« L’esercito italiano sarà impegnato in Sahel contro il terrorismo »* ❝"Partiremo…

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  • #Niger suppresses dissent as US leads influx of foreign armies

    The western presence in one of the most militarised countries in Africa has sparked frustration and fear in locals.

    The demonstration was planned for 4pm on 15 April, a warm Sunday afternoon in the somnolent Nigerien capital. The protesters had two main complaints: rising taxes and the fact that, in recent years, some of the world’s most powerful armies had descended on their country.

    But before the civil society leaders could even get to the march, they were arrested.

    When a group of heavily armed men on motorbikes killed four American special ops soldiers in remote Niger last October, it was the first many had heard of the war the US was helping fight against a local branch of Isis.

    But their involvement in that fight represents only a fraction of the US presence in the west African country, poor but strategically located in the middle of the Sahel, its borders crisscrossed by extremists and traffickers.

    And the 800 US defence personnel in Niger are not alone. They are one of four western armies that have installed themselves in the vast desert landscape, variously flying armed drones, hunting militants, building vast bases, controlling migration and collecting intelligence from the region.

    This is what the April protest was about.

    Ibrahim Diori was arrested at home, and Maïkou Zodi in his car, both charged with participation in a banned demonstration and destruction of public property, even though they were not present. Today, they are in jail awaiting trial, along with colleagues arrested over previous marches.

    The Nigerien government allows foreign powers free rein to build military bases and send soldiers to defend their interests in the region, while suppressing any dissent, according to those civil society leaders not in jail, and key opposition figures.

    “Today there’s terrible repression of those who are against the government line. They put seven of my colleagues in prison because we said no to foreign bases,” said Mariama Bayard, leader of the opposition. She said that the government was “illegitimate” because the main challenger, Hama Amadou, was in jail at the time of the last election, and that it was being propped up by foreigners in the absence of domestic support.

    “Dictatorship is taking hold of this country. The people don’t want the bases. But the Sahel has become an important geo-strategic space for the great powers,” she said.

    According to Bayard, foreign powers do not have permission to build bases in their country.

    “Our constitution says that before a base can be installed, parliament has to accept it. It’s a deal between the government and these foreign powers. It’s illegal, the bases are illegal.”

    With Boko Haram in the south-east, Isis-linked ISGS on the Malian border, and a chaotic Libya to the north, Niger is surrounded by violent extremists.

    As part of its counter-terrorism mission Operation Barkhane, France has 500 soldiers on its base in Niamey, and more on its bases in Madama and Aguelal. Germany has 50 soldiers in Niamey to support the UN peacekeeping force in Mali, and is expanding accommodation to cater for more on the airbase it shares with France. Canadian soldiers come and go.

    Italy has an advance team of 40 soldiers in the country, preparing for the arrival of up to 430 more troops who will “train, advise and assist” local forces to fight illicit trafficking, mostly of migrants. Many of the 640,000 refugees who have arrived in Italy since 2014 came through Niger.

    But it is the US, with its armed drones targeting militants including al-Qaeda leaders in Libya, that has attracted the most attention.
    Niger is the perfect example of the US state of perma-war
    Trevor Timm
    Trevor Timm
    Read more

    The three giant white hangars of Airbase 201, the new US base near the centuries-old city of Agadez, which is costing $100m (£78m) to build, stand on a long stretch of sand that is prone to puddles ; local herders used to take their goats to drink there in rainy season.

    Some of these herders, living a few hundred metres away from the base’s new fences, said they had never met their new neighbours, though they often saw them whizzing past in air-conditioned SUVs, or by night, the shadow of their aircraft crossing the moon.

    “They don’t help us. I’ve always been poor, and I’m still poor,” said Sedefiou Abdou, who had never heard of America until the base came to his neighbourhood. References to Obama, Trump and Coca Cola drew a blank. Then he was played a snippet of a French cover of the wildly popular Latin hit Despacito, and his face finally lit up in recognition. Apart from the airbase, this was the closest America came to penetrating into his corner of the Sahel.

