-asylum-se
      #rapport #Amnesty_international

    • Croatia, police abuse is systemic

      While the world is outraged and protests after George Floyd’s death to denounce institutionalised violence, migrants have been beaten and tortured on the Balkan route for years. A brutal practice often covered up, even by the EU itself.

      George Floyd’s death on May 25th sparked protests around the world against police violence and institutional racism. In the Balkans as elsewhere, sit-ins have been held in support of #BlackLivesMatter , followed by calls to report abuses committed locally by the police. And in the region there is no lack of such abuses. In fact, police violence is routine on the “Balkan route”, the flow of migrants and refugees that has crossed the peninsula since 2015 in the hope of reaching the European Union. The events of the past few weeks have unfortunately confirmed once again the link between police brutality and immigration, bringing us back to the Croatian-Bosnian border. It is a story of systemic abuse, both proven and covered up, which involves a member state of the EU, candidate for accession to the Schengen area and, according to the latest revelations of The Guardian, the European Commission itself.
      Torture in Croatia

      When it comes to police abuse on the Croatian-Bosnian border, one does not really know where to start. The accidents recorded in recent years are so many that we can no longer even speak of “accidents”, or unexpected events. On the contrary, violence is rather a common practice, the only news being the increase in brutality by the agents, who have gone from illegal pushbacks to outright torture.

      “We rarely use the word ’torture’ in Europe, but in this case we had to”, explains Massimo Moratti, deputy director of the Europe office of Amnesty International (AI). Last week, AI published yet another report of the mistreatment of migrants by the Croatian police along the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mistreatment is an understatement. The testimonies collected no longer speak of broken mobile phones, or – as has happened more recently – destroyed with a screwdriver to prevent recharging, but instead contain “actual sadism”, as Moratti puts it.

      The case in question is that of 16 Pakistani and Afghan asylum seekers arrested by the Croatian police near the Plitvice lakes between May 26th and 27th. Their testimony is chilling. “We asked them to stop and show mercy. We were already tied up, there was no reason to continue hitting and torturing us", Amir told Amnesty International. Singing and filming on mobile phones, the agents continued to beat the 16 unfortunate men hard, finally smearing their wounds with ketchup and mayonnaise found in the backpack of one of the migrants. Eventually, the group was brought back to the border and forced to walk to Bosnia. Those who were unable to walk, because they are now in a wheelchair, had to be transported by others.

      “It is a pattern, a trend. These are the same practices that we have already seen in Hungary in 2015, 2016, and 2017. Dogs, sticks, broken bones... The goal is to intimidate and frighten so that no one tries to cross the border anymore", resumes Massimo Moratti, who adds: “the fractures we saw in the latter case will take months to heal”. The Amnesty International report and the attached photos tell the rest.
      Four years of violence

      How did we get to this? It is useful to make a brief summary of recent years to understand the evolution of violence. First, the “Balkan route” became a media phenomenon in the summer of 2015, when hundreds of thousands of Syrians, Iraqis, and Afghans began to travel up the Balkan peninsula to reach the European Union. At the beginning, the destination of the route was Hungary, then, with the closure of the Hungarian wall, it became Croatia, which leads to Slovenia and then to the Schengen area. In 2015, Croatian policemen showed themselves to be tolerant and benevolent, as reminded by this cover of Jutarnji List .

      In the spring of 2016, the agreement between the EU and Turkey led to the closure of the Balkan route and a change of pace. “The first case of pushback is registered in 2016 on the Serbo-Croatian border. In 2017, we have the first cases of violence", says Antonia Pindulić, legal advisor to the Centre for Peace Studies (CMS) in Zagreb. At the end of 2017, Madina Hussiny, 6, died hit by a train while returning from Croatia to Serbia following the tracks. Together with her family, she had been illegally pushed back by the Croatian policemen.

      In the summer of 2018, the Croatian police fired on a van that carried 29 migrants and refused to stop. Nine people were injured and two minors ended up in hospital in serious conditions. Since then, it has been a crescendo of accidents, especially on the Croatian-Bosnian border, where what remains of the Balkan route passes. Here, the testimonies collected by NGOs speak of beatings, theft, destruction of mobile phones and, as always, illegal pushbacks. Then, the situation has deteriorated up to the torture of the last few weeks. All in the silence of the authorities.
      The silence of the institutions

      How could the Zagreb government not complete an investigation in four years, address the police abuse, punish the guilty? It just didn’t. In fact, Andrej Plenković’s government has just “denied everything” for four years, while “no investigation has produced results”, as Antonia Pindulić of CMS summarises. And this despite the fact that there have been complaints from NGOs and also the actions of the institutions themselves in Croatia.

      “In 2019, a group of policement wrote an anonymous letter to the Croatian Ombudswoman asking to be protected from having to carry out illegal orders”, recalls Pindulić. The agents then revealed the pushback technique: GPS off, communications only on Whatsapp or Viber, no official report. Also in 2019, then President Kolinda Grabar Kitarović had let slip , during an interview on Swiss television, that “of course, a little strength is needed when making pushbacks”. Later, she said she had been misunderstood.

      After dozens of complaints have fallen on deaf ears and after in 2018 the Ombudswoman, in her investigations, had been denied access to video surveillance videos with the excuse that they were lost, the CMS decided a couple of weeks ago to file a complaint “against unknown police officers” guilty of “degrading treatment and torture against 33 people” and “violent and illegal expulsion [of these people, ed.] from the territory of the Republic of Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina”. “We hope that the prosecutor will open an investigation and that people who have violated the law are identified. But since the institutions themselves have violated the law for four years, I don’t know what we can expect”, says Antonia Pindulić.

      The complaint filed brings together four cases, all of which occurred at the beginning of May 2020. “We suspect that the cases are linked to each other, as all the migrants and refugees involved have reported beatings, theft of their belongings, being stripped and, above all, having a cross drawn on their head with orange spray”, says Antonia Pindulić. This very detail had brought the story on the Guardian and sparked controversy in Croatia.
      Towards a turning point?

      In their brutality, the cases seem to repeat themselves without any change in sight. But the Croatian government may soon be forced to answer for what appears to be institutionalised violence. Not only the legal action taken by the CMS “could likely end in Strasbourg”, as Massimo Moratti of Amnesty International speculates, but a lawsuit filed by three Syrian refugees against Croatia reached the European Court of Human Rights at the end of the May . And last week, after the publication of the AI ​​report, the European Commission announced that an observation mission will be sent to Croatia.

      And there is more. This week, the Guardian also revealed that communications between officials of the European Commission show how the European body “covered up Croatia’s failure to protect migrants from brutality on the border”. In question are the European funding received from Zagreb for border security: 7 million Euros, of which 300,000 for the implementation of an independent control mechanism that should have supervised the work of the police. Not only has the mechanism never been implemented, but there have been contradictory communications in this regard, with the Commission declaring that UNHCR was part of the mechanism and the latter publicly denying at the end of 2019 .

      In short, although Brussels allocated a (small) budget for the control of the brutality of Croatian agents, the mechanism that was to be activated with those funds was never created. And the Commission is aware of this. How long, then, will the Plenković government manage to hide its system of violence on the Bosnian border?

      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Croatia/Croatia-police-abuse-is-systemic-202952

      #violence_systémique

    • Croatia: Police brutality in migrant pushback operations must be investigated and sanctioned – UN Special Rapporteurs

      Croatia must immediately investigate reports of excessive use of force by law enforcement personnel against migrants, including acts amounting to torture and ill-treatment, and sanction those responsible, UN human rights experts said today.

      “We are deeply concerned about the repeated and ongoing disproportionate use of force by Croatian police against migrants in pushback operations. Victims, including children, suffered physical abuse and humiliation simply because of their migration status,” Felipe González Morales, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, and Nils Melzer, Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, said in a joint statement.

      They said physical violence and degrading treatment against migrants have been reported in more than 60 percent of all recorded pushback cases from Croatia between January and May 2020, and recent reports indicate the number of forced returns is rising.

      Abusive treatment of migrants has included physical beatings, the use of electric shocks, forced river crossings and stripping of clothes despite adverse weather conditions, forced stress positions, gender insensitive body searches and spray-painting the heads of migrants with crosses.

      “The violent pushback of migrants without going through any official procedure, individual assessment or other due process safeguards constitutes a violation of the prohibition of collective expulsions and the principle of non-refoulement,” González Morales said.

      “Such treatment appears specifically designed to subject migrants to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment as prohibited under international law. Croatia must investigate all reported cases of violence against migrants, hold the perpetrators and their superiors accountable and provide compensation for victims,” Melzer added.

      The UN Special Rapporteurs are also concerned that in several cases, Croatian police officers reportedly ignored requests from migrants to seek asylum or other protection under international human rights and refugee law.

      “Croatia must ensure that all border management measures, including those aimed at addressing irregular migration, are in line with international human rights law and standards, particularly, non-discrimination, the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment, the principle of non-refoulement and the prohibition of arbitrary or collective expulsions,” they said.

      During his official visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina in September 2019, González Morales received information on violent pushback of migrants by Croatian police to Bosnia and Herzegovina. He has exchanged views with relevant Croatian authorities on this issue on several occasions. Already during his official visit to Serbia and Kosovo* in 2017, Melzer had received similar information from migrants reporting violent ill-treatment during pushback operations by the Croatian police.

      * All references to Kosovo should be understood to be in compliance with Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).

      https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25976&LangID=E

      #OHCHR

    • Dva policajca u pritvoru u Karlovcu zbog ozljeđivanja migranta - protiv njih pokrenut i disciplinski postupak

      Zbog sumnje u počinjenje kaznenih djela obojica su, uz kaznenu prijavu, dovedeni pritvorskom nadzorniku Policijske uprave karlovačke. Također, obojica su udaljeni iz službe, odgovoreno je na upit KAportala

      Dva policajca PU karlovačke nalaze se u pritvoru i to zbog sumnje u ozljeđivanje ilegalnog migranta, stranog državljanina.

      Na naš upit iz policije su nam rekli da je u četvrtak, 11. lipnja, u večernjim satima, tijekom utvrđivanja okolnosti nezakonitog ulaska u Republiku Hrvatsku, u policijsku postaju Slunj doveden strani državljanin na kojem su policijski službenici uočili da je ozlijeđen.

      https://kaportal.net.hr/aktualno/vijesti/crna-kronika/3836334/dva-policajca-u-karlovackom-pritvoru-zbog-ozljedjivanja-migranta-protiv

      Commentaire reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, mail du 23.06.2020

      two police officers were arrested this week for injuring migrants. This is a big step for the Ministry of the Interior, but small for all cases that have not yet been investigated. However, it is important to emphasize that the violence we are witnessing is not the result of isolated incidents, but of systemic violence for which those who issue and those who carry out these illegal orders should be prosecuted.

  • Greece: justice for a femicide

    The brutal murder of #Eleni_Topaloudi, which recently resulted in the conviction of her two killers, has put the concept of “femicide” at the centre of the debate in Greece for the first time, also leading to a legal reform on the definition of rape. An analysis by OBCT.

    Eleni Topaloudi was a 21-year-old student who was brutally raped and killed in the Greek island of Rhodes in November 2018. In an emblematic trial that ended this May, the perpetrators #Alexandros_Lutsai and #Manolis_Koukouras, both in their early twenties, were charged with life imprisonment for the assassination plus 15 years for rape. The young woman has become a symbol to those demanding justice for crimes committed against women because of their gender, and her case created room in Greece’s public discourse for the use of precise language that embodies the political and social dimensions of violence against women.

    Not just a murder

    “At the time of her murder, in 2018, the word ‘femicide’ was unknown (in Greece)”, says to OBCT Natasha Kefallinou, spokeswoman of the Centre for Research on Women’s Issues (CRWI) “Diotima”, a Greek NGO established in 1989. “Her case gave space to women’s organisations to establish the term and demand the legal recognition of femicide, namely the recognition of sexist and misogynist motives in crimes”.

    The term, first coined in 1976 by criminologist Diana Russel and later adopted by global organisations such as WHO , refers to murders motivated by toxic masculinity and patriarchal norms, whereby women are killed when they do not meet the gendered expectations men have placed on them. Often, femicides are performed by family members or men in relationships with the victim. Kefallinou recalls the old feminist motto “our murderers hold the keys to our homes”. Eleni Topaloudi’s murderers were friends of hers. She had joined one of them to have street food together.

    Eleni Topaloudi was driven to the house of one of the perpetrators, where she was raped by both. She resisted with all her powers while being brutally beaten by hands and an iron tool. Her blood got even on the ceiling, but the young woman was still conscious when the men carried her at the cliff. According to media reports, she managed to mumble “my dad will find you”, before she was thrown in the sea. Her body, with just her bra on, was found by passers-by and the coast guard. Her family, who lives in a small town in Greece’s north-eastern borders and had reported her missing, was contacted by the police to identify her corpse.

    An unprecedented trial

    “I didn’t see rape here. I can’t imagine rape with the bra (of the victim) on”, said one of the defense attorneys, reported journalist Maria Louka who followed the trial closely. “Rape culture was on full display during the trial. The perpetrators’ lawyers wanted to show that the woman was to blame. They tried to stigmatise her. They said she was on drugs, that she had unstable mental health, because she lacked a steady relationship”, Kefallinou told OBCT.

