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  • Le criminel de guerre Shimon Peres échappe à la justice humaine -
    par Ben White –
    28 septembre 2016 – Middle East Monitor – Traduction : Chronique de Palestine – Lotfallah
    http://chroniquepalestine.com/criminel-de-guerre-shimon-peres-echappe-a-justice-humaine

    Shimon Peres, décédé mercredi à l’age de 93 ans après avoir subi un accident vasculaire cérébral le 13 septembre, incarne la disparité entre l’image d’Israël en Occident et la réalité de ses sanglantes politiques coloniales en Palestine et dans la région.

  • Don’t Call Us ’Israeli Arabs’: Palestinians in Israel Speak Out - Opinion -
    Palestinian citizens of Israel are its Achilles’ heel; they refuse to become Zionists, refuse to leave Israel, and refuse to vanish into thin air. And, increasingly, they are refusing to remain silent.

    Sam Bahour Sep 26, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.744398

    When Israel’s founding fathers removed by force the native Palestinian Arab population living where they intended to establish their state, they murdered or displaced more than 80% of that population.
    This act of ethnic cleansing — to borrow one of Benjamin Netanyahu’s newly found phrases — was given a name in Arabic: the Nakba, or catastrophe. The Palestinian Muslims, Druze and Christians who remained in what became Israel have been, and are today, approximately 20% of the population. These are indigenous Palestinians and their descendants, who have had Israeli citizenship imposed upon them.
    ’48ers, Palestinian Arabs, ’insiders’ – just not ’Israeli Arabs’
    For over half a century, Israel has preferred the designation Israeli Arabs, focusing on their Israeliness and attempting to obliterate any trace of Palestinian from their identity. Among Palestinians in exile or the West Bank, they’re referred to as ‘48ers, referring to the year of the Nakba, or as those living “on the inside,” meaning inside the 1949 armistice line, better known as the Green Line. Now, a new cohort of Palestinian thinkers inside Israel writing 68 years after the Nakba reaffirm that they are not just Arabs, but Palestinian Arabs, and that while they may be “in Israel,” they are not Israel’s: they are their own masters.
    These Palestinian citizens of Israel are its Achilles’ heel; they refuse to become Zionists, refuse to leave Israel, and refuse to vanish into thin air. And, increasingly, they are refusing to remain a silent, or passive, player.
    This increasingly assertive minority in Israel spoke out in a new think tank report published this month by The Palestinian Arab Citizens in Israel hosted by the Oxford Research Group and supported by the I’LAM Arab Center for Media Freedom Development and Research in Nazareth and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. [Full disclosure: While completely independent, this project is also a sister project of the Palestine Strategy Group, of which I’m a secretariat member.]

  • Netanyahu’s Right: The Occupation Can Actually Go on Forever - All the prophecies of doom that were a source of hope for those who believed the Israeli occupation must come to an end have dissipated.

    Gideon Levy Sep 25, 2016 1
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.744034

    Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is right. He’s right when he says the world is in Israel’s pocket. He’s right when he says Israel has a bright future at the United Nations. He’s right when he appears cocksure, cheerful and optimistic as never before, certainly not as premier. He has every reason to feel this way. Netanyahu is right — and it’s a disaster.
    We’re disappointed. It’s discouraging for anyone who believed in the world, who believed in President Barack Obama or in Europe, who believed in the power of public opinion in the West to impact governments. It’s disheartening for anyone who believed there would be no more colonialism in the 21st century, that a brutal military occupation could not continue into its third generation. All the prophecies of doom that were a source of hope for those who believed the Israeli occupation must come to an end have dissipated.
    They promised us international pressure and sanctions; global isolation and a halt to U.S. aid; boycotts and ostracization. Instead, we got an occupation that has never been so entrenched, and an Israel that has never been so strong.
    You promised it couldn’t go on forever, but we’ve discovered the opposite is true. And how. Why? Because Israel can, because it’s strong; because Israel is far from being isolated. Admit it, the Israeli occupation is more embedded than it was 10 years ago, and its end isn’t even discernible on the horizon. We must recognize that.

  • Israel’s Left Barely Exists, While Its Political Center Is Filled With Cowards and Sycophants
    If Israel had a real left, it would say that Zionism was needed to rescue European Jewry, not a campaign to liberate sacred stones.

    Zeev Sternhell Sep 19, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/1.742768

    For several weeks the knights of the center and its spokesmen have been preaching to the left, including on the pages of this newspaper. For this purpose they are labeling the left “radical,” because it is a sine qua non that to overthrow Likud one must win the hearts of the people. This is of course a revolutionary notion, but it’s doubtful there is even a left remaining, apart from Meretz and civil society organizations the right is doing its best to eradicate. In the effort to mollify the people, its figures have begun to resemble the right like brothers.
    The problem of the left’s existence arose in all its intensity with the end of the fighting in June 1967. We would have expected the left to say that all of Zionism’s objectives, as set down immediately after the War of Independence, had been achieved. But there was no one to say that, because already there was barely daylight between the right and the so-called left. Both regarded the victory in 1967 as the last chapter of the War of Independence. There was no real ideological difference between the center-left and the right.
    This was also true in the realm of political behavior. Everyone wanted to be of the people, to suck up to it, but not to lead it; to feed into its illusions and fears and conceal the truth about the occupation. The historic rights were sacred to them all, and remain so today. From the electoral defeat in 1977 the left understood that the majority was avenging the left’s failure to keep its promise to turn Israel into an invincible military power, and that the people wanted to continue down the path that had worked so well for us until then: to hold the new territories as we hold all our old conquests. Very little has changed: The disgraceful flattery of the people only increased (see under: Yair Lapid).

  • With New Israel Aid Deal, Obama Is Patron of the Occupation
    U.S. generosity, which costs American taxpayers $300 a year, is detrimental to Israel will only help Israel make more war.

    Gideon Levy Sep 17, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.742521 - Opinion - Haaretz - Israel News Haaretz.com

    Barack Obama is a bad president for Israel. If the military aid he approved for the coming decade is the largest ever, then as a president he is the worst ever for Israel. The last thing Israel needs is more arms, which will push it toward more acts of violence. But Obama is president in a country in which each home has a small tin container — like the blue and white Jewish National Fund boxes over here — into which every U.S. citizen must place a few coins as assistance and charity for poor, needy Israel, weak as a frail leaf.
    One hundred and fifty dollars per person or $300 for each U.S. taxpayer for the next 10 years. Not toward America’s considerable social needs, not to assist truly needy countries – imagine what $38 billion would do for Africa – but to provide weapons for an army that is one of the most powerfully armed in the world, one of whose main enemies are girls brandishing scissors; to finance an army that is not fighting any other serious army now; the army of a country that few others can match in sheer recalcitrance, one which methodically defies the United States and the international community. And worst of all, this country will receive another free gift, without having to give anything in return. The money will go only toward arming it, which will push it toward more acts of aggression. That’s the deal and there has been no serious debate over it, neither in Israel nor in the United States.
    In America only a few are asking why. What for? How long? What comes in exchange? And not even what American interest is served by the huge outlay of the American taxpayer. But let’s leave America to the Americans. The only discussion in Israel is whether the Americans can be squeezed for more. It’s good that it stopped at $38 billion. MK Shelly Yacimovich (Zionist Union) said the prime minister has already told senior security officials that they can “go wild.” More assistance would ensure even more wildness. Some of the money will go for defense systems but another part will go for maintaining the occupation and especially to fund violent showy actions, in Gaza and Lebanon, and megalomaniacal useless training exercises against imagined dangers.