    Abdou had no more need of this knowledge than most Americans do for Niger’s rich and complex culture; the two countries are thousands of miles apart. But his government and theirs were firm friends, as the Nigerien president said in an interview at his palace in Niamey, where former presidents deposed in Niger’s many coups gaze down from their portraits on the building’s high white arches.

    “I don’t like the term ‘foreign forces’ – they’re friendly forces, who will leave as soon as we want them to,” said Mahamadou Issoufou. “They’re here at our request, and once the need for them disappears, they’ll leave.”

    Issoufou recognised that they were also looking after their own interests, however.

    “They’re not just here for us. They do it for themselves. The countries who have sent their armies know that once the Sahel is conquered, the threat will concern them, will concern Europe. It’s a way of preventing that threat from spreading into their territory.”

    Niger is one of the most militarised countries in Africa. The government spends 21% of its small budget on defence, which means there is much less to spend on things like health and education. Hence the need for higher taxes, which the government says do not affect the poor but which have nevertheless sparked fierce opposition.

    Civil society leaders and rights groups say protests against this and any controversial government policies have been “almost systematically denied”, while pro-government marches are allowed. Detained civil society leaders have been spread out in jails across the country, meaning their families struggle to visit and feed them; several were convicted of instigating an unarmed, banned gathering last month, and released having already served their time.

    According to Boulama Hamadou Tcherno, one of the few civil society leaders who was not arrested in the March and April crackdowns, there has been silence from the nations in a position to put pressure on the government.

    “We’re very worried about what will happen in the next few years. Freedom to demonstrate, freedom of religion – even praying to God is forbidden. And all the big democratic powers turn their gaze away.”

    The Guardian put the allegations that America is in effect propping up an illegitimate and repressive government to Thomas Waldhauser, the head of US Africa Command, in an interview at a small American base in Senegal last week.
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    “They [Niger] have been a good partner of ours now for many years,” he said.

    He emphasised that there had been “a lot of aid and security force assistance” in recent years and said that was why the US was there, as well as to help the country maintain its borders.

    Speaking more generally about the US presence in Africa, he said US troops were trying to “prevent something from spreading and happening before it actually does”.

    According to opponents of the foreign bases, however, they do not stop terrorists but attract them.

    “We see no results from their presence on the ground; in fact we have the impression that terrorism has increased since they arrived. Are they really here to help our soldiers?” Tcherno asked.

    Bayard agreed. “They are creating the conditions for the Sahel to blow up,” she said. “They say that the bases are here for our security, but the opposite is true.”


    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/14/niger-suppresses-dissent-as-us-leads-influx-of-foreign-armies
    #militarisation #Italie #USA #Etats-Unis #terrorisme #sécurité #Airbase_201

    • Perché in Niger ci sono militari da tutto il mondo

      Il Niger è uno dei paesi più militarizzati dell’Africa. Nell’ottobre del 2017 questo dato è salito all’attenzione di tutti quando quattro soldati delle forze speciali statunitensi e almeno quattro militari nigerini sono rimasti uccisi in un’imboscata. Da allora la presenza militare straniera non ha fatto che intensificarsi. Cosa fanno in Niger tutte queste forze armate? Che interessi hanno? Stanno raggiungendo i loro obiettivi?

      Gli Stati Uniti non sono l’unico paese presente ad avere truppe in Niger: ci sono anche i soldati di Francia, Germania, Canada e Italia.

      Nell’aprile di quest’anno il Niger ha ospitato le esercitazioni militari congiunte Flintlock, che hanno coinvolto 1.900 soldati di una ventina di paesi. L’obiettivo delle esercitazioni, patrocinate dagli Stati Uniti, era rafforzare la collaborazione tra le forze di sicurezza africane per proteggere i civili dalle violenze legate all’estremismo religioso.

      La presenza militare straniera in Niger viene generalmente motivata in tre modi: lottare contro il terrorismo, prevenire le migrazioni degli africani in Europa e proteggere gli investimenti stranieri.