    However, the many contradictions of the accused, the attempted character assassination of the victim, and the ties of one of the men’s family to political circles that were allegedly used to conceal truth were not enough to obfuscate the case. Prosecutor Aristotelia Thogka’s powerful speech struck a chord with the audience, but also had significant juridical relevance.

    The prosecutor said: “I am assigned 1500 cases per month. This one shocked me. (…) I heard the voice of Ms. Koula (Eleni’s mother) asking to know what happened. I wanted the same. The truth screams. Let justice prevail even if the whole world has to collapse. (…) If I can alleviate your pain (to the parents) I will tell you that this girl is a symbol (…) I can see that in 2020 the woman is treated, in many cases, as being nothing”.

    The prosecutor’s speech also sparked some controversy. It was welcomed as brave and iconic from those in solidarity with the victim, but was also met with severe criticism by some, among them the Greek Deputy Minister responsible for the coordination of Governmental work, Akis Skertsos, and the president of the Athens Bar Association, Dimitris Vervesos.

    “The reactions were unprecedented, arising while the trial was still ongoing. This has never happened before”, Kefallinou says. Indeed, hundreds of lawyers signed a statement to separate their position from the Bar’s president, while Skertsos (who had expressed his views on a Facebook post) had to smooth over his initial statement.

    Later, in her interview with the Greek newspaper Ethnos, the prosecutor herself expressed her indignation for the criticism she received, especially because none of her critics was present at the trial. The prosecutor also carefully examined the case and presented the jury with all the necessary evidence to support her request for a penalty without a mitigating circumstance. “It was an historic speech because she referred to the law about rape and underlined, probably for the first time in a Greek court, that anything without consent is rape”, Kefallinou highlights.

    A new law about rape was passed last year and, after the persistence of the feminist movement in Greece, the concept of consent became integral part of the new legal definition of rape, making Greece just the 9th country in the EU where sex without consent is considered rape.

    Who cares about femicides?

    According to a recent global study on homicide and especially gender-related killing of women and girls by the United Nations Office on drugs and crime, 87,000 women were intentionally killed in 2017, 58% of who were killed by partners or family members. In Europe, according to a data-driven report published by OBCT in 2017, 43,600 women were killed by a partner, ex-partner, or family member in 2012.

    In Greece, as in many other countries too, there is lack of official statistics on femicides. An informal record about sexist/gender-based violence exists in form of a map , as part of an initiative by feminist groups. "The absence of a mechanism for recording and documenting the data, comprised by the support network of the General Secretariat for Gender Equality, the Greek Police, the forensic services, NGOs and women’s organisations, causes difficulties in the planning of policies that would prevent, manage and confront these phenomena”, points out the spokeswoman of Diotima.

    With little central and institutional awareness-raising, no wonder femicides are often still presented in a romanticised way to the general public. In many cases, media worldwide have shown women’s murders as passion and love crimes. In the case of Eleni Topaloudi this was prevented, largely due to the unceasing presence of female journalists, who covered her story in a non-sensational manner.

    These journalists were part of a big crowd of feminists and women’s rights supporters that were always present at the court, shouting for justice. Their presence was a relief for the victim’s family that had to face the gruesome details of her torture, but also brought social demands for women’s rights from the streets to the court. At the day of the verdict, while Eleni’s parents were coming out of the courtroom, they were met by the voices of the gathered crowd, shouting louder than ever. Her mother joined them to shout: “Never to be forgotten what they did to Eleni. Not one more woman murdered”.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Greece/Greece-justice-for-a-femicide-202400
    #justice #féminicide #Grèce #assassinat #viol #culture_du_viol

  • #Dzyunashogh : ricordi infranti dell’Azerbaijan

    I villaggi di #Dzyunashough, in Armenia e #Kerkenj, in Arzebaijan, sono stati protagonisti alla fine degli anni ’80 di un drammatico scambio di popolazioni, in fuga da violenza e persecuzioni. Un reportage.

    La strada per Dzyunashogh è lunga e difficile. I ricordi degli abitanti di questo villaggio remoto, incastonato tra le montagne dell’Armenia e della Georgia, sono come queste strade tortuose.

    Trent’anni fa, quando Dzyunashogh era popolata da azerbaijani, il villaggio veniva chiamato Qizil Shafaq o «Alba Rossa». Ma con l’acuirsi delle tensioni tra Armenia e Azerbaijan nella regione di Nagorno Karabakh, verso la fine degli anni ’80, gli abitanti del villaggio scelsero di scambiare le loro case con quelle di armeni che vivevano nel villaggio di Kerkenj, in Arzebaijan, distante circa 540 chilometri.

    È a seguito del massacro degli armeni nella città di Sumgayit, in Arzebaijan, nel febbraio del 1988, che si diffuse l’idea di abbandonare il paese, racconta un ex abitante di Kerkenj.

    «Un giorno, mentre stavamo lavorando, un azerbaijano arrivò e disse che dovevamo lasciare il villaggio», spiega il 63enne Sashik Vardanyan. «Non potevamo crederci. Tutto è iniziato dopo Sumgayit».

    L’obiettivo era quello di tenere unito il villaggio. Un comitato informale iniziò quindi a cercare dei luoghi disponibili in Armenia, dove stabilire la comunità. Si sperava nella Valle dell’Ararat, una ricca pianura agricola situata ai piedi del Monte Ararat, un simbolo culturale per gli armeni. Ma quei villaggi erano già stati occupati da altri armeni sfollati dalla capitale dell’Azerbaijan, Baku.

    Rimaneva disponibile Qizil Shafaq (Dzyunashogh), situata circa 52 chilometri a nord di Vanadzor, terza città dell’Armenia. Come gli abitanti di Kerkenj, anche gli abitanti di Dzyunashogh, azerbaijani, avevano lo stesso desiderio, vivere uniti e in pace.

    A tutte le 250 famiglie di Kerkenj il comitato propose delle abitazioni in villaggi armeni, ricorda la moglie di Vardanyan, Sonia, 58 anni. In seguito ogni famiglia andò a Qizil Shafaq per parlare direttamente con gli abitanti azerbaijani.

    Per entrambi la priorità era assicurarsi la protezione dei cimiteri. Mostrare rispetto per i defunti è una questione di profonda importanza e di onore. Un impegno di responsabilità collettiva preso dai due villaggi, basato sulla fiducia reciproca.

    «Fino ad oggi ci siamo presi cura dei cimiteri e abbiamo spiegato ai nostri figli che anche loro dovrebbero farlo», racconta Sashik Vardanyan.

    Ora un cimitero di abitanti armeni sorge accanto a un cimitero azero abbandonato.

    Lo scambio degli abitanti avvenne in modo pacifico, tra il maggio e l’agosto del 1989. Governo e partito comunista in carica non svolsero nessun ruolo in questo scambio e non espressero nessun interesse al riguardo, spiega un abitante.

    Con poche automobili, lo scambio non fu una questione semplice. Spesso gli abitanti azerbaijani arrivavano a Kerkenj con la stessa macchina presa in prestito che aveva portato gli abitanti di Kerkenj in Armenia, raccontano alcuni abitanti.

    Nel caso della famiglia di Sonia Vardanyan, un giovane di Kerkenj che già si era trasferito in Armenia ha fatto ritorno in Arzebaijan, «ed è con lui alle 2 del mattino che abbiamo lasciato il villaggio», dice. L’ora è stata scelta per motivi di sicurezza. Lo stesso vale per il percorso, invece di attraversare il confine amministrativo azerbaijano con l’Armenia, i migranti viaggiavano a nord verso la Georgia, passando per la regione azerbaijana occidentale di Qazakh e poi a sud verso il nuovo villaggio.

    «Siamo stati gli ultimi a lasciare il villaggio (Kerkenj) e le cose erano già peggiorate», dice Vardanyan. «Non riuscivamo a trovare un’automobile e i nostri bagagli erano già pronti».

    Quando gli abitanti di Kerkenj si trasferirono a Qizil Shafaq il nome del villaggio venne cambiato. Non è chiaro il motivo della scelta di Dzyunashogh.

    I pareri in merito al trasferimento erano divergenti. Il clima sulle montagne dell’Armenia del nord era più rigido rispetto a quello di Karkenj. In Armenia erano bestiame, patate e grano - piuttosto che l’uva - le principali fonti di guadagno.

    Sonia Vardanyan ricorda che quando gli abitanti di Kerkenj arrivarono dall’Azerbaijan trovarono i terreni già coltivati, con patate orzo e grano.

    «Ci siamo dati da fare e chiunque sapesse mungere una mucca lo faceva. Io lavoravo nelle stalle d’inverno e portavo al pascolo il bestiame d’estate, sulle montagne».

    Oggi, le 27 famiglie che ancora vivono qui vendono latte per guadagnare. Solo otto di queste sono originarie di Kerkenj.

    Ma a Dzyunashogh il tempo sembra essersi fermato all’epoca dello scambio. La maggior parte delle case sono in rovina o abbandonate.

    I migranti armeni provenienti da Baku «non sapevano fare nulla, erano ex abitanti di città», racconta Sonia. «Quindi le persone iniziarono ad andarsene dal villaggio, una ad una. Sono andati tutti in Russia». Restarsene qui significava affrontare grandi difficoltà. Nessun trasporto pubblico, nessuna fornitura di gas.

    «C’era il servizio di autobus ma non c’è più,» spiega Sonia. «C’era un negozio dove compravamo il pane, chiuso. Tutto è stato privatizzato e spezzettato».

    I nativi di Kerkenj ora vedono Dzyunashogh come casa loro, ma nutrono ancora nostalgia per il villaggio che hanno lasciato.

    A parte quelle portate dai giornalisti che visitano entrambi i villaggi, raccontano di non aver modo di ricevere notizie da Kerkenj.

    «Abbiamo vissuto fianco a fianco per così tanti anni!» esclama Sonia pensando ai suoi ex colleghi e vicini azerbaijani.

    Ricorda i «veri» matrimoni armeni che ogni fine settimana portavano a Kerkenj persone provenienti da ogni parte delle aree vicine. «Il cantante e il batterista erano del nostro paese, il fisarmonicista e il clarinettista di un villaggio armeno vicino. Diventarono amici e ogni settimana suonavano nel nostro villaggio. Ci riunivamo con i vicini e ci divertivamo molto».

    Sashik Vardanyan ricorda la terra. «Kerkenj significa ’più duro della pietra’ nel dialetto armeno che parlano gli abitanti del villaggio, i cui avi provenivano perlopiù dalla città iraniana di Khoy,» spiega Sashik. «Ma non si trovava nemmeno una pietra là. Tutt’intorno c’erano terra nera, vigneti e acqua dalle sorgenti...».

    Tra gli abitanti resta accesa la speranza che un giorno, in qualche modo, vedranno di nuovo il luogo in cui hanno vissuto in Arzebaijan. Per ora rimangono solo i ricordi a legarli a quello che hanno lasciato.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Azerbaijan/Dzyunashogh-ricordi-infranti-dell-Azerbaijan-189760
    #Arménie #Azerbaïdjan #migrations_forcées #échange_de_populations #Qizil_Shafaq #Nagorno_Karabakh #Sumgayit #massacre #cimetière #toponymie #toponymie_politique #montagne #mémoire

    –---

    L’original en anglais :
    Dzyunashogh : Broken Memories of Azerbaijan

    https://www.chai-khana.org/en/story/670/dzyunashogh-broken-memories-of-azerbaijan
    ping @albertocampiphoto
    #photographie

    ping @neotoponymie

  • #Muhamad_Gulzar (ou #Mohamad_Goulzhar), mort aux portes de l’Europe... dans la région de l’#Evros, à la #frontière_terrestre entre la #Grèce et la #Turquie...

    Κι άλλη σφαίρα στην καρδιά μετανάστη

    Δύο σφαίρες, πραγματικά πυρά, μία στην καρδιά και μία στο δεξί μέρος του σώματος, δέχτηκε ο Μουχάμαντ Γκουλζάρ, ενώ προσπαθούσε να περάσει το συρματόπλεγμα κοντά στις Καστανιές στον Εβρο, το πρωί της Τετάρτης, μεταξύ 10.30 και 11.00, σύμφωνα με το Κέντρο Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων του Δικηγορικού Συλλόγου Κωνσταντινούπολης, το οποίο καταγράφει συστηματικά τα τεκταινόμενα στα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα.

