• More than 1,000 unmarked graves discovered along EU migration routes

    Bodies also piling up in morgues across continent as countries accused of failing to meet human rights obligations.

    Refugees and migrants are being buried in unmarked graves across the European Union at a scale that is unprecedented outside of war.

    The Guardian can reveal that at least 1,015 men, women and children who died at the borders of Europe in the past decade were buried before they were identified.

    They lie in stark, often blank graves along the borders – rough white stones overgrown with weeds in Sidiro cemetery in Greece; crude wooden crosses on Lampedusa in Italy; in northern France faceless slabs marked simply “Monsieur X”; in Poland and Croatia plaques reading “NN” for name unknown.

    On the Spanish island of Gran Canaria, one grave states: “Migrant boat number 4. 25/09/2022.”

    The European parliament passed a resolution in 2021 that called for people who die on migration routes to be identified and recognised the need for a coordinated database to collect details of the bodies.

    But across European countries the issue remains a legislative void, with no centralised data, nor any uniform process for dealing with the bodies.

    Working with forensic scientists from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and other researchers, NGOs and pathologists, the Guardian and a consortium of reporters pieced together for the first time the number of migrants and refugees who died in the past decade along the EU’s borders whose names remain unknown. At least 2,162 bodies have still not been identified.

    Some of these bodies are piling up in morgues, funeral parlours and even shipping containers across the continent. Visiting 24 cemeteries and working with researchers, the team found more than 1,000 nameless graves.

    These, however, are the tip of the iceberg. More than 29,000 people died on European migration routes in this period, the majority of whom remain missing.

    –—

    What is the border graves project?
    Hide

    About the investigation

    The Guardian teamed up with Süddeutsche Zeitung and eight reporters from the Border Graves Investigation who received funding from Investigative Journalism for Europe and Journalismfund Europe.

    We worked with researchers at the International Committee of the Red Cross who shared exclusively their most up-to-date findings on migrant and refugee deaths registered in Spain, Malta, Greece and Italy between 2014 and 2021.

    Other partners included Marijana Hameršak of the European Irregularized Migration Regime at the Periphery of the EU (ERIM) project in Croatia, Grupa Granica and Podlaskie Humanitarian Emergency Service (POPH) in Poland and Sienos Grupė in Lithuania. The journalist Maël Galisson provided data for France.

    Reporters and researchers also checked death registers, interviewed prosecutors and spoke to local authorities and morgue directors, as well as visiting two dozen cemeteries to track the number of unidentified migrants and refugees who have died trying to cross into the EU in the past decade and find their graves.

    –—

    The problem is “utterly neglected”, according to Europe’s commissioner for human rights, Dunja Mijatović, who has said EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law.

    “The tools are there. We have the agencies and the forensic experts, but they need to be engaged [by governments],” she said. The rise of the hard right and a lack of political will were likely to further impede the development of a proper system to address “the tragedy of missing migrants”, she added.

    Instead, pockets of work happen at a local level. Pathologists, for example, collect DNA samples and the few personal items found on the bodies. The clues to lives lost are meagre: loose change in foreign currency, prayer beads, a Manchester United souvenir badge.

    The lack of coordination leaves bewildered families struggling to navigate localised, often foreign bureaucracy in the search for lost relatives.

    Supporting them falls to aid organisations such as the ICRC, which has recorded 16,500 requests since 2013 for information to its programme for restoring family links from people looking for relatives who went missing en route to Europe. The largest number of requests have come from Afghans, Iraqis, Somalians, Guineans and people from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea and Syria. Only 285 successful matches have been achieved.

    And now even some of this support is about to disappear. As governments cut their aid budgets, the ICRC has been forced to refocus its reduced resources. National Red Cross agencies will continue the family links programme but much of the ICRC’s work training police and local authorities is being cut.
    A race against time

    The mini set of scissors and comb worn on a chain were unique to 24-year-old Oussama Tayeb, a small talisman that reflected his job as a barber. For his cousin Abdallah, they were the hope that he had been found.