      Il terrorismo nel Sahel
      Nella regione del Sahel, che comprende anche il Niger, sono attivi alcuni gruppi estremisti islamici e per questo l’area è considerata la “nuova frontiera” delle operazioni della lotta globale al terrorismo. Oltre al Niger, gli Stati Uniti hanno una presenza militare in Mauritania, in Senegal, in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Nigeria e in Ciad. Per quanto ne sappiamo, solo il Sudan e l’Eritrea non ospitano truppe statunitensi. Nel Sahel operano inoltre “attori esterni di secondo piano”, tra cui le forze armate dell’Unione europea, di Israele, della Colombia e del Giappone.

      Il coinvolgimento statunitense nel Sahel risale ai tempi della guerra al terrorismo lanciata da Washington dopo gli attentati dell’11 settembre 2001. Nel 2003 gli Stati Uniti crearono la Pan Sahel initiative, coinvolgendo il Ciad, il Mali, la Mauritania e il Niger nell’addestramento di unità dell’esercito specializzate nel contrastare le minacce terroristiche e la diffusione del radicalismo. Nel 2004 l’iniziativa è stata sostituita dalla Trans-Sahara counterterrorism partnership, un’alleanza più ampia che comprende anche l’Algeria, il Burkina Faso, il Camerun, il Marocco, la Nigeria, il Senegal e la Tunisia.

      Nel 2014 i capi di stato di Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger e Ciad hanno firmato una convenzione per istituire il G5 Sahel, con l’obiettivo di garantire “sviluppo e sicurezza per migliorare la qualità della vita della gente”. Nel 2017 gli stessi capi di stato hanno dato vita alla forza congiunta del G5 Sahel, con il benestare dell’Unione africana e delle Nazioni Unite. Lo scopo di questa forza armata, il cui presidente di turno è il nigerino Mahamadou Issoufou, è più ampio rispetto a quello di altre operazioni in corso nella regione: oltre a migliorare la sicurezza lungo i confini condivisi, i suoi uomini devono anche promuovere la cosiddetta soft security (”sicurezza morbida”, cioè quelle misure – anche di natura preventiva – che servono a riportare la stabilità e un senso di normalità nelle aree colpite da conflitti).

      Gli Stati Uniti hanno fornito supporto militare a ognuno degli stati del G5 Sahel e hanno promesso 60 milioni di dollari di aiuti bilaterali all’iniziativa.

      Il Niger è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità

      Il Niger si trova nel centro del Sahel. Purtroppo per i suoi abitanti, è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità. Storicamente il Niger è sempre stato la porta d’accesso al Nordafrica per i migranti originari dell’Africa subsahariana e negli ultimi anni è diventato uno dei più importanti paesi di transito per chi va in cerca di opportunità in Europa. È per questo che paesi come l’Italia hanno inviato le loro truppe in Niger, con l’obiettivo di fermare i migranti.

      Le forze armate straniere in Niger addestrano soldati africani, fanno volare droni, costruiscono basi, compiono incursioni oltre frontiera e raccolgono informazioni. Queste attività sono finalizzate alla lotta al terrorismo e al controllo dei flussi migratori. Tuttavia l’Africa è considerata anche uno dei mercati dalle potenzialità maggiori, cosa che spiega l’espansione dei rapporti economici e commerciali, e questa può essere un’ulteriore motivazione per la presenza militare straniera sempre più diversificata in Niger e, più in generale, nella regione.

      Dal canto suo, il governo di Niamey ha accolto a braccia aperte le truppe straniere. Il presidente Issoufou è felice di sostenere gli interessi di Washington nella regione finché gli Stati Uniti saranno disposti a sostenere il suo governo e ad addestrare le sue forze armate. Con l’aiuto statunitense Issoufou pensa di poter mantenere la promessa fatta in campagna elettorale di “sconfiggere i militanti estremisti islamici”.

      I rapporti amichevoli tra Niger e Stati Uniti assumono un significato particolare anche alla luce delle tensioni tra Washington e il Ciad, vicino del Niger. Alla fine del 2017 il presidente statunitense Donald Trump aveva inserito il Ciad nella
      lista di paesi colpiti dal divieto di viaggiare negli Stati Uniti, una mossa che ha stupito molti esperti di politica estera e ha evidentemente suscitato le ire del governo ciadiano. In seguito il divieto è stato abolito.