    Πρόκειται για τον δεύτερο γνωστό νεκρό πρόσφυγα ή μετανάστη στα σύνορα την περασμένη εβδομάδα, που έχει καταγραφεί σε βίντεο διεθνών μέσων ενημέρωσης. Τα βίντεο και οι πληροφορίες που δημοσιεύει σήμερα η « Εφ.Συν. » έρχονται σε πλήρη αντίθεση με τους ισχυρισμούς του κυβερνητικού εκπροσώπου Στέλιου Πέτσα, ο οποίος αποδίδει τις ειδήσεις για ύπαρξη νεκρών στα σύνορα σε προπαγάνδα της τουρκικής κυβέρνησης. Ερευνα για τις καταγγελίες δεν έχει γίνει γνωστή από τις ελληνικές αρχές, ενώ πληθαίνουν οι καταγγελίες και οι μαρτυρίες για τη βίαιη δράση ελληνικών ένοπλων ομάδων, που χτυπούν πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες που καταφέρνουν να διασχίσουν τα σύνορα και για την προκλητική παρουσία εκεί ακροδεξιών από την Ευρώπη (Αυστρία και Γερμανία), ακόμα και του γνωστού επικεφαλής ταγμάτων εφόδου Γιάννη Λαγού. Τη δράση όλων αυτών ο κυβερνητικός εκπρόσωπος Στέλιος Πέτσας αρχικά δεν την έβλεπε, αλλά μετά και το πρωτοσέλιδο της « Εφ.Συν. » το Σάββατο (« Κύριε Μητσοτάκη ιδού οι... εθνοφύλακές σας », 7-8 Μαρτίου 2020), τελικά την είδε, δηλώνοντας (Open) ότι « καταδικάζονται και απομονώνονται ».

    Σύμφωνα με το Κέντρο, στο σημείο εκείνο της γραμμής των συνόρων δεν υπάρχουν ένοπλοι Τούρκοι στρατιωτικοί ή αστυνομικοί. Σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες στην στην « Εφ.Συν. » οι σφαίρες τραυμάτισαν άλλους δύο πρόσφυγες ή μετανάστες που βρίσκονταν μαζί με τον Μουχάμαντ, έναν στο κεφάλι και έναν στο πόδι.

    Συνολικά οι τραυματίες του τραγικού περιστατικού, που νοσηλεύτηκαν, εισήχθησαν στο νοσοκομείο της Αδριανούπολης ήταν πέντε. Πληροφορίες αναφέρουν ότι έχουν εμφανιστεί χιλιάδες τραυματίες από βίαιες επιχειρήσεις επαναπροώθησης στα σύνορα, χτυπημένοι με ρόπαλα ή κλομπ, συχνά χωρίς τα ρούχα τους και χωρίς τα υπάρχοντά τους, ενώ υπάρχουν καταγγελίες για βιασμούς γυναικών και ανδρών.

    Από την ελληνική πλευρά

    Όπως έγραφε η « Εφ.Συν. » (« Ο κ. Πέτσας δεν βλέπει νεκρούς, τραυματίες και τάγματα εφόδου. Βλέπει μόνο προβοκάτσιες », 6 Μαρτίου 2020), την ύπαρξη δεύτερου νεκρού είχε δημοσιοποιήσει ο βρετανικός τηλεοπτικός σταθμός Channel 4, δημοσιοποιώντας συνεντεύξεις με πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες που νοσηλεύονταν στο νοσοκομείο της Αδριανούπολης, τραυματισμένοι στο ίδιο περιστατικό, ενώ δημοσιοποιούσε και βίντεο από τη μεταφορά των τραυματιών.

    Το βράδυ του Σαββάτου, έγινε γνωστό το όνομα του νεκρού από ανάρτηση στο Facebook της πρώην κατάληψης φιλοξενίας προσφύγων City Plaza. Για τους ανθρώπους της κατάληψης, που αναγνώρισαν το όνομα και τη φωτογραφία του νεκρού από το ρεπορτάζ του τηλεοπτικού σταθμού SKY News, ήταν ο Μουχάμαντ από το 611, το νούμερο του δωματίου του κατειλημμένου ξενοδοχείου, στο οποίο έμενε πριν από περίπου τρία χρόνια. « Πυροβολήθηκε, απλά και μόνο επειδή είναι μετανάστης. Ενας αθώος άνθρωπος που πάλευε να ζήσει σαν άνθρωπος και που τον ονόμασαν “εχθρό” και “εισβολέα” της Ευρώπης. Ενας άμαχος πολίτης που του έριξαν σαν να ’ταν ζώο. Η σφαίρα που τον σκότωσε βγήκε απ’ την κάννη στην ελληνική πλευρά. Από ένα όπλο που σημάδευε μια στον ουρανό και μια σ’ αυτούς που περνούσαν τα σύνορα –ήταν συνοροφύλακας ; μια “πολιτοφυλακή εθελοντών” ; κάποιος Ελληνας ή Ευρωπαίος φασίστας ; ’Η ήταν ένας νεαρός φαντάρος που πήρε εντολή χρήσης πραγματικών πυρών ; », σημειώνουν στην ανάρτηση.

    Στο ρεπορτάζ του Sky News απεικονίζεται μια σφαίρα, που μένει να φανεί από τη βαλλιστική εξέταση από τι όπλο προήλθε, όπως και η μεταφορά του χτυπημένου Μουχάμαντ από άλλους πρόσφυγες μέσα σε κουβέρτα –αυτοσχέδιο φορείο, λίγο μετά το τραγικό περιστατικό, και η γυναίκα του Μουχάμαντ, η οποία κλαίει απαρηγόρητη έξω από το νοσοκομείο της Αδριανούπολης. Ήταν μπροστά την ώρα που έπεφτε χτυπημένος ο σύζυγός της από σφαίρες, που τραυμάτισαν άλλους πέντε και που πέρασαν ξυστά και από την ίδια, όπως σημειώνει το Κέντρο. Η γυναίκα του Μουχάμαντ περιμένει τα αποτελέσματα της αυτοψίας και της ιατροδικαστικής εξέτασης.

    Οι πληροφορίες αναφέρουν ότι ο Μουχάμαντ πήγε από την Ελλάδα στο Πακιστάν για να παντρευτεί. Το νιόπαντρο ζεύγος ταξίδεψε στο Ιράν και από κει στην Κωνσταντινούπολη, όπου την περασμένη εβδομάδα άκουσαν ότι έχουν ανοίξει τα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα και κατευθύνθηκαν εκεί για να περάσουν.

    https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/234353_ki-alli-sfaira-stin-kardia-metanasti

    –----

    Et un message de l’ancien squat City Plaza, reçu par email le 10.03.2020 :

    Un adieu à notre ami Muhamad Gulzar, tué à la frontière d’Evros

    La rumeur d’un deuxième réfugié tué aux frontières, s’est répandue il y a trois jours. Comment imaginer qu’il puisse s’agir de notre ami ? Comment cela a-t-il pu se produire ? Et hier les premiers messages. Sa femme, apparaissant dans un reportage de Sky News. Une prise lointaine, à l’extérieur de l’hôpital, en pleurs et en deuil. C’est par elle que nous avons appris que Muhamad a franchi une nouvelle fois les frontières, cette fois-ci de la Grèce à la Turquie et de nouveau au Pakistan. Pour l’emmener et être ensemble.

    Mercredi dernier, dans la matinée, notre ami Muhamad, notre Muhamad de la chambre 611, a été abattu simplement parce qu’il était un migrant. Un homme en lutte, un innocent, déclaré « ennemi » et « envahisseur » de l’Europe. Un civil abattu comme un animal sauvage.

    La balle est sortie d’un pistolet du côté grec, ... était-ce la police des frontières, une milice, un volontaire fasciste grec ou étranger ou était-ce un jeune soldat à qui le gouvernement avait ordonné d’utiliser des « balles réelles » ?

    Le gouvernement a dit que c’était des fausses nouvelles et de la propagande turque. La veille, le commissaire européen a déclaré que le gouvernement grec faisait ce qu’il fallait, il agit comme un « bouclier de l’Europe ».

    Nous, amis de #Muhamad_Gulzar, qui l’avons rencontré dans l’hôtel squatté City Plaza à Athènes il y a trois ans, nous disons que notre frère a été assassiné. Nous ne pouvons pas trouver le véritable meurtrier, mais nous savons qui est responsable. Nous ne pouvons pas savoir qui portait l’arme, mais nous savons que Mohammed a été tué par une balle tirée d’un fusil, qui pointait une fois en l’air et une autre fois vers les gens qui couraient, dans une chasse à l’homme honteuse aux frontières de l’Europe en 2020.

    Muhamad, pour toi, pour ta femme et ta famille, pour nous tous et pour les enfants qui vont naître. Pour tous les peuples, quelles que soient leur nationalité, leur couleur de peau et leur religion, nous disons que nous allons lutter davantage et que nous allons nous battre plus durement. Nous vaincrons la barbarie qui se répand si vite dans le monde. Et nous nous souviendrons de vous en train de courir librement au-delà des frontières sanglantes. En Grèce, en Turquie, en Europe et partout dans le monde, partout où les gens luttent pour une vie meilleure, sans guerre et sans racisme, sans oppression et sans humiliation des peuples.

    Vos amis et camarades de l’ancien squat City Plaza, à Athènes !

    #morts #décès #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés

    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts dans l’Evros :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/830045

    • The Killing of a Migrant at the Greek-Turkish Border

      On March 4, Pakistan national #Muhammad_Gulzar was shot and killed at the Greek-Turkish border. Evidence overwhelmingly suggests that the bullet came from a Greek firearm. An investigation into the tragedy at the edge of Europe.

      The land border between Greece and Turkey is 212 kilometers long, with most of it running along the Maritsa River. There’s just one segment in the north where an 11-kilometer stretch of border fence runs between the two countries near Karaağaç.

      In early March, just before the coronavirus took over the news cycle, this fence was the focus of headlines around the world.

      On that early spring day, thousands of migrants were crowding the Turkish side of the border, while on the Greek side, security forces had taken up their positions. The acrid odor of tear gas filled the air and helicopters circled the area. People were shouting back and forth.

      Muhammad Gulzar, 42, hadn’t slept well the night before, his wife Saba Khan, 38, would later recall, and he woke up hungry on March 4. Khan would have preferred, that morning, to return to Istanbul, from where the couple had started their journey in the hopes of making it to Europe. But Gulzar had talked his wife into making one final attempt to get across the fence. A short time later, Gulzar was dead, struck by a bullet in the chest.

      Muhammad Gulzar and Saba Khan, both from Pakistan, had only recently got married, on Jan. 21. Just a few days after the shooting, Khan was sitting in a restaurant in Istanbul, her face buried in her hands. On her wrist was the watch that her husband had given her. Khan was in a state of deep desperation, wondering if Muhammad might still be alive if she had insisted on turning around and going back.

      The deadly incident that unfolded in the first week of March along the border between Turkey and Greece has long since dropped out of the international headlines. Khan, though, can’t put it behind her - nor can the other families who lost relatives in those chaotic March days. At least two people died trying to cross the border into Greece, and dozens were injured, some seriously. And to this day, it still isn’t entirely clear who bears responsibility.

      A propaganda war over the incident has broken out between Turkey and Greece. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan alleges that Greek security forces deliberately fired on the migrants, while the Greek government denies all such claims.

      DER SPIEGEL

      DER SPIEGEL reporters spent weeks reporting on both sides of the border, together with the research teams Forensic Architecture, Lighthouse Reports and Bellingcat. The reporters interviewed two dozen witnesses, including refugees, border guards, politicians and doctors. They also reviewed official documents, including Muhammad Gulzar’s autopsy report, and evaluated more than 100 videos and photos taken by migrants at the border.

      The findings of the reporting contradict the official versions, especially – on decisive points – the Greek account. Muhammad Gulzar’s death may well have been an accident, but it was a predictable accident. A reconstruction of the events surrounding his March 4 death reads as though both sides were eager to escalate the situation.
      BLACKMAIL

      On Feb. 27, Russian fighter jets are believed to have killed at least 33 Turkish soldiers in an attack on military posts in the Syrian province of Idlib. The Turkish authorities blocked both Facebook and Twitter, but they were unable to suppress news about the deaths for long. In response to the incident, Erdoğan convened a crisis meeting, which ended with a surprising decision: Turkey would be opening its border to Europe.

      That border had been closed ever since the EU and Turkey had agreed to a pact years earlier that would sharply reduce the number of refugees making their way north to Europe. And by publicly breaching that deal, Erdoğan was likely seeking to distract from the problems his military was having in Syria, while at the same time blackmailing the Europeans for more money to care for the large numbers of refugees in Turkey. And the gambit seemed to have had the desired effect: Over the course of the next few days, there was little talk about the Turkish losses in Idlib.

      At the height of the refugee crisis in 2015, the bus station in Istanbul’s Aksaray neighborhood served as a hub for migrants making their way to Europe, and now, refugees were once again boarding buses at the site. The news had spread on Facebook and WhatsApp that the gates to Europe had reopened, and more than 10,000 migrants had decided to see for themselves. In some instances, the Turkish authorities even chartered buses to transport migrants to the border.

      Pakistan national Gulzar and his wife were among those who took a bus from Istanbul to the border. It wasn’t the first time that Gulzar had traveled to Europe. In 2007, he had made his way to Greece, where he ended up working for years – most of the time with a "tolerated” status from the immigration authorities. He was initially on his own, but was later joined by his oldest son. His wife at the time and four children remained in Pakistan. Gulzar repaired fireplaces in Greek homes, with his last boss, Nikolaos Tzokanis, describing him as honest and hard-working.

