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  • La famine a commencé. Le « corridor maritime » fait diversion. La voie terrestre et les structures traditionnelles de distribution peuvent seules limiter l’extension de la catastrophe
    Par Amira Hass | Haaretz le 20 mars 2024 ; traduction rédaction A l’Encontre
    http://alencontre.org/moyenorient/palestine/gaza-la-famine-a-commence-le-corridor-maritime-fait-diversion-la-voie-te

    Le corridor d’aide maritime a fait l’objet de beaucoup d’attention, mais les organisations de Gaza affirment que les approvisionnements par voie terrestre sont essentiels pour répondre aux besoins humanitaires urgents. Les Nations unies ont recensé 16 cas de tirs sur des convois d’aide, et les organisations pensent que les troupes israéliennes sont à l’origine de la plupart d’entre eux

    Le premier navire d’aide à destination de Gaza a quitté le port chypriote de Larnaca mardi 12 mars et a navigué pendant plus de trois jours avant d’accoster vendredi à environ un kilomètre de la côte de Gaza. Sa cargaison a été ramenée à terre et chargée dans des camions. Jose Andres, fondateur de l’organisation caritative World Central Kitchen, qui a organisé la cargaison, a déclaré qu’il ne s’agissait que d’un essai et que l’organisation caritative pourrait acheminer des milliers de tonnes d’aide chaque semaine.

    Les gros titres générés par la livraison de la semaine dernière ont éclipsé les rapports des Nations unies sur la propagation de la famine et de la malnutrition à Gaza, en particulier dans le nord et chez les enfants [et invisibilise le rôle nécessaire de l’UNRWA qui est visée par une campagne massive de dénigrement qui commence toutefois à prendre l’eau]. Vendredi, le jour même de l’arrivée du navire d’aide, le Fonds international d’urgence pour l’enfance des Nations unies a déclaré qu’environ un tiers des enfants de moins de deux ans dans le nord de la bande de Gaza souffraient de malnutrition grave en raison de la guerre, du siège israélien, de l’épuisement des réserves alimentaires et de la destruction généralisée des cultures et des usines.

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/2024-03-20/ty-article-magazine/.premium/with-aid-waiting-beyond-their-reach-malnutrition-among-gazas-children-keeps-spreading/0000018e-56c7-daff-a9ce-feef835a0000

  • In Hawara, the Palestinian Authority Was Nowhere to Be Seen - Palestinians
    Amira Hass - Mar 2, 2023 9:58 pm IST - Haaretz.com

    While the well-trained Palestinian Authority security forces have not found a way to protect their compatriots against settler attacks, they are always there in order to suppress them

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/2023-03-02/ty-article/.premium/in-hawara-the-palestinian-authority-was-nowhere-to-be-seen/00000186-a31c-de2a-a1ee-a31f57160000

    The five hours during which hundreds of Jews rampaged unhindered through Hawara, attacking people and property and setting fires, encapsulated decades of encouragement of settler violence and the calculated disregard and leniency on the part of the Israeli military, police, state prosecutors, courts and successive governments. But those five hours also proved yet again how compliant the Palestinian Authority is with the artificial division of the West Bank into categories A, B and C, set by the Oslo Accords – a division that was supposed to be temporary and expire by 1999.

    This is one more reason that the Palestinian public despises and detests the leadership of the Palestinian Authority. While its security forces, who underwent training in Arab and Western countries, have not found a way to protect their compatriots against settler attacks, they are always there in order to suppress them.

    The 14 Million Initiative, which is attempting to revitalize the Palestine Liberation Organization and call for elections for an all-Palestinian national council and legislative assembly, had scheduled a live press conference from the Watan TV studio on Wednesday. Treating the word “election” as a nuclear threat, the PA’s security forces besieged the building housing the studio and broke into the offices in order to foil the press conference. This was not the first time this happened; security forces disrupted another of the initiative’s attempts in November.

    Last week, Palestinian security forces set up roadblocks at the exits of several cities in the West Bank, in order to prevent teachers in government schools, who have been striking since February 5, from attending a central rally in Ramallah. The PA and the public school teachers’ union had signed agreements on a modest wage hike of 15 percent and on holding a free and democratic election for the union in May 2022. This followed an initiative led by several non-profit educational associations, parent groups and the Independent Commission for Human Rights (a quasi-governmental body).

    An election was never held, as expected. In early February teachers learned that despite the agreement, January salaries did not include the raise upon which they had agreed; they even remained at 80 percent of regular salary levels, as before. This led to the strike, now in its fourth week, which 50,000 teachers have joined and has kept one million students at home. The leaders of the strike are keeping a low profile out of fear of arrest, as has happened with previous teachers’ protests.

    Even though their children are at home, parents’ associations are supporting the teachers’ demands. The financial crisis is real: Israel continues to withhold hundreds of millions of shekels belonging to the PA every year, equivalent to the allowances the PA pays families of prisoners held by Israel, but the public does not believe that there is no money for decent teachers’ salaries.

    The PA’s message is clear, then: it continues to abide by its agreements with Israel (including the security coordination) but not by its agreement with the teachers, one of the most important sectors that guarantee the common well-being.

    Hawara (and the congested road passing through it) was classified more than 25 years ago as Area B, in which Palestinian policemen are prohibited from operating and from staying there while armed or in uniform. The heavily armed IDF and Border Police, though, are a constant presence – near garages and convenience stores, gas stations and falafel stands. Everyone knows who they are sent to protect. The settlements in the area are renowned for their violence: Yitzhar and its outposts, feverishly sprouting like mushrooms after rain; Itamar and its own expanding outposts; the Givat Ronen outpost, close to the settlement of Har Bracha.

    The Palestinian villages of Burin, Madama, Einabus, Urif, Aqraba, Beita, Yanun and others have been living under the threat of terror posed by these interlopers since several decades. Trees chopped down, stolen olive harvests, arson, gunfire at farmers, Palestinians assaulted in their homes, village springs tapped – these are not acts of “revenge” taken after an attack on Jews. They constitute a calculated plan to take over more Palestinian land through violence and intimidation. Everything, both then and now, was and is done under the auspices of the monopoly wielded by the IDF over security.

    Obviously, no Palestinian security agency has attempted to challenge this in order to protect the residents from their recidivist assailants. Instead of the Netanyahu-Smotrich-Ben-Gvir government thanking the Palestinian Authority for its obedience and loyalty, it blames it for every Israeli fatality in an area under full Israeli control, namely, the entire West Bank and Israel proper. At the same time, Israel demands that the PA discipline the desperate and inept young Palestinians who have armed themselves in the West Bank. It’s no wonder that the Palestinian public loves and admires those young armed men, even though they are not capable, trained or prepared to protect it physically against settler attacks or to foil the theft of their lands.

    On the night that Jews rampaged through Hawara, many of its residents who were outside the town could not return home. Through social media, Nablus residents offered them their hospitality. This was joined by the Palestinian national security apparatus, which opened its headquarters to them. The responses were barbed, a Nablus resident told Haaretz. “What are you, a charity?” furious people asked sarcastically.

    Experience teaches us that IDF soldiers and Border Policemen would have shot and even killed any Palestinian who tried to deter the attackers and defend his family, neighbors or property, with a gun, club or knife. Or he may have been arrested and convicted in a military court before being sentenced to many years in prison for possessing an illegal weapon, shooting and endangering Jewish lives.

    Even if Palestinian Authority policemen could have arrived quickly in Hawara to protect their countrymen from Jewish assailants, the army would have blocked them or even killed or imprisoned them, with military judges sentencing them to long prison terms without heeding the explanations of their attorneys. Any local attempt to mount a defense using weapons would have ended in bloodshed, mainly on the Palestinian side, and with an uncontrollable escalation. It is understandable, then, why such an intervention is unlikely as of yet.

    But beyond declarations, condemnations and demands that the United Nations provide international protection, for years, senior Palestinian officials have refrained from rising up or calling off an agreement, or setting clear and well-defined conditions for continuing security coordination with Israel, as a response to settler violence.

    Instead of sending its security forces to foil press conferences and demonstrations that call for democratization, and instead of spying on its own people, the PA could have permanently stationed these forces – unarmed and in plainclothes, but trained in riot control – in villages frequently attacked by settlers. It could have informed Israel that it is doing this because Israel’s army and police are not fulfilling their duties as dictated by international law and even the Oslo Accords. It could have sent its most senior commanders on regular tours of these villages, to participate in plowing and olive picking, herding sheep with villagers while explaining to Israeli officers that they were unavailable for coordination meetings with the IDF, the Shin Bet and the Civil Administration, since they were busy protecting their people.

    The obvious conclusion is that the Palestinian security agencies and their supreme commander Mahmoud Abbas hold sacred not just the security coordination with Israel, but also the borders of the Bantustans created by the temporary-permanent divisions into areas A, B and C. That is how the narrow personal and economic interests of the ruling group, so disconnected from its people, may be maintained.

    #Huwara #Hawara #AP #OLP

  • Facebook didn’t even bother to reply
    Amira Hass | Jul. 21, 2021 - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-facebook-didn-t-even-bother-to-reply-1.10015989

    The giant corporation Facebook has spokespersons and a PR department in Israel, which publishes the names of its employees.

    On Saturday, I sent them questions regarding the blocking of the account of a Palestinian user, Omar Nazzal. That is, I wanted to understand why Facebook put up a roadblock in its cyberspace. The Israel Defense Forces puts up roadblocks in the geographical space and denies the Palestinians their right to freedom of movement, and Facebook does the same in virtual space.

    Reports and investigations prove that Nazzal is not the only Palestinian targeted by Facebook’s restriction of movement policy. At the same time, this social-corporate network is filled with the accounts of settlers and settlements and with ads for settlements. In other words, Facebook systematically provides total freedom of movement to serial criminals who violate international law, and encourages crimes such as moving to settlements.

    From Facebook’s notification to Nazzal about the suspension of his account, it could be inferred that it was because he posted a letter written by political prisoner Khalida Jarrar after the funeral of her daughter Suha – a funeral the mother was not permitted to attend. I asked Facebook about the reason for the suspension and how the decision was made. I didn’t get an answer.

    We, the journalists who cover the Israeli occupation from an explicitly stated starting point of opposing it as a matter of principle, are accustomed to government spokespersons who evade giving answers, do not provide information and sometimes lie. But they – the spokespersons for the army, the Civil Administration, the Israel Prison Service and even the Shin Bet security service – at least send some sort of generic reply. Sometimes they may surprise us and supply a little information, on or off the record.

    I don’t know if it was a personal decision by Israeli Facebook spokespersons not to answer me, or if the directive came from above. But failure to reply to a journalist’s question – which is rude in itself – is a type of statement: “After all, we know that nothing will reduce our power, certainly not the failure to discuss Facebook’s discriminatory treatment of Palestinian users. So why should we bother to reply?”

    In the absence of an official response, it is left for us to answer: Presumably there were Israelis who demanded the suspension of Nazzal’s account, and Facebook obeyed. On May 13, during the war in Gaza, Defense Minister Benny Gantz – who was then also the justice minister – met with company representatives and pressed them to take more serious steps against “extremist elements that are seeking to do damage to our country” (Time Magazine, May 21, citing a statement from his office).

    In fact, Time reported, in the week since the meeting, the Justice Ministry noticed that Facebook had responded more quickly to Israeli requests to remove content. “We would like to see even greater responsiveness going forward,” Time quoted a ministry official as telling the magazine.