      Conseguenze indesiderate
      La presenza di forze militari straniere in Niger ha davvero permesso di contrastare il terrorismo e i flussi migratori? A che prezzo? Ci sono state ricadute impreviste e potenzialmente dannose? Alcuni sostengono che la presenza delle truppe straniere abbia avuto conseguenze negative sulla politica interna del Niger e che abbia favorito l’affermazione di un clima politico sempre più oppressivo.

      Alcuni rappresentanti della società civile e i leader dell’opposizione politica denunciano la costruzione di nuove basi militari straniere, denunciando delle violazioni della costituzione. Secondo loro, la presenza militare straniera e la centralità attribuita al tema della sicurezza sono strumenti che servono a rafforzare un governo che non ha più sostegno interno. Le elezioni nigerine del 2016, in cui Issoufou ha conquistato un secondo mandato, pare siano state “caratterizzate da gravi irregolarità”.

      La corsa alla militarizzazione del Niger desta ancora più preoccupazione in un paese dove le forze armate sono considerate “un’organizzazione profondamente politicizzata” e ostile al controllo delle autorità civili. Un esercito del genere potrebbe rivelarsi utile a un presidente che desideri consolidare il suo potere al di là di quanto concesso dagli strumenti democratici.

      Nel febbraio di quest’anno i nigerini sono scesi in piazza scandendo slogan come: “Eserciti francesi, americani e tedeschi, andate via!”. Issoufou ha risposto bloccando altre manifestazioni simili nel mese di marzo. Ha difeso la misura affermando l’importanza di uno stato “democratico, ma forte”.

      Non è ancora chiaro cosa succederà in futuro, soprattutto se – come rivela un articolo del New York Times – Washington starebbe valutando se ritirare la maggior parte delle truppe. Per chi si oppone alla presenza militare straniera in Niger non sarà mai troppo presto.

      (Traduzione di Giusy Muzzopappa)

      Da sapere

      Nel gennaio del 2018 è stata approvata dal parlamento italiano una missione militare in Niger (Misin), che dovrebbe occuparsi di addestramento e supporto dell’esercito nigerino nel contrasto di traffici illegali. I primi quaranta soldati italiani arrivati a marzo sono però rimasti accampati in una base statunitense a poche centinaia di metri dall’aeroporto di Niamey, senza avere ancora ricevuto il via libera dalle autorità del paese per operare. Il 20 settembre è stato reso noto da alcune agenzie di stampa, non smentite dal ministero, che il contingente è stato sbloccato e che entro novembre partiranno altri trenta militari italiani.
      Nella notte tra il 17 e il 18 settembre in Niger un gruppo armato ha rapito il religioso italiano Pierluigi Maccalli, della Società delle missioni africane (Sma). Il sequestro è stato inizialmente attribuito a miliziani jihadisti provenienti da oltre frontiera, ma potrebbe anche essere opera di gruppi peul radicalizzati, precisa un missionario della Sma.

      https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/craig-bailie/2018/09/20/niger-militari-mondo

    • La mission militaire italienne au Niger débute finalement

      La mission militaire italienne au Niger, visant à aider les autorités locales à contrôler les flux migratoires, va finalement débuter, huit mois après avoir été votée par le Parlement italien, a annoncé jeudi la ministre de la Défense Elisabetta Trenta.

      « Après huit mois d’impasse, nous avons débloqué la mission au Niger pour le contrôle des flux migratoires », a écrit Mme Trenta sur Facebook, sans préciser ce qui avait bloqué, puis débloqué, la situation.

      « L’Italie interviendra en soutien du gouvernement nigérien et assistera les autorités locales à travers des unités chargées de la formation (...) des forces nigériennes pour renforcer le contrôle du territoire », a poursuivi Mme Trenta sans préciser la date du début de cette mission.

      « Concrètement, l’objectif est de lutter, ensemble, contre la traite d’êtres humains et le trafic des migrants qui traversent le pays et se dirigent vers la Libye pour finalement s’embarquer en direction de nos côtes », a-t-elle ajouté.

