• #Sarah_Ditum : De l’importance de ne pas relooker la prostitution en « travail du sexe »

    Daisy avait 15 ans lorsqu’elle a reçu son premier avertissement lié à la prostitution. Elle parle peu de cette partie de son histoire aux gens, car elle ne veut pas que ce récit déborde dans son présent (tous les détails permettant de l’identifier ont été modifiés dans le présent article). Cela fait d’elle l’une des femmes que vous n’entendrez pas dans les débats actuels sur l’industrie du sexe.

    On dit souvent aux décideurs et aux féministes qu’ils et elles doivent « écouter les travailleuses du sexe », mais il faut garder à l’esprit que l’on ne peut écouter que celles qui acceptent de s’exprimer, et que plus une femme a subi de préjudices, moins elle est susceptible de vouloir revenir lç-dessus sur la place publique. Si des personnalités telles que Brooke « Belle de Jour » Magnanti et Melissa Gira Grant, autrice du livre Playing the Whore (Faire la pute,) peuvent s’afficher comme représentantes de la prostitution, c’est sans doute en partie parce que leurs expériences relativement bénignes sont atypiques. Rangées en face d’elles sont les femmes comme Rachel Moran et Rebecca Mott, qui se qualifient de « survivantes ». Pour celles-là, la vente de sexe n’a été rien d’autre qu’un traumatisme, et revisiter ce traumatisme fait partie de leur vie publique en tant que militantes. C’est un lourd tribut à payer pour n’importe qui, et Daisy, que j’ai rencontrée par l’intermédiaire d’une association de lutte contre la violence faite aux femmes, y résiste : « Je refuse de construire ma carrière sur le fait d’être une « ex » quoi que ce soit. Ce n’est pas une étiquette que je veux ou que j’accepte ».

    Version originale : https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2014/12/why-we-shouldnt-rebrand-prostitution-sex-work
    Traduction : Collective #TRADFEM

  • How French police brutality is harming the country’s international image

    Violent treatment of protesters is deterring tourists and undermining France’s reputation as the birthplace of human rights.

    Despite the government’s careful presentation of France as an economically attractive country, the “birth nation of human rights” is fast losing its tourism appeal and radiance on the international stage, due in no small part to the recent deluge of images of police brutality. Paris, specifically, where police-protester confrontations have been most violent, has been damaged: tourism in the region has slowed since the start of the yellow vest movement and the city has fallen six ranks in the Economist’s 2019 Global Liveability Index, which noted: “Paris in France is the highest-ranked city to have seen a deterioration in its stability score, owing to the ongoing anti-government gilets jaunes protests that began in late 2018.”

    Even the American singer Iggy Pop, who recently played in Paris, has referenced the violent escalation in French law enforcement. He told French media that he had followed “what is happening with the police” over the controversial death of Steve Maia Caniço, who drowned in Nantes in June after a police charge. “More and more, we see that political leaders refuse dialogue,” he said. Not exactly Macron-approved PR.

    #répression #tourisme #droits_humains

  • Transgender woman in male prison ‘nightmare’ on hunger strike | Society | The Guardian

    Dean has been diagnosed with gender dysphoria and serving an indeterminate sentence for public protection (IPP) after being convicted of more than 30 offences including repeated burglary and voyeurism. Her crimes included breaking into several homes and filming herself wearing underwear belonging to teenage girls. The judge at her trial said she engaged in “behaviour that anyone is bound to find chilling”.

    The Marie Dean story shows there’s no simple answer to how we treat transgender prisoners

    It was presented, at first, as a simple case of injustice in the prison system. The Observer ran the story with the headline “Transgender woman in male prison ‘nightmare’ on hunger strike”. The facts given were these: Marie Dean, 50, is refusing food in protest at being held in HMP Preston on an indeterminate sentence for burglary without access to “hair straighteners, epilator or any makeup”. The report linked to a Change.org petition demanding that Dean be “moved into the female estate as quickly as possible”. Some detail, though, seemed to be missing.