      Things were going well professionally for Gulzar, but privately, something was amiss. He was married, but his true love, Saba Khan, lived in Pakistan, so he decided to separate from his wife and move back to Pakistan to marry Khan. Tzokanis says he asked Gulzar to wait until Khan received an official entry permit before returning to Greece. But that would have taken months and they didn’t want to wait that long. He says Gulzar told him: "I’ve made it to Europe before. I can do it again.”

      Gulzar flew from Greece to Pakistan, where he and Khan married on Jan. 21, and a few days later, the newlyweds traveled to Turkey via Iran. They had big plans for their future in Greece: Khan wanted to work as a hairdresser and maybe even open up her own beauty salon. The only thing standing in their way were the Greek border guards.

      Kyriakos Mitsotakis had only been prime minister of Greece for nine months, but the refugee crisis was already overshadowing his tenure. Migrants were living in overcrowded camps on the Greek islands and there had been repeated instances of violence against them. Mitsotakis was well aware that the asylum system would collapse for good if the number of refugees was to rise sharply. But that’s exactly what was in store now that Erdoğan had reopened the border.

      Facing this dilemma, Mitsotakis suspended the right of asylum on March 1 for one month, a move lawyers would later deem illegal. He also dispatched 1,000 soldiers and 1,000 police officers to the north.
      THE BATTLEFIELD

      Gulzar and Khan believed Erdoğan’s claim that the border had been opened. But when they arrived at Pazarkule, it was like a battlefield. Thousands of people were camping outdoors while Greek security forces were firing tear gas and water cannons.

      Khan says they never would have boarded the bus had they known what was awaiting them at the border, adding that they would have tried to get to a Greek island by boat instead. But now they were stuck at the border area. To keep pressure on the Europeans, Turkish gendarmes even prevented refugees from returning to Istanbul from Pazarkule.

      The migrants grew increasingly desperate as a result, with some throwing rocks at Greek border guards. The BND, Germany’s foreign intelligence service, believes that Turkish agents mixed in with the crowds to exacerbate the situation. The Greeks clearly sought to keep the onslaught at bay – and not just with water cannons and tear gas. Several refugees told DER SPIEGEL that they had been shot at by Greek security forces.

      One Syrian said his wife has been missing since Greek border guards stopped the family from crossing the Maritsa River. He claims that Greek officers fired at him several times and forcibly separated him from his wife. Another Syrian man, Mohammad al-Arab, died on March 2 along the Maritsa, more than 80 kilometers south of the Pazarkule border post. The research agency Forensic Architecture has determined through video analysis that al-Arab was shot. Two witnesses claim it was Greek soldiers who opened fire on him.

      European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen traveled to the crisis area on March 3. For the first time in four years, the EU could no longer rely on Erdoğan to stop the refugees, and Greece, in the words of von der Leyen had become Europe’s "shield.” She made no mention of the accusations of violence against Greek security forces.

      Elias Tzimitras always gets called in when there’s danger. He’s part of a Greek armed forces special unit that the military leadership had deployed at the Greek-Turkish border. The Greek security forces were organized in two lines: On the front line were the police officers with shields, batons and pistols, while behind them were soldiers with semi-automatic rifles. Tzimitras and his men.

      As an officer, Tzimitras is forbidden from speaking to the media. As such, we have decided to keep secret his real name, rank and the name of his unit. Tzimitras reports that the situation at the border was extremely tense. He and his colleagues feared they might get kidnapped and said that some of the migrants were also armed. Tzimitras and his comrades worked in day shifts and night shifts, and they were constantly subjected to provocations by Turkish soldiers, Tzimitras says.

      The government in Athens has denied that Greek security forces used live ammunition. Tzimitras, however, disputes such claims. "We fired both blanks and live ammunition,” he says. But he claims they were only warning shots into the air or the ground. Authorization to do so, he says, came from the military leadership.

      Videos that have been evaluated by the forensics experts also prove that shots were fired with live ammunition on March 4. One video filmed on the Turkish side of the border and shown by Turkish state broadcaster TRT shows a fire at the border fence. Then shots ring out and a young man collapses.

      The man filming the blurred images shouts in English: "Gunfire from the Greece army … I have seen someone who is shot.” Migrants can be seen fleeing from the fence, and a little later, men appear behind the fire at the fence – apparently Greek soldiers.

      In a video from the Greek side, the same sequence of shots can be found. Two Greeks can be heard talking to each other off camera. “They aimed”, the first person says in it. “They aimed,” the second person confirms. "That’s the only way …”

      In the video, the characteristic sounds of live ammunition can be heard: first a crack produced by the shock wave of the projectile followed by the sound of the muzzle blast. With blanks, you would only hear the muzzle blast. Steven Beck, an American weapons expert who reviewed the footage, is certain that the shots that can be heard in the video are live ammunition. According to his analysis, the intervals between the shots indicate it was a semi-automatic weapon. He believes the shooter was standing around 40 to 60 meters away from the camera. In all the available videos, it is only on the Greek side that individuals can be seen standing within a radius of 60 meters and carrying such weapons.
      THE SHOT

      When Gulzar and Khan woke up after a restless night, the first altercations had already broken out at the border post and the air was full of tear gas. Khan could barely breathe.

      That day, Gulzar wore a black jacket, a pair of blue jeans with holes and black, ankle-high boots with a zipper. He took his wife’s hand and they marched toward the fence together. "Do not attempt to cross the border,” Greek border guards warned over a loudspeaker. Khan watched as a man cut a hole in the fence just a few meters away from them. Some of the migrants used bolt cutters, which the Turkish gendarmes likely supplied.

      The Greek soldiers stood parallel to the fence, with a few meters between them. They wore face masks and carried semi-automatic rifles. Shots could be heard every few minutes, including from semi-automatic weapons. But the men continue trying to break through the fence. A group of migrants carried the first injured person away, the man holding the left side of his face with his arm. The migrants placed his legs in a blanket to make it easier to carry him. When they reached the road, they put the injured man in a Turkish ambulance.

      Gulzar and Khan weren’t far from the border fence. Gulzar spoke to the security forces in Greek and had just turned away, Khan says, when the fatal shot was fired. Her husband collapsed with his hand on his chest. "Get up,” she screamed at him, "get up!”

      "The shot definitely came from the Greek side,” Khan says. She says she barely missed getting shot in the foot.

      In the video, you can see people rushing to the injured Gulzar. His face is covered, but the zippered boots, the pattern of the torn blue jeans and the black jacket leave no doubt that it is Gulzar who is lying there on the ground.

      “They killed him, lift him up!” the migrants shouted in Arabic. They pulled him up by his shirt and jacket, running as they carried Gulzar toward the street to the ambulance.

      DER SPIEGEL spoke with two of the migrants who filmed the events that day. Both claim that Gulzar was shot and killed by the Greeks. One of the men, named Sobhi, says that a soldier shot Gulzar with an assault rifle. He can be seen in a video shortly after the incident. He says: "There’s a Pakistani who’s been shot in the shoulder with live ammunition. At the fence. The ambulance just took him away.”

      Images from the Greek television station Skai TV show Greek soldiers along the fence near the place where Gulzar was shot and killed. They are carrying FN Minimi, M4 and M16 semi-automatic weapons, which fire 5.56-millimeter caliber bullets. According to the autopsy report of the Istanbul Institute of Forensic Medicine, which DER SPIEGEL has obtained, it is precisely one of these bullets that was found inside Gulzar’s body.

      The rattle of automatic weapons never seemed to stop on that day. Mobile phone cameras captured the sound, and more migrants started filming. Some fled the fence area in panic. Within four minutes, four injured men were carried away. Fourteen minutes later, a fifth was taken away. Some suffered from gunfire wounds.

      One of the injured can be identified beyond any doubt. His name is Mohammad Hantou. Videos show him stumbling across the field, holding his head with one hand. When he falls down, other men help him up and support him.

      DER SPIEGEL met with Hantou at the hospital at Edirne one day later. His brother Riad was with him, and Hantou had a bandage on his right ear. Two pieces of shot from a shotgun struck him there, one of them destroying a bone behind his ear, he says. That’s what the doctors told him. Hantou is certain that Greek security forces fired on him that day.

      The university hospital in Edirne is located only 14 kilometers from the border post. Gulzar arrived at the hospital’s emergency room a half hour after he was shot and the doctors tried in vain to reanimate him. They declared him dead 45 minutes later.

      When Saba Khan received the news, she collapsed on the sidewalk next to the hospital, as can be seen in a video shot by a CNN camera team. It shows Khan sobbing, screaming and banging her head against a car repeatedly. She will say later that she believed right to the very end that Gulzar would survive.

      When contacted by DER SPIEGEL for a statement, the Greek government rejected all the accusations, dismissing them as "Turkish propaganda.” Greece has the "right to protect its borders,” the government said in a written statement.

      The European Union member states have been tightening their migration policies since 2015 and they have ceased conducting rescue missions in the Mediterranean, but Gulzar’s death nonetheless marks a turning point. In his case, border guards not only failed to help – in all likelihood, they themselves were the ones who killed him.

      It’s quite possible that Gulzar was shot accidentally, that he was hit by a ricochet. But it is also the responsibility of the authorities to determine exactly what happened. By dismissing all reports on the attacks against migrants as fake news, however, the Greek government is making it impossible to uncover all the facts.

      https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/greek-turkish-border-the-killing-of-muhammad-gulzar-a-7652ff68-8959-4e0d-910

    • Migrante morto al confine con la Turchia, hanno sparato i militari greci?

      Dopo un’indagine giornalistica, cento europarlamentari hanno chiesto alla Commissione europea di investigare sulla morte di Muhammad Gulzar, migrante morto lo scorso 4 marzo mentre tentava di attraversare il confine greco-turco. Francesco Martino (OBCT) per il GR di Radio Capodistria [17 maggio 2020]

      I militari greci sono “probabilmente” responsabili della morte del pakistano Muhammad Gulzar, morto a inizio marzo mentre insieme ad altre migliaia di persone tentava di attraversare il confine greco dalla vicina Turchia. E’ questo il risultato di un’articolata indagine collettiva che vede tra i suoi protagonisti il settimanale tedesco Spiegel e il sito di giornalismo investigativo Bellingcat.

      I giornalisti, attraverso lo studio di materiale video e il confronto con testimoni diretti, sono arrivati alla conclusione che il ferimento di almeno sette persone, tra cui Gulzar, che poi è deceduto, è con tutta probabilità conseguenza dell’esplosione di proiettili veri da parte dei militari greci a guardia della frontiera, ed hanno chiesto l’apertura di un’inchiesta giudiziaria per accertare la verità.

      Una richiesta fatta propria anche da cento eurodeputati, che con una lettera alla presidente della Commissione europea, hanno domandato indagini approfondite, anche se le autorità greche continuano a rigettare ogni accusa, e hanno più volte parlato di “fake news” gestite dal governo turco.

      La morte di Gulzar è avvenuta dopo che Ankara ha fine febbraio ha aperto le sue frontiere verso l’UE, denunciando gli accordi sulla gestione delle migrazioni firmati con Bruxelles nel 2016: dopo l’annuncio, migliaia di migranti si sono ammassati alla frontiera greca per tentare di attraversarla con il supporto attivo delle autorità turche, mentre Atene ha schierato anche l’esercito per bloccare ogni ingresso.

      La crisi è rientrata solo dopo lo scoppiare dell’epidemia di COVID19, che ha convinto la Turchia a riaccompagnare i migranti verso i centri d’accoglienza sul proprio territorio.

      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Media/Multimedia/Migrante-morto-al-confine-con-la-Turchia-hanno-sparato-i-militari-gr

  • #Lazar_Drljača, il Van Gogh del lago Boračko

    Lazar Drljača fu uno travagante pittore bosniaco, diffidente nei confronti dei ricchi e potenti, vissuto a cavallo delle due guerre mondiali. La sua storia.

    Non c’è un solo libro né dépliant turistico dedicato alla città di Konjic e i suoi dintorni in cui non venga menzionata la leggenda del Boračko jezero (lago Boračko). Secondo il mito, nell’area oggi occupata dal più grande lago naturale della Bosnia Erzegovina, in passato sorgeva una piccola e prosperosa città. Con il passare del tempo, gli abitanti della città divennero miscredenti, disumani e arroganti (c’è bisogno di aggiungere che la ricchezza ha sempre arrecato danni, fin dai tempi di Adamo?). Un giorno un santo, travestito da semplice viaggiatore, si recò nella città cercando riparo, ma nessuno degli abitanti gli offrì qualcosa da mangiare né un posto dove dormire. L’unica ad accoglierlo in casa fu una povera ragazza. La mattina del giorno successivo, prima ancora che sorgesse il sole, il santo disse alla ragazza di caricare i pochi beni che possedeva su un cavallo e di andarsene perché la città sarebbe stata presto punita. Le ordinò di fermarsi là dove il cavallo avrebbe battuto lo zoccolo a terra tre volte e di rimanere a vivere in quel posto, assicurandole che sarebbe stata felice. La ragazza fece come le ordinò il santo. Quando si voltò indietro vide che al posto della città c’era un lago. La città fu sommersa insieme ai suoi abitanti. Fu così che nacque il lago Boračko. La ragazza rimase a vivere in quel luogo dove si era fermato il cavallo, dove poi sorse la città di Konjic [il nome della città deriva dal termine serbo-croato “konj“ che significa appunto cavallo, ndt].