      L’ancien chef du gouvernement italien, Paolo Gentiloni (centre gauche), avait annoncé l’envoi de cette mission lors du G5 Sahel (Mali, Tchad, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mauritanie) qui s’était tenu mi-décembre 2017 à la Celle-Saint-Cloud, près de Paris.

      Selon M. Gentiloni, il s’agissait de répondre à une demande des autorités locales, même si ces dernières avaient alors démenti avoir formulé une requête de ce type.

      En janvier, les députés italiens avaient entériné l’envoi de cette mission militaire au Niger, un pays d’origine mais surtout de transit pour les migrants souhaitant se rendre en Europe.

      La ministre de la Défense de l’époque, Roberta Pinotti, avait expliqué que cette mission devait compter dans un premier temps 120 militaires, avant de monter progressivement à 470.


      https://www.voaafrique.com/a/la-mission-militaire-italienne-au-niger-d%C3%A9bute-finalement/4580034.html

  • Je pensais avoir archivé sur seenthis un article (au moins) qui montrait qu’une partie des personnes rapatriées (#retours_volontaires), par l’#OIM (#IOM) notamment, du #Niger et de #Libye vers leurs pays d’origine reprenaient la route du Nord aussitôt...
    Mais je ne retrouve plus cet article... est-ce que quelque seenthisien se rappelle de cela ? ça serait super !
    #renvois #expulsions #migrations #réfugiés #retour_volontaire

    J’étais presque sûre d’avoir utilisé le tag #migrerrance, mais apparemment pas...

    • #merci @02myseenthis01, en effet il s’agit d’articles qui traitent du retour volontaire, mais non pas de ce que je cherche (à moins que je n’ai pas loupé quelque chose), soit de personnes qui, une fois rapatriées via le programme de retour volontaires, décident de reprendre la route de la migration (comme c’est le cas des Afghans, beaucoup plus documenté, notamment par Liza Schuster : https://www.city.ac.uk/people/academics/liza-schuster)

    • Libya return demand triggers reintegration headaches

      “This means that the strain on the assistance to integration of the country of origin has been particularly high because of the success, paradoxically of the return operation,” said Eugenio Ambrosi, IOM’s Europe director, on Monday (12 February).

      “We had to try, and we are still trying, to scale up the reintegration assistance,” he said.

      Since November, It has stepped up operations, along with the African Union, and helped 8,581 up until earlier this month. Altogether some 13,500 were helped given that some were also assisted by African Union states. Most ended up in Nigeria, followed by Mali and Guinea.

      People are returned to their home countries in four ways. Three are voluntary and one is forced. The mixed bag is causing headaches for people who end up in the same community but with entirely different integration approaches.

      “The level of assistance and the type of reintegration assistance that these different programmes offer is not the same,” noted Ambrosi.

      https://euobserver.com/migration/140967
      #réintégration

      Et une partie de cet article est consacrée à l’#aide_au_retour par les pays européens :

      Some EU states will offer in-kind support, used to set up a business, training or other similar activities. Others tailor their schemes for different countries of origin.

      Some others offer cash handouts, but even those differ vastly.

      Sweden, according to a 2015 European Commission report, is the most generous when it comes to cash offered to people under its voluntary return programme.

      It noted that in 2014, the maximum amount of the in-cash allowance at the point of departure/after arrival varied from €40 in the Czech Republic and €50 in Portugal to €3,750 in Norway for a minor and €3,300 in Sweden for an adult.

      Anti-migrant Hungary gave more (€500) than Italy (€400), the Netherlands (€300) and Belgium (€250).

      However, such comparisons on cash assistance does not reveal the full scope of help given that some of the countries also provide in-kind reintegration support.

    • For Refugees Detained in Libya, Waiting is Not an Option

      Niger generously agreed to host these refugees temporarily while European countries process their asylum cases far from the violence and chaos of Libya and proceed to their resettlement. In theory it should mean a few weeks in Niger until they are safely transferred to countries such as France, Germany or Sweden, which would open additional spaces for other refugees trapped in Libya.