    That’s why the crimes came with an indeterminate sentence: because Dean was a sexual offender with an escalating pattern of behaviour against women. After complaints, The Observer updated its report with details of Dean’s crimes, but the fundamental outline of the story remains as it was, while the Pink News version still only mentions burglary. Alarmingly, it was only possible to learn this because Dean had made a relatively minor name change. One unhappy consequence of the well-intentioned taboo against “deadnaming” (using a trans individual’s pre-transition name) is that past actions are able to slip from the record.

    At this point, I think it’s OK to ask where women figure in all this. This is someone who presents a manifest danger to women, someone whose victims live in the long shadow of violation in their own homes; yet media outlets have given an uncritical platform to demands for Dean’s transfer into the female estate.

    BBC NEWS | UK | England | Lancashire | Cross-dressing burglar is jailed

    Marie was convicted of 24 offences at his trial including burglary, aggravated burglary, six counts of voyeurism and 10 counts of possessing indecent photographs of children.

    Cross-dressing Burnley burglar jailed indefinitely | Lancashire Telegraph

    Meanwhile, images were found on the mobile phone and camera of Marie in bedrooms, dressed again in women’s underwear and performing sex acts on himself.

    Detectives charged Marie with assault and going equipped and launched an investigation, involving newspaper coverage, to trace the bedrooms where the footage was filmed.

    One house in the images was found to be the home of a woman and her 15-year-old daughter, whose bedroom Marie had filmed himself in.

    Je résume : une personne fait effraction chez des femmes, porte les sous-vêtements des filles, se masturbe et se filme, possède du matériel pédopornographique. Et demande à être placée dans une prison pour femmes puisqu’elle s’identifie comme telle. Il faut arbitrer ensuite entre ses droits et celles des femmes qui devront partager leurs espaces avec une personne coupable de crimes sexuels contre d’autres femmes.

  • An Interview with Ryszard Kapuscinski: Writing about Suffering


    Were you trained as a journalist? Kapuscinski: No, never. I started in journalism in 1950 — I was 18, just finishing secondary school, and the newspaper people came to ask me to work. I learned journalism through practice.

    Wolfe: How would you describe your genre?

    Kapuscinski: It’s very difficult to describe. We have such a mixture now, such a fusion of different genres… in the American tradition you would call it New Journalism. This implies writing about the facts, the real facts of life, but using the techniques of fiction writing. There is a certain difference in my case, because I’m trying to put more elements of the essay into my writing… My writing is a combination of three elements. The first is travel: not travel like a tourist, but travel as exploration, as concentration, as a purpose. The second is reading literature on the subject: books, articles, scholarship. The third is reflection, which comes from travel and reading. My books are created from a combination of these three elements.

    Wolfe:When did the idea of Aesopian writing enter into the genre, the idea of putting layers into official texts?

    Kapuscinski: Well, this is not a new thing — it was a nineteenth-century Russian tradition. As for us, we were trying to use all the available possibilities, because there wasn’t any underground. Underground literature only began in the 70s, when technical developments made it possible. Before that, we were involved in a game with the censors. That was our struggle. The Emperor is considered to be an Aesopian book in Poland and the Soviet Union. Of course it’s not about Ethiopia or Haile Selassie — rather, it’s about the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The First Secretary at the time was named Gierek, and he was very much the emperor with his court, and everybody read the book as being about him and the Central Committee.

    Wolfe: But you didn’t write explicitly about the Central Committee.

    Kapuscinski: No, but of course the authorities knew what it was about, and so it had a very small circulation, and it was forbidden to turn it into a film or a play. Aesopian language was used by all of us. And of course, using this language meant having readers who understood it.

    Cohen: The other day we were discussing the crisis of readership, and wondering whether people were still capable of doing the double reading, of taking apart a text that has been written in a complicated way.

    Kapuscinski: The limitation of sources under the Communists had a very political effect on reading. People had just one book, and nothing else — no television or other diversions — so they just read the same book very carefully several times. Readership was high, and very attentive. It was people’s only source of knowledge about the world. You have to understand that the tradition of Russian literature — and Russians are great readers — is also an eastern tradition of learning poetry and prose by heart. This is the most intimate relationship between literature and its readers: they treat the text as a part of themselves, as a possession. This art of reading, reading the text behind the text, is missing now.