    Oltre alla leggenda del lago Boračko, in tutti i libri su Konjic vengono menzionati anche due artisti: lo scrittore di viaggi e caricaturista Zuko Džumhur (1921-1989), nato a Konjic, e il pittore Lazar Drljača (1882-1970), che ha vissuto nell’area di Konjic dai primi anni Trenta fino alla fine dei suoi giorni.
    Drljača, vita e opere

    La vita di Lazar Drljača? Entriamo subito in medias res: la sua vita non trova paragoni nel ricco mosaico delle biografie di pittori slavi meridionali, in cui trovano posto sia figli di nobili che vagabondi, sia rinomati professori che bohémien, sia cittadini modello che artisti poveri, sia snob che morti per suicidio... A prescindere dal loro carattere, nessuno di questi pittori ha mai odiato la civiltà del XX secolo così tanto come Lazar Drljača.

    E le sua opera? Per ora ci limitiamo a dire che nessun pittore jugoslavo ha visto bruciare o scomparire così tante delle sue opere come Drljača.

    Dopo il grande successo riscosso a Roma, dove all’Esposizione universale del 1911 espose ben quattro dipinti, Drljača tenne le sue prime mostre personali a Sarajevo, Mostar e Bosanska Krupa. Descrisse così la sua vita: “Sono nato lungo il fiume Una vicino al monte Brezovača, ricco di selce e piombo. Sono cresciuto a Sarajevo, dove ho iniziato a dipingere. Ho proseguito gli studi in Europa, a Vienna, Parigi, per circa 16 anni. Ho combattuto nelle fila degli Alleati contro le forze dell’Asse. Appena tornato dalla calda Italia nel mio villaggio natio sull’Una mi sono sposato. La mia signora si chiama Miseria. Nella mia terra natia ricca di selce e piombo ho maturato una propensione per l’architettura e ho lavorato come muratore. Tagliavo e cuocevo mattoni. Ho costruito una barca, remavo e scavavo minerali. Sono un fabbro e sono capace di tagliare l’erba e arare la terra. Ho costruito ferrovie e una chiesetta. Durante la guerra mondiale mi hanno portato via i miei colori; ho sopportato lunghi periodi di detenzione in Italia. La miseria, la mia fedele compagna, mi ha consolato, come spesso consola poeti e pittori. Un anno fa ho tenuto una mostra nella mia natia Krupa, senza grandi pretese, cercando di evocare, attraverso i colori, la bellezza delle nostre montagne e dei loro fiumi“.

    E questo non è tutto. Il pittore Drljača, marito della signora Miseria, un architetto mancato, rimase fino alla fine dei suoi giorni in quella parte dell’Erzegovina dominata dalla montagna Prenj. Sarebbe troppo facile dire che Drljača era tanto strano quanto lo è il Prenj. Il clima della montagna Prenj è capriccioso, il sole viene improvvisamente oscurato dalle nuvole, i tuoni squarciano il silenzio della montagna come se fosse un foglio di carta. Povero il viaggiatore che, vestito come se stesse andando a fare un picnic in un parco, decidesse, abbagliato da un cielo senza nuvole, di salire sulle cime della montagna Prenj, superiori ai 2000 metri di altezza, da cui si gode una vista sulle montagne Visočica, Bjelašnica, Bitovnja, Čvrsnica, Velež e Crvanj.

    Le stranezze di Drljača? Come e perché finì per nutrire disprezzo nei confronti della civiltà moderna, le sue città e ricchezze materiali? Grazie alle testimonianze dei suoi contemporanei, piene di aneddoti, sappiamo che fino al 1960 Drljača viveva in capannie sparsi per la montagna. Ormai vecchio e debole, si lasciò finalmente convincere da alcuni amici e rappresentanti dell’amministrazione locale ad accettare aiuto e a trasferirsi a villa Šantić, nei pressi del lago Boračko. Aveva solo un coltello, un cucchiaio e alcune lattine, che usava per cuocere un uovo o qualche patata – il suo unico pasto giornaliero – che non voleva prendere da chiunque, ma soltanto dai contadini di cui si fidava. Nei prati di montagna raccoglieva erbe e piante aromatiche. Pescava nella Šištica, un piccolo fiume che esce dal lago Boračko e si trasforma “in modo spettacolare“ – come si legge nei dépliant turistici – in una cascata che si unisce alle acque del fiume Neretva nei pressi di Konjic. Si cuciva da solo i vestiti, e anche gli opanci [calzature tradizionali]. Non dipingeva ogni giorno, ma solo quando ne aveva voglia. Tuttavia, guardando i suoi quadri, è difficile sottrarsi all’impressione che Drljača contemplasse continuamente le sue opere, accumulandole e intrecciandole dentro di sé in un modo noto solo a lui.

    Durante la Seconda guerra mondiale Drljača subì un grande trauma: il suo capanno, piena di quadri, fu data alle fiamme dai cetnici. Subito dopo la guerra venne distrutta dalle fiamme anche la sua “nuova“ casa di montagna, altro misero capanno, e con esso i suoi quadri. Dicono che dopo questo episodio Drljača smise di dipingere per un lungo periodo di tempo, e finché aveva forza si guadagnava da vivere tagliando il fieno e legna da ardere. E quando tutti divennero compagni, lui rimase signor Lazar, perché non amava nessun potere e odiava tutti quelli usavano il potere a proprio vantaggio.

    Quando giunge alla fine della meravigliosa biografia di Lazar Drljača, scritta dal giornalista Šefko Hodžić, intitolata “Zatočenik ljepote” [Prigioniero della bellezza] – la cui copertina riporta un ritratto fotografico del pittore con la pipa in bocca – il lettore si rende conto di quanto sia difficile comprendere le stranezze dell’artista e il suo costante desiderio di isolarsi dalla società. Quali traumi aveva subito nelle grandi metropoli del mondo? Che cosa aveva sperimentato durante la Grande guerra, che fu costretto a combattere? E durante la Seconda guerra mondiale, in cui fu testimone della miseria e dell’assurdità del conflitto interetnico? C’entrava forse una donna con la sua decisione di isolarsi dal mondo? Della sua vita emotiva non si sa nulla, a parte il fatto che, ormai giunto alla vecchiaia, si innamorava delle giovani insegnanti del villaggio.

    Preferisco non indovinare le vere motivazione alla base delle decisioni più importanti della vita di un uomo e artista che fu servo e allo stesso tempo re di se stesso. Non riconosceva nessun altro re, ma stimava una regina, Jelena Petrović Njegoš, moglie di Vittorio Emanuele III, che apprezzava la sua arte. Quando il re Aleksandar Karađorđević, recatosi in visita a Konjic, inviò un emissario per chiedere a Drljača di venire in città per eseguire un ritratto del re, l’artista gli rispose che non poteva venire subito, ma che sarebbe venuto tra due-tre ore. Quali impegni Drljača dovesse sbrigare proprio in quel momento, sa il Signore, ma quel che è certo è che non dipinse mai alcun ritratto del re Aleksandar. Era sempre diffidente nei confronti dei ricchi e potenti, anche dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale. Non risparmiava critiche nemmeno ai contadini, tra i quali aveva trascorso metà della sua vita. Se dovesse resuscitare oggi, cosa direbbe Lazar, il peccatore, di fronte al riaffiorare del fenomeno che lui stesso, all’epoca della Jugoslavia socialista, aveva definito grabinizam [termine deriva dal verbo serbo-croato “grabiti” che significa arraffare, prendere con violenza]? Cosa direbbe se dovesse sentire il rumore dei camion che trasportano, sfuggendo a ogni controllo, il legname tagliato illegalmente nei boschi della montagna Prenj? E come reagirebbe se dovesse venire a conoscenza del problema dei cavalli selvaggi di quelle zone, che sopravvivono solo grazie all’impegno di alcune buone persone provenienti da altre parti d’Europa?

    Prima di morire Lazar Drljača aveva espresso il desiderio che venisse sepolto su una delle cime del Prenj, la cima di Osobac, ovvero che il suo cadavere venisse portato sulla cima e lasciato in pasto agli uccelli. Il suo desiderio non è stato esaudito. La sua tomba si trova nei pressi di villa Šantić sul lago Boračko. Recentemente un gruppo di giovani sarajevesi ha sostituito il tronco di legno con inciso il nome di Lazar Drljača, che segnava la sua sepoltura, con uno stećak [pietra tombale bogomila]. Sì, proprio uno stećak, non è un errore di battitura. Lazar Drljača sosteneva di essere l’ultimo dei bogomili. Tuttavia, con questo stećak, collocato nei pressi di una villa quasi completamente distrutta durante l’ultima guerra in Bosnia – una villa che è un muto, ma vivo testimone della nostra follia fratricida e dell’assurdità delle divisioni post-belliche – , non si chiude la storia della vita e dell’opera di Lazar Drljača.

    Sarajevo, il 2012

    Nel 2012, in occasione dei 130 anni dalla nascita di Lazar Drljača, e a distanza di 50 anni dall’ultima mostra dell’artista organizzata a Mostar, nel Museo della Letteratura e dell’Arte Drammatica di Sarajevo è stata inaugurata una retrospettiva delle sue opere, che è stata anche l’occasione per festeggiare i 110 anni di attività dell’associazione culturale serba “Prosvjeta”. Nella mostra sono state esposte 62 opere di Drljača, poche, ma sufficienti per presentare un artista che si ispirò agli ideali dell’espressionismo e fauvismo, cercando di far coesistere le esperienze delle avanguardie artistiche europee del primo Novecento con il proprio modo di percepire la natura, le persone e le città. Un mio amico di Sarajevo mi ha detto che la summenzionata mostra di Lazar Drljača ha destato così tanto interesse che anche il cortile del museo era troppo piccolo per accogliere tutti i visitatori. Mi ha anche inviato un articolo di un giornale, in cui un giovane giornalista sarajevese ha scritto che l’arte, al pari dell’amore, è l’ultimo bastione di difesa del buon senso.
    Post scriptum

    Il titolo “Il Van Gogh del Boračko jezero” sembra problematico? O ancora peggio, suona troppo patriottico? Ho cercato di esagerare l’importanza dell’artista bosniaco? Van Gogh in vita non vendette nessun quadro, Drljača invece sì; Vincent raggiunse la fama mondiale dopo la morte, mentre Lazar è noto solo nell’area ex-jugoslava; il famoso olandese dipingeva ogni giorno, il pittore bosniaco solo quando ne aveva voglia…

    Quindi?

    Non ho trovato un titolo migliore, e comunque non esistono titoli perfetti! Ma mi sembra che la mia scelta possa essere giustificata dal fatto che sia per Vincent che per Lazar l’arte era vita, la miseria era la loro più fedele compagna, e la natura la loro unica fonte di consolazione.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bosnia-Erzegovina/Lazar-Drljaca-il-Van-Gogh-del-lago-Boracko-195842
    #Lazar_Drljaca #art

    –---------------------

    Lazar Drljača sur wiki :


    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lazar_Drlja%C4%8Da

    ping @reka

    • #Expo :
      Đuro Janeković. Fotografo Croato, Artista Europeo

      Attraverso le fotografie il visitatore approda con lo sguardo dall’altra parte dell’Adriatico e anche più lontano, nella Zagabria degli anni ’30 del secolo scorso.

      Il lavoro di Đuro Janeković (1912-1989) è rimasto fino a pochi anni fa completamente sconosciuto al contesto fotografico tanto croato quanto europeo eppure Janeković è stato, fra gli anni venti e trenta del XX sec., un protagonista della scena artistica zagrebese, testimone dell’influenza del modernismo europeo a Zagabria. Attraverso le sue fotografie Janeković diventa cronista della vita della sua città ad ogni livello, dalle periferie alle strade eleganti, dalle signore alle ballerine, ai miseri e agli outsiders.

      Gli anni Venti e Trenta rappresentano per il fotogiornalismo, con il fenomeno dell’urbanizzazione, l’avvento della società dei consumi e la diffusione dello sport e degli svaghi di massa, anni di grande creatività. Seguendo l’esempio della tedesca «Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung» anche a Zagabria si inizia la pubblicazione di riviste illustrate come la Svijet (Il Mondo) e Kulisa (La Scena) che offrono alla fotografia una vetrina importante.

      Nel 1933 Janeković diviene uno dei primi fotocronisti professionali della Croazia e le sue numerose fotocronache sono pubblicate proprio sulla rivista «Kulisa» le sue foto notturne di Zagabria sono uniche, scattate con una esposizione lunga o doppia; le prospettive e i punti di vista fotografici di Janeković sono particolarmente intriganti se si collegano a quelli di Aleksander Rodčenko del quale sono, anche per tempo di nascita, paralleli. Le vedute dall’alto e dal basso e le composizioni diagonali dimostrano nei due autori un’eccezionale affinità e una sensibilità comuni.