    Israel has the personnel resources, the money and the unlimited chutzpah to pressure Facebook and its ilk to hobble the movement of the Palestinians and their supporters in cyberspace. Just as it has the power to deter mainstream international media outlets from investigating its actions against the Palestinians.

    Israel has the power to influence Facebook’s algorithms to interpret as incitement or violence any Palestinian definition of the nature of the oppressive Israeli regime that dispossesses them, any criticism or any incriminating photograph of Israeli killings or home demolitions.

    Whether it was the Israel National Cyber Directorate, supposedly “neutral users” or Facebook’s existing algorithms that demanded the suspension of Nazzal’s account, Israel’s aggressive footprint is in evidence here too. And Facebook again proved that it sides with the center of power and money. Had the company existed in apartheid-era South Africa, its blocking policy would undoubtedly have adapted to the demands and persecution methods of the white racist regime.

    P.S. On Tuesday morning, after this article was published in Hebrew, Facebook unblocked Nazzal’s account and apologized. “We are sorry we got this wrong,” the new announcement to Nazzal said.

    I don’t know if it was a personal decision at Facebook Israel not to answer me, or if the directive came from above.

    • Facebook bloque le compte qui a publié une lettre d’une ancienne députée palestinienne emprisonnée
      19 juillet | Amira Hass pour Haaretz | Traduction BP pour l’AURDIP |
      https://www.aurdip.org/facebook-bloque-le-compte-qui-a.html

      Khalida Jarrar écrit à sa fille, après ses funérailles, mardi dernier : ta vie est « la vie d’une Palestinienne qui aime la vie et l’espoir et la liberté, et qui déteste l’esclavage et le colonialisme ».

      Facebook a suspendu pour deux mois le compte d’un utilisateur qui avait posté une lettre de Khalida Jarrar, militante politique palestinienne et ancienne membre du parlement qui subit une peine de prison en Israël, une lettre écrite après les funérailles de la fille de Jarrar mardi.

      Omar Nazzal, ami proche des Jarrar, a été informé cette semaine que son compte Facebook était suspendu pour deux mois, peu après avoir posté cette lettre. (...)

  • Palestinian Authority nixes COVID vaccine deal with Israel due to close expiration date
    Jack Khoury | Jun. 18, 2021 | 8:18 PM | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-palestinian-authority-nixes-vaccine-deal-with-israel-amid-close-ex

    Israeli health officials say the PA was completely aware of the vaccines’ expiration date when it agreed to reimburse Israel with Pfizer’s inoculations

    Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh has ordered the Palestinian Authority to scrap a deal in which Israel would give the PA about 1 million doses of the Pfizer-BioNTech coronavirus vaccine because many of the doses are set to expire.

    The Palestinians said the doses, which Israel began shipping to the West Bank, are too close to expiring and do not meet their standards. In announcing the agreement, Israel had said the vaccines “will expire soon” without specifying the date.

    Palestinian Health Minister Mai al-Kaila announced the decision in a press conference, just hours after the agreement was struck.

    Israel said Thursday that it would transfer the vaccines to the PA in the coming days. The first 100,000 doses were transferred to the Palestinian Health Ministry in the West Bank Friday afternoon.

    The new Israeli government, which was sworn in on Sunday, said that the Palestinian Authority would reimburse it with a similar number of vaccines when it receives them from the pharmaceutical company in September or October. Up to 1.4 million doses could be exchanged, the Israeli government said in a statement.

    Israeli Health Ministry sources later confirmed that some vaccines would expire by the end of June or July. However, they said that the PA was completely aware of that as well as the amount of vaccines it was supposed to receive.

    A senior official in the ministry said the decision to cancel the deal is probably due to “an internal Palestinian issue.”

    Speaking in a press conference, Ibrahim Melhem, a spokesman for the Palestinian government, said that all the doses that Israel has already transferred to the PA would expire by the end of the month.

    Melhem said that the PA was not aware that the vaccines were about to expire and expressed concern that Israel will continue transferring soon-to-expire doses.

    Palestinian officials had come under heavy criticism on social media after the agreement was announced, with many accusing the PA of accepting subpar vaccines and suggesting they might be ineffective.

    Earlier on Friday, both Israel’s Health Minister Nitzan Horowitz and his Palestinian counterpart Mai al-Kaila welcomed the agreement.

    “This is not an agreement with Israel, but with the Pfizer company," al-Kaila said earlier Friday, before the deal was called off.

    Israel’s decision to send the vaccines was made in principle by the previous government, but the details had not been finalized.

    Although Palestinians sources claimed the vaccines would have been given to people in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, political sources said that according to agreement with Israel the inoculations would have been limited to West Bank residents and that the PA had agreed to its terms.

    According to the Palestinian Health Ministry, 436,275 Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza have received at least one dose of vaccine, including around 260,000 who have received both doses. This includes around 100,000 Palestinians employed in Israel, who have been vaccinated by Israel over the past few months.

    The Associated Press contributed to this report.

    • Vaccins anti-Covid : l’Autorité palestinienne annule l’accord avec Israël
      Avec notre correspondante à Ramallah, Alice Froussard – Publié le : 18/06/2021 - 20:16 – Modifié le : 19/06/2021
      https://www.rfi.fr/fr/en-bref/20210618-vaccins-anti-covid-l-autorit%C3%A9-palestinienne-annule-l-accord-avec-i

      Les doses de vaccins Pfizer reçues de l’État hébreu devaient bientôt expirer et ne répondaient pas aux normes requises, précise-t-elle. Retour sur ce deal annulé.

      Indiquant qu’elle refusait de recevoir des doses « en passe d’être périmées », l’Autorité palestinienne a annulé ce vendredi un accord avec l’État hébreu portant sur le transfert d’un million de doses de vaccins contre le coronavirus.

      Plus tôt, ce vendredi, Israël avait en effet annoncé qu’il transférerait environ un million de doses de vaccins en échange d’un nombre similaire de nouvelles doses que les Palestiniens s’attendent à recevoir plus tard dans l’année. Il s’agissait, selon le ministère de la Santé palestinien, d’une initiative visant à « accélérer la campagne de vaccination », et mis en place après qu’Israël a été invité depuis des mois à faire plus d’efforts pour assurer l’accès des Palestiniens aux vaccins.

      Le porte-parole de l’Autorité palestinienne a été clair : « après l’examen du premier lot de vaccins Pfizer reçu d’Israël, il a été découvert qu’il n’était pas conforme aux caractéristiques prévues par l’accord ». « Le gouvernement refuse donc des doses en passe d’être périmée » insiste-t-il lors de la conférence de presse, alors que déjà 90 000 doses avaient été reçues et sont sur le point d’être rendue.

  • Israel deploys Iron Dome batteries as Hamas warns against Tuesday’s Jerusalem march
    Nir Hasson, Josh Breiner, Jack Khoury | Jun. 14, 2021 | 11:51 AM - - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-hamas-warns-bennett-tuesday-s-jerusalem-march-will-reignite-tensio

    The right-wing Flag March is a ’fuse for a new explosion,’ Hamas spokesman says a day after PM Bennett takes office

    The Israeli military has deployed Iron Dome air defense batteries and raised its level of alert ahead of the Jerusalem Flag March on Tuesday, as Hamas says it would respond to the right-wing march if it goes through as planned, potentially with rocket fire from the Gaza Strip.

    Omer Bar-Lev, the newly sworn-in public security minister, decided on Monday evening, after a meeting with Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai and representatives of several Israeli defense agencies, to let the march go on as planned.

    “I was under the impression that the police is well prepared and that a great effort has been made to safeguard the delicate fabric of life and public safety,” Bar-Lev said in a statement.

    Hamas warned Israel that the march will renew unrest, less than a month after the two sides reached a cease-fire following 11 days of fighting in Gaza.

    “We are calling on Palestinians in Jerusalem and within the Green Line to halt the march tomorrow,” said Hamas spokesman Abdulatif al-Qanua on Monday. He dubbed the march, in which right-wing groups parade through the Old City carrying Israeli flags, a “fuse for a new explosion for the protection of the al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem.”

    According to a Monday report on Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar, Hamas leadership told Abbas Kamel, the head Egyptian intelligence who was heavily involved in mediating last month’s cease-fire with Israel, that the organization’s response to the march would be “identical” to its actions in May, when rockets were fired at Jerusalem.

    The report also said the group’s military wing has been ordered to stand by, but any action would “depend on Israel’s conduct.”

    The organizers of the Jerusalem Flag March reached an agreement with the Israel Police on Friday to allow for a march to take place on Tuesday. It had been planned for last Thursday, but was canceled after organizers and police failed to agree on a route over police fears that the march would reignite tensions and lead to riots in the city by passing through Palestinian areas.

    The march was originally scheduled, as per tradition, for Israel’s Jerusalem Day last month, and was diverted due to security concerns as clashes between police and Palestinians in the city intensified. It was dispersed shortly after it began, after tensions peaked and Hamas fired rockets from Gaza.

    The march planned for Tuesday will proceed down Sultan Suleiman road before arriving at the Damascus Gate, a flashpoint of tensions between Palestinians and police in recent months. An Israeli flag dance will be held at the plaza in front of the gate. The marchers, however, will not enter the Old City through the Damascus Gate and the gate will be closed off.

    From the Damascus Gate, marchers will pass through the Jaffa Gate and head toward the Western Wall through peripheral areas of the Muslim Quarter of the Old City. Part of the route will be detoured through the Jewish Quarter due to security concerns and to prevent overcrowding.

    The organizers of the march said, “We thank the Israel Police, police commissioner, and Jerusalem District from their cooperation and are happy that Israeli flags will be flown with pride in all parts of the Old City.”

    The organizers added, “We call on all citizens of Israel to join us this Tuesday with Israeli flags, to praise Israeli heroism and dance with joy in Jerusalem.”

    The change to the parade route came after Jerusalem District Commander Doron Turgeman refused to allow the march to pass through the Damascus Gate, or the center of the Muslim quarter. Turgeman said that under no circumstances would he approve the route originally requested by the organizers, fearing that the march would incite riots throughout the Old City.

    The deputy head of Hamas in Gaza, Khalil al-Hayya, issued a warning to Israel on Thursday night, warning that if “settler extremism” and the Flag March aren’t reigned in, the “fragile cease-fire could explode.”

    Hamas’ military wing said it’ is “closely following the provocative and aggressive actions by the usurpers and their leaders in Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa Mosque. We warn against harming Al-Aqsa, and salute her free defenders in Jerusalem.”

    Last month, Israeli security forces clashed repeatedly with Palestinians near and in the Al-Aqsa mosque, leaving hundreds of Palestinians injured.

    Security officials say that the situation in the Gaza Strip is still very sensitive, and that the leader of Hamas in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, is looking for an excuse to escalate tensions with Israel – and may find one in the events in Jerusalem.

    #Jérusalem

  • Settlers filmed attacking Palestinian family in the West Bank
    The settlers hurled stones at the parents and their eight children and assaulted them with clubs, according to B’Tselem ■ The father of the family was injured and taken to a Hebron hospital

    Hagar Shezaf | Mar. 13, 2021 | 11:55 AM | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-settles-filmed-attacking-palestinian-family-in-the-west-bank-1.961

    Israeli settlers were filmed attacking on Saturday a Palestinian family near the West Bank outpost of Mitzpeh Yair in the South Hebron Hills.