  • Israel Is a Settler Colonial State - and That’s OK
    Repulsed by UC Berkeley’s ’Palestine: A Settler Colonial Analysis’ course? ‘Settler colonialism’ may have been eagerly adopted by the BDS movement – but early Zionist leaders weren’t shy about identifying with it either.

    Arnon Degani Sep 13, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.741813
    Haaretz -

    Appalled and outraged posts appearing on the feeds of pro-Israel advocates announce that this coming fall semester, UC Berkeley students can attend a course titled “Palestine: A Settler Colonial Analysis.” The course, offered as part of Berkely’s “DeCal Program”, will be taught by a undergraduate student named Paul Hadaweh, and supervised by Dr. Hatem Bazian, one of the most vocal and industrious anti-Israel scholars in American academia.
    The fact that a one-unit course headed by an undergraduate student is creating such waves is telling of the level of anxiety that the term “settler-colonialism” evokes when the Israel-Palestinian conflict comes up. This shouldn’t be the case.
    For almost a century, Zionism’s intellectual enemies, especially from the left, have considered it part and parcel of European colonialism. In recent years, the addition of “settler” to colonialism has gained much traction among scholars who engage in anti-Israel activity, particularly BDS, as well as intersectionality activists. Settler colonialism conveys an unarguable sense of delegitimization, racial exclusion and financial exploitation. If anything, it sounds more biting (perhaps because Israel still actively sponsors settlers) and acerbic, but it also tends to be incorporated willy-nilly into research and public commentary.

  • ’Neutralize’ a Terrorist? Just Say a Bullet to the Head - Opinion -
    The trial of Elor Azaria is teaching us the meaning of ’neutralized.’

    Avigdor Feldman Aug 30, 2016 4:24 AM
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.739272
    Haaretz - Israel News Haaretz.com

    On Sunday, without warning, the washers in the enormous laundry room beneath our feet suddenly stopped. Suddenly, instead of the susurrus of the machines, the rush of the water and the shriek of steam, silence reigned. It took some time to process, to realize what had happened to the white noise that has been part of our lives for many years.
    A moment before we adjusted to the quiet, the confident voice of the security officer of Hebron’s Jewish community, Eliyahu Liebman, said, “A shot in the head is a means to neutralize [a terrorist].” Then additional voices murmured, as if Jaffa’s exotic military court were haunted: “The terrorist was neutralized,” “the girl was neutralized,” “the woman holding a kitchen knife was neutralized,” “the boy who fled the scene was neutralized.”
    It’s so simple. Why didn’t you say before “a bullet to the head, “a bullet to the head,” “a bullet to the head”? “A bullet to the head” — so clear, manly, resolute, Israeli. Elor Azaria, everyone’s son, was meant for a historic role in Israeli society: to rip off the fig leaf covering its nakedness, to stop the historical “word laundering.”
    It fits, like a finger to a trigger, to Efrat Lechter’s interview with The Shadow (rapper Yoav Eliasi) on Channel 2 on Friday. The language of wimps like Benny Begin, Benjamin Netanyahu, Tzachi Hanegbi and everyone Eliasi quoted in his lisping voice is being replaced by the language of rappers — a raised palm moving up and down, index finger miming the trigger of a pistol being pulled as the rapper screams “Bullet to the head, bullet to the head” at full volume. The audience mirrors his movements in unison, roaring, “Bullet to the head, bullet to the head, bullet to the head,” as though gangsta-rap group N.W.A. (Niggaz Wit Attitudes), writers of “Fuck tha Police,” were on stage, straight out of Compton, California.

  • Unarmed Palestinian shot dead by Israeli forces at military post near Ramallah
    Aug. 26, 2016 1:06 P.M. (Updated: Aug. 26, 2016 6:17 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=772867

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A reportedly unarmed Palestinian was shot dead by Israeli forces at a military post near the illegal Israeli Ofra settlement at the western entrance to the town of Silwad in northeastern Ramallah on Friday, contradicting earlier reports by Israeli media that he had opened fire at soldiers.

    An Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an that Israeli soldiers stationed at a military post in Silwad identified a suspect on foot running toward them.

    The Israeli soldiers “shot towards the suspect, resulting in his death,” the spokesperson said.

    No injuries among Israeli soldiers were reported by the army.

    Medics from the Palestinian Red Crescent who had arrived at the scene were reportedly prevented from accessing the site by Israeli forces.

    Initial reports from Hebrew media, however, said the suspect had opened fire from inside a vehicle, and that a woman might have been inside the car with him.

    According to reports, witnesses said that he was shot and critically injured while inside his vehicle, and was later pronounced dead.

    When asked about the conflicting reports, and whether or not the suspect had been armed, the Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an the details of the incident were still being checked.

    The suspect was later identified by local sources in the Ramallah area as 38-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed . He was married and a father of three.

    Israeli news site Ynet quoted an anonymous Palestinian official as saying that Hamed suffered from mental illness and was not found to have any weapons on his person when searched, and no signs of gunfire were found on the guard post.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israel investigating claim unarmed Palestinian was shot in the back
      Aug. 28, 2016 11:47 A.M. (Updated: Aug. 28, 2016 1:53 P.M.)
      https://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=772882

      BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — The Israeli army’s military police have reportedly opened an investigation into the killing of an unarmed Palestinian man who was shot dead by Israeli forces on Friday, an Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an.

      Thirty-eight-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed, a resident of the Ramallah area village of Silwad, was shot dead by Israeli forces near a military post at the village’s entrance not far from the illegal Israeli settlement Ofra, when soldiers alleged that they saw Hamed “charging” towards them.

      Israeli media initially reported that Hamed, a husband and father of three, fired shots at the Israeli soldiers, though it was later confirmed that he was unarmed.

      According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, any death of a Palestinian in the occupied West Bank who was “not involved in actual fighting” warrants an Israeli military police investigation, and that the investigation into Hamed’s killing will look into the activity of the soldiers responsible — who were members of the “ultra-orthodox” Kifr Brigade — before they opened fire, and why they fired deadly shots at Hamed when “danger was not immediately clear.”

      In addition, the investigation will look into the claim from Palestinian medical officials that Hamed was shot in the back. The officials also reportedly said that Hamed had mental disabilities and had been receiving psychiatric treatment.

      The Israeli army has maintained however, that Hamed was running toward the military post when the soldiers opened fire.

    • Israel: Where the media will blindly buy what the ruling authorities dictate
      By Gideon Levy | Aug. 27, 2016 | 11:56 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.738936
      A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      It was late in the morning. In Israel people were completing their preparations for Shabbat. The military reporters bought challahs, the soldiers left their bases for the weekend. At the Yabrud checkpoint in the West Bank their colleagues saw a man. Actually, they didn’t see a man. They saw a subhuman. They shot him as they were taught. The military reporters reported also as taught: “A terrorist fired a weapon at a pillbox post in Ofra. Nobody was hurt. The force fired back and the terrorist was killed.”

      Routine. There is no contradiction between “nobody was hurt” and “the terrorist was killed.” Only Jews can be hurt. An update followed: “The Kfir squad commander, who saw the terrorist throw a firebomb at an IDF pillbox in Silwad, shot and killed him. Nobody was hurt.” Now the shooting had turned into “a firebomb.” A short time later, it was reported: “Apparently, he was mentally unstable. A search on his body resulted with no findings.” In other words, murder.