    Tayeb set sail last year from the north-west of Algeria just before 8pm on Christmas Day. Onboard with him were 22 neighbours who had clubbed together to pay for the boat they had hoped would take them to Spain.

    His family has been searching for him since. Abdallah, who lives in France, fears it is a race against time.

    Spanish police introduced a database in 2007 in which data and genetic samples from unidentified remains are meant to be logged. In practice, the system breaks down when it comes to families searching for missing relatives, who have no clear information about how to access it.

    The family had provided a DNA sample soon after Tayeb’s disappearance. With no news by February, they travelled to southern Spain for a second time to search for him. At the morgue in Almería, a forensic doctor reacted to Tayeb’s photo, saying he looked familiar. She recalled a necklace, but said the man she was thinking of was believed to have died in a jet ski accident.

    “It was a really intense moment because we knew that Oussama was wearing a jet ski lifejacket,” Abdallah said.

    Even with the knowledge that Tayeb’s body may have been found, his cousin was unable to see the corpse lying in the morgue without a police officer. Abdallah remembered the shocking callousness with which he was greeted at one of the many police stations he tried. “One policeman told us that if ‘they don’t want to disappear, they shouldn’t have taken a boat to Spain’.”

    Looming over Abdallah’s continuing search is a practical pressure mentioned by the Spanish pathologist: bodies in the morgue are usually kept for a year and then buried, whether identified or not. “We only want an answer. If we see the chain, this would be like a death certificate. It’s so heartbreaking. It’s like we’re leaving Oussama in the fridge and we can’t do anything about it,” he said.
    ‘Here lies a brother who lost his life’

    The local authorities that receive the most bodies are often on small islands and are increasingly saying they cannot cope.

    They warn that an already inadequate system is going backwards. Spain’s Canary Islands have reported a record 35,410 men, women and children reaching the archipelago by boat this year. In recent months, most of these vessels have sought to land on the tiny, remote island of El Hierro. In the past six weeks alone, seven unidentified people were buried on the island.

    The burial vaults of 15 unidentified people who were found dead on a rickety wooden vessel in 2020, in the town of Agüimes on Gran Canaria, bear identical plaques that read simply: “Here lies a brother who lost his life trying to reach our shores.”

    In the Muslim section of Lanzarote’s Teguise cemetery, the graves of children are marked with circles of stones. They include the grave of a baby believed to have been stillborn on a deadly crossing from Morocco in 2020. Alhassane Bangoura’s body was separated from his mother during the rescue and was buried in an unmarked grave. His name is only recorded informally, engraved on a bowl by locals moved by his plight.

    It is the same story in the other countries at the edge of the EU; unmarked graves dotted along their frontiers standing testament to the crisis. Along the land borders, in Croatia, Poland, Lithuania, the numbers of unmarked graves are fewer but still they are there, blank stones or sometimes an NN marked on plaques.

    In France, the anonymous inscription “X” stands out in cemeteries in Calais. The numbers seem low compared with those found along the southern coastal borders: 35 out of 242 migrants and refugees who died on the Franco-British border since 2014 remain unidentified. The high proportion of the dead identified reflects the fact that people spend time waiting before attempting the Channel crossing so there are often contacts still in France able to name those who die.
    Fragments of hope

    Leaked footage of Polish border guards laughing at a young man hanging upside down, trapped by his foot, stuck in the razor wire on the top of the 180km (110-mile) steel border fence separating Belarus from Poland caused a brief social media storm.

    But the moment he is caught in the searchlights, his frightened face briefly frozen, has haunted 50-year-old Kafya Rachid for the past year. She is sure the man is her missing child, Mohammed Sabah, who was 22 when she last saw him alive.

    Sabah had flown from his home in Iraqi Kurdistan in the autumn of 2021 to Belarus, for which he had a visa. He was successfully taken across the EU border by smugglers but was detained about 50km (30 miles) into Poland and deported back to Belarus.

    Waiting to cross again, his messages suddenly stopped. The family had been coming to terms with the fact he was probably dead. Then the video surfaced. With little else to go on, fragments such as this give families hope.