    According to a report by Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, about 10 masked settlers hurled stones at the parents and their eight children and assaulted them with clubs. The father of the family was hurt in the face and taken to a hospital in Hebron by the Palestinian Red Crescent. The family said he suffered fractures in his jaw, and will undergo surgery on Sunday.

    The police said they have opened an investigation into the incident.

    A video taken by B’Tselem shows the settlers throwing stones and attacking the family. One settler is seen approaching the woman with a club in his hand. The woman is later heard shouting “go away, they smashed the car,” and “the police are not here, where are they?”

    A B’Tselem activist who arrived at the scene shortly after said that both parents were evacuated on stretchers.

    The mother, Rima Alwan, said that the family comes to the land every Saturday. This time, they came with their eight children, the youngest of whom is a year old.

    “As soon as we arrived, we saw settlers approaching us and as we saw them, we called the police but they did not come,” Alwan told Haaretz. “There were about 15 of them. They threw stones at us and were armed with batons, one hit me in the leg and wounded me.”

    According to a statement from the Israel Police, officers arrived at the scene within minutes.

    According to Alwan, this is the first time the family has been attacked in this way by settlers. “The children were very scared because they also broke our car, thank God they were not injured.” She said police arrived at the scene only long after the incident ended.

    In response to the video, the Mount Hebron Regional Council of settlements said it’s impossible to get the full picture of what happened, and that authorities are investigating the situation.

    “An initial investigation revealed that [the alleged attackers] don’t live in the settlement, and we don’t believe in using violence or force,” their statement read.

    “That being said, it is important to note that residents of Mount Hebron have experienced incidents of vandalism, violence, theft and break-ins in recent months; just last week a Palestinian broke into a house of a resident of Havat Ma’on and was seized by IDF forces.”

    In the past, the family’s access to the land was blocked by the military due its vicinity to the Mitzpeh Yair outpost, but a 2011 court decision allowed them to reach it. Since then, they work the land several times a year after receiving clearance from the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories.

    In the beginning of March, a settler was filmed trying to eject an Arab family from a public area, for the second time in less than a month. The video of Zvi Bar Yosef, a resident of the nearby unauthorized outpost of Havat Zvi near the village of Jibiya, joined other reports over the past year by Palestinians about being removed from the area.

    The unauthorized outpost, partially built on state land and partially on privately owned land, is one of many that have proliferated in the West Bank, which control large tracts and deny access to Arabs.

    Last month, soldiers told a family of Israeli Arab citizens having a picnic to leave after settlers from the unauthorized outpost called them to the site. In videos of that incident, settlers, including an armed Bar Yosef, are seen demanding that the family leave the area, which is a public site that is not even in the municipal area of any settlement.

  • Settlers assault Palestinians on their own land, as Israeli soldiers watch
    As the coronavirus lockdown let up, two brothers and their families went on an outing on their own land. Settlers ambushed them, attacking with clubs and weapons

    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac - Published on 26.06.2020 - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-settlers-assault-palestinians-on-their-own-land-as-israeli-soldier

    Moussa and Issa Ktash open their mouths: Each of the brothers is missing three or four front teeth. Two months have passed since the brutal attack they endured at the hands of seven settlers, who were armed with clubs and chains, threatened them with a submachine gun, and beat them until they were bloody. The two are still badly shaken. Their children, who were with them on the land they own during the assault, are also traumatized. Now, whenever Israel Defense Forces troops enter the Jalazun refugee camp, north of Ramallah, where they live, 9-year-old Salah, Moussa’s son, and 8-year-old Hamzi, Issa’s son, go into panic mode and become wild. They both also wet their beds at night.

    Moussa, 38, and Issa, 41, are two work-weary men whose only dream – to spend some relaxing time in nature on their own property, on weekends – has been violently shattered by settlers. Issa has five children; Moussa has three. They are both woodworkers at GM Profile, a large carpentry enterprise in the El Bireh industrial zone near Ramallah. Issa has worked there for 17 years; Moussa for 14. Descendants of refugees from Inaba, an Arab village that was situated between Lod and Ramle, they were born and bred in Jalazun.

    With sawdust on their faded shirts the two met us in the offices of their employer, from which we set off to the scene of the crime, amid the olive groves between the settlements of Halamish and Ateret.

    About a decade ago, Moussa bought a plot of land in the village of Jibiya, in the Ramallah area – about 10 kilometers from Jalazun: two-and-a-half dunams (almost two-thirds of an acre) on which there are some 20 olive trees.

    Moussa: “We are refugees. We were expelled from our lands in Inaba, we live in Jalazun, and if we manage to save up money, we will build a house for our children on the land [that we bought]. The refugee camp is crowded and stifling; there’s no air there. When we go out to our land, we just feel wonderful. The nature and the fresh air. It is the first time [in the family] since my grandfather, in 1948, that we have land of our own. I feel free there.”

    The brothers’ dream of building a home for their children is a very distant one indeed: The land in question is in Area C – meaning it’s under complete Israeli control – where, in the present reality, the prospect for a Palestinian to build anything is nonexistent. Meanwhile, the men are able to extract four to six large containers of oil each year from the olives, which they divide among friends.

    With his cell phone, Moussa shows us photos of wildflowers and other sights that he took on his land. He’s a nature lover. Each weekend, he likes to go out to the grove with his family, tend to the trees and collect za’atar (wild hyssop) and Greek sage.

    Both Halamish and Ateret are just a few kilometers away, but they never used to have problems with the settlers. In recent years, however, amid the Palestinians’ olive groves, telltale huts of the so-called hilltop youth have begun springing up out of nowhere. The young settlers use these illegal locales as their bases for attacks on Palestinian farmers who have the effrontery to approach their own land; indeed, they are gradually taking over the area by force. A herd of dozens of cows belonging to settlers is already pasturing without interruption in some Palestinian fields in the area, as if they were the settlers’ property.

    The coronavirus period has been a bonanza for these ruffians. With everyone’s attention focused elsewhere, they have carried out 21 attacks on Palestinian farmers in the vicinity, wounding some of them each time.

    Iyad Haddad, a field researcher for B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights organization, compares the settlers here to wild animals: They lie in wait for those who are weak – the farmer, the shepherd, the lone passerby – and pounce on them with savage violence in order to frighten them and force them off their land. That’s what happened on Thursday, April 16.

    It was after some 40 days of coronavirus confinement in Jalazun, when no one was allowed to enter or leave. The brothers Ktash decided to go with their families for a first post-lockdown picnic. Their wives made maklouba (a dish of meat, rice and fried vegetables) and they set out from Jalazun at around 11:30 A.M. It was a hot day. Eight members of the family – Moussa, his wife and three of their children, Issa and one of his sons, and Moussa and Issa’s mother – squeezed into one car.

    Once they arrived, the two brothers went to collect spices and herbs on the slopes of a nearby hill, while the others remained in the shade of the olive trees. Issa and Moussa ventured about a few hundred meters away from the site, each heading in a different direction. They planned to return for lunch in the outdoors.

    Moussa was attacked first. Two settlers who had been lurking behind some oak trees suddenly confronted him. One was holding a club, the other had a knapsack on his back. The land they were on is privately owned by residents of Jibiya. The settlers were young, one looked to Moussa to be about 19 or 20, he tells us now; the other was around 25. Both wore large skullcaps; one was bearded and had long earlocks.

    Without a word, the bearded man, who was wielding the club, immediately started to bash Moussa on his head, his face and all over his body. The other one stood to the side. Moussa collapsed to the ground, but the blows continued unabated. The worst pain was inflicted on his right knee, which had been operated on in 2008. At one point the settler who was pounding Moussa told his accomplice to bring a chain in order to tie Moussa’s hands. He threatened to kill him.

    Even now, as he recalls the event, Moussa is distraught: “I love life. The first thing that went through my head was that I was going to die. The second thing was what would become of my wife and children after I died. I begged God, I recited verses from the Koran, I felt that my death was approaching.”

    The episode lasted for about 15 minutes, he estimates. A quarter of an hour in which his body was pummeled. Did you try to resist, we ask.

    “I was scared that they were armed,” he says. ‘They were two and I was one. There was nothing I could do. Very quickly I realized that I had two options: to try to make a run for it or to die.”

    When the settler doing the beating got a phone call and the other young man was off looking for a chain, Moussa managed somehow to get to his feet and escaped. They didn’t give chase. Apparently, they had made their point.

    Moussa hid behind a tree. He’d left his phone with his family and had no way to summon help. He fell to the ground and with his remaining strength managed to crawl to get as far from the assailants as he could. He was overcome by thirst and drank from a discarded bottle that he’d found. Then he felt he was losing consciousness and lay down on the ground. His whole body ached.

    When he woke up his family was standing next to him, frightened; they had no idea what had happened. When he hadn’t returned, they began to think that the settlers had perhaps killed him. Issa did not respond to phone calls.

    Sabar Shalash, a member of the Palestinian security forces who lives in Jibiya, told the family to come to his village with Moussa, so that nothing else would happen to them. Local residents then launched a search for Issa.

    By now it was somewhere between 3:30 and 4 P.M. Issa finally phoned: “Come and rescue me. The settlers have left.” Moussa, still aghast at what had happened to him, refused to allow the family to return to the area, and asked young people from Jibiya to go get his brother.

    It emerged that Issa, too, had been attacked by settlers who ambushed him from behind an oak tree. At first he was confronted by two: One of them, with long earlocks and a large skullcap, asked him in Arabic, “What are you doing here?” “This is my land,” Issa replied, to which the man retorted, “No, this is our land, it’s not yours.”

    Issa tried to run for his life but the settler blocked him and knocked Issa down. Then three more settlers emerged, one of them brandishing an M-16 rifle. “Call the police,” Issa shouted. The settler replied, “Here, we are the police.”

    With the rifle trained on him they started to beat Issa with clubs, and kicked and punched him as he lay helpless on the ground. He felt faint. One of the settlers bound his hands behind his back. Issa says now that he felt like a sheep being led to slaughter. They went on kicking him for some time and dragged him for about 300 meters.

    An IDF jeep arrived to the spot where he had been dragged, and five soldiers got out; a pickup truck belonging to the settlers also pulled up.

    One of the soldiers gave Issa water so he could wash off his bleeding mouth and nose. “Why did you come here?” the soldier asked. Issa tried to explain that this was his land and land belonging to Jibiya. The soldiers wanted to see his ID card, but he’d left it with his mother at the picnic site. The phone in his pocket rang, but the soldiers wouldn’t allow him to take the call from his worried family. One settler emerged from the pickup truck, grabbed the phone and threw it to the ground, cracking its screen. The other settlers resumed beating Issa until the soldiers finally stopped them and ordered them to leave. The soldiers did not summon an ambulance and just released Issa, who managed to call his family and was rescued by locals from Jibiya.

    They had to carry him; Issa was hurt more seriously than his brother. A Palestinian ambulance took the two brothers to the Ramallah Government Hospital, where they were treated for their wounds and discharged after a few hours. Unfortunately for Issa, he was sent into coronavirus quarantine in a facility run by the Palestinian Authority for two weeks, because he had come into close contact with both his assailants and the soldiers. His suffering and pain were compounded by his isolation from his family.

    The two brothers identified the settlers in photographs shown them by friends in Jibiya. Residents there say they know the violent hilltop youths who often raid their lands without anyone to stop them. We saw the photos, too.