      This is what Channel 10 reporter Or Heller tweeted on Friday, as did some of his colleagues, including Alon Ben-David. Heller is far from the worst of the military reporters, who recite automatically whatever the army spokesman dictates to them without attributing the quote to the spokesman, and consider themselves journalists.

      There is no other coverage area in which journalists can act like that. They buy blindly, fervidly, what the ruling authorities dictate to them. The lies about what happened on Friday at the Yabrud checkpoint were spread by the IDF, of course. Afterward the IDF corrected itself, and only after that did the reporters follow suit and report: “the Palestinian didn’t try to attack the soldiers.” Good evening and Shabbat Shalom.

      It was late in the morning. Iyad Hamed, of Silwad, was on his way to Friday prayers in the mosque. Years ago he hurt his head in a traffic accident and since then had been mentally unstable. He was 38, a father of three, including a baby. A witness who testified to B’Tselem Saturday, Iyad Hadad, said Hamed had lost his way, panicked when he saw the soldiers at the checkpoint and ran. He ran for his life. He wasn’t armed, he endangered no one.

      Paramedic Yihia Mubarak believes he was shot in the back as he ran. He saw an entry wound in the victim’s back and an exit wound in his chest. Hamed died on the spot. Shortly afterward his body was returned. Israel’s lust for bodies was satiated this time, after it transpired that Hamed had been killed although he had done nothing wrong.

      A dead Arab. Oh well. We’ve moved onto other, more interesting and important matters. When a single Qassam rocket from Gaza lands, without hurting anyone or causing any damage, Israel launches a revenge campaign of bombardments and shelling, sowing devastation and horror. It’s allowed to do anything. The disappointed military reporters provoke the defense minister, asking, “why only real estate?” And what about Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, whom Avigdor Lieberman had promised to assassinate?

      Israel is allowed to do anything. Are the Palestinians allowed to take revenge for the killing of their friend? What a ludicrous question. Are they allowed to try to “deter” IDF soldiers, as Israel does with Hamas, so that they don’t kill innocent passersby again? Another ludicrous question. Will anyone be punished for this killing? An even more ludicrous question.

      If an Israeli dog had been killed by a Palestinian assailant, Israel would have been much more shocked than by Hamed’s killing. A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      I was in Silwad about nine months ago, after Border Policemen killed Mahdia Hamed, a 40-year-old mother of four. The Border Policemen claimed she had tried to run them over with her car, but eyewitnesses testified she had been driving slowly. At home, her 10-month-old infant was waiting to be breast-fed.

      They shot her several times and the bullets pierced and ran through her body. Nobody was put on trial. The widower, Adiv Hamed, asked me then, in his naivety: “Do the Israelis know what happened? Was there a public debate in Israel after she was killed?”

      I was silent with shame.

    • A mentally disabled Palestinian shot dead by Israeli troops for behaving strangely
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.739750
      ’Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him?’ his brother ponders. ’When they grow up, Iyad’s children are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.’
      By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac | Sep. 2, 2016 | 4:39 PM | 5

      The man who was shot to death last Friday by a soldier from the Kfir Brigade’s ultra-Orthodox Netzach Yehuda Battalion was 38 and the father of two small children, a son and a daughter, who were this week scurrying around the living room of their house, in a state of bewilderment, she in a purple skirt, he in shorts. Their father, Iyad Hamed, had a congenital mental disability: Introverted and taciturn, he was prone to stare at the ground as he walked. He enjoyed communing with nature and picking figs and almonds. Still, there was structure in his life: He had a wife and children, and worked in construction in a simple job. “He wasn’t the sharpest of people,” his brothers say.

      Footage from the security camera of the grocery store in Silwad, a village near Ramallah, shows his last minutes. Hamed, in a light-colored shirt, is seen buying snacks for his children and paying. A few moments later, he sets out for a mosque for the Friday prayers, never to return. Nothing in the footage hints at what is about to happen: A father buys treats for his children in the final hour of his life.

      Most of Hamed’s family is in America, as are many of the natives of this well-to-do village. Ten years ago, his six brothers moved to Ohio – to Columbus and Cleveland – where they work in real estate. Iyad, the eldest, remained in Silwad, as did his sister. He started a family, but recently decided to emigrate, as well; one of his brothers said he’d submitted a petition to the authorities to that end.

      He lived on the ground floor of the family’s stone house. The building is handsome, though less splendid than other mansion-type dwellings in this elegant neighborhood on a hill. The second floor is used by the brothers and their families during their annual vacations here. This summer they visited twice: once on holiday and then not long afterward – to mourn and grieve for their dead brother.

      Their parents divide their time between America and Silwad, some of whose privately owned land was taken to build the settlement of Ofra. Many residents of this well-to-do village have moved in recent years to the United States.

      Last December, Border Police shot and killed another Silwad resident, Mahdia Hammad, a 40-year-old mother of four, claiming that she was trying to run them over. Now the army has killed Iyad Hamed without any apparent reason: He wasn’t armed and didn’t pose a threat to anyone.

      The Israel Defense Forces itself admits that.

      The killing took place at the edge of the village, not far from Highway 60, a former venue for demonstrations and stone throwing. The demonstrations ceased in the past month, under pressure from locals, who are tired of the tear gas and the upheaval. Five Silwad residents were killed in the past year by Israeli troops.

      We are standing next to a mound of stones where Hamed collapsed, bleeding, last Friday. He’d come this far, after dropping off the snacks for the kids at home, on his way to a mosque in the neighboring village of Yabrud, where he prayed on Fridays. He preferred it to the mosques in Silwad.

      On the way, he stopped at the Silwad gas station to say hello to his friend Rashad, who works there. The gas station’s security camera caught him again. He then went on his way to Yabrud, which is located on the other side of Highway 60. He could have used the passage beneath the road but opted for the shorter route, which passes next to a towering, armored IDF pillbox.

      It was about 11:40 A.M. On the other side of the road, Abdel Hamid Yusuf, a solidly built young man of 26, was driving his sewage tanker to the site where he empties it. An eyewitness to the events, he is now standing with us at the place where Hamed was killed, along with Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem.

      Hamed was behaving oddly, recalls Yusuf, who knew him well and was aware of his condition. Hamed seemed to have lost his way and also his senses; he ran back and forth below the army tower. Yusuf says he saw no soldiers while Hamed was running about between it and the surrounding barbed-wire fences. Hamed looked frightened. He had wanted to cut across the highway to the mosque, but couldn’t find his way out. He was like a caged animal; the barbed-wire fences were impassable. “It’s dangerous there, get out!” Yusuf shouted to him from across the road. Hamed didn’t respond – maybe he didn’t hear Yusuf.

      It’s crucial to note that Hamed was not holding anything in his hands. That is confirmed by Yusuf and by what the footage from the gas station’s camera shows: an unarmed civilian in a light-colored shirt, who apparently got confused and lost his way.

      Suddenly a few shots rang out. Hamed started to run frantically back toward the village. It’s not clear where the shots came from, but immediately afterward Yusuf saw a few soldiers emerge from the vegetation at the foot of the tower. Hamed kept running. More shots were fired at him, apparently by the soldiers, who had been in ambush. He was hit and fell to the ground. One bullet entered his back and exited through his chest, paramedic Yahya Mubarak, who took possession of the body, would report afterward.

      A., who lives in apartment No. 9 in the nearby Hurriya Tower building in Silwad, went out to his balcony when he heard shooting. What he told the field researcher corroborated Yusuf’s account: Hamed ran for his life until he was felled.