    Cohen: When did you first arrive on the African continent?

    Kapuscinski:My first trip to Africa came when the first countries south of the Sahara became independent, in 1958. Ghana was the first African country I visited. I wrote a series of reports about Nkumrah and Lumumba. My second trip was just two years later, when I went to cover the events surrounding the independence of the Congo. At that time, I was not allowed to go to Kinshasa — it was Leopoldville at that time — but I crossed the Sudan-Congo border illegally with a Czech journalist friend, since there was nobody patrolling it. And I went to Kisangani, which was called Stanleyville then.

    Cohen: Were you in Leopoldville during the actual transfer[1]?

    Kapuscinski:No, afterwards. It was a moment of terrible international tension. I remember the atmosphere of danger: there was the expectation that the Congo might begin a new world war. I say this today and people just smile. But that’s why everybody was so nervous: Russians were going there, Americans were going there, the French, the United Nations… I remember one moment at the airport in Kisangani, thinking that Soviet planes were coming — all the journalists were there, and we all expected it to happen.

    Cohen: At that time, in the early 1960s, there weren’t more than three regular American journalists covering Africa.

    Kapuscinski:There were very few, because most correspondents came from the former colonial powers — there were British, French, and a lot of Italians, because there were a lot of Italian communities there. And of course there were a lot of Russians.

    Wolfe: Was there competition among this handful of people?

    Kapuscinski: No, we all cooperated, all of us, East and West, regardless of country, because the working conditions were really terrible. We had to. We always moved in groups from one coup d’état to another, from one war to another… So if there was a coup d’état of leftist orientation in some country I took my Western colleagues with me and said “look, let them come in,” and if there was one of rightist orientation they took me, saying “no, he’s okay, give him a visa please, he’s going with us, he’s our friend,” and so on. I didn’t compete with the New York Times, for example, because the Polish press agency is a small piece of cake, not important. And because conditions were so hard. For example, to send the news out, there was no e-mail, nothing: telex was the only means, but telex was very rare in Africa. So if somebody was flying to Europe, we gave him correspondence, to send after he arrived. I remember that during the period leading up to independence in Angola in 1975, I was the only correspondent there at all for three months. I was in my hotel room when somebody knocked on my door - I opened it, and a man said, “I’m the New York Times correspondent.” The official independence celebration was going to be held over four or five days, and a group of journalists from all over the world was allowed to fly in, because Angola was closed otherwise. So he said, “I’m sorry, but I’m the new man here, and I heard you’ve been here longer, and I have to write something from Angola, and this is the article I have to send to the New York Times. Could you kindly read it and correct things which are not real?” And he brought a bottle of whiskey. And whiskey was something which was absolutely marvelous, because there was nothing: no cigarettes, no food, nothing…The difference at that time, in comparison with today, was that this was a group of highly specialized people. They were real Africanists, and not only from experience. If you read articles from that time in Le Monde, in the Times, you’ll find that the authors really had background, a knowledge of the subject. It was a very highly qualified sort of journalism — we were all great specialists.

    Woodford: Professor Piotr Michalowski[2] says that when he was growing up in Poland, people lived through your reports in a very special way: they were like a big, exotic outlet, given the state of world politics. People of all ranks and stations followed these adventures. When you went back, did regular Poles, non-educated people, also want you to tell them about what it was like to see these things?

    Kapuscinski:Yes, very much so. They were very interested in what I was writing. This was a unique source of information, and Africa held incomparably greater interest for them at that time than it does now. People were really interested in what was going on because of the international context of the Cold War.

    Wolfe: What did the Poles know about Africa?

    Kapuscinski: They had very limited knowledge. This was very typical of the European understanding of Africa, which is full of stereotypes and biases. Nevertheless, there was a certain fascination with Africa. Maybe it has something to do with our literature: we have Conrad’s Heart of Darkness, for example, and Conrad is considered in Poland as a Polish writer. The similarity between Africa and Poland - and this is an argument I have always had with people in Africa - is that we were also a colonized country. We were a colony for 130 years. We lost independence at the end of the 18th century, and only regained it in 1918, after the First World War. We were divided between three colonial powers - Russia, Prussia, and Austria. There’s a certain similarity of experience. I’ve often quarreled with African friends about this. I’ve asked, “How long were you colonized?” "Eighty years," they’ve answered, and I’ve responded, “We were colonized 50 years longer, so what can you say about colonialism? I’ll tell you what colonial experience is.” And they’re shocked. But though there is a similarity of experience, the common people are not conscious of this.