    Issa and Moussa chose not to file a complaint with the police, fearing retribution from the settlers, of whom they are terrified. They also know that if they did, no one would take their claims seriously, just as hundreds of similar ones submitted over the years haven’t been dealt with. The police, the settlers and the army are all one body, the brothers say. Moussa says that the soldiers should have detained his assailants, or at least summoned the police to take them into custody.

    Of course, it’s not hard to imagine how the soldiers would have behaved if it had been Palestinians who were attacking Jewish settlers.

    We asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit whether the soldiers had acted properly by allowing the attackers to leave, and how soldiers are expected to behave in situations of this kind. The response: “On April 16, a report was received of friction between a number of settlers and Palestinians near the community of Halamish. IDF fighters who arrived at the site conducted a preliminary clarification with one of the Palestinian residents of what had happened and thereafter passed the details of the case to the authorized law enforcement bodies.”

    The two brothers with the missing teeth still wake up in fright at night, and their children, who saw them returning bruised and bleeding, are haunted by the images. Issa needs an MRI, but his request to have it performed in an East Jerusalem hospital was rejected. “Maybe you could help me?” he asks us in a quavering voice. They haven’t been back to their land since the incident. Nor do they have any intention of going back any time soon.

    Another victory for the settlers.

    At the end of our visit, we drove to the Ktashes’ plot of land. From the highway between Ateret and Halamish there was a fine view of olive groves dotting the hillside. Only on second glance did we see isolated huts between the trees, scattered on the ridge, threatening and boding ill.

    #colonialisme_de_peuplement

  • Palestinians Fear Coronavirus Surge as Workers Return to West Bank From Israel Over Passover - Haaretz
    “Palestinian prime minister says about 45,000 workers are expected to return, and they will not be allowed back into Israel during the coronavirus crisis”
    #Covid-19#Palestine#Israel#Gaza#Racisme#migrant#migration

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-palestinians-fear-coronavirus-surge-as-workers-return-from-israel-

  • Palestinians paint murals in Jerusalem, looking Israeli occupation in the eye - Palestinians - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium.MAGAZINE-palestinians-paint-murals-in-jerusalem-looking-israeli-oc

    Palestinians Paint Murals in Jerusalem, Looking Israeli Occupation in the Eye

    A total of 150 colorful murals are planned for Silwan, and when completed, will drastically alter the neighborhood’s appearance: ’The staring eyes say to people we see them and they should see us too’

    #palestine #jérusalem #silwan #occupation #colonisation #démolition

  • Despite Israel, U.S. pressure, and ongoing probe, UN renews #UNRWA mandate - Palestinians - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/despite-israel-u-s-pressure-and-ongoing-probe-un-renews-unrwa-mandate-1.813

    UNRWA mandate renewed for three years, ending US pressure - The National
    https://www.thenational.ae/world/unrwa-mandate-renewed-for-three-years-ending-us-pressure-1.938128
    https://www.thenational.ae/image/policy:1.938127:1573844786/image.jpg?f=16x9&q=0.6&w=1200&$p$f$q$w=70c86c9

    Countries voted overwhelmingly on Friday to renew the mandate of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, ending a concerted campaign by the United States to abolish it.

    Having endured a funding crisis largely caused by the US withdrawing support, the finances of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency remain volatile.

    But members of the United Nations Fourth Committee adopted a resolution approving the agency’s operations until June 2023.

    Among those who voted, 170 states supported renewal of the mandate and seven abstained. Only the US and Israel voted against.

    “Despite bullying, blackmail and pressure they stood by UNRWA,” said Riyad Al Mansour, Ambassador for Palestine to the UN, thanking countries for resisting US lobbying against the agency and its donors.

    #Palestine #sionisme #etats-unis

  • Israeli army admits to killing eight Gaza family members: We thought the house was empty
    Israeli military’s spokesperson in Arabic said that the target was an Islamic Jihad commander, but defense establishment sources say it was an ‘infrastructure’■ Palestinians say casualties are a family of herders
    Yaniv Kubovich and Jack Khoury Nov 15, 2019 8:23 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-israeli-army-admits-strike-that-killed-palestinian-family-intended

    Palestinians attend the funeral of the Asoarka family killed in the Israeli strike, Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, November 14, 2019.AFP

    The Israeli military admitted on Thursday that it made a mistake in targeting a Gaza building Wednesday night which housed a family of eight, all of whom died in the strike.

    The Israeli army said it assessed that the building in the Deir al-Balah neighborhood was empty, not realizing it was populated by a family. The Israel Defense Forces are investigating the strike, which took place a few hours before a cease-fire came into effect, and its consequences.

    “We are aware of the claim that non-combatants were injured in the central Gaza Strip, and we are investigating it,” the IDF said in a statement, adding that that “we undertake great intelligence and operational efforts not to harm non-combatants over the course of thwarting terror activities.”

    The Palestinian Health Ministry identified the dead as Rasmi Abu Malhous of the Asouarka tribe, 45; his son Mohand, 12; Miriam Asoarka, 45; Moad Mohamed Asoarka, 7; Sim Mohamed Asoarka, 13; Yoseri Asoarka, 39; and two toddlers whose bodies were dug up from the debris on Thursday morning and whose names have not been released.

    Following the strike, the Israeli military’s Arabic-language spokesperson announced that the target had been Rasmi Abu Malhous, the Islamic Jihad commander of a rocket squadron in the center of the Strip. He published a picture of Abu Malhous, but residents of Deir al-Balah say the man in the picture isn’t the one who was killed on Wednesday night.

    Sources in the defense establishment said, however, that the target of the strike was “infrastructure,” and that they were not at all aware that Palestinians were in it.

    Associates and neighbors of the family claim that they had no connection to the Islamic Jihad commander, and that the case was probably one of mistaken identity.

    “This was a very simple, poor family, who lives from hand to mouth in a tin shack, with no water or electricity,” said a neighbor who knew the family. “They lived off herding sheep and were known as simple, poor people. Is this the way the head of a rocket unit or a senior Islamic Jihadist lives?

    “Every child in Gaza knows the unit members and senior activists live in different conditions, they have houses, and even when they go underground their children and families don’t live in such squalor,” he said. “The story that they attacked a senior jihadist seems disconnected from reality.”

    #GAZA

    • Frappes sur Gaza : Israël reconnaît une erreur dans un bombardement
      Par RFI Publié le 15-11-2019 | Avec notre correspondant à Jérusalem, Michel Paul
      http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20191115-israel-gaza-territoires-palestiniens-jihad-islamique-frappes-erreur

      Il règne un calme précaire à la frontière entre Israël et Gaza. Les Israéliens reconnaissent désormais avoir bombardé un bâtiment qui abritait une famille de huit personnes dans le centre de l’enclave palestinienne. Parmi les victimes, trois enfants, âgés de 7 à 13 ans.

      Un porte-parole de l’armée israélienne a reconnu qu’il s’agissait d’une erreur. Les militaires israéliens visaient une infrastructure appartenant à un haut responsable du Jihad islamique du nom de Rasmis Abou Malhous, soupçonné par les Israéliens d’être le responsable de l’unité chargée des roquettes au sein de l’organisation. Un bâtiment qui était situé à Dir el Balah, dans le centre de la bande de Gaza.

      Et toujours selon cette même source militaire, l’armée israélienne ignorait que la bâtisse abritait une famille de huit membres qui ont tous trouvé la mort dans la frappe. Les faits se sont déroulés quelques heures avant l’entrée en vigueur d’un fragile cessez-le-feu entre Israël et le Jihad islamique et ont été révélés par le quotidien Haaretz.

    • Outdated intelligence, social media rumors: Behind Israel’s killing of Gaza family
      Yaniv Kubovich and Jack Khoury Nov 15, 2019 - 5:39 PM |Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-outdated-intelligence-social-media-rumors-behind-israel-s-killing-

      Military officials acknowledge the eight family members died in a building that hadn’t been examined by Israeli intel for months, and no one checked whether any civilians were in the vicinity before the overnight strike, which the IDF is now looking into

      An Israeli strike Wednesday overnight that killed eight Palestinian family members targeted a Gaza building that appeared in an outdated target database, and it was carried out without prior inspection of of civilian presence at the site.

      Following the attack, one of the last incidents in a two-day surge in violence between Israel and Palestinian group Islamic Jihad, the Israeli army’s Arabic-language spokesman claimed that the building was a command post for an Islamic Jihad rocket launching unit in the central Strip. However, this claim was backed by unreliable information based on rumors on social media, which hadn’t been verified.

      The building where the family lived was on a list of potential targets, but Israeli defense officials confirmed to Haaretz that it had not been looked at over the past year or checked prior to the attack.

      The officials also confirmed that they had no idea who the Palestinian whose name and picture were released by the army’s Arabic-language spokesman was, stressing he wasn’t known to be somehow linked to Islamic Jihad, refuting the spokesman’s initial claim.

      Residents of the central Gaza town of Dir al-Balah described the building that was targeted as a tin shack, but it was added months ago to the “target bank” used by the Israel Defense Forces’ Southern Command as an “infrastructure target,” meaning it was of interest as a site, although not because of any individual linked to it.

      The army classified the site, found in a complex of dilapidated shacks and greenhouses, as a military training complex. But in the period since it was approved as a target, the changes at the complex were not looked into to determine if it still served as an Islamic Jihad site.

      At 1:30 A.M., the green light was given to attack the structure and other targets using a JDAM bomb, which is used by the Israeli Air Force’s fighter aircraft. This weapons system fitted on aerial bombs enables a direct hit using a GPS-based guidance system.

      Defense sources confirmed that at no stage was the area checked for the presence of civilians.

      According to an initial investigation the army conducted, the strike was never intended to target a given individual, despite the statement released by its spokesman, but rather to hit infrastructure used by Islamic Jihad.

      Contrary to statements given to the media, defense sources confirmed that the site was a complex of shacks – a target that even if used by the Palestinian group would not have much significance or harm its capabilities. Senior defense officials told Haaretz the target was approved in the past according to protocol, but had not been reexamined since.

      The IDF is still trying to understand what the family was doing at the site, a defense source told Haaretz. The military doesn’t rule out a Palestinian claim that the family had been living there for quite some time prior to the attack.

      A neighbor, who said he personally knew the family, told Haaretz that they had lived there for “over 20 years.” He added they were “known as simple people, living in shacks and making their living off herding and some agriculture, nothing beyond that. They … didn’t come here recently or were moved here by anyone.”

      He also said the targeted complex isn’t known to be used for any sort of military activity.

      “This was a very simple, poor family, who lived from hand to mouth in a tin shack, with no water or electricity,” another neighbor who knew the family told Haaretz on Thursday. “They lived of herding sheep and were known as simple, poor people. Is this the way the head of a rocket unit or a senior Islamic Jihad officer lives?”

      Thousands attended the family’s funeral on Thursday.The Palestinian Health Ministry identified them as Rasmi al-Sawarkah, 45; his son Muhannad, 12; Maryam, 45; Muath Mohammed, 7; Wasim Mohammed, 13; Yousra, 39; and two toddlers whose bodies were dug up from the debris on Thursday morning and whose names haven’t been released.

      Dir al-Balah residents said all of them were related and lived in the same complex.

      The IDF spokesman in Hebrew said in a statement that the strike targeted “terrorist infrastructure,” adding: “According to the information the IDF had at the time of the strike, it was not expected that any uninvolved civilians would be harmed.”