      Four soldiers rolled Hamed’s body over with their feet. He probably died instantly, though that’s not certain. An Israeli ambulance arrived about 15 minutes later, but Yusuf says he couldn’t see whether Hamed received medical aid. More troops arrived in a silver-gray civilian car. The body lay on the ground for some time before being removed by soldiers. A few hours later, the body was returned to the family, after it became clear to the IDF – which is rarely in a hurry to give back bodies – that Hamed had done nothing wrong and was killed in vain.

      The cardboard packages that contained IDF-issue bullets are scattered on the ground where Hamed went down. An IDF officer approaches us from the direction of the tower, and four soldiers emerge out of nowhere from another direction. Minutes later, another group of soldiers comes up from the valley. Maybe one of them killed Hamed?

      The soldier who fired the shot that killed him was questioned this week by the Military Police on suspicion of causing death by negligence and then sent back to his unit. He wasn’t so much as suspended from his duties.

      In the house of mourning is the father, Zakariya, 58, dignified and wearing a stylized embroidered galabia. With him are two of his sons, Yahya, 34, from Columbus, and Ahmed, 31, from Cleveland. Hamed’s fatherless offspring, 9-year-old Zakariya and 3-year-old Lian, are with their mother, newly widowed Narmine.

      “Come on, we are human beings, we don’t get shot at like that,” Yahya says. “Come on, we have kids. The soldier took a human life. It made me want to throw up when I read the reports of what happened in [the newspaper] Yedioth Ahronoth.”

      When they were here a month ago, on vacation, the brothers brought new clothes for Iyad as gifts. Iyad hadn’t worn them yet; he was saving them for Id al-Adha, the Feast of Sacrifice. Now he will never wear them, “because some soldier decided to kill him.” The faces of the brothers are contorted in grief again.

      Yahya: “Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him? Shoot him in the leg. Why kill him? You’re not God. In the first intifada, they shot at the legs. You could talk with the soldiers. Now you reach a hand toward your pocket, and they kill you. Do you know what a tragedy the soldier who killed my brother caused? How many families he destroyed?”

      The children cuddle up to their two uncles. Lian blows up a balloon and floats it in the room. She has lazy eye, and wears thick glasses. She’s scheduled to have an operation for the condition in a few weeks; her father will not be there to accompany her.

      Yahya, who reads the English-language edition of Haaretz in the United States on his phone, says, “The children know that a Jewish soldier killed their father,” he says. “When they grow up, they are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.

      “We are not a political family,” he continues. “We have never been in prison, we have never thrown a stone. Neither had Iyad. But what love will these children have for Israel when they grow up? You want to live here? Fine. But don’t kill us. Let us live, too. You love life – so do we. Everyone will tell you what a pure soul Iyad was. He never hurt anyone. I’d like to know what [Chief of Staff] Gadi Eisenkot will have to say about this killing. And what the soldier who killed Iyad is feeling. I heard he’s religious. Does that mean he has earlocks?

      “When I accidentally run over a cat on the road, I feel bad for a long time afterward,” Yahya says. “What does the soldier who killed my brother feel now?”

  • The One Thing Israel and Hamas Have in Common
    The hatred and suspicion of international aid organizations and Palestinian nongovernmental organizations is something Israel and Hamas share. But if Israel allowed the Palestinians to live and prosper, the charities wouldn’t even be needed.

    Amira Hass Aug 09, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.736067

    There are some junctions where the interests and sentiments of Israel and Hamas intersect. The hatred and suspicion of international aid organizations and Palestinian nongovernmental organizations is one such place. At the same time, though, these sworn enemies – Israel and Hamas – need these organizations, and benefit from their existence and activities. The fellowship of hypocrites.
    Hamas is suspicious of the international organizations and Palestinian NGOs that it did not establish itself, because they offer a different way of thinking and behaving, reduce the numbers of families dependent on the movement – and also because many of them are trying to restrict their contacts with Hamas (following the Quartet’s orders).
    Hamas also plays on the general Palestinian enmity toward these organizations: the very high salaries of the foreigners; the gap in wages between directors and salaried employees within local associations; their irritating and incomprehensible jargon; and the fact that they are a track to some sort of social mobility that few attain.

  • The Dangerous Fantasies of #Jeffrey_Goldberg - Opinion - Haaretz - Israel News Haaretz.com
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/1.735126

    According to Goldberg, Haaretz is doing something unforgiveable: it’s shattering his fantasy. Because of an op-ed piece in which two American-Jewish historians explain why they’ve abandoned Zionism, as well as a piece of my own (“Yes, Israel is an evil state,” July 31), the liberal Goldberg has decided he’s had enough of Haaretz. He tweeted to his 107,000 Twitter followers that these sort of pieces make him sick. Neo-Nazis, he said, have been distributing my op-ed, so he was going to have to “take a break” from Haaretz.

    [...]

    No one is denying Goldberg his right to deceive himself and his readers. But the Goldbergs bear a heavy burden of guilt, because the occupation also continues because of them – those who spread the lie of Israeli democracy and its liberal nonsense. The smokescreen that Goldberg spreads in America allows it. He wants to continue enjoying Israel as long as it doesn’t harm the Reform movement or the Women of the Wall, while ignoring everything it does to the Palestinians.

    #délire_malsain

  • What Sort of Society Feels Absolutely Nothing After Killing Hundreds of Children?
    Israel killed 546 Palestinian children over the course of only 50 days in Gaza in 2014. Of those, 180 were babies and toddlers under the age of five.
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743

    One hundred and eighty babies and children up to the age of 5. One hundred and eighty helpless babies and toddlers that the Israel Defense Forces killed in Gaza in the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict. In their sleep, in their play, as they fled; in their beds or in their parents’ arms.
    Try to imagine – the army killed 546 children in the course of 50 days. More than 10 children a day, a classroom every three days. Try to imagine.
    But these updated, verified figures, released by the B’Tselem NGO on the second anniversary of the killing, are hard to imagine. It’s easier to dismiss them with a shrug, a look in the other direction or the lame excuses of Israeli propaganda.
    The figures that should have haunted Israeli society and keep it awake at night – that should have sparked a stormy public debate and shaken it– are of no interest at all. Any natural disaster at the end of the world would have evoked more human feelings here than this slaughter, which Israel committed an hour’s drive from Tel Aviv.
    By comparison – 84 Israeli children, horrific, were killed in the difficult eight years from the start of the second intifada to Operation Cast Lead in Gaza in 2008; 546 Palestinian children were killed over 50 days in the summer of 2014.

    • http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743

      They weren’t killed by the hand of God. Ideological pilots, conscientious artillerymen, humane tank crews and moral infantrymen killed them at the order of their no-less virtuous commanders.

      They didn’t kill them in a real war, facing a significant military force, nor in a war of no choice. They killed most of them with bombs from the air or by shells from a distance, without even seeing them. In most cases all they saw was their tiny figures playing on the beach, huddling in their shabby homes, sleeping or running for their lives on the sophisticated computer screens and joy sticks of the no less sophisticated soldiers and pilots. They didn’t mean to kill them, but they pressed the button and killed them. Hundreds of soldiers who killed hundreds of children.

      Two years later, the huge headline “The parents’ outcry” (in Yediot Ahronoth yesterday) doesn’t, of course, refer in any way to the outcry of the bereaved parents over there. Israel has never paid any heed to its actions there. If a commission of inquiry is set up to look into the Gaza conflict, it will be over the tunnels.