      But the resettlement process has been much slower than anticipated, leaving Helen and hundreds of others in limbo and hundreds or even thousands more still in detention in Libya. Several European governments have pledged to resettle 2,483 refugees from Niger, but since the program started last November, only 25 refugees have actually been resettled – all to France.

      As a result, UNHCR announced last week that Niger authorities have requested that the agency halt evacuations until more refugees depart from the capital, Niamey. For refugees in Libya, this means their lifeline to safety has been suspended.

      Many of the refugees I met in Niger found themselves in detention after attempting the sea journey to Europe. Once intercepted by the Libyan coast guard, they were returned to Libya and placed in detention centers run by Libya’s U.N.-backed Government of National Accord (GNA). The E.U. has prioritized capacity building for the Libyan coast guard in order to increase the rate of interceptions. But it is an established fact that, after being intercepted, the next stop for these refugees as well as migrants is detention without any legal process and in centers where human rights abuses are rife.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2018/03/12/for-refugees-detained-in-libya-waiting-is-not-an-option

      #limbe #attente

      #réinstallation (qui évidemment ne semble pas vraiment marcher, comme pour les #relocalisations en Europe depuis les #hotspots...) :

      Several European governments have pledged to resettle 2,483 refugees from Niger, but since the program started last November, only 25 refugees have actually been resettled – all to France.

    • “Death Would Have Been Better” : Europe Continues to Fail Refugees and Migrants in Libya

      Today, European policies designed to keep asylum seekers, refugees, and migrants from crossing the Mediterranean Sea to Italy are trapping thousands of men, women and children in appalling conditions in Libya. This Refugees International report describes the harrowing experiences of people detained in Libya’s notoriously abusive immigration detention system where they are exposed to appalling conditions and grave human rights violations, including arbitrary detention and physical and sexual abuse.

      https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/libyaevacuations2018

      #rapport

      Lien vers le rapport :

      The report is based on February 2018 interviews conducted with asylum seekers and refugees who had been evacuated by UNHCR from detention centers in Libya to Niamey, Niger, where these men, women, and children await resettlement to a third country. The report shows that as the EU mobilizes considerable resources and efforts to stop the migration route through Libya, asylum seekers, refugees and migrants continue to face horrendous abuses in Libya – and for those who attempt it, an even deadlier sea crossing to Italy. RI is particularly concerned that the EU continues to support the Libyan coast guard to intercept boats carrying asylum seekers, refugees and migrants and bring them back to Libyan soil, even though they are then transferred to detention centers.

      https://static1.squarespace.com/static/506c8ea1e4b01d9450dd53f5/t/5ad3ceae03ce641bc8ac6eb5/1523830448784/2018+Libya+Report+PDF.pdf
      #évacuation #retour_volontaire #renvois #Niger #Niamey

    • #Return_migration – a regional perspective

      The current views on migration recognize that it not necessarily a linear activity with a migrant moving for a singular reason from one location to a new and permanent destination. Within the study of mixed migration, it is understood that patterns of movements are constantly shifting in response to a host of factors which reflect changes in individual and shared experiences of migrants. This can include the individual circumstance of the migrant, the environment of host country or community, better opportunities in another location, reunification, etc.[1] Migrants returning to their home country or where they started their migration journey – known as return migration—is an integral component of migration.

      Return migration is defined by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) as the act or process of going back to the point of departure[2]. It varies from spontaneous, voluntary, voluntary assisted and deportation/forced return. This can also include cyclical/seasonal return, return from short or long term migration, and repatriation. Such can be voluntary where the migrant spontaneously returns or assisted where they benefit from administrative, logistical, financial and reintegration support. Voluntary return includes workers returning home at the end of their labour arrangements, students upon completion of their studies, refugees and asylum seekers undertaking voluntary repatriation either spontaneously or with humanitarian assistance and migrants returning to their areas of origin after residency abroad. [3] Return migration can also be forced where migrants are compelled by an administrative or judicial act to return to their country of origin. Forced returns include the deportation of failed asylum seekers and people who have violated migration laws in the host country.