      A jihadist known to no one

      Following the strike, the Israeli military’s Arabic-language spokesperson Avichay Adraee posted on his official social media accounts that a senior Islamic Jihad commander was killed in the strike. A man identified by Adraee as Abu Malhous was said to be in charge of the group’s rocket squadrons in central Gaza.

      Defense officials now admit it was a false statement, and defense sources told Haaretz they are unfamiliar with anyone of that name. The IDF’s Intelligence Corps has no such information that correlates with Adraee’s statement, and the army is examining whether the mistake stemmed from the death of a man with the same name – although he doesn’t look like the person whose photo was distributed by Adraee.

      Haaretz found that the false statement, which defense sources confirmed wasn’t based on any intelligence gathered by Israeli security agencies, was inspired by unreliable information shared on social media, including an Israeli Telegram group.

      However, senior officials gave a green light to publish the unverified information in an attempt by the IDF to display its achievements in targeting high-ranking Islamic Jihad operatives in this round of fighting, which began on Tuesday in the early morning with the assassination of Baha Abu al-Ata.

      This family’s killing has been heavily criticized by Palestinian officials and citizens, also leading the United Nations envoy Nickolay Mladenov to tweet: “There is no justification to attacking civilians in Gaza, or elsewhere! Such a tragedy! My heartfelt condolences to the family of Al-Sawarkah & I wish a speedy recovery to the injured. I call on Israel to move swiftly with its investigation.”

      IDF officials expressed great frustration with how events unfolded, and one of them confirmed it is highly unlikely that such a key figure to the Islamic Jihad’s rocket operation would be found in a shack during a round of violence. The individual who appeared in Adraee’s statement is unknown to the Israeli military, the official stressed, and the information was published without consultation with officials in the field, who could have easily refuted it.

      Other military officials said there was no intention to cover up the killing of a Palestinian family, and that it was an innocent mistake, while admitting the way the incident was handled and made public was unprofessional.

      The IDF’s spokesman in Hebrew said that “initial information” pointed to the death of an Islamic Jihad operative, but “an examination found that the information concerning his identity was uncertain. The issue is being investigated.”

      Noa Landau contributed to this report.

  • Human Rights Group Condemns Israel’s Shelling Of Its Headquarters In Gaza
    November 12, 2019 3:57 PM – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/human-rights-group-condemns-israels-shelling-of-its-headquarters-in-gaza

    After being targeted by Israeli missiles, the Independent Commission for Human Rights in Palestine (IHCR), issued a statement denouncing the military escalation, and calling for an international investigation at the highest level.

    At approximately 09:50 AM on Tuesday, 12 November 2019, the headquarters of the Independent Commission in the Gaza Strip, which occupies the fifth, sixth and seventh floors of a multi-story building near the Palestinian Legislative Council in the center of Gaza City, was targeted by Israeli missiles.

    Mr. Bahjat Al-Helu, ICHR’s Coordinator of the Awareness and Training Unit in the Gaza Strip, was slightly injured.

    It was a fortunate coincidence that the colleagues on the targeted floor just left the place a few minutes prior the shelling to participate in a meeting on the seventh floor, otherwise, they would have been directly hit.

    The Independent Commission for Human Rights condemns the attacks on its offices in Gaza City and calls upon the international community to take urgent action to stop the aggression carried out by the occupying power since the early morning of today, Tuesday.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=42&v=cDjUVR4i58k&feature=emb_logo

    • Missile hits human rights office in Gaza. Here’s why you never heard about it
      Amira Hass Nov 13, 2019 - Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-boundless-fear-in-gaza-1.8121625

      Israeli sources confirmed a local missile hit an office building in Gaza, but one could conclude that was the case just from the silence of Palestinian media outlets regarding the hit

      At about 10 A.M. on Tuesday, a missile hit the fifth floor of the Al-Harara office building in Gaza City, which is across from the Palestinian Legislative Council building. It s a missile that went astray on its launchers, almost certainly members of Islamic Jihad.

      Ironically, it scored a direct hit on the office of Palestinian Independent Commission for Human Rights, which scrutinizes the Palestinian authorities and reports on their violations of human rights, civil rights and the rule of law in the enclaves of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

      Israeli sources told Haaretz that the missile wasn’t Israeli. But one could have concluded that it was a local missile just from the silence that Palestinian media outlets imposed on themselves regarding the hit and the destruction it caused to the lowest of the three floors that the commission occupies in this elegant building.

      In Gaza, one cannot keep it a secret when a local rocket or missile falls inside the territory and even causes casualties among Palestinian civilians. But what is shared by word of mouth isn’t reported by the Palestinian media, and certainly not in real time. Even without orders from above, self-censorship is at work.

      Some websites, however, did publish the commission’s press statement, which asked the international community to investigate and condemned the escalation Israel sparked by its assassination of Baha Abu al-Ata (which also killed his wife, Asma, and wounded eight other people).

      By great good fortune, two commission employees who were working on the fifth floor had gone up to the seventh floor for a smoke a few minutes earlier. Eight other employees who had come to work that morning were in their offices on the sixth floor.

      They didn’t understand what had happened when the explosion went off beneath them, with its terrible noise. In the following seconds, they found themselves in a cloud of dust and fragments of the ceiling. At first, they were astonished to find themselves alive; then, each of them checked to see that his colleagues were okay. One had been lightly wounded and suffered from shock.

      Members of Hamas’ internal security service and the civil defense unit (the firefighters) arrived and collected the missile fragments. It’s hard to know if and when information about what happened after that will eventually leak. Will there be an investigation into why the errant missile fell where it did? Will anyone be reprimanded or punished?

      When the missile hit the commission’s office, Gazans already knew that half of Israel was shut down due to Islamic Jihad’s rockets. They could listen to Israeli interviewees talking openly about their fears.

      These Israeli fears, like reports that residents of communities near Gaza had left their homes, were in the past considered achievements of Palestinian militant organizations, especially Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Their ability to “repay” Israel for all its terrifying, lethal and humiliating military assaults – to make Israelis, too, feel fear, while temporarily paralyzing their normal lives – raised the prestige of both organizations, especially in the eyes of Palestinians outside Gaza.

      But countless similar rounds of mutual but asymmetric intimidation have already proven that the number of casualties on the Palestinian side, as well as the damage done to Gaza’s economy, property and infrastructure, is many times greater.

      When Hamas, as the ruling party that even won an election once, uses the tactic of counter intimidation, one can ascribe some sort of political purpose and logic to it and assume that the organization will know how to limit the scope of the escalation, since it bears governmental responsibility and must therefore pay attention to the public’s feelings. But for Islamic Jihad, which has no aspirations to lead the Palestinians, or even participate in elections, intimidation and revenge (“the right to respond”) have become an end in themselves. It’s hard to set limits on them when there are no defined political goals (aside from liberating all of Palestine).

      Tuesday afternoon, Islamic Jihad’s spokesmen announced that the group hadn’t yet responded to the assassination itself. Whether this was braggadocio or a promise, Gazans aren’t censoring themselves in private conversations: This frightens them, a lot.

      The commission employees who came to work at the organization’s headquarters on Tuesday were among the few Gazans who left their homes that morning. Just like in Israel between the Gazan border and Tel Aviv, in Gaza, too, schools and universities were closed. Some teachers and principals were already on their way to school when this was announced, so they had to retrace their footsteps.

      The streets were empty. People stayed home. Markets didn’t open. The only businesses that did open were neighborhood grocery stores, for the sake of people who emerged for a few minutes to buy something.

      A mother of five said she didn’t know whether Gazans were happy over the Israeli panic, “because we’re all shut in our homes.” A young woman said, “We’re afraid of all three types of explosions: when an Israeli missile lands, when a local missile is launched and when Iron Dome intercepts a missile.”

      Nevertheless, the Palestinian public, including representatives of the PLO and its dominant Fatah faction, are united in viewing the assassination of Abu al-Ata as an Israeli crime. Consequently, all the combative reports on Islamic Jihad’s news site, Filistin Al Youm (Palestine Today), also included a personal touch.

      On the night before Abu al-Ata died, he promised his daughter Layan that he’d buy a cake for her birthday, which fell on Tuesday. According to his brother Ihab, he also promised to avenge Omar Haitham al-Badawi, the young man killed by Israeli soldiers in the West Bank’s Al-Aroub refugee camp on Monday.

      Like all Gazans, employees of the Independent Commission for Human Rights have all experienced three major Israeli military assaults and dozens of other military strikes. All have often experienced the fear of death, and all have relatives or friends, including children, women and the elderly, who were killed or wounded in those attacks. But the missile that struck the bottom floor of their office proved that no one ever gets used to fear.

      The rules of self-censorship, however, apply not only to Palestinian journalists, but also to senior Palestinian Authority officials. They oppose Islamic Jihad’s tactics. Yet they can’t say openly and directly that an organization which represents only a tiny fraction of Palestinian society has no right to decide – together with Israeli Defense Minister Naftali Bennett and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – that Gaza will once again descend into the hell of war.

  • A wall, arrests and close surveillance: How Israel fences in a Palestinian family
    Amira Hass | Nov. 2, 2019 | Haaretz.com

    Their every move is filmed, every exit from their house depends on the army and they may access their land three times a year at most. The Gharib family has been living this way since Israel surrounded them with settlers

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-a-wall-arrests-and-close-surveillance-how-israel-fences-in-a-pales

    Nothing unusual happened this week to Sa adat Gharib and his family from the village of Beit Ijza northwest of Jerusalem. That is, if you don t take the olive harvest into account. This routine is what makes the family a microcosm of the Palestinian situation.

    Life in the enclaves. The enclave the Gharib family lives in is especially small; maybe it should be called a fenced-in pocket. On three sides, a 6-meter-high fence surrounds the one-story house and the short path leading to it from Sa’adat’s brothers’ house to the south. An unpaved, sunken road, blocked by concrete walls and fences, closes in on the house from the south and cuts it off from the family’s olive grove and the village’s lands.

    Above it is a concrete bridge. Under the bridge on the east, behind a locked door made of iron bars, steps lead to the sunken road, which is intended only for Israeli military vehicles. The soldiers have the key to the door and at any moment they can open it and enter the path leading to the family’s house.

    The house. It was built in 1979 on land the family says has belonged to them from as far back as the Ottoman era. The village’s ancient stone houses attest wordlessly to the continuity of life there.

    The permanent threat of being cut off. A large iron gate leans on the concrete wall on the sunken road. The soldiers can move it at will and block the entrance to the fenced-in house, cutting it off at any moment from the village’s other houses.

    In the first three months after the fence was built at the end of 2006, the entrance was blocked all the time, Gharib says. To leave, the family had to negotiate by phone with the police at the nearby Atarot industrial zone, or get the Red Cross to help out. “Sometimes we waited for several hours for them to come and open it,” he said.

    Close surveillance. This is achieved by cameras on the bars of the fence and at the entrance to the path. In Israeli military language this is called an “indicative fence” – which is also equipped with sensors. The son Sabri climbs a tree, the daughter Haya runs to her father, the daughter Ruba returns from school, the nephew Mohammed comes to see who the visitors are. All filmed. Cameras aimed at the Gharib house are also placed at the neighbors’ house beyond the fence.

    The neighbors are settlers. The settlement is Givon Hahadasha. “I don’t talk to them, they don’t talk to me,” Gharib says. About 3 meters separate the house from the fence. At a similar distance on the other side stand the neighbors’ villas. Their cars drive along the fence and park in its shade.