      Israel hasn’t even looked straight at the facts and confessed. It was all for security’s sake, inevitable, Israel is the victim, they are Satan, that’s how it is in war, that’s how it always is – a 100 times more Palestinian fatalities than Israeli ones in Cast Lead, 30 times more in the 2014 conflict. (“So, did you want more Israelis to be killed?”)

      This ghastly lack of proportion doesn’t raise any question or doubt, not to mention criticism. Nor does what’s left – 90,000 residents still homeless, living for the past two years among the debris or in wretched tin huts. A Swedish journalist who visited Gaza for a few days last week returned with the pictures – tin boxes housing people whose homes were destroyed in Huza’a, near Khan Yunis.

      There’s no point in continuing to describe the magnitude of the disaster in Gaza. It’s of no concern to anyone in Israel. Human compassion over Gaza? Funny. Even the fact that, due to the bombardments and the siege, 90 million liters of raw sewage flow from Gaza into the Mediterranean Sea, the same sea our children bathe in, doesn’t bother anyone here.

      But it’s inconceivable how Israelis can go on being so pleased with themselves and their army in view of the facts of the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict. How come, even as time goes by, their stomachs don’t turn, if only for a minute? What can we make of people who say seriously about an army that killed hundreds of children only two years ago, that it’s the most moral army in the world? And what should we make of the society and state that has this as its discourse?

  • Talking About the Occupation at a U.S. Jewish Summer Camp

    The American kids were attentive and polite as Sayed Kashua spoke. The Israeli ’emissaries,’ however, were a different story.
    Sayed Kashua Jul 23, 2016 5:29 PM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.732545

    (...) Armed with a book about revolutionaries waiting to be executed, I arrived, after a nine-hour journey, at the Jewish summer camp on the lake. The camp was dotted with American and Israeli flags, and the walls of the assembly hall were painted with portraits of Herzl, Ben-Gurion, Golda and Begin. The words “Hineh ma tov umana’im, shevet ahim gam yahad” – “How good and pleasant it is for brothers to dwell together” – were inscribed on the wall like a banner headline.

    “It’s supposed to be ‘shevet’ with the letter tav and not the letter tet” – because with tet, the word means “tribe” – I told one of the American organizers of the encounter I was participating in. He was surprised. “Actually, the Israelis wrote that,” he said.

    It’s a summer camp straight out of American movies: log cabins, playing fields, dining room, indoor sports facilities. “We have time if you want to see the lake,” one of the organizers said, but I declined politely, preferring coffee and a smoke. The campers are high-school kids, my hosts told me: They’ll learn a lot about Israel in the weeks ahead, but we wanted them to hear a different viewpoint, too, to challenge their thinking. Naturally, it’s essential to talk about Israel’s right to self-defense, and it would also be useful to describe the situation today in the Middle East, with all the rampant violence there, I was told.

    To be on the safe side, they’d invited an Israeli intellectual to take part in the meeting with me, for the sake of balance. As though these B’nai Brith kids hadn’t been raised on Zionism and weren’t nourished by pro-Israeli media and dialogue.

    For a moment I wondered what I was doing here, under an Israeli flag in this godforsaken place. I tried to persuade myself that this is the least I can do: I’ll say what I have to say in my allotted half-hour, and then answer questions, and maybe I’ll manage to stir doubt in a few hearts, or at least induce a few kids to ask questions and have second thoughts. And anyway, I’m being paid.

    The American kids were extremely nice, they listened to what I had to say. I talked about ruling another nation, about discrimination, about the problem with the state’s character and about the practical implications of that character on the lives of the minorities living in the country and on those who live under its occupation. I talked about the need to acknowledge the other’s pain, the obligation to recognize the Nakba [what Palestinians call the “catastrophe” of the creation of the State of Israel in 1948] and the hope that a democratic state would arise where all citizens would be equal.

    The Israeli intellectual lamented the rapidly fading values he’d been raised on. He talked about the trend toward Haredization, the danger faced by democracy; he spoke of his love for the country and about the Arab world raging all around, about women and gays whom the Muslims are killing, about radical Islam that is making Israelis feel threatened and enclose themselves in a bubble.

    The Jewish children were attentive and polite. In the question period they asked about writing – for example, when does a person know he’s going to be a writer, and also what did we speakers think about the American media’s coverage of Israel-Palestine. One kid asked what he, as a 17-year-old, could do.

    “Join the Communist Party,” I wanted to tell him. But ultimately – as I scanned the landscape and conjectured what the parents’ incomes must be – I said: “Try to enjoy life, until you can’t anymore.”

    At the end of the discussion, the shlihim, or “emissaries,” as they call themselves (post-army Israelis whom the Jewish Agency scatters in Jewish summer camps), crowded around me. They’re the ones who had misspelled shevet and who didn’t know the difference between West Bank Palestinians and those who are citizens of Israel. The emissaries were totally unaware of the violence they were projecting. They were “stunned.”

    “You expressed your opinion as though you were speaking about facts,” one of them said, and I was not sure I took her meaning fully. The group accused me of not mentioning the fact that Israeli Arabs kill Jews all the time and that Israelis can’t walk on the street safely, and asked how I even dared to talk about the Nakba without mentioning the UN partition plan or the fact that the Palestinians started the war.

    “I was in a state of shock,” one of them said, “and I’m not even with Bibi or anything like that – but for someone to talk like that about Israel? What organization are you from, anyway?”

  • The Mahmoud Darwish Poem That Enraged Lieberman and Regev - Poem of the Week - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/culture/poem-of-the-week/1.732421

    Aux chiottes Lieberman, aux chiottes.

    ID Card

    Mahmoud Darwish

    Write it down! I’m an Arab
    My card number is 50000
    My children number eight
    And after this summer, a ninth on his way.
    Does this make you rage?
    I am an Arab.
    With my quarry comrades I labor hard
    My children number eight
    I tug their bread, their clothes
    And their notebooks
    From within the rock
    I don’t beg at your door
    I don’t cower on your threshold
    So does this make you rage?
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    I am a name with no honorific.
    Patient in a land
    Where everything lives in bursting rage
    My roots were planted before time was born
    Before history began
    Before the cypress and the olive trees
    Before grass sprouted
    My father is from the plough clan
    Not from the noble class
    My grandfather was a peasant farmer
    Had no pedigree
    Taught me the pride of the sun
    Before teaching me to read
    A shack to guard groves is my home,
    Made of branches and reeds
    Are you pleased with my status?
    I am a name with no honorific.
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    Hair color: charcoal
    Eye color: brown
    Attributes:
    A cord around the quffiyeh on my head
    My hand as hard as rock
    That scratches if you touch it
    My address:
    I am from a forgotten abandoned village
    Its streets nameless
    All its men in the fields and quarries
    Does this make you rage?
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    You have stolen my ancestors’ groves
    And the land we cultivated
    I and all my children
    Leaving nothing for us and all my grandchildren
    Except these rocks
    Will your government take them
    Like people say?
    Therefore,
    Write down on the top of the first page:
    I do not hate people
    And I do not steal from anyone
    But if I starve
    I will eat my oppressor’s flesh
    Beware, beware of my starving
    And my rage.

    1964. Translated from Arabic by Salman Masalha and Vivian Eden

    In yet another swipe by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government at freedom of the press, Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman summoned Army Radio commander Yaron Dekel for a dressing-down over the broadcast last week of a discussion of this poem by Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish – in a series on formative Israeli texts on the station’s “University on the Air” program.