    Wolfe: At the end of the Copernicus Lecture, you said that you wrote Imperium because it was important to bring a Polish way of seeing things to your topic. How did you come to a sense that there was a Polish way of seeing things? Did it emerge from your experiences in Africa, or in relationship to Russia?

    Kapuscinski: It developed in relation to Russia in particular. Our history, the history of Polish-Russian relations, is very tragic, very harrowing. There has been a lot of suffering on our side, because Stalin killed all our intelligentsia. It wasn’t just that he killed 100,000 people, it was that he purposely killed the 100,000 who were our only intelligentsia… When I started writing Imperium, I had a problem with my conscience, because if I wrote strictly from the point of view of this Polish experience, the book would be completely unacceptable and incomprehensible to the Western reader…So I had to put aside our Polish experience, and to find an angle, an objective way of writing about Russia.

    Wolfe: Isn’t there something inherently difficult in writing about suffering? How does one go back and forth between a sense of causation in daily suffering on the one hand, and an understanding of the purges as a social phenomenon, on the other? How does one attempt to understand the cultural propensity of Russians to suffer?

    Kapuscinski: There is a fundamental difference between the Polish experience of the state and the Russian experience. In the Polish experience, the state was always a foreign power. So, to hate the state, to be disobedient to the state, was a patriotic act. In the Russian experience, although the Russian state is oppressive, it is their state, it is part of their fabric, and so the relation between Russian citizens and their state is much more complicated. There are several reasons why Russians view the oppressive state positively. First of all, in Russian culture, in the Russian Orthodox religion, there is an understanding of authority as something sent by God. This makes the state part of the sacred… So if the state is oppressive, then it is oppressive, but you can’t revolt against it. The cult of authority is very strong in Russian society.

    Wolfe: But what is the difference between Soviet suffering and something like the battle of the Marne, the insanity of World War I and trench warfare?

    Kapuscinski: It’s different. In the First World War, there was the sudden passion of nationalism, and the killing took place because of these emotions. But the Soviet case is different, because there you had systematic murder, like in the Holocaust. Ten or 12 million Ukrainian peasants were purposely killed by Stalin, by starvation, in the Ukrainian hunger of 1932-3…It was a very systematic plan… In modern Russia, you have no official, formal assessment of this past. Nobody in any Russian document has said that the policy of the Soviet government was criminal, that it was terrible. No one has ever said this.

    Woodford: But what about Khrushchev in 1956?

    Kapuscinski: I’m speaking about the present. Official Russian state doctrine and foreign policy doesn’t mention the Bolshevik policy of expansion. It doesn’t condemn it. If you ask liberal Russians - academics, politicians - if Russia is dangerous to us, to Europe, to the world, they say: “No, it’s not dangerous, we’re too weak, we have an economic crisis, difficulties with foreign trade, our army is in a state of anarchy…” That is the answer. They are not saying: “We will never, ever repeat our crimes of expansionism, of constant war.” No, they say: “We are not dangerous to you, because right now we are weak.”


    When Vaclav Havel was president of Czechoslovakia, he was asked whether the state would take responsibility for the deaths, the oppression, the confiscations of the previous governments of Czechoslovakia, and he said “yes.” The same questions were asked in South Africa of the Mandela government. And I think Poland is now struggling with how much responsibility the government will have to take for the past. But the Russian official response has been that Stalin can be blamed for everything.

    Kapuscinski:This is a very crucial point: there is a lack of critical assessment of the past. But you have to understand that the current ruling elite is actually the old ruling elite. So they are incapable of a self-critical approach to the past.