    Gharib hung a green sheet along the bottom part of the fence to obtain a semblance of privacy. Or the illusion of privacy. The setters’ villas are two or three stories high and are abundant with greenery. This past Wednesday a woman was watering plants on her balcony and explaining something to her son. “Tomer,” she called out to him. Three women came down the stairs outside another house and discussed something in Hebrew.

    “Sometimes I lift the green sheet,” says 10-year-old Sabri, “and look at the settlers’ children playing. I say ’Shalom’ to them.”

    The poverty of words. It’s hard to describe the labyrinths of fences, concrete and sunken roads cutting the area’s villages off from their groves and vineyards. It’s hard to describe the way from Ramallah to Beit Ijza – bypass routes and a kind of tunnel, built by Israel, as part of the network of roadblocks and restrictions on movement.

    All the land of the Palestinian region between Beitunia in the north via Nebi Samuel to Beit Iksa in the south have de facto been annexed to Israel. Now Palestinians are forbidden from entering it, aside from laborers who work in the Givat Ze’ev settlement bloc and the dwindling number of residents of two cut-off Palestinian communities, Nebi Samuel and al-Khalaila.Territorial contiguity is for Israelis only.

    Only a tour here and in all the other fenced-off enclaves and sub-enclaves of the West Bank – only actually seeing it – could make clear the reality of living in cages.

    Jerusalem. It’s 11 kilometers (7 miles) from Beit Ijza to the city to the southeast. Since the direct roads are blocked and due to the restrictions on movement, the few village residents who obtain entry permits to Israel must travel to the capital via the Qalandiyah checkpoint for about two hours. In each direction.

    Expulsion attempts. In a 2006 petition to the High Court of Justice on the route of the separation barrier being planned there, a Givon Hahadasha “communal settlement committee” demanded that the army expropriate the house, evict the family and pay them compensation – to ensure the settlers’ safety. The family refused.

    “Ever since Israel occupied the West Bank, Jews have been offering my father to sell the house,” Gharib says. “They even brought him a suitcase of money. He refused.”

    During some years, people hurled stones at the house, also a firebomb, he recalls. It’s the kind of testimony you hear in every West Bank village and neighborhood on whose land settlers built homes just beyond existing Palestinian homes. Envoys offer money and then raise their bid, and when the answer is no, the violent harassments begin – and with them bans on any additional construction.

    Arrests. Gharib, born in 1981, is the youngest of eight siblings; his father died in 2012. He remembers how, when he was a child, his father and older brothers would be in and out of prison because they challenged the settlers and the bans on entering the family’s land. Gharib himself spent three months in prison once for objecting to the construction of the separation barrier. His elderly father was sentenced to a month behind bars for the same offense, he said.

    Prehistory. The separation barrier in the West Bank was planned and built because of the second intifada. The fence at Beit Ijza turned the Gharib family home into a monitored fenced-in pocket after Israel confiscated two of the family’s plots of land.

    But before that there were confiscations for various excuses; the main one was that 167 dunams [41 acres] are registered as Jewish-owned. Jews stayed their briefly in the 1920s and left. After 1948 the land became Jordanian property.

    “We grew wheat and barley on it,” Gharib says. After 1967 the land was declared Israeli government property. A group of Gush Emunim settlers settled there and cleared the way for a secular villa community with some religious residents. The villas near the Gharib house were built after the Oslo Accords, he recalls.

    On the basis of that registration of Jewish ownership, the appeals committees of Israel’s Civil Administration and the High Court of Justice denied appeals and petitions by the head of the family, Sabri Gharib, but recognized his ownership of 24 dunams. Eventually, 10 more dunams were confiscated for the separation barrier. Four dunams had been allocated years earlier for a water tower for the settlement.

    Water. When the fence and security road were built, the pipe that led water to the family’s house was severed. Now a narrow black rubber hose stretches along the fence from the imprisoned house to the brothers’ house.

    In the summer, when the demand for water increases, the pressure in the hose is low and the water doesn’t arrive. This is worsened by the house’s position on relatively high ground. Gharib has been forced to buy water from containers. Instead of 5 shekels ($1.41) per cubic meter he pays 20 shekels. The settlers’ full water tower overlooks the house 6 meters away.

    Proportionality. This is how Supreme Court President Aharon Barak justified the go-ahead he gave the army to surround the family’s house with a fence, destroy part of its groves for the separation barrier and block the family’s direct access to the groves. Access to the groves, he ruled, would be permitted through gates in the separation barrier.

    Twice a year. If this is what Barak meant it’s impossible to say. But the residents of Biddu, Beit Ijza and Beit Duqqu may go to their lands only for a few days twice a year, three at the most: at plowing, grape harvesting and olive picking. The two locked gates are set in a barbed-wire fence beside the security road winding through their land.

    “This year they wouldn’t let us harvest the grapes,” a Biddu resident said Tuesday, waiting for the Border Police to open the gate. This season the gates are opened for eight days over two weeks. At the end of week, on Friday, Saturday and Sunday, they are closed. People like Sa’adat Gharib are forced to miss work in order to pick their olives.

    Sumud – steadfastness. “My son Sabri didn’t know his grandfather Sabri,” Gharib says. “But he knows we’ll never leave the house and never give it and our land up.”

  • ’Palestinian Authority is tyrannical’: Joint Gaza, West Bank conference amps criticism of Abbas and Hamas

    At a recent confab, panel members and everyday Palestinians discuss democracy, with their openness only highlighting the obedience enforced on Fatah and PLO
    Amira Hass
    Jul 06, 2019

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-joint-gaza-west-bank-conference-amps-criticism-of-abbas-and-hamas-

    A man with flowing white hair appeared on the large screen in the Red Crescent Society building in El Bireh in the West Bank. It was hard to catch the name of the man, who was speaking in the Red Crescent building in the Gaza Strip. The technique of video conferencing between Gaza and the West Bank, as the sole alternative to the forbidden hour-and-a-half trip, has improved greatly over the past 20 years – as the blockade has tightened on the coastal enclave and amid a drastic drop in the number of people authorized to leave it.

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    This is how the conference of the Masarat center for policy research and strategic studies was carried out without any technical disruptions. Each panel had speakers in El Bireh and Gaza, and at the end of every discussion, people in the audience could make comments, from both places. Two moderators ran the panels, one on each screen. But sometimes you could hear voices from the other hall, or the other microphone was left on and a few words that you were meant to hear got swallowed up – like the name of the man with the mane of white hair.

    >> Read more: The stories Haaretz prints that its readers won’t read | Opinion ■ Palestinian Authority to ’take practical steps’ to reduce dependency on Israeli economy, minister says ■ We don’t need a Palestinian personality cult | Opinion

    He voiced his comments after the discussion entitled “The Palestinian Authority: Between survival and collapse.” From the podium he said with great emotion: “We analyze and analyze the situation, but on the ground there is no change. The Palestinian people want democracy. I advise Masarat to organize a conference on building democracy in the Palestinian homeland. If there is no democracy, there is no point in anything. We must concentrate on building democracy, to stand against those who don’t want democracy, who control everything.”

    The pain could be heard in his voice. It was clear he didn’t distinguish between Hamas rule and Fatah rule when he said “those who don’t want democracy.” A few people in the hall on the screen applauded, but regrettably his time ran out.
    An anti-U.S. protest in Ramallah, June 2019.
    An anti-U.S. protest in Ramallah, June 2019.AFP

    The regular opinion polls by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research in Ramallah, headed by Khalil Shikaki, include a question on the degree of fear to speak out against the two regimes. In a poll released this week, 40 percent of respondents in the West Bank answered that they could criticize the PA without fear, while 57 percent said they couldn’t. The latest figures for Gaza are 44 percent and 52 percent, respectively.

  • Bahrain stresses commitment to Palestinian state after backlash over U.S.-led peace conference - Palestinians - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/after-backlash-over-u-s-led-conference-bahrain-says-committed-to-palestinia

    The earlier English statement, however, made no mention of a Palestinian state, but mentioned Bahrain’s support for “the aspirations of the Palestinian people.”

    #dirigeants_arabes #indigents_arabes #sans_vergogne #médiocrité_abyssale

  • Le mouvement Hamas doit prendre garde !
    Abdel Bari Atwan - 9 mars 2019 – Raï al-Yaoum – Traduction : Chronique de Palestine – Lotfallah
    http://www.chroniquepalestine.com/le-mouvement-hamas-doit-prendre-garde

    Il existe effectivement un projet visant à déstabiliser Gaza, mais ce n’est pas une excuse pour frapper les manifestants.

    Il ne fait aucun doute que le mouvement Hamas a commis des erreurs à Gaza. Il a dirigé la bande de Gaza de manière partisane et sectaire, en faisant appel à ses loyalistes et en s’aliénant ses opposants, voire même ceux qui étaient neutres. Il s’est ainsi donné une longue ligne d’adversaires : cela commence à l’intérieur de Gaza avec les opposants locaux qui appartiennent au mouvement Fatah et certains groupes islamistes radicaux opposés au maintien du calme ; puis cela passe par Ramallah où l’Autorité palestinienne (AP) veut reprendre la mains sur la bande de Gaza à ses propres conditions, la principale étant de désarmer la résistance ; et cela se termine à Tel-Aviv, où l’État israélien d’occupation est de plus en plus inquiet de la résistance armée de Gaza, des missiles et des manifestations de masse.

    Malgré tous ces défis, rien ne peut justifier la façon très laide, insultante et brutale avec laquelle la police du Hamas a traité les manifestants alors que ceux-ci cherchaient à exprimer leur colère face à la dégradation des conditions de vie dans le territoire sous blocus. Ces manifestants utilisaient des moyens purement pacifiques pour protester contre les impôts et les taxes qui pèsent sur eux, l’inflation qui rendre la vie impossible et, plus important encore, le taux de chômage des jeunes de 60% ou plus qui les incite à prendre la mer et à risquer leur vie pour tenter de migrer.

    Le Hamas a raison de dire qu’il est confronté à un complot aux multiples facettes visant à remettre en cause son pouvoir à Gaza en déstabilisant le territoire et en le faisant exploser de l’intérieur. Le chef de l’Autorité palestinienne, Mahmoud Abbas, et ses assistants ne cachent pas leur intention d’atteindre cet objectif en multipliant les pressions sur les habitants de la bande de Gaza. C’est la raison pour laquelle ils ont largement rogné sur les salaires des fonctionnaires – y compris les partisans du Fatah -, forcé des milliers de personnes à prendre une retraite anticipée et cessé de payer la facture de carburant de la seule centrale électrique de la bande côtière. Israël – confronté à des missiles de plus en plus efficaces, des ballons et des cerfs-volants incendiaires, des Marches du retour et des dommages croissants à sa réputation internationale – est naturellement le principal comploteur.

    Chaque fois que j’appelais des parents ou des amis dans la bande de Gaza, quelle que soit leur conviction politique, ils se plaignaient de moments difficiles et de la difficulté à joindre les deux bouts. Mais tous, même les partisans du Fatah, étaient d’accord sur un point : le Hamas avait instauré la sécurité et mis fin à l’anarchie qui régnait avant sa prise du pouvoir par son célèbre coup de force de 2007. (...)