      In uno stile che ricorda la miglior fotografia tedesca di quel tempo, le sue fotografie sportive si concentrano in prevalenza sul movimento e sull’uso di prospettive trasversali e di angoli di ripresa inusuali. Janeković mostra uno speciale talento per l’azione ed il movimento: cogliendo la palla appena lanciata, il corridore al momento dell’arrivo al traguardo, il saltatore nello stacco. Egli stesso, sportivo appassionato, correva accanto o innanzi al concorrente, ritrovandosi così protagonista e fotografo, con risultati sorprendenti per le possibilità tecniche del tempo.

      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Appuntamenti/Duro-Janekovic.-Fotografo-Croato-Artista-Europeo2
      #exposition

  • Europee in Grecia: Alba Dorata, colpita ma non affondata

    A poche settimane da europee e amministrative, che si terranno in concomitanza il prossimo 26 maggio, il movimento di estrema destra Alba Dorata non sembra sfondare. Ma i delusi di Syriza e dell’accordo con la Macedonia potrebbero alimentare il voto di protesta


    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Grecia/Europee-in-Grecia-Alba-Dorata-colpita-ma-non-affondata-194073
    #Aube_dorée #Grèce #extrême_droite

  • Armenia : le ragazze delle stelle

    Portano avanti la tradizione dell’Armenia in campo astronomico. E lo fanno trascorrendo se serve notti intere presso l’Osservatorio astronomico di Byurakan. Reportage

    #Hasmik_Andreasyan, 26 anni, si sente a casa quando guarda le stelle. Hasmik è figlia di un astronomo ed è cresciuta a pochi metri dal telescopio più grande dell’Armenia, presso l’osservatorio astrofisico di Byurakan. Oggi segue i passi del padre assieme ad altre otto giovani astronome che lavorano all’osservatorio.

    L’astronomia armena, e in particolare l’Osservatorio di Byurakan, hanno una ricca storia. Grandi scoperte, in particolare nel campo dell’astrofisica, son da ascrivere a scienziati armeni. Una delle leggende della moderna astronomia, Victor Ambartsumyan, era armeno ed è stato lui a fondare l’osservatorio.

    Ma l’astronomia ha faticato a trovare i suoi spazi dalla fine dell’Unione sovietica. Hanno pesato sia la mancanza dei fondi necessari e le riforme del settore scolastico.

    Attualmente sono 43 i ricercatori che lavorano all’osservatorio che si estende su una superficie di 53 ettari. Tra loro vi sono 9 giovani donne.

    Hasmik e #Anahit_Samsonyan, entrambe trentenni, rappresentano la nuova generazione degli astronomi in Armenia. Le due giovani scienziate viaggiano su un piccolo autobus dalla capitale Yerevan all’osservatorio, impiegando 40 minuti, quasi ogni giorno per condurre esperimenti ed osservare il cosmo.

    Hasmik è specializzata in giovani stelle. Anahit studia l’astronomia dell’infrarosso. Hasmik è cresciuta studiando le stelle mentre Anahit ha iniziato ad interessarsene solo durante i suoi studi universitari, quando le capitò in gita di visitare l’osservatorio.

    Entrambe sono scienziate molto legate al loro lavoro ed a volte stanno sveglie tutta la notte ad aspettare che le nuvole si diradino e di poter lavorare. “La nostra professione sembra molto romantica ma in realtà non lo è. La maggior parte del tempo la passiamo davanti al computer a fare calcoli ed esperimenti. Ma la nostra routine quotidiana è molto diversa dai giorni in cui facciamo osservazioni”, sottolinea Hasmik.

    “Il nostro orario di lavoro non si limita alle canoniche otto ore al giorno, cinque giorni alla settimana... A volte nei giorni di osservazioni, se ci sono nuvole, sto sveglia tutta la notte”.

    Durante i giorni di osservazione gli scienziati possono risiedere a Byurakan. Vi sono ancora dormitori in stile sovietico. “Mio padre è u astronomo e io sono di fatto cresciuta a Byurakan. Mio padre aveva un posto dove dormire qui, io andavo a scuola nel villaggio. In questo ambiente non potevo che non amare l’astronomia”, racconta Hasmik.

    Il villaggio, Armenia occidentale, può non essere famoso come Londra o Parigi ma, nel mondo dell’astronomia, è ben conosciuto.

    Molte sono state le scoperte rilevanti fatte nell’osservatorio, fondato nel 1946. I contributi nel campo includono del lavoro apripista relativamente alle associazioni stellari, a fenomeni correlati ai nuclei delle galassie e alla teoria della materia super-densa.

    Attualmente, sottolinea Anahit, gli scienziati armeni hanno accesso a tutti gli ultimi sviluppi e non vi sono limiti su cosa possono raggiungere. “L’astronomia non ha confini. Non mi sento separata dalla comunità scientifica globale. La mia carriera dipende da me e dalle mie ambizioni e non vi sono limiti. Nell’era di internet abbiamo molte possibilità di venire informati di ogni nuova scoperta”, afferma.

    Aggiunge che i giovani astronomi riescono solitamente a fare da tre a quattro viaggi di lavoro all’anno per prendere parte a diverse conferenze e collaborare a lavori scientifici con colleghi stranieri. Anahit sottolinea che, grazie ai contributi dati in passato dall’Armenia all’astronomia, i giovani astronomi sentono l’enorme responsabilità di continuare il lavoro di Ambartsumyan.

    «L’astronomia è una scienza internazionale, in qualsiasi fase della tua carriera puoi continuare la tua formazione all’estero, acquisire nuove conoscenze ed espandere i tuoi orizzonti. Ci sono molte opportunità per questo... L’Osservatorio di Byurakan era uno dei principali al mondo e in questo senso noi ci sentiamo molto responsabili assicurandoci di non restare indietro rispetto agli ultimi risultati dell’astronomia e nell’aiutare ad ispirare giovani scienziati e spingerli ad entrare nel campo».

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Armenia/Armenia-le-ragazze-delle-stelle-193143

    #Arménie #femmes #astronomie #femmes_austronomes

  • Georgia: matriarcato per necessità

    In alcuni villaggi del sud della Georgia l’80% degli uomini emigra ogni anno per lavori stagionali. E una società patriarcale, per sei mesi all’anno, si trasforma in matriarcato


    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Georgia/Georgia-matriarcato-per-necessita-192010
    #Géorgie #matriarcat #patriarcat #migrations #émigrations #femmes #hommes #celles_qui_restent

  • The fragility of Syrian refugee women in Turkey

    #Violence, #exploitation, #marginalisation: these are the challenges of a difficult everyday life for many Syrian refugee women in Turkey.

    Rima, whose name has been changed for security reasons, is a young Syrian woman. Until five years ago, she was living in Syria with her family. One day, a bomb dropped on their house, killing her husband and three brothers. After this unexpected tragedy, Rima, mother of three, left her hometown for Turkey. In November 2013, she started a new life with her kids in a refugee camp in the Turkish border town of Sanliurfa, one of the oldest Syrian refugee camps in Turkey.

    This was the beginning of new traumas. She accompanied her brother’s pregnant wife to the state hospital in Viransehir, a district of Urfa. There she was raped by a security guard and an interpreter. The attackers blackmailed her with videos and photographs. Rima was terrified, so she kept silent. In the following days the rape went on, and the number of attackers raised to seven. As a result of gang-rape, Rima was hospitalised for losing significant amounts of blood and taken to the intensive care unit. Luckily, she recovered. Now there is an ongoing investigation by Viransehir’s Public Prosecutor’s Office. Rima was brave enough to go to the Turkish police later. But not every Syrian refugee woman is.

    Endemic violence

    The June 2018 report “Needs Assessment of Syrian Women and Girls Under Temporary Protection Status in Turkey” by United Nations (UN) Women Turkey emphasises that Syrian refugee women are poorly informed about their rights to protection and the legal support services available to them. The same report shows that 73% of Syrian women are unaware of where to seek assistance related to violence or harassment.

    According to official statistics, by December 2018 more than 3,6 million registered Syrian refugees are living in Turkey. 45,7% of them are female and half of this female population is under the age of 18. Refugee girls and women, who are more vulnerable to exploitation, are subjected to all forms of violence in their daily lives. On the other hand, services for Syrian refugees in Turkey are largely gender-blind, leaving many problems unsolved.

    “I can’t recall a single Syrian refugee woman I have met who didn’t report violence. Marital rape is also very common, but many Syrian women don’t even define these experiences as abuse. They don’t even know that marital rape is a crime that will be punished”, says lawyer Gokce Yazar, a member of the Sanliurfa Bar Association Refugee Rights Commission.

    Polygamous marriages

    Volunteers in Turkey observe that child marriages and polygamous marriages are two major problems for Syrian refugee girls and women. Gokce Yazar, as one of the lawyers training Syrian women about divorce, continues: “How can women initiate divorce in a polygamous marriage? They can’t”.

    Polygamous marriages, outlawed in Turkey – unlike Syria, are not only present among the Syrian community in Turkey. It is not a secret that Turkish men, mostly in rural areas, are also illegally “marrying” Syrian women as their second or third wives.

    There are even websites promoting Syrian women for Turkish men. One of these websites, called “Syrian Women”, features several sexist stereotypes such as “What Syrian women want”. One of the sections on this so-called “marriage website” reads as follows:

    “There are many Syrian refugees in Turkey. In every city you can bump into a Syrian. Syrian women are fragile just like our women. Since Syrian women do not set a condition for legal marriage, you can live with them without marrying them".
    Forced into prostitution

    In addition to marriage cases, forced prostitution is another fundamental problem. Some Syrian women often become sex workers after escaping domestic violence. Some of them are forced into sex work by their partners. Others are exploited by gangs of human traffickers on the way.

    “In Viransehir, Syrian women are forced into prostitution just to get some milk or diaper for their babies”, says lawyer Yazar, adding that the Sanliurfa Bar Association is still receiving such complaints.


    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Turkey/The-fragility-of-Syrian-refugee-women-in-Turkey-191805
    #réfugiés_syriennes #réfugiés_syriens #femmes #turquie #mariage_forcé #prostitution #asile #migrations

  • Gli ostacoli al contrasto della violenza sulle donne

    In Europa gli stereotipi sessisti ostacolano la diffusione di efficaci strumenti di contrasto alla violenza di genere. Nel 2018 la ratifica della Convenzione di Istanbul è stata respinta da Bulgaria e Slovacchia. Ma anche dove la ratifica c’è stata, l’applicazione spesso procede a rilento.

    n Lituania una donna vittima di violenza maschile non saprebbe dove andare a stare, nel caso non avesse modo di sottrarsi autonomamente agli abusi subiti per esempio in famiglia. In questo paese non esistono infatti rifugi per l’accoglienza di donne vittime di violenza ed eventuali figli. Questo vuol dire che non vi è nessuno dei posti letto che sarebbero stabiliti dalla Convenzione di Istanbul, che il paese ha firmato nel 2013 ma mai ratificato.

    Nei paesi dell’Unione europea la Lituania è l’unico dove si registra la totale assenza di uno dei servizi considerati basilari per il contrasto alla violenza di genere: la disponibilità di luoghi protetti e accessibili gratuitamente, dove una donna che ha subito violenza può trovare riparo, protezione e assistenza per uscire dalla condizione di vittima. Tuttavia numerosi paesi sono ancora troppo vicini a questo vuoto: in Polonia manca il 99% dei posti letto attesi, nella Repubblica Ceca ne manca il 91%, in Bulgaria il 90%, mentre l’Italia è ferma all’89%.

    È un momento, quello attuale, in cui le politiche di parità e antidiscriminazione, comprese le azioni per il contrasto alla violenza contro le donne, registrano attacchi anche notevoli e azioni organizzate di contrasto. Come quello che comincia a essere noto come “Agenda Europe ”, un piano transnazionale per la restaurazione di una visione conservatrice e religiosa della società, e per il contrasto di politiche antidiscriminatorie, tra cui viene inclusa la tanto paventata “ideologia gender”.
    La situazione nell’est Europa

    La parola “gender” è oggetto del contendere anche in molti paesi dell’Est Europa in cui si sta dibattendo la ratifica o meno della Convenzione di Istanbul. È proprio su questo termine che in Slovacchia la ratifica è stata rigettata e in Bulgaria la Convenzione è stata dichiarata incostituzionale. Anche in Lituania la ratifica risulta impantanata per il rifiuto di accettare l’articolo 3.c della Convenzione, in cui il genere viene definito come un insieme di regole, comportamenti, attività e attributi che una società considera accettabili per uomini e donne. Un passaggio centrale nella Convenzione, indispensabile per mostrare che alla base della violenza spesso agiscono lo squilibrio di potere e i rapporti di forza e sottomissione tra uomini e donne radicati nella società. In altre parole, per indicare che la violenza di genere è perpetrata contro le donne proprio in quanto tali (art. 3.d).