    Polish-born journalist Ryszard Kapuscinski worked as an African correspondent for various Polish periodicals and press agencies from 1958 to 1980. In his book Imperium (Granta Books, 1994), he turns a journalist’s eye onto the Russian state, and the effects of authoritarianism on everyday Russian life. Kapuscinski delivered his November, 1997 Copernicus lecture: "The Russian Puzzle: Why I Wrote Imperium at the Center for Russian and East European Studies. During his visit, he spoke with David Cohen (International Institute); John Woodford (Executive Editor of Michigan Today ); and Thomas Wolfe (Communications). The following is an excerpted transcript of their conversation.

    Sei Sekou Mobutu seized control of the Congo in 1965. After the evolution, the name of the capital was changed from Leopoldville to Kinshasa, and in 1971 the country was renamed Zaire, instead of the Congo. return to text

    Piotr Michalowski is the George D. Cameron Professor of Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations and Languages at the Unversity of Michigan.

    Kapuscinski, more magical than real

    What’s the truth about Polish journalist Ryszard Kapuscinski


    #presse #littérature #reportage

  • In the new climate of fear, our rescue boat turned away from people drowning.

    In the new climate of fear, our rescue boat turned away from people drowning - Last week, our rescue crew was afraid and 120 people probably died as a result

  • #Glosswitch : La diabolisation actuelle du réseau internet Mumsnet n’est que la plus récente incarnation de la chasse aux sorcières.

    « Le retrait délibéré des femmes à l’écart des hommes a presque toujours été perçu comme un acte potentiellement dangereux, ou hostile, comme une conspiration, une subversion, quelque chose de ridicule et inutile, » écrivait #Adrienne_Rich dans Naître d’une femme (1980), une exploration novatrice de la politique de la maternité. Qu’il s’agisse des fileuses qui comméraient en cercle ou des vieilles épouses transmettant un savoir à leurs cadettes au sujet de la contraception et de l’avortement, les femmes réunies en l’absence d’hommes sont depuis longtemps vues avec suspicion. Que pourraient-elles se dire ? Que pourraient-elles comploter ? Et comment, surtout, pouvait-on les contrôler ?

    C’est un problème qui n’a jamais disparu, même si le contexte a changé. L’anxiété suscitée par la parole des femmes – qui a entraîné de violents mouvements de ressac, comme les procès faits aux sorcières et les brides imposées aux « mégères » – a surgi à une époque où, pour citer l’écrivaine Marina Warner, « les femmes dominaient les réseaux de l’information et du pouvoir ; c’étaient le quartier, le village, le puits, le lavoir, les boutiques, les étals, la rue qui étaient leur arène d’influence, et pas seulement le logis. »

    Traduction : #Tradfem
    Version originale : https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/feminism/2018/05/demonisation-mumsnet-just-latest-incarnation-witch-hunting

    #misogynie #mères #mumsnet #chasse_aux_sorcières

  • Dominique a changé
    De percussionniste italien
    Le nouveau joue comme un métronome

    En fait le nouveau percussionniste
    Joue comme la pendule
    Francomtoise de ma chambre !

    Je dépose Zoé au théâtre
    Elle se moque de moi et mime
    Mon interview sur France Culture

    Le théâtre
    C’est dans dix minutes

    A l’État-Civil
    J’ai une côté inaltérable
    Avec la préposée bulgare

    Elle me fait des photocopies à l’œil
    Me dépanne d’une enveloppe
    J’enchaîne avec la poste

    En chemin pour retrouver Clément
    Je suis hélé par Hélène
    Je lui annonce que Raffut sort en mai !

    On parle
    Choix iconographiques
    (Difficulté des)

    Je croise une anthropologue
    De ma connaissance pas vue depuis un mois
    Je me serais presque inquiété, elle sourit !