    • Hamas Crushes Protests at Cost to Its Popularity

      Even if demonstrators don’t dare protest again, the Hamas government has inflicted upon itself a powerful blow

      Amira Hass | Mar 19, 2019 12:08 PM
      https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-hamas-crushes-protests-at-cost-to-its-popularity-1.7039204

      For now it seems that the intimidation has done its job. The Hamas regime in Gaza succeeded in putting down the protests. But the immediate and cruel repression has managed to shock even those people who tend to take Hamas’ side in the conflict between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, or who see the Ramallah leadership as primarily responsible – after Israel, of course – for the Gaza residents’ enormous distress.

      Hamas proved last week the extent to which it fears popular criticism, which at first wasn’t necessarily ideological or political. There is a tendency to believe that the Hamas leadership is more attentive to the public than the Fatah leadership. The former was given a chance to confirm this belief and score some points even among those who are not their ideological supporters. That opportunity was squandered.

      In response to the suppression of the demonstrations and the detention of journalists (23 of whom were arrested, with three still detained as of Monday), journalists received a message this week to boycott the March of Return demonstrations this Friday and not to report on them. “This will be a test of the youth movement,” a Gazan woman told Haaretz. “If they don’t attend the demonstrations and leave them just to the Hamas people, it will be another way to show their strength and the strength of the protest.”

      Despite the high price they’ve exacted in lives and in the health of Gazan residents and the functioning of the Strip’s health system, the March of Return demonstrations were seen as an act that gave meaning to the residents cooped up in the Strip, and as a political achievement for Hamas, which had organized a protest that reached the ears of the entire world. Therefore the readiness – even if it’s only talk – to boycott them as an act of protest indicates that Hamas cannot count forever on its monopoly as the leading force of resistance against the occupation.

      Hamas has proven that it clings to its status as the ruling party in Gaza, just as Fatah is clinging to its status as the ruling party in the West Bank enclaves. Just as the PA organized artificial demonstrations of support for Mahmoud Abbas, so did Hamas fashion rallies for itself over the past few days in Gaza, while blocking the authentic demonstrations. On Sunday it exploited the shooting and knifing attack at the Ariel junction to bring its supporters out into the streets. What it denies its opponents, it permits its supporters.

      The youth movement that initiated the demonstrations promised on Sunday to revive them, but it didn’t happen. Nevertheless, those I spoke with gave the impression that there’s no fear of speaking openly about what’s happening and to share the reports with others. The way Hamas security personnel beat demonstrators could be seen from the few video clips that were distributed, despite the confiscation of journalists’ and others’ cell phones. They are reminiscent of the videos taken at demonstrations in Iran – with telephones that were half hidden under clothing or handbags, or from behind screens.

      The total number of people arrested and those freed is not known and it’s doubtful if anyone will manage to calculate it. Nor is it known how many people are still being detained in police stations now. The talk of torture in detention was very scary. There were reports that some regular participants in the Friday demonstrations were among those detained and tortured. These reports are yet to be verified.

      When journalists are not free and don’t dare investigate events properly, the Palestinian human rights organizations operating in Gaza become even more important, particularly the Independent Palestinian Human Rights Commission, (which acts as the ombudsman of the PA and of the de facto government in Gaza), the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and the Al-Mezan Center for Human Rights. These are organizations that criticize the PA regime when necessary, and continuously document the Israeli violations of international law and human rights.

      During the wars and Israeli military attacks, their field investigators took risks to gather testimony and document the harshest of incidents. Shortly after the violent dispersal of the demonstrations in Gaza on Thursday, these organizations issued reports and condemnations – in Arabic and English – provided their counterpart organizations in Ramallah with regular information, and repeatedly sent out their people to take testimony.

      Here too the Hamas security apparatuses revealed their fear of the facts coming out; policemen attacked two senior officials of the Independent Palestinian Commission – Jamil Sarhan, director of the Gaza branch, and attorney Baker Turkmani. On Friday, in the context of their work, both of them were in the home of a journalist in the Dir al-Balah refugee camp, where the boldest demonstrations took place. Hamas policemen confiscated their cell phones and removed them from the house. When they were outside, in police custody, although their identities were known, other policemen beat them until they bled. Sarhan still suffers from a head wound.

      It didn’t stop there. Four researchers from three human rights organizations (the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, Al-Mezan and Al-Dameer) were arrested Saturday while collecting testimony and were taken for questioning. When the lawyer of the Palestinian Center went to the police to find out the reason for the arrests, he was also arrested. But the five were released a few hours later. These organizations and their people have proven in the past that they cannot be intimidated. So from Hamas’ perspective, the attempt to frighten them was foolish.

      It seems that the suppression of the demonstrations restored, if only for a short while, the emotional and ideological barrier that in the 1980s had separated the nationalist PLO groups and the Islamic organizations in the pre-Hamas era. The National and Islamic Forces, an umbrella body, convened Friday and called on Hamas to apologize to the public and release all the detainees.

      Hamas and Fatah have long refused to sit together at these meetings, at least at most of them, so this is an organization without teeth. But its importance as an umbrella body is that during times of crisis it brings together senior officials of various parties and movements, albeit not all of them, and provides some sort of platform for exchanging views and calming the situation when necessary.

      At this meeting, all the national organizations were present except for Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The absence of the latter is interesting; during past periods of tension between Hamas and Fatah, this small organization remained neutral and was a partner to the external efforts to reconcile between them. This time one could interpret their absence from the meeting as expressing support for Hamas’ repression – or as dependence on the large religious organization.

      Those who signed the meeting’s call for Hamas to apologize included the Popular Front, which is very close to Hamas when it comes to their criticism of the Oslo Accords and the PA. Although it has shrunk and no longer has prominent leaders or activists as in the past, it still benefits from its past glory, and its clear stance has symbolic value. Even if the demonstrators fear to return to protest for a lengthy period, the Hamas government has inflicted upon itself a powerful blow.

  • Israel’s release of Palestinian lawmaker lets her forget the larger prison for a moment
    In a festive meeting, Khalida Jarrar gave well-wishers a chance to celebrate her release from a small prison and temporarily shelve fears about an escalation of Israeli violence
    Amira Hass | Mar 09, 2019
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-release-of-palestinian-lawmaker-lets-her-forget-larger-prison-for-

    Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called Khalida Jarrar at around 1 P.M. Sunday to congratulate her on her release from administrative detention – detention without trial – which had lasted 20 months. At his side was his intelligence chief, Majed Faraj, who was actually the first to congratulate her. She responded by congratulating Faraj for his recovery from an illness; he then gave the phone to Abbas, who said that he had “missed her.”

    This is a routine exchange of pleasantries, almost like the American ‘How are you?” – and Jarrar responded as is customary, saying “I missed you too, Abu Mazen,” using Abbas’ nickname. He told her that he and Faraj were on their way to Baghdad, to what official spokesmen would later define as an important meeting with the Iraqi government.

    According to reports on several websites, the last time Jarrar and Abbas met, at a meeting of Palestinian leaders in June 2017, she sharply criticized Abbas’ punitive policies toward Gaza. She also assailed the security coordination with Israel.

    There were even reports that Abbas was planning to block her participation in leadership meetings, which include the executive committee of the PLO, different factions in the (now formally dispersed) Palestinian Legislative Council and the heads of various organizations. A month later Israel’s Shin Bet security service and the army arrested her at home.

    This week, though, both Abbas and Jarrar sounded at ease during their brief exchange. Their conversation took place between Jarrar’s interview with a local TV station, a conversation with Haaretz, a phone call from a senior Fatah member inquiring about a good time to visit, and a short visit from an emotional and teary acquaintance who came to hug Jarrar not knowing there had already been a mass welcoming event.

    Based on experience, following a previous incarceration of Khalida and her release in June 2016, Khalida’s husband Ghassan knew that their house would be too small for all the well-wishers. Ahead of her release he rented a hall at Ramallah’s Catholic church for three days, six hours a day, beginning on the day of her release a week ago Thursday.

    Several thousand people showed up during those three days. People came in delegations and as individuals, from Hebron and Jerusalem, Jenin and Tul Karm, Haifa and Nazareth, from villages and refugee camps, young and old. There were people with or without political affiliations, people Jarrar knew and many she didn’t. There were celebrities and ordinary folk, former prisoners (“I’m on leave between arrests,” one of them joked), as well as probable future prisoners. Every Palestinian family has experienced a detention or a stint in an Israeli prison by one of its sons or daughters for the crime of opposing the Israeli occupation.

    Jarrar shook hands, hugged people, and talked in a relaxed manner with anyone who sat down beside her, as if that person were the only one in the hall. She had her photo taken with anyone requesting a selfie with her, and gave short interviews. Most of all, she laughed and smiled a lot.

    “For a long time we haven’t smiled so much or been in such a good mood,” wrote on Facebook a feminist activist who was among the people greeting Jarrar. As another woman put it, “How good it was to meet everyone, and for a change not at a mourning tent.”

    Collective depression

    The reception was an invitation to taste the flavor of “national unity,” to experience together a sweet moment inseparable from the constant sense of burden experienced alone and together, brought about by a life under foreign rule, a hostile and violent one. This was an opportunity to overcome, for three days, the collective feeling of depression and helplessness caused by internal political, economic and social fissures, setting aside for a short time fears about an escalation of violence by Israel. This was an opportunity to celebrate together a release from a small prison while ignoring for a moment the big cages.

    “I’m still confused, I think it will take me two or three months to get used to it,” Jarrar said. At home, too, she was all smiles, laughing with her guests. The laughter was contagious, coming from the heart. Ghassan was busy making coffee or tea, coming in with loaded trays, offering baklava and chocolates, insisting that guests eat, trying to make sure that Ajwa, the orange tabby cat, didn’t run out when the door opened for another guest.

    “How is Tamar?” Khalida wanted to know Saturday at the church hall, referring to Israeli lawyer Tamar Peleg.

    On Sunday she contacted the 93-year-old Peleg, who since the first intifada and until not very long ago represented hundreds of administrative detainees, including Ghassan Jarrar, Palestinians who were imprisoned by Israel without trial or indictment and with no assumption of innocence. “I won’t forget what you did for the detainees,” Khalida told her. “I think about you a lot and miss you.” This time the “miss you” wasn’t a pleasantry.

    Jarrar was first arrested in 1989 for participating in a demonstration on International Women’s Day, March 8. In April 2015 Jarrar was arrested at home and convicted, after a plea bargain, of membership in an illegal organization, of providing forbidden services, and of incitement. She received a 15-month sentence and was released in June 2016.

    A year later, in July 2017, soldiers again barged into her home in the middle of the night and arrested her – a member of the suspended Palestinian parliament, an elected representative in a faction named after Abu Ali Mustafa, the head of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who was assassinated by Israel in August 2001. He was replaced by Ahmed Sa’adat, who was convicted of involvement in the assassination of far-right Israeli politician Rehavam Ze’evi in October 2001 and sentenced to 30 years in prison.

    When Jarrar was arrested, her interrogator had nothing to ask her; the military prosecution couldn’t even come up with allegations that would allow for a show trial. “I was arrested and don’t know why,” Jarrar said. “Actually, I know that it was for nothing, and that’s scary. Do they expect us to sit at home and say nothing?”

    Her father’s death

    During the two periods his wife was in prison, Ghassan would say that he bore his own detentions much better than he did Khalida’s. But now she was surprised by the question “did you feel the same way? Was it easier to bear your own imprisonment rather than that of Ghassan?” After a long reflection she said: “I now understand better how difficult prison is. It’s true that I worried about Ghassan when I was in prison, about how he manages alone at home.” Then she laughed her rolling laughter.