    In totale i paesi che hanno ratificato la Convenzione di Istanbul sono 33, con Croazia, Grecia, Islanda, Lussemburgo e Macedonia che si sono uniti nel 2018. Ma nonostante le ratifiche sottoscritte da molti paesi est europei, in quest’area dell’Unione ci sono stati anche molti contrasti. Campagne di opposizione alla Convenzione sono state organizzate in diversi paesi: in Croazia ci sono state manifestazioni in piazza, in Bulgaria e Slovacchia si è arrivati al rifiuto della ratifica, mentre in Lituania non si riesce a portare avanti la discussione parlamentare.

    In generale nel paesi dell’est Europa si registra una scarsa conoscenza dei servizi rivolti alle donne vittime di violenza, come riporta un sondaggio 2016 di Eurobarometro sulla violenza di genere. Nel sondaggio tra le altre cose emerge che, considerando tutta l’Europa, un intervistato su cinque condivide punti di vista che tendono a colpevolizzare le vittime stesse - “se la sono cercata” è una narrazione che si sente spesso, persino in sede processuale - o ancora l’idea che quella sulla violenza maschile è una ricostruzione spesso esagerata se non inventata. Punti di vista largamente diffusi nell’Est Europa, sottolinea lo stesso sondaggio, così come è diffusa una certa ritrosia a denunciare gli episodi di violenza: nell’Europa orientale le persone sono generalmente propense a considerare la violenza domestica una questione privata che va gestita all’interno della famiglia; ad esempio si trova d’accordo con questa affermazione il 34% dei bulgari che hanno risposto al sondaggio e il 32% dei romeni.

    E ancora in un recente sondaggio nella Repubblica Ceca emerge che il 58% degli intervistat i pensa che lo stupro possa essere in qualche modo giustificabile da atteggiamenti della vittima stessa, come per esempio camminare da sole di notte o vestire in un modo piuttosto che in un altro. Una mentalità che tende a scoraggiare le denunce: secondo le stime, sempre nella Repubblica Ceca solo tra il 5 e l’8% dei casi di violenza finisce per essere riportato alla polizia, e ancora meno sono poi le storie che da lì finiscono in tribunale.
    Le dimensioni del problema

    In realtà però non si conosce ancora la reale dimensione del problema, le statistiche ufficiali sulle donne vittime di violenza sono ancora molto lacunose, e se si guarda a ciò che arriva nei tribunali si entra nel vivo di una mancanza di informazioni che comprende molti aspetti, dalla grande disomogeneità nel modo in cui sono raccolti i dati - per esempio nel conteggio delle violenze stesse o dei femminicidi - fino all’assenza di statistiche complete su esposti, denunce, cause intentate ed effettive condanne. La notevole varietà dei dati esistenti lascia ipotizzare sia differenze metodologiche di raccolta ed elaborazione, sia marcate differenze di mentalità tra i vari paesi per quanto riguarda la concezione stessa di violenza di genere.

    In generale in Europa sul fronte della fiducia delle donne vittime verso le istituzioni non va molto bene, se si pensa che solo una donna su 3 (il 33%) vittima di violenza grave da parte del partner si rivolge alla polizia o a strutture e organizzazioni dedicate. Percentuale che scende al 26% quando l’aggressore non è il proprio partner.

    Anche nei paesi dove l’emancipazione femminile è generalmente considerata più avanzata, la violenza non è affatto scomparsa, anzi. Spesso ha solo cambiato modalità o situazioni in cui si presenta. Un rapporto europeo pubblicato nel 2007 su violenza di genere e indipendenza economica rileva una situazione molto articolata quando si mettono in relazione emancipazione femminile e violenza. L’avere un lavoro fa registrare una lieve diminuzione della violenza subita in casa, ma solo se non ci sono di mezzo dei figli. E se da un lato le donne con livelli avanzati di istruzione risultano un po’ più al riparo da violenza sessuale e violenza da parte del partner, questa condizione espone maggiormente a molestie sessuali. Da notare inoltre che anche il livello di indipendenza economica conta: quando le donne guadagnano di più del partner, si segnala un consistente aumento della violenza da parte del partner; all’opposto quando la donna guadagna meno, risulta più esposta ad abusi psicologici.

    Molto resta ancora da fare, dunque. Non solo per agevolare firme e ratifiche della Convenzione di Istanbul, ma anche per garantire l’effettiva applicazione dei suoi contenuti. Non a caso la Convenzione stessa prevede un’attività di monitoraggio e valutazione ex post, che proprio quest’anno è stata condotta in Italia. Nel rapporto da poco pubblicato dall’associazione “Dire” si legge di numerosi ostacoli che le donne incontrano sia con le forze dell’ordine sia in ambito sanitario “dovuti ancora a scarsa preparazione e formazione sul fenomeno della violenza, ma soprattutto al substrato culturale italiano, caratterizzato da profondi stereotipi sessisti e diseguaglianze tra i generi, oltre che pregiudizi nei confronti delle donne che denunciano situazioni di violenza, cui ancora si tende a non credere”.

    Il rapporto definisce irrisori i fondi stanziati per contrastare la violenza sulle donne: secondo un dato ripreso dalla Corte dei Conti italiana ai centri antiviolenza e alle case rifugio arriverebbero circa 6.000 € annui, una cifra largamente insufficiente per ottenere gli standard di protezione da garantire alle vittime, e tanto più per pianificare azioni di prevenzione e contrasto di più ampio respiro. Risorse di cui il rapporto segnala anche una costante diminuzione negli anni e una distribuzione “a macchia di leopardo”, che si traduce nella presenza di strutture quasi solo al centro nord e una grave carenza strutturale nel sud e nelle isole.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Europa/Gli-ostacoli-al-contrasto-della-violenza-sulle-donne-191542
    #violence_domestique #femmes #genre #violence #protection #convention_d'Istanbul #Bulgarie #Slovaquie #refuge #Europe

  • After the Quake

    #Gyumri, the city symbol of the quake that 21 years ago struck Armenia. The stories of the homeless, the #domiks, the migrants, waiting for the opening of the borders with Turkey. Reportage.

    December 7, 1988, 11.41 am – An earthquake measuring 6.9 on the Richter scale hits northern Armenia, killing 25,000 and leaving many more homeless. Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.R. cuts short an official visit to the United States to travel to the small South Caucasus Soviet republic as news of the catastrophe makes headlines the world over. Poverty skyrockets as a nation mourned its dead.

    Hundreds of millions of dollars flooded into the country for relief and reconstruction efforts, but two other events of as much significance soon frustrated efforts to rebuild the disaster zone. In 1991, Armenia declared independence from the former Soviet Union, and in 1993, in support of Azerbaijan during a de facto war with Armenia over the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh, Turkey closed the land border with its eastern neighbor.

    Meanwhile, as corruption skyrocketed, the conflict as well as two closed borders and an economic blockade by Azerbaijan and Turkey only added to Armenia’s woes. Yet, despite strong economic growth in the mid-2000s, albeit from a low base, and promises from then President Robert Kocharyan to completely rebuild Gyumri, Armenia’s second largest city and the main urban center to be hit by the earthquake, the outlook appears as bleak as ever.

    Once Gyumri had been known for its architecture, humor and cultural importance, but now it has become synonymous with the earthquake and domiks – “temporary” accommodation usually amounting to little more than metal containers or dilapidated shacks. Hot in the summer and bitterly cold in the winter, others more fortunate found refuge in abandoned buildings vacated during the economic collapse following independence.

    Vartik Ghukasyan, for example, is 71 and alone. An orphan, she never married and now struggles to survive on a pension of just 25,000 AMD (about $65) a month in a rundown former factory hostel in Gyumri. However, that might all change as more buildings are privatized or their existing owners seek to reclaim them.

    According to the 2001 census, the population of Gyumri stands at 150,000 although some claim that it has since grown to 160-170,000. Nevertheless, few local residents take such figures seriously. Pointing to low school attendance figures, they estimate the actual population might be no more than 70,000. Even so, despite the exodus, there are as many as 4-7,000 families still living in temporary shelter according to various estimates.

    Anush Babajanyan, a 26-year-old photojournalist from the Armenian capital, is one of just a few media professionals who remain concerned by their plight. Having spent the past year documenting the lives of those still waiting for proper housing, the anniversary might have been otherwise low-profile outside of Gyumri, but Babajanyan attempted to focus attention on the occasion by exhibiting her work in Yerevan.

    “When I started this project, 20 years had passed since the earthquake and there were families still living in domiks who were not receiving enough attention,” she told Osservatorio. “ The government and other organizations promised to solve the issue of their housing, but their actions were not enough. Since then I have seen very little improvement.”

    “If this issue wasn’t solved in 20 years, it probably isn’t surprising that not much has changed in just a year. However, it has been two years since Serge Sargsyan, then Armenian prime minister and now president, said that the issue of these residents will be solved by now. But, although some districts are being reconstructed, this is not enough to resolve the issue.”

    As the center of Shirak, an impoverished region that most in Armenia and its large Diaspora appear to have largely forgotten, Gyumri suffers from unemployment higher than the national average. Travel agents continue to advertise flights from the local airport to parts of Russia. As elsewhere in the region, the only hope for a better life lies outside. But, with a global economic crisis hitting the CIS hard, there are now also fewer opportunities even there.

    This year GDP per capita has already plummeted by over 14 percent nationwide, far in excess of the decline registered in Azerbaijan and Georgia, while poverty and extreme poverty - already calculated with a low yardstick - has reportedly increased from 25.6 and 3.6 percent respectively in 2008 to 28.4 and 6.9 percent today. Local civil society activists claim that the figures might be twice as high in Gyumri.

    But, some believe, the city could benefit greatly from an open border with Turkey , transforming itself into a major economic and transit hub for direct trade between the two countries. Just 8 km away lies the village of Akhurik, one of two closed border crossings. Repair work had been conducted on the railway connecting Gyumri to the Turkish city of Kars prior to last year’s World Cup qualifying match with Turkey held in Yerevan.

    With Turkish President Abdullah Gül making a historic visit to Armenia for the match, villagers were once again given hope that a border opening would be imminent. “It will be very good if it opens,” one resident told RFE/RL at the time. “We used to work in the past — 40 families benefited from work related to the railway. Now they sit idle without work or have to choose migrant work in Russia. It will be good when the line is opened.”

    But, with pressure from Azerbaijan on Turkey not to sign two protocols aimed at establishing diplomatic relations and opening the border until the Karabakh conflict is resolved, such a breakthrough appears as elusive as ever while unemployment and poverty increases. Nowhere is that more evident than the city of Ashotsk, just 30 minutes outside of Gyumri. Karine Mkrtchyan, public relations officer for the Caritas Armenia NGO says conditions are typical.

    “Everywhere you will see abandoned places, especially public spaces,” she says. “They are ruined. There are no facilities, there is a lack of drinking water, and irrigation. People are on their own to solve their problems. We had a loss of life during the earthquake and then massive migration which stopped in the late 1990s before starting again in early 2000. Now there are even more people who decide to migrate.”

    Last week, on the 21st anniversary of the earthquake, the government attempted to counter criticism of what many consider to be inaction and a lack of concern with the socioeconomic situation in Gyumri. Opening a sugar refinery owned by one of the country’s most notorious oligarchs at the same time, the Armenian president visited Gyumri and promised that 5,300 new homes would allocated to those still without by 2013.

    The $70 million construction project has been made possible through a $500 million anti-crisis loan from the Russian Federation.

    However, whether such promises come to fruition remains to be seen and government critics remain unimpressed. Indeed, they point out, even if the apartments are built and allocated on time, it would have taken a quarter of a century to do so. Moreover, for Gyumri natives such as Mkrtchyan, the need for economic investment and development in the regions of Armenia remains as urgent as ever.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Armenia/After-the-Quake-55719
    #tremblement_de_terre #post-catastrophe #Arménie #histoire #logement #réfugiés_environnementaux #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières

  • Turkey : the map of violence against women

    An interview with #Ceyda_Ulukaya, journalist and creator of the first map of femicides in Turkey – an original and appreciated data journalism project.

    Ceyda Ulukaya is a journalist and the creator of the first map of femicides in Turkey. The project, realised in collaboration with Sevil Şeten and Yakup Çetinkaya, was among the finalists of the 2016 Data Journalism Awards, in the Small Newsroom section. The map covers the period between 2010 and 2017, in which at least 1,964 women were killed. In addition to providing the date and place of the murders, it features qualitative filters that indicate the demographics of the victims, the relationship they had with their murderers, the “pretext” of the murder, and the outcome for the murderer. According to the journalist, it is almost a war report. We have interviewed her.

    How did the idea for this project come about?

    It was around the end of 2014, when I started dealing with data journalism. I was aware of the Bianet centre and their annual reports on male violence, as I did my internship there much earlier. So I started to examine the Istanbul Convention, which commits the signatory states to collect data on the murders of women. The idea was to create a map that could highlight the gravity of the phenomenon in a simple and immediate manner, especially for those who are not familiar with the issue. I applied to the “Objective investigative journalism” programme of the P24 platform, which funded the work, that lasted a year. The website was then published for the first time on November 25, 2015. I would like to get to cover at least ten years, until 2020, but it is necessary to find new funding.

    Which sources did you use to collect the data?