      Where supported by appropriate policies and implementation and a rights-based approach, return migration can beneficial to the migrant, the country of origin and the host country. Migrants who successfully return to their country of origin stand to benefit from reunification with family, state protection and the possibility of better career opportunities owing to advanced skills acquired abroad. For the country of origin, the transfer of skills acquired by migrants abroad, reverse ‘brain drain’, and transactional linkages (i.e. business partnerships) can bring about positive change. The host country benefits from such returns by enhancing strengthened ties and partnerships with through return migrants. However, it is critical to note that return migration should not be viewed as a ‘solution’ to migration or a pretext to arbitrarily send migrants back to their home country. Return migration should be studied as a way to provide positive and safe options for people on the move.
      Return migration in East Africa

      The number of people engaging in return migration globally and in the Horn of Africa and Yemen sub-region has steadily increased in recent years. In 2016, IOM facilitated voluntary return of 98,403 persons worldwide through its assisted voluntary return and re-integration programs versus 69,540 assisted in 2015. Between December 2014 and December 2017, 76,589 refugees and asylum seekers were assisted by humanitarian organisations to return to Somalia from Kenya.

      In contexts such as Somalia, where conflict, insecurity and climate change are common drivers for movement (in addition to other push and pull factors), successful return and integration of refugees and asylum seekers from neighbouring countries is likely to be frustrated by the failure to adequately address such drivers before undertaking returns. In a report titled ‘Not Time To Go Home: Unsustainable returns of refugees to Somalia’,Amnesty International highlights ongoing conflict and insecurity in Somalia even as the governments of Kenya and Somali and humanitarian agencies continue to support return programs. The United Nations has cautioned that South and Central parts of Somalia are not ready for large scale returns in the current situation with over 2 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the country and at least half of the population in need of humanitarian assistance; painting a picture of returns to a country where safety, security and dignity of returnees cannot be guaranteed.

      In March 2017, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia ordered all undocumented migrants to regularize their status in the Kingdom giving them a 90-day amnesty after which they would face sanctions including deportations. IOM estimates that 150,000 Ethiopians returned to Ethiopia from Saudi Arabia between March 2017 and April 2018. Since the end of the amnesty period in November 2017, the number of returns to Ethiopia increased drastically with approximately 2,800 migrants being deported to Ethiopia each week. Saudi Arabia also returned 9,563 Yemeni migrants who included migrants who were no longer able to meet residency requirements. Saudi Arabia also forcibly returned 21,405 Somali migrants between June and December 2017.

      Migrant deportations from Saudi Arabia are often conducted in conditions that violate human rights with migrants from Yemen, Somalia and Ethiopia reporting violations. An RMMS report titled ‘The Letter of the Law: Regular and irregular migration in Saudi Arabia in a context of rapid change’ details violations which include unlawful detention prior to deportation, physical assault and torture, denial of food and confiscation of personal property. There were reports of arrest and detention upon arrival of Ethiopian migrants who had been deported from Saudi Arabia in 2013 during which the migrants were reportedly tortured by Ethiopian security forces.

      Further to this, the sustainability of such returns has also been questioned with reports of returnees settling in IDP camps instead of going back to their areas of origin. Such returnees are vulnerable to (further) irregular migration given the inability to integrate. Somali refugee returnees from Kenya face issues upon return to a volatile situation in Somalia, often settling in IDP camps in Somalia. In an RMMS research paper ‘Blinded by Hope: Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices of Ethiopian Migrants’, community members in parts of Ethiopia expressed concerns that a large number of returnees from Saudi Arabia would migrate soon after their return.

      In November 2017, following media reports of African migrants in Libya being subjected to human rights abuses including slavery, governments, humanitarian agencies and regional economic communities embarked on repatriating vulnerable migrants from Libya. African Union committed to facilitating the repatriation of 20,000 nationals of its member states within a period of six weeks. African Union, its member states and humanitarian agencies facilitated the return of 17,000 migrants in 2017 and a further 14,000 between January and March 2018.[4]
      What next?