    The hardest experience in prison was her father Canaan’s death a month and a half after her arrest. That experience – the death of a loved one while you’re in prison – is one shared by thousands of Palestinians.

    Jarrar relates how one day she and the prisoners’ representative were called at 5 P.M. to the clinic at Sharon Prison. “I was puzzled. I didn’t have a clue. There was a team of wardens there, one of them Druze, who began by saying the usual words of consolation before telling me about my father, showing me a death certificate sent to the prison by Mahmoud” – attorney Mahmoud Hassan from the Addameer prisoner support rights group that Jarrar headed before being elected to the legislative council.

    She continued: “When I returned to my cell, they allowed a few female inmates from other cells to come and take part in my grief. The next day they let me talk by phone to my family, for 20 minutes.”

    Her father, who owned a toy store in the center of Nablus, was unwell. The day before her last arrest she visited him in the hospital. Her daughter Suha reminded her this week: “You brought him a pea dish you had cooked.”

    Suha asked her what change struck her most when she came out of prison. She immediately replied: the deterioration in the health of her mother, who can now barely walk. Here’s another collective Palestinian experience: Time in prison seems suspended, frozen, only to be rediscovered, once a person is freed, by parents who have aged and children who have grown.

    Despite the difficulties of prison life, Khalida took advantage of her time behind bars. She read and studied, but mainly encouraged other female prisoners and detainees to study, read and discuss human rights, women’s rights, prisoner rights, their status in society and discrimination.

    It is said that the tradition of studying and reading, practiced by Palestinian security prisoners in the past, has dwindled since the end of the 1990s. In recent years some prisoners have tried to revive it, and Jarrar joined the trend. Last year, on the eve of International Women’s Day, the government of Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah revoked several laws discriminating against women; this led her to initiate a celebratory discussion within prison walls. On March 8 they studied the achievements of International Women’s Day.

    The parliament Jarrar was elected to in 2006 was suspended most of its tenure, but some of the legislators, mainly belonging to small left-wing parties, including Jarrar, tried various ways to influence the public discourse about social issues such as the Palestinian Authority budget and women’s rights.

    In prison, Jarrar made good use of her former sociopolitical experiences. But in prison, she says, she became more closely familiar with social issues such as violence against women, a phenomenon that has driven some women to get arrested on purpose or attempt suicide by brandishing a knife in front of soldiers. “Prison isn’t where you belong or a solution for you,” she told those women. Women released from prison say she was always available, supporting and helping them during crises.

    Don’t say you don’t have an opinion,” she would say. She was happy to discover during her last detention term that one of these women, for example, has become more assertive and plans to run in local elections when she gets out of jail. “Living for a long time in close quarters with women from all walks of life and geographic areas, holding conversations with them,” Jarrar told Haaretz, further increased her understanding of “how much these women suffer” under occupation and in Palestinian society.

    #Khalida_Jarrar

  • The director who won’t take money from Israel but wants Israelis to see his films
    Yasmin Zaher - Feb 27, 2019 4:25 PM

    Kamal Aljafari was born in Ramle but works from Berlin. In a conversation with Haaretz, he explains how his work is about the place he left: ‘I use cinema as an act of reclamation’

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-the-director-who-won-t-take-money-from-israel-but-wants-israelis-t

    When filmmaker Kamal Aljafari talks about Palestinian cinema and where it is going, he begins with an important clarification. “It’s becoming clear that Palestinian art and cinema is now coming from all over the world. We’re not talking about historic Palestine anymore.”

    Why the Palestinian art scene is increasingly being seen as an international movement has obvious political reasons related to the absence of a Palestinian state and the unresolved status of refugees. The majority of Palestinians today – over 6 million – live in the diaspora. But the case of Aljafari, who has Israeli-German citizenship, is different: It touches on the universal relationship between art and exile, and attests to an inability to create from within.

    Aljafari, 47, was born in Ramle, in “what Israelis call the Arab ghetto,” he tells Haaretz by phone. In 1998, after completing his studies at Hebrew University, he went to study film in Germany and has stayed there ever since. He lives and works in Berlin, but continues to visit Israeli regularly – because “my work is about the place that I left.”

    He says he simply couldn’t accept the conditions of his existence in Israel anymore. “I was fed up with being a second-class citizen. We come from there, but it is not our country anymore,” he says.

    Reality as sci-fi

    Two weeks ago, Aljafari premiered his new film, “It’s a Long Way From Amphioxus,” at the Berlin International Film Festival. Continuing his objective of “taking people from the margins” and making them the main focus, his 17-minute short was filmed in a West Berlin center for processing asylum seekers – one of the largest of its kind.

    The film presents dark, crowded scenes from the waiting room, with only the bright red numbers of the queue-management system shining brightly. In the film’s only moment of dialogue, a Syrian woman turns to a young man and asks him “What are they distributing here?” “Numbers,” he responds.
    (...)
    What we imagine for ourselves

    In his bio on the Berlinale website, the filmmaker is described as “Kamal Aljafari, born in Palestine in 1972.” In Germany, he says, he can be a Palestinian and not have to submit to a system that compromises his identity.

    “I couldn’t accept a situation where I was being renamed, to have to use another name that someone gave me,” he says. “It’s not about facts, it’s about what we imagine for ourselves – and I try to do the same in my films.”

    He reiterates that he is not talking about a national identity. “I’m talking about what it means to be a person from the margins – geographic margins, gender margins, whatever they are. It’s more natural for me to be an immigrant here [in Germany], where there are other immigrants. But I couldn’t accept being an immigrant in my own country. I needed to free myself. Saying ‘Born in Palestine in 1972’ is abstract, it’s poetic.”

    His films may be experimental but Aljafari is an extremely down-to-earth artist, able to soberly diagnose the challenges facing Palestinian filmmakers. “We are a fragmented, diasporic nation,” he reflects. “The problem of cinema is that it relies heavily on money. If you look at national cinema – in Europe, Asia or in Israel itself – there’s a state behind it. We are stateless, and this makes it a lot more difficult to gather the means to make films. History is written by the powerful, and as an oppressed people it’s harder for us to tell our stories.”

    The financing dilemma is especially pertinent for Palestinians in Israel. As Aljafari explains, “The Israeli state pours a lot of money into cinema, and it’s becoming more and more difficult to make critical films. They intervene in the content. We see this with the ‘loyalty law,’” he says, referring to the legislation that allows Israel’s Culture Ministry to withhold funding on political grounds.

    “Imagine a film fund asking German or French artists to declare loyalty to the German or French state,” Kamal continues, “It’s crazy. It’s against art.”

    There is also another obstacle, with this one coming from a surprising source. The boycott, divestment and sanctions movement makes no concessions for Palestinian citizens of Israel, and in theory applies the same regulations to them as it does to their Jewish-Israeli counterparts. It appears that disenfranchisement, in some cases, can be just as bad, if not worse, than statelessness.

    Aljafari, though, has a typically original take on the problem. “I want my films to be shown to Israeli audiences, but I’m just not interested in cooperating with Israeli government institutions,” he says. “The system didn’t grant me a place to live and create, so I chose to work outside it. I made the decision to never take money from the Israeli state a long time before BDS existed. It’s related to a personal decision to restore who I am.”

    https://vimeo.com/user8154531

  • » Israeli Soldiers Kill A Mentally Disabled Palestinian In Tulkarem– IMEMC News - December 4, 2018 10:25 AM
    http://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-in-tulkarem

    Dozens of Israeli soldiers invaded, on Tuesday at dawn, Tulkarem refugee camp, and Tulkarem city, in northern West Bank, killed a mentally disabled Palestinian, and injured several others.

    Media sources said the soldiers killed Mohammad Husam Abdul-Latif Habali , 22, from Tulkarem city, and injured another young man, after shooting them with live fire.

    They added that the soldiers shot Mohammad, who was mentally disabled, from a very close range, and that he died almost instantly, from gunshot wounds to his head and limbs.

    The soldiers also injured several Palestinians with rubber-coated steel bullets, and caused many others to suffer the effects of teargas inhalation.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Un Palestinien tué lors d’un affrontement en Cisjordanie
      Par Reuters le 04.12.2018 à 11h59 - (Nidal al Moughrabi ; Danielle Rouquié pour le service français)
      https://www.challenges.fr/monde/un-palestinien-tue-lors-d-un-affrontement-en-cisjordanie_629915

      TOULKAREM, Cisjordanie (Reuters) - L’armée israélienne a tué un Palestinien lors d’un affrontement mardi en Cisjordanie occupée, ont annoncé les autorités palestiniennes.

      L’armée israélienne a déclaré que ses troupes avaient ouvert le feu au cours d’une « émeute violente ». Elle n’a pas fait état de victimes.

      Selon l’agence de presse officielle palestinienne Wafa, les forces israéliennes sont entrées dans la ville de Toulkarem et ont fouillé plusieurs habitations. Un attroupement s’est alors produit.

      Une porte-parole de l’armée israélienne a déclaré qu’alors que ses troupes opéraient, « une violente émeute a été déclenchée au cours de laquelle des dizaines de Palestiniens ont lancé des pierres ».

      « Les troupes ont répondu par des moyens de dispersion antiémeute et ensuite par des tirs à balles réelles », a déclaré la porte-parole.

      Un jeune homme de 22 ans a été tué après avoir reçu une balle dans la tête, ont annoncé des responsables des services de santé palestiniens. (...)

    • Israel Said a Palestinian Was Killed in Clashes. A Video Shows He Was Shot in the Back
      https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-video-shows-palestinian-shot-in-the-back-contradicting-israeli-acc

      While the army says Mohammad Khossam Khabali was shot during violent clashes, video shows him walking with friends on a main street

      A video of the fatal shooting of a Palestinian shows that he was shot in the back and contradicts the Israeli military’s claim that the incident occurred during violent clashes. The army has opened an investigation into the shooting, which occurred Tuesday in the West Bank city of Tul Karm.

      A video of the incident aired by a local television station shows Mohammad Khossam Khabali,a 23-year-old who used a cane to help him walk, shot in the back as he walks with a group of other people in the city in the early morning hours.

      The video also shows Khabali standing with a group of friends prior to the shooting at the entrance to a restaurant. Khabali was critically wounded and taken to the Tul Karem hospital, where he was pronounced dead

    • Israël a dit qu’un Palestinien avait été tué au cours d’affrontements. Une vidéo montre qu’on lui a tiré dans le dos
      11 décembre | Jack Khoury et Yaniv Kubovich pour Haaretz
      |Traduction J.Ch. pour l’AURDIP
      https://www.aurdip.org/israel-a-dit-qu-un-palestinien.html
      Alors que l’armée dit que Mohammad Khossam Khabali a été abattu au cours de violents affrontements, une vidéo le montre marchant dans une rue principale avec des amis.
      Une vidéo du tir mortel sur un Palestinien montre qu’on lui a tiré dans le dos et contredit l’armée israélienne qui prétend que l’incident est survenu au cours de violents affrontements. L’armée a ouvert une enquête sur ce tir, qui a eu lieu mardi à Tulkarem en Cisjordanie.
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2&v=HjfzPgVtzwM


      Une vidéo de l’incident, diffusée par une station de télévision locale, montre Mohammad Khossam Khabali, 23 ans, qui utilisait une canne pour l’aider à marcher, frappé d’une balle dans le dos alors qu’il marche dans la ville au petit matin avec un groupe d’autre personnes.(...)