    At first I had imagined that I could obtain the data I needed by submitting a request to the various ministries, on the basis of the right of access to public information. I was hoping to get even detailed information about the women. Unfortunately, none of my requests was answered. Each interlocutor told me to ask someone else, the ministry of Justice, the gendarmerie, the police station, the ministry of the Interior... In the end, I was told that the required data required additional work and therefore it was not possible to communicate them.

    But do not the ministries have their own data?

    Ministries, especially that of Family Policies, periodically publish statistics on the topic. In 2009, the latter announced that there had been an increase of 1,400% in the murders of women, causing a great fuss. The ministry then continued to update those data, with numbers that have become much more “acceptable”. However, when I applied for access to such information, I was told that there are no such data. So, it is not clear if they actually have it. On the other hand, some women’s organisations and Bianet itself started to count cases of femicide precisely because of this incongruity. So, faced with such difficulties and wanting to adopt the maximum transparency on the issue, the media have become the direct source from which to draw this data.

    Which method did you use for data collection?

    I used Bianet’s bulletins on male violence, which are written in the form of reports – for example, they say that a woman was killed by stabbing in a given city. In particular, in the slightly older cases initials are often used. For each of these cases, when information was missing, I proceeded to do a Google search with the information I had, or imagining the titles that local newspapers could have used. This way, I went back to the news that appeared in the press for every single case. The first mapping included the period between 2010 and 2015, and now covers cases until the end of 2017.

    Do you think that the media fully report the cases of women killed?

    Absolutely not. And that is why in providing the figures we always stress that they represent the lower bound of the number of killed women. Then there are cases in which women are induced to commit suicide. Also this kind of news have been reported from time to time, but there is uncertainty on the subject and it is not possible to tell exactly which and how many cases fall into this picture. Many other murders are silenced. For example, on November 25, 2017 I prepared and sent to several media outlets a video with a statement that included the data on the femicide map. According to the map, Bayburt was the only city where women had not been killed. And the media had reported the news saying that Bayburt was the ideal city for them. However, a few days later, I received an email asking me to rectify this undeserved image I had given to the city, with a link to a report on a crime committed against a woman. There are therefore cases in which the news appears in local newspapers, but does not reach a wider audience and therefore remains in the shadows. At least, however, now there is an additional channel for people to make their reports.

    What is the main pretext of femicides in Turkey?

    In first place we find an “unspecified” pretext. This means that in 22.4% of reported cases the press did not provide information on the cause of the crime. Rows or disputes follow with 16.5%, but this is an extremely vague motive – it is in fact difficult to think that in other cases there was no discussion before the murder. Then we find “suspicion of infidelity”, which is more concrete. However, it must be kept in mind that all this comes from the statements made by the murderers, and many say that they killed on suspicion of infidelity because they hope in this way to reduce the sentence. We do often see life sentences reduced to eight years because the man claims he was provoked, shows up in a tie, and is submissive to the judge. Another common pretext is the woman’s refusal to accept the man’s reconciliation proposal. For example, the man goes to his wife, who has returned to live at her parents’ home, and asks for reconciliation, but he brings a gun to kill her – and sometimes the people who are with her – if she refuses. But sometimes women are killed because they laughed, or did not do the laundry.

    Who are the murderers?

    Mostly the men married (40.6%) or engaged (11.4%) to the victims. The “unknown” aggressor is in eighth place, and accounts for only 3.8% of cases. Those responsible for the murders are almost always men who were part of the daily life of the victim – tragically, we find many first-degree relatives, including fathers, brothers, sons-in-law, and children.

    What about the outcome of the murders?

    In 59.7% of cases, the culprits were arrested. The second most frequent outcome (17.6%) is the murderer’s suicide, followed by surrender to the police (11.5%). In 6.2% of cases, the outcome is “unknown”, because it was not reported by the press. It was not possible for me to follow the whole judicial process of individual cases. There are some women’s organisations that do this. But I kept track of other data – whether before the murder the woman had tried to separate or divorce from the man; whether she had filed a complaint to the authorities; whether there had been previous episodes of violence. The map indicates that at least 246 women had reported threats to the authorities, while 369 murders were preceded by violence or threats.

    What is the overall picture that emerges from this map?

    The press reports these murders as single, tragic events, but when we look at them together, a pattern emerges. These killings all resemble each other, they have similar pretexts and perpetrators, which mostly belong to the family circle of the victims. And this tells us a lot about the roots of the problem and how it could be countered. But this requires commitment. At the local level, in the provinces where there is a higher number of homicides, protection mechanisms could be developed for women, while at the national level more efficient legal measures could be implemented – for example, by removing suspicion of infidelity as a mitigating factor. The Istanbul Convention is a very important instrument, it requires states to count the murders of women, but this is not being done. This map says many things, but only to those who want to listen.


    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Turkey/Turkey-the-map-of-violence-against-women-185984
    #cartographie #visualisation #violence #femmes #Turquie #carte_interactive

    Lien pour accéder à la carte en ligne :
    http://kadincinayetleri.org

  • Genitori in Europa : chi sta a casa con i figli ?

    Troppi padri che delegano l’attività di cura alle compagne, madri che restano troppo a lungo fuori dal mercato del lavoro, un panorama disomogeneo di diritti e garanzie: ecco come e perché stanno cambiando i congedi parentali in Europa.

    In Europa, la casa, i figli, le pulizie e la spesa sono ancora un affaire molto femminile. A dirlo è uno studio della Commissione europea secondo cui, in Europa, gli uomini lavorano in media per 39 ore la settimana, mentre le donne 33. Allo stesso tempo però le donne spendono ben 22 ore non retribuite in attività di cura e lavori domestici, mentre il monte orario della controparte maschile si ferma a 10. Una situazione dettata sicuramente da stigmi culturali ma anche da una politica del lavoro che non è più al passo con i tempi.

    Da qui la necessità di un cambio di prospettiva, per uscire dallo schema dualistico uomo-donna e iniziare a pensare partendo dal concetto più fluido di work-life balance, ovvero di equilibrio tra lavoro e vita privata. Un ragionamento ancora più urgente nel momento in cui in famiglia entra in gioco uno o più figli.
    Congedo di paternità, come funziona in Europa?

    Ecco perché la Commissione europea nel 2017 ha avanzato la proposta di direttiva sull’equilibrio tra attività professionale e vita familiare per i genitori e i prestatori di assistenza, in cui si suggerisce agli stati membri, tra le altre cose, di adottare un minimo di 10 giorni di congedo di paternità obbligatorio.

    Attualmente quasi tutti i paesi Ue garantiscono questo diritto, con una durata media di 11 giorni. Spiccano la Slovenia con 30 giorni al 90% dello stipendio, la Romania con 15 al 100% (purché il padre segua un corso sulla cura dei figli) e la Bulgaria con 15 giorni al 90%. Gli stati dei Balcani extra Ue sono lontani dagli standard europei: il congedo di paternità è quasi ovunque inferiore ai 7 giorni, e in alcuni casi non è nemmeno retribuito. D’altra parte nemmeno l’Italia rispetta le linee guida dell’UE, con soli 5 giorni di congedo per i neo-papà.

    Quello che è emerso però da uno studio di Eurofound in 23 su 28 paesi dell’Ue è che solo il 10% dei padri decide di prendere il permesso per assentarsi dal lavoro in occasione della nascita del proprio bambino, con uno spettro che va dallo 0,02% della Grecia al 44% della Svezia. Evidentemente la semplice garanzia del diritto non equivale al raggiungimento dell’obiettivo.

    A influire sulle scelte degli uomini ci sono diversi fattori, oltre a quello culturale. In primo luogo quello economico: il basso livello dei compensi influenza l’assunzione o meno del congedo di paternità. Ma contano anche i criteri per l’ammissibilità e la mancanza di flessibilità nell’orario di lavoro.
    Quando il congedo di maternità diventa un ostacolo

    Affinché il congedo di paternità sia uno strumento di riequilibrio dei carichi «ci vogliono tempi più lunghi e l’assunzione di una responsabilità di cura da soli e non in contemporanea con la madre», ha dichiarato la statistica Linda Laura Sabbadini durante un’audizione sulla Direttiva sull’equilibrio tra attività professionale e vita familiare al Parlamento europeo a febbraio di quest’anno.

    Un elemento da tenere in considerazione nella valutazione delle politiche per la parità di genere, però, è il rapporto tra la durata del congedo e l’indennità di cui dispone la madre. Se infatti la prima è molto lunga la donna rischia di rimanere fuori dal mercato del lavoro per troppo tempo, trovando poi difficoltà nel reinserimento. Allo stesso tempo, in caso di bassa remunerazione la donna finisce per dipendere dallo stipendio del marito, come fanno notare i ricercatori del Fondo Monetario Internazionale Ruben Atoyan e Jesmin Rahman .

    Tra gli stati dei Balcani occidentali extra UE, per esempio, l’Albania e la Bosnia Erzegovina spiccano per la lunghezza del congedo di maternità (52 settimane), ma l’indennità è pari solo al 60-65% del salario. Diverso è il caso della Bulgaria, dove il congedo dura addirittura 58 settimane ma viene pagato al 90% – la situazione migliore in Europa. Per incentivare il reinserimento delle neo-mamme nel mercato occupazionale, il governo bulgaro nel 2017 ha adottato una misura che garantisce alle donne che rientrano al lavoro entro il primo anno d’età del figlio il 50% del benefit che riceverebbero rimanendo a casa.

    Congedi di maternità in Europa

    Nei paesi dell’UE il tasso di occupazione femminile nel 2016 era ancora inferiore di 11,6 punti percentuali rispetto a quello maschile: la perdita economica dovuta a questo divario nel 2013 era stimata intorno ai 370 miliardi di euro all’anno. Secondo Eurostat, la quota di uomini che lavorano part-time diminuisce all’aumentare del numero dei loro figli, mentre aumenta per le donne. Secondo la Commissione europea le responsabilità assistenziali sono la causa di inattività per quasi il 20% delle donne fuori dal mercato del lavoro, mentre costituiscono meno del 2% dei casi per gli uomini.
    Congedo parentale, il modello svedese

    Un ruolo decisivo nel riequilibrio tra vita privata e professionale è giocato quindi dal congedo parentale. Quello a cui si ispira l’UE è il modello svedese, per cui ai genitori spettano 480 giorni di congedo, di cui almeno 60 riservati al padre e almeno 60 alla madre. In più nelle prime due settimane dopo la nascita, entrambi i genitori possono accudire il figlio insieme. È proprio per aumentare il ricorso al congedo parentale dei padri che alcuni paesi prevedono che il congedo abbia una parte non condivisa, o «quota daddy» – poiché “è stato ripetutamente dimostrato che il congedo parentale basato su un diritto di famiglia (cioè non legato al padre) è usato prevalentemente dalle madri”, come affermano gli studiosi Peter Moss e Fred Deven .

    Attualmente tutti i paesi dell’UE prevedono un congedo parentale, ma c’è un’ampia variabilità, dalle 18 settimane di Cipro non remunerate ai tre anni per genitore in Germania, di cui però solo 14 settimane vengono pagate. Oltre alla Svezia, le migliori condizioni le si hanno in Slovenia. Lì il padre e la madre hanno a disposizione 130 giorni di permesso ciascuno, pagati al 90%, e solo una parte è trasferibile.

    In Bulgaria le madri godono di ottime condizioni di congedo, ma invece quello parentale è molto sfavorevole: prevede solo 6 mesi a disposizione di ciascun genitore, senza alcun tipo di remunerazione. Per quanto riguarda gli stati dei Balcani occidentali extra UE un buon esempio è quello della Serbia, con tre mesi pagati al 100% se il genitore ha lavorato negli ultimi sei mesi (comunque al di sotto dello standard previsto dall’UE).
    Congedo parentale, come renderlo efficace

    «Il congedo da solo non cambierà i comportamenti» ha affermato Tim Shand, vicepresidente di Promundo , un’organizzazione non governativa impegnata a favore della parità di genere, e coordinatore della rete mondiale MenCare , durante un’audizione al Parlamento europeo a febbraio di quest’anno. Secondo lui, per essere davvero efficace la nuova direttiva dovrebbe prevedere un «congedo non trasferibile, di una lunghezza ragionevole e pagato a sufficienza, tra il 70% e 100% dello stipendio regolare o equivalente».

    Una distribuzione più equa dei tempi di cura avrebbe come effetti sicuri una maggiore parità di genere, un coinvolgimento più intenso delle donne nel mondo del lavoro, con la conseguente riduzione dello scarto nelle retribuzioni di uomini e donne – e quindi una maggiore emancipazione. A trarne beneficio non sarebbero solo le donne, ma anche i figli. Secondo Shand, «i padri sono importanti per lo sviluppo emotivo e intellettuale dei bambini. Il coinvolgimento dei padri può contribuire a ridurre i tassi di depressione e avere un’influenza positiva sulle scelte future in termini lavorativi e sentimentali e anche di equilibrio tra vita professionale e familiare».

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Tutte-le-notizie/Genitori-in-Europa-chi-sta-a-casa-con-i-figli-190834

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