    Earlier, Culture and Sport Minister Miri Regev slammed the radio station, which has been on the government’s hit list for a while, for having “gone off the rails.”

    #darwish for ever

    • Inscris « Je suis Arabe », Mahmoud Darwich

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Le numéro de ma carte : cinquante mille
      Nombre d’enfants : huit
      Et le neuvième. . . arrivera après l’été !
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Je travaille à la carrière avec mes compagnons de peine
      Et j’ai huit bambins
      Leur galette de pain
      Les vêtements, leur cahier d’écolier
      Je les tire des rochers. . .
      Oh ! je n’irai pas quémander l’aumône à ta porte
      Je ne me fais pas tout petit au porche de ton palais
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Sans nom de famille – je suis mon prénom
      « Patient infiniment » dans un pays où tous
      Vivent sur les braises de la Colère
      Mes racines. . .
      Avant la naissance du temps elles prirent pied
      Avant l’effusion de la durée
      Avant le cyprès et l’olivier
      . . .avant l’éclosion de l’herbe
      Mon père. . . est d’une famille de laboureurs
      N’a rien avec messieurs les notables
      Mon grand-père était paysan – être
      Sans valeur – ni ascendance.
      Ma maison, une hutte de gardien
      En troncs et en roseaux
      Voilà qui je suis – cela te plaît-il ?
      Sans nom de famille, je ne suis que mon prénom.

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Mes cheveux. . . couleur du charbon
      Mes yeux. . . couleur de café
      Signes particuliers :
      Sur la tête un kefiyyé avec son cordon bien serré
      Et ma paume est dure comme une pierre
      . . .elle écorche celui qui la serre
      La nourriture que je préfère c’est
      L’huile d’olive et le thym

      Mon adresse :
      Je suis d’un village isolé. . .
      Où les rues n’ont plus de noms
      Et tous les hommes. . . à la carrière comme au champ
      Aiment bien le communisme
      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris
      Que je suis Arabe
      Que tu as rafflé les vignes de mes pères
      Et la terre que je cultivais
      Moi et mes enfants ensemble
      Tu nous as tout pris hormis
      Pour la survie de mes petits-fils
      Les rochers que voici
      Mais votre gouvernement va les saisir aussi
      . . .à ce que l’on dit !

      DONC

      Inscris !
      En tête du premier feuillet
      Que je n’ai pas de haine pour les hommes
      Que je n’assaille personne mais que
      Si j’ai faim
      Je mange la chair de mon Usurpateur
      Gare ! Gare ! Gare
      À ma fureur !

    • The Late Palestinian National Poet Will Continue to Haunt Israel

      Mahmoud Darwish insists on mentioning what Israelis don’t want to acknowledge: A great sin took place here when the State of Israel was founded in 1948.
      Gideon Levy Jul 23, 2016 11:53 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.732885

      The specter of Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish will never leave us. Every few years, a witch hunt will erupt over his poetry, stirring emotions and riling Israelis until they compare him to Hitler. It subsides but then revives again. There’s no escaping it. None of the ghosts of the 1948 War of Independence will leave us until we recognize the guilt, acknowledge the sin and take responsibility for it by apologizing, paying compensation and, above all, changing ourselves. Until then, the ghosts will continue to torment us and not give us rest.

      The most recent Darwish scandal, which was fanned by two ignorant ministers – Culture and Sports Minister Miri Regev and Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, whom it’s doubtful ever read a Darwish poem – is another link in the chain. Even in their ignorance, the two knew whom to attack. They knew that, more than any other figure, Darwish hits Israeli society’s most sensitive nerve and drives Israelis crazy every time. They always try to cover up any way they can – concealing, denying, lying and repressing – but always without success.

      Darwish touches on the original sin, which makes him Hitler. He exposes the gaping wound, which makes him off-limits. If Israelis had been convinced that there was no sin and no bleeding wound, they wouldn’t have been so afraid of his poetry. If they were convinced that everything had been done properly back then, in 1948, and that nothing could have been different, Darwish would have been left to the realm of literature departments.

      But the late poet insists on mentioning what Israelis don’t want to know: a great sin took place here. The establishment of Israel – just as it was – was accompanied by the unforgiveable crime of ethnic cleansing of wide parts of the country. No Jewish National Fund grove can cover up the moral ruins on which the state was built. Israel added insult to injury by not allowing the Palestinians who were expelled or fled to return. A thousand historical testimonies, which we also avoid like fire, are not equal to one line of Darwish poetry: “Where will you take me, my father?”

      I will never forget that punch to the stomach, or rather, the dagger to my heart, from the Spring 1996 issue of the Hebrew journal Hadarim, edited by Halit Yeshurun. A dozen pages of Darwish poems from “Why Did You Leave the Horse Alone?” (translated into Hebrew by Anton Shammas): “And who will live in the house after us, my father? / The house, my son, will remain as it was! / Why did you leave the horse alone? / To keep the house company, my son. / When their residents go, the houses will die. / Together we will hold on / until we return. / When, my father? / Tomorrow, my son, and perhaps in another day or two! / That tomorrow trailed behind them, chewing the wind / in the endless winter nights.”

      I didn’t know at the time, and don’t know today, what we as Israelis do with those lines. With: “In our hut, the enemy rids himself of his rifle / which he lays on my grandfather’s chair. He eats of our bread / like guests do, and without being moved. Grabs a little nap / on the bamboo chair.”

      Or: “Ask how my home is doing, foreign sir. / My small coffee cups / of our bitter coffee / still left as they were. Will it enter your nose / the scent of our fingers on the cups?” Or: “And I will carry the yearning / until / my beginning and until its beginning / and I will go on my way / until my end and until its end”!

      Darwish’s end came too early, unfortunately, and some time ago, in 2008. But it was not the end of his poetry – just ask Regev and Lieberman. The year 1948 was also some time ago but, just like Darwish’s poetry, it has never ended, not even for a moment. Israel has never altered its conduct – not its violent and overbearing approach to the Palestinians, who were born here, not their dispossession, the occupation and sometimes also their expulsions.

      In 2016, Israel is handling the Palestinians exactly like it did in 1948. That’s why Darwish isn’t leaving Israel alone, and that’s why he’s so frightening to the country: He confronts Israel with the most primordial truth about itself.

  • Israeli Art Schools Should Teach Freedom of Expression, Not Censor Nudes of Cabinet Ministers
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/1.732164

    Israeli Art Schools Should Teach Freedom of Expression, Not Censor Nudes of Cabinet Ministers

    The president of Shenkar College of Engineering, Design and Art in Ramat Gan must admit her mistake in censoring a student’s portrait of Ayelet Shaked, and resign.

    #art #censure #Israël

  • No Incitement Necessary for a Palestinian Town to Hate Israel
    Sa’ir will recover; its people are well-trained and strong. But it’s not hard to imagine what sort of pent-up feelings are being reinforced by the lockdown of this southern West Bank town.