    Et, décidément
    Baptiste aussi au BDP
    On parle de Tall man

    Limite Baptiste me commanderait une chanson
    Limite je dirais oui, genre le gars
    Qui a déjà joué de la guitare à Beaubourg

    Je me fais
    Des raviolis
    Sur le pouce

    Huile d’olive

    Émile rentre
    Chose promise
    Chose due

    Nous partons pour l’aquarium
    Émile vibre d’un plaisir inhabituel
    Il est à la recherche de souvenirs d’enfance

    Il s’inquiète presque
    Du réaménagement
    De l’aquarium de l’escalier

    De ses souvenirs

    Nous commençons par les crocodiles
    Comme quand j’étais petit

    L’immobilité des trois crocos
    N’est plus source de questions
    Parfaitement comprise et crainte par lui

    Puis, pour la première fois
    Je profite du nouvel affichage
    Pour lui montrer son principe

    Pour la première fois
    Il fait de cette visite
    L’occasion des questions





    Une très grosse crevette

    Poisson chirurgien
    Poisson clown


    Rascasses volantes


    Feu de position

    Aphyocharax rubripinnis
    Prionobrama filigera
    Popomdetta furcata

    Rineloricaria parva


    Je note
    Des noms de poissons
    Sur mon téléphone de poche

    Sur le chemin du retour
    On passe par la pâtisserie orientale
    Émile se fait gâter par la pâtissière

    J’ai rendez-vous
    Avec la merveilleuse
    Orthophoniste des enfants

    Elle me donne des conseils
    D’accessibilité pour dyslexiques
    Contraires aux usages typographiques !

    Pour un ou une dyslexique
    Limite Comic Sans
    Ce serait le fin du fin

    Thomas Bernhard
    Serait le cauchemar
    D’un dyslexique autrichien !

    À qui a écrit Une Fuite

    J’ai aussi rendez-vous
    Avec Sophie pour une soupe-ciné
    Phantom Thread de Paul Thomas Anderson

    Méfiante envers la soupe
    Méfiante envers les perles du Japon
    Méfiante envers mon choix de film

    Elle ne commente pas la soupe
    Elle dit pis que pendre des perles
    Elle est surprise (en bien) par le film

    Paul Thomas Anderson
    Virtuose du récit
    Qui prend son temps

    Paul Thomas Anderson
    Virtuose de l’invisible
    L’invisible au cinéma !

    On discute en marchant
    On marche en discutant
    On tourne un peu en rond

    Il est tard
    Je trouve le mot de Sarah
    Qui me dit le devoir de se lever tôt, trop tard

    Sarah, cet amour de jeune femme
    Tu ne peux pas être vraiment
    Ma fille ? Si ?


  • The bizarre alliance between the US and Saudi Arabia is finally fraying

    (British governments haven’t been any better: the Saudis have been close allies and major buyers of UK arms since the 1960s and, this summer, Theresa May buried an official report on the foreign funding of extremism which is believed to have highlighted the significant role played by Saudi Arabia.)

    See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil. That’s been the shameless position of Western governments when it comes to the Gulf kingdom. Successive US administrations, Democrat and Republican, have even stayed silent on the supposedly all-important issue of terrorism. Fifteen of the 19 hijackers on 9/11 were Saudi citizens? No problem. “Donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide,” according to a leaked State Department memo? Don’t worry about it. Islamic State is printing copies of Saudi textbooks to use in their schools? Ssshhhh.

    These days, the conventional wisdom is that the Trump administration has revitalised the US-Saudi special relationship. The president – who once suggested the Saudi government was behind 9/11! – made the kingdom the first stop on his inaugural foreign trip in May and then threw his full support behind Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman’s controversial purge of his royal rivals on 4 November.

  • “She wore a USB cord instead of a necklace”: whatever happened to Cyberfeminism?

    The movement was young, energetic, educated, and art school-heavy. Above all it was “positive”: both cyber-positive and sex-positive.

    Cyberféminisme : le combat en héritage
    ’We Are the Future Cunt’: CyberFeminism in the 90s

  • The French farmer smuggling migrants in the Alps

    Crossing that border is part of Herrou’s daily life, he explained to me, as we sat at one end of a long table. “You have to understand,” he said, “it’s not like in my head I go to one country, I go to another. When I buy chickens, I go to Ventimiglia. If I go to the beach, I go to Ventimiglia. Ventimiglia, the Roya valley – it’s chez moi.”

    #passeurs #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Cédric_Herrou #La_Roya #frontières #Italie #France #Vintimille #frontière_sud-alpine