      Return migration can play an important role for migrants, their communities, and their countries, yet there is a lack of research and data on this phenomenon. For successful return migration, the drivers to migration should first be examined, including in the case of forced displacement or irregular migration. Additionally, legal pathways for safe, orderly and regular migration should be expanded for all countries to reduce further unsafe migration. Objective 21 of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (Draft Rev 1) calls upon member states to ‘cooperate in facilitating dignified and sustainable return, readmission and reintegration’.

      In addition, a legal and policy framework facilitating safe and sustainable returns should be implemented by host countries and countries of origin. This could build on bilateral or regional agreements on readmissions, creation of reception and integration agencies for large scale returns, the recognition and assurance of migrant legal status, provision of identification documents where needed, amending national laws to allow for dual citizenship, reviewing taxes imposed on the diaspora, recognition of academic and vocational skills acquired abroad, support to vulnerable returnees, financial assistance where needed, incentives to returnee entrepreneurs, programs on attracting highly skilled returnees. Any frameworks should recognize that people have the right to move, and should have their human rights and dignity upheld at all stages of the migration journey.

      http://www.mixedmigration.org/articles/return-migration-a-regional-perspective

    • Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, le 20.09.2018

      Niamey, le 20 septembre 2018

      D’après des témoignages recueillis près du #centre_de_transit des #mineurs_non_accompagnés du quartier #Bobiel à Niamey (Niger), des rixes ont eu lieu devant le centre, ce mardi 18 septembre.

      A ce jour, le centre compterait 23 mineurs et une dizaine de femmes avec des enfants en bas âge, exceptionnellement hébergés dans ce centre en raison du surpeuplement des structures réservées habituellement aux femmes.

      Les jeunes du centre font régulièrement état de leurs besoins et du non-respect de leurs droits au directeur du centre. Certains y résident en effet depuis plusieurs mois et ils sont informés des services auxquels ils devraient avoir accès grâce à une #charte des centre de l’OIM affichée sur les murs (accès aux soins de santé, repas, vêtements - en particulier pour ceux qui sont expulsés de l’Algérie sans leurs affaires-, activité récréative hebdomadaire, assistance légale, psychologique...). Aussi, en raison de la lourdeur des procédures de « #retours_volontaires », la plupart des jeunes ne connaissent pas la date de leur retour au pays et témoignent d’un #sentiment_d'abandon.

      Ces derniers jours certains jeunes ont refusé de se nourrir pour protester contre les repas qui leur sont servis (qui seraient identiques pour tous les centres et chaque jour).
      Ce mardi, après un vif échange avec le directeur du centre, une délégation de sept jeunes s’est organisée et présentée au siège de l’OIM. Certains d’entre eux ont été reçus par un officier de protection qui, aux vues des requêtes ordinaires des migrants, s’est engagé à répondre rapidement à leurs besoins.
      Le groupe a ensuite rejoint le centre où les agents de sécurité du centre auraient refusé de les laisser entrer. Des échanges de pierres auraient suivi, et les gardiens de la société #Gadnet-Sécurité auraient utilisé leurs matraques et blessé légèrement plusieurs jeunes. Ces derniers ont été conduits à l’hôpital, après toutefois avoir été menottés et amenés au siège de la société de gardiennage.

      L’information a été diffusée hier soir sur une chaine de télévision locale mais je n’ai pas encore connaissance d’articles à ce sujet.

      Alizée

      #MNA #résistance #violence

    • Agadez, des migrants manifestent pour rentrer dans leurs pays

      Des migrants ont manifesté lundi matin au centre de transit de l’Organisation Internationale pour les Migrations (OIM). Ce centre est situé au quartier #Sabon_Gari à Agadez au Niger. Il accueille à ce jour 800 migrants.

      Parmi eux, une centaine de Maliens. Ces migrants dénoncent la durée de leurs séjours, leurs conditions de vie et le manque de communication des responsables de l’OIM.


      https://www.studiotamani.org/index.php/magazines/16726-le-magazine-du-21-aout-2018-agadez-des-migrants-maliens-manifest
      #manifestation #Mali #migrants_maliens