    Gideon Levy Jul 14, 2016 Israel News Haaretz.com
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.730768

    Let’s take Shoham, a bedroom community of 20,000 people with a country club. An hour’s drive away there’s a town called Sa’ir. It also has 20,000 residents (no country club, though).
    Now imagine that a car had been shot at on Route 444, not far from Shoham. The police don’t catch the gunman, but suspect that he fled to Shoham. So what do they do? They impose a closure on Shoham. They seal it off totally. No one is permitted to leave for a week – not for work, not for school, not to see a doctor or do business. Whether you’re a resident or a guest, you’re stuck. No amount of begging will help. Some 20,000 people would remain under siege.
    The city would go crazy. Israel would go crazy. A blockade on an entire city because of one person, who probably isn’t even hiding there? A week inside a cage? They would be Skyping Rafi Reshef’s program every day to describe the residents’ suffering – the stories of shortages in the stores, patients who couldn’t get their treatment, kids who couldn’t get to day camp, students who missed final exams, brides and grooms who couldn’t get to their weddings, businesses on the brink of collapse and withered fields.
    Shoham would remember this siege with pain and anger. Every year it would hold a commemorative ceremony. The International Fellowship of Christians and Jews would conduct a fundraising campaign and the local welfare department would treat traumatized children who can’t stop wetting their beds after suffering through the fear of the nightly searches. The police commissioner who issued the order would be forced to resign. Israel would go nuts from such a closure.
    But Sa’ir, just an hour’s drive from Shoham, has been sealed off for five days. You haven’t heard much about it and it doesn’t interest anyone. On Saturday a Palestinian gunman shot at an Israeli car; the driver was wounded in the leg but was able to continue driving. Since that shooting, though, Sa’ir has been under closure. You can enter, but you cannot leave. An officer and two soldiers from the Kfir Brigade stand at a makeshift checkpoint and explain this to drivers seeking to enter. Some take the gamble and drive on through. Nobody knows when they’ll come out. Palestinians’ time is horribly cheap, as is their freedom, their lives and their dignity.
    Stranded in Sa’ir this week were truck drivers on their way to sawmills, laborers, students, patients, buyers, sellers, everyone. One truck driver was held up this week for 16 hours at one of those checkpoints responsible for keeping the town under lockdown. Even an ambulance was stopped there this week. Since it was empty, it wasn’t permitted to leave. The order is unequivocal; no one can leave. Entreaties – and there have been many at the Sa’ir checkpoint – won’t help. There are soldiers who explain this humanely, as humanely as inhumane orders can be explained, while others bark and growl, as is customary at West Bank checkpoints.
    Sa’ir isn’t Gaza, and the closure will eventually be lifted. The town will recover; it’s not the first time it’s been blockaded, nor will it be the last. Neighboring Samua has been sealed off since Tuesday; the Al Fawar refugee camp is also under closure, and the town of Bani Na’im was, too. The war on terrorism permits everything, including collective punishment and imposing a terror-siege. The settlers’ desire for revenge and punishment must be satisfied; they pressure the army to close off, besiege, and lock down as much as possible – and to kill, too, if possible. Besides which, it’s really easier to search for a wanted man in a besieged city, so why not?
    Sa’ir will recover; its people are well-trained and strong. But it’s not hard to imagine what sort of pent-up feelings are being reinforced by the lockdown of this southern West Bank town. There’s no need for “incitement” for Sa’ir to hate. It doesn’t need any sermons or propaganda videos. It has all the reasons it needs. How can it not hate those who abuse it? How can it not seethe at the intolerable ease with which a siege is imposed on it for the occupier’s convenience?
    Look at Sa’ir, and think of Shoham.

  • Une autre (pré)occupation : Les leçons à tirer des Yéménites d’Israël par Amira Hass
    Publié le 4 juillet 2016 sur Haaretz | Traduction : Jean-Marie Flémal
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/une-autre-preoccupation-les-lecons-a-tirer-des-yemenites-disrael-ami

    Des enfants juifs yéménites dans un camp de transit à Aden attendent leur transfert vers Israël, en décembre 1949. (Photo: David Eldan/GPO)

    La violence et l’excentricité d’Uzi Meshulam, la diligence des militants politiques qui ont collecté des témoignages, le long travail de fourmi consacré aux recherches journalistiques, telles la série d’articles d’Igal Maschiach, en 1995-1996, et aujourd’hui, l’activité déployée par Amran, une ONG de militants mizrahim : Toutes ces personnes ont remué ciel et terre pour maintenir bien en vie et ne pas laisser enterrer le chapitre de l’enlèvement des enfants du Yémen, de l’Orient et des Balkans. Nous leur sommes tous redevables d’une dette pour avoir déblayé plusieurs couches supplémentaires d’un passé sombre et dérangeant de l’histoire d’Israël à ses débuts.

    “““““““““““““““““““““““““““
    Otherwise Occupied Let’s Learn From Israel’s Yemenites

    The accumulation of stories about Yemenite children abducted in Israel sketches a pattern of thought and action in a racist and ignorant society.
    Amira Hass Jul 04, 2016 3:09 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.728760

  • Israel is a racist country. Take it from me, an Ethiopian Israeli
    Revital Iyov, Haaretz, 30 June 2016
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.727935

    “Israel is one of the most racist countries in the world,” said Tahunia Rubel, an Ethiopian-born Israeli model and actress. The remarks by Rubel, who became famous on the Israeli version of “Big Brother,” were published in the mass-circulation daily Yedioth Ahronoth last weekend.

    Rubel said things like “We have a screwed-up government … and the police are total idiots.” She added: “People in Israel find it strange to see an Ethiopian woman who behaves like an Israeli.” According to a report this week by the Berl Katznelson Foundation, the interview stirred particularly violent posts on social networks.

    That leads me to conclude that I’ve spent 21 years in Israel, the total number of my years on earth, in a country totally different from the one where Israelis so angry at Rubel live. For a moment it was nice to wake up in a parallel universe where Israel and Israeli society aren’t racist, and where people get angry at people who claim they’re racist.

    Of course it’s possible to refuse to acknowledge that the experience of a black woman in a white space isn’t identical to that of a white man in a white space, and to believe that he will never be able to understand my subjective feelings. But why talk about subjective feelings? The pain and anger are a product of institutional practices.

    Israel commits racist crimes. A prominent example is the police violence during the demonstrations by young Ethiopian men and women a year ago. (Police violence, incidentally, isn’t limited to young Ethiopians; many young Arabs encounter it as well.) Another example is the investigation that revealed the pressure on Ethiopian women to receive shots of the birth control hormone Depo-Provera before immigrating.

    In Israel, women of Ethiopian origin suffer oppression on two fronts: gender-related and race-related. The furious reactions to Rubel’s statement that Israel is a racist country only prove the justice of her claims. They refer to the fact that she’s a woman, an Ethiopian (“Go back to Ethiopia”) and a black person (“a disgusting African”).

    As far as they’re concerned, a black woman in the white mainstream should always be pretty, quiet, polite and filled with gratitude for the right to be a part of the mainstream. If you don’t play along you’ll pay a high price.

    The reactions are a perfect illustration of the difficulty facing minorities in Israel. They’re accepted into the mainstream only if they refrain from criticism.

    So you belong to a minority and you want to express criticism? They’ll immediately remind you that you shouldn’t take for granted that you’re here and will suggest that you return to your country of origin. That’s if you’re Ethiopian, of course, because leftist Israel-haters are sent to Berlin regardless of their ethnicity.

    Some people say that in other countries the situation is much worse, so we shouldn’t criticize Israel but only praise it because we’re better than the non-Jews. Well, I don’t think that’s love for one’s country. After all, anyone who loves the country must criticize it, put a mirror in front of it and take steps to change it. Formal equal rights aren’t enough. Equality must be seen on the ground. In life itself. Even on the Internet.

    #Palestine #Racisme #Ethiopiennes #Israfrique

  • Qui fait l’apologie du #Terrorisme ?
    http://contre-attaques.org/magazine/article/qui-fait-l

    « Dignité et fierté ! Bravo aux deux Palestiniens qui ont mené l’opération de résistance à Tel-Aviv #Free Palestine. » Le jour de l’attaque menée à Tel-Aviv et qui a fait quatre morts israéliens, une militante du Parti des indigènes de la République (PIR) a publié ce tweet qui a suscité une violente réaction de Gilles Clavreul. Dans un entretien accordé au Figaro le 16 juin 2016, Gilles Clavreul, délégué interministériel à la lutte contre le terrorisme, affirme avoir « transmis à la justice ce tweet qui fait (...)

    #Magazine

    / #carousel, #Tribunes, Terrorisme

    « http://www.lefigaro.fr/vox/politique/2016/06/16/31001-20160616ARTFIG00099-apologie-du-terrorisme-racisme-anti-francais-faut »
    « http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/1.724290 »
    « https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/06/10/tel-aviv-mayor-links-terror-attack-to-israeli-occupation-of-palestin »
    « http://orientxxi.info/magazine/ces-francais-volontaires-dans-l-armee-israelienne,0546 »

  • Israel Incapable of Telling Truth About Water It Steals From Palestinians

    Water is the only issue in which Israel (still) finds it difficult to defend its discriminatory, oppressive and destructive policy with pretexts of security and God.

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.726350
    #eau #Israël #Palestine
    via @albertocampiphoto

  • Congrats, Netanyahu. A New Low

    The moral is this: If Benjamin Netanyahu can do something like this to someone like this, he can do anything to anyone.
    Bradley Burston Jun 21, 2016 5:25 PM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.726306


    Perhia Heiman, sister of Israeli MIA from 1982, Yehuda Katz, in an interview with Channel 10 television on June 17, 2016, about the tank her brother was in, in Lebanon, when he disappeared. Credit screenshot

    (...) The story is this: Earlier in the week, the prime minister had cited as one of the achievements of his recent Moscow visit with Vladimir Putin in Moscow, persuading the Russian leader to return an Israeli tank captured by Syria in a disastrous battle of the 1982 Lebanon war.

    The Prime Minister’s Office had indicated to the press that the tank was the one manned by three soldiers missing in the battle, 34 years nearly to the day of the Moscow trip.

    Netanyahu himself suggested that the return of the tank might bring the bereaved families solace. “The families of the missing, Zacharia Baumel, Zvi Feldman and Yehuda Katz, have not had a physical vestige of their sons or a grave to visit for the past 34 years,” he said in a statement.

    Only when Netanyahu returned from Russia did it emerge that this had been an unusually cynical public relations ploy, exploiting the feelings of the long-grieving families for the sake of a cheap photo opportunity.

    “The prime minister phoned me and told me ’Here, your brother’s tank is arriving,” Katz’ sister Perhia Heiman told Israel’s Channel 10 on Friday.

    When Heiman checked the chassis number of the tank, however, she discovered that it was not her brother’s at all.

    “The tank belonged to the deputy battalion commander, who ran away - which is exactly the opposite of the missing men of the Sultan Yaakoub battle, who fought like lions - and who abandoned them in the field.”

    “Why keep me waiting on burning coals, with the supposed ’news item’ that this is my brother’s tank?” she asked.

    Asked if she was saying that Netanyahu knew that this was not the tank, she replied, “Yes. Yes, yes. The IDF has known for several weeks that this was not the same tank.”

    Heiman noted that the prime minister knew the grief of losing a sibling. Netanyahu’s brother Yoni was killed during the 1976 Entebbe raid to rescue terror hostages in Uganda.

    “I believe it’s time to bring an end to this cynicism on the part of a prime minister who is also a bereaved brother, to bully and give the run-around to the families of missing soldiers this way - there has to be a limit.”

    Perhia Heiman has reached hers. Early next week, by the Hebrew calendar the 34th anniversary of the battle, she will be standing outside the Prime Minister’s Office, with a clear message for Netanyahu:

    “Help me to stand beside the prime minister’s office,” she told viewers on Friday, “and call on him to resign.”

    "He may have the legal or some other sort of authority to continue to serve as prime minister, but he no longer has the moral authority.

    “There is no leader without a people. And we will not accept that kind of shoddy leadership.”

    She asked people who wished to help her organize the demonstration to contact her at heimanp@bezeqint.net.

    Asked why she thought Netanyahu had publicized the return of the tank, with the prime minister’s office quoted as saying it was her brother’s, she answered without hesitation.

    “This is what he had an interest in presenting, perhaps in order to give it ’spin’ because that same day, the police reached the conclusion that there was evidence to bring his wife Sara Netanyahu to trial, in connection with (financial irregularities at) the prime minister’s residences.”

    The story did not end there, however. Asked if Netanyahu knew that the tank was not Heiman’s brothers, the Prime Minister’s Office responded with a tortuous statement that began by insisting that Netanyahu honored the families, continued by indirectly accusing Heiman of lying about something she, in fact, did not say, and ended by saying, in effect, that we in the prime minister’s office never really, exactly, precisely, explicitly, said that this was the same tank.

    A new low.

    Now, after 34 years, Perhia Heiman has only begun her fight. She listened to the Prime Minister’s Office response with quiet composure.

    “That’s his statement. But I have recordings of the conversations in my possession,” she said.

    Next week. The Prime Minister’s Office. 3 Kaplan Street, Kiryat Ben-Gurion, Jerusalem.

    The moral is this: If Benjamin Netanyahu can do something like this to someone like this, he can do anything to anyone.

    • Le tank rendu par la Russie à Israël n’est pas celui des trois soldats disparus
      Par i24news
      Publié : 17/06/2016 - 22:35, mis à jour : 22:37

      Mais trois soldats, Zvi Feldman, Yehuda Katz et Zachary Baumel, furent portés disparus.
      http://www.i24news.tv/fr/actu/international/117071-160617-le-tank-rendu-par-la-russie-a-israel-n-est-pas-celui-des-trois
      « (...) Ce tank est la seule preuve que nous ayons de nos garçons qui ont disparu dans cette bataille, » a expliqué Netanyahou.

      « Nous recherchons nos soldats depuis 34 ans, et nous ne nous arrêterons jamais jusqu’à ce que nous les ramenions afin de pouvoir les enterrer en Israël ... Maintenant [les familles] auront ce tank, un vestige des combats de la bataille », a-t-il ajouté.

      Mais Baumel, Feldman et Katz se trouvaient dans deux autres blindés. Les experts israéliens qui ont examiné le tank rendu par la Russie ont conclu qu’il ne s’agissait pas du char dans lequel les trois soldats se trouvaient quand ils ont disparu, selon Ynet.

      « Le tank qui nous a été rendu n’est pas celui dans lequel se trouvaient les soldats », a affirmé le lieutenant-colonel de réserve Michael Mas.

      « Bien qu’il s’agisse effectivement d’un blindé saisi au cours de la bataille de Sultan Yacoub, il n’y a aucune trace de ces trois soldats dans ce char », a-t-il précisé.

      Le bureau du premier ministre israélien a déclaré n’avoir jamais prétendu que le tank rendu par la Russie était celui dans lequel les trois soldats avaient combattu.

      « Nous avons seulement déclaré qu’il s’agissait d’un blindé de la bataille de Sultan Yacoub, voilà ce que le Premier ministre a dit aux familles », a expliqué le bureau du premier ministre.

      « Personne n’a jamais dit qu’il s’agissait du tank des trois soldats disparus », a-t-il insisté.