    Sabah’s parents, as so often happens, were unable to get visas to travel to the EU. Instead, Rekaut Rachid, an uncle of Sabah who has lived in London since 1999, has made three trips to Poland to try to find him.

    Rachid believes the Polish authorities lied to him when they told him the man in the video was Egyptian, and this keeps him searching. “They are hiding something. Five per cent of me thinks maybe he died. But 95% of me thinks he is in prison somewhere in Poland,” he said, adding: “My sister calls every day to ask if I think he is still alive. I don’t know how to answer.”
    Shipping container morgues

    In a corner of the hospital car park in the Greek city of Alexandroupolis, two battered refrigerated shipping containers stand next to some rubbish bins. Inside are the bodies of 40 people.

    The border from Turkey into Greece over the Evros River nearby is only a 10- to 20-minute crossing, but people cross at night when their small rubber boats can easily hit a tree and capsize. Corpses decompose quickly in the riverbed mud, so that facial characteristics, clothing and any documents that might help identify them are rapidly destroyed.

    Twenty of the corpses in the containers are the charred remains of migrants who died in wildfires that consumed this part of Greece during the summer’s heatwave. Identification has proved exceptionally difficult, with only four of the dead named to date.

    Prof Pavlos Pavlidis, the forensic pathologist for the area, works to determine the cause of death, to collect DNA samples and to catalogue any personal effects that might help relatives identify their loved ones at a later date.

    The temporary container morgues in Alexandroupolis are on loan from the ICRC. The humanitarian agency has loaned another container to the island of Lesbos, another migration hotspot, for the same purpose.

    Lampedusa does not have that luxury. “There are no morgues and no refrigerated units,” said Salvatore Vella, the Sicilian head prosecutor who leads investigations into shipwrecks off its coast. “Once placed in body bags, the bodies of migrants are transferred to Sicily. Burial is managed by individual towns. It has happened that migrants have sometimes been buried in sort of mass graves within cemeteries.”

    The scale of the problem was becoming so acute, said Filippo Furri, an anthropologist and an associate researcher at Mecmi, a group that examines deaths during migration, that “there have been cases of coffins abandoned in cemetery warehouses due to lack of space, or bodies that remain in hospital morgues”.
    ‘It’s not only a technical difficulty but also a political one’

    “If you count the relatives of those who are missing, hundreds of thousands of people are impacted. They don’t know where their loved ones are. Were they well treated, were they respected when they were buried? That’s what preys on families’ minds,” said Laurel Clegg, the ICRC forensic coordinator for migration in Europe. “We have an obligation to provide the dead with a dignified burial; and [to address] the other side, providing answers to families through identification of the dead.”

    She said keeping track of the dead relied on lots of parts working well together: a legal framework that protected the unidentified dead, consistent postmortems, morgues, registries, dignified transport and cemeteries.

    The systems are inadequate, however, despite the EU parliament resolution. There are still no common rules about what information should be collected, nor a centralised place to store this information. The political focus is on catching the smugglers rather than finding out who their victims are.

    A spokesperson for the European Commission said the rights and dignity of refugees and migrants had to be addressed alongside tackling people smuggling. They said each member state was responsible individually for how it dealt with those who died on its borders, but that the commission was working to improve coordination and protocols and “regrets the loss of every human life” .

    In Italy, significant efforts have been made to identify the dead from a couple of well-reported, large-scale disasters. Cristina Cattaneo, the head of the laboratory of forensic anthropology and odontology (Labanof) at the University of Milan, has spent years working to identify the dead from a shipwreck in 2015 in which more than 1,000 people lost their lives.

    Raising the wreck to retrieve the bodies has cost €9.5m (£8.1m) already. Organising the 30,000 mixed bones into identifiable remains of 528 bodies has been a herculean task. Only six victims have so far been issued official death certificates.

    As political positions on irregular migration have hardened, experts are finding official enthusiasm for their complex work has diminished. “It’s not only a technical difficulty but also a political one,” Cattaneo said.

    In Sicily, Vella has been investigating a fishing boat that sank in October 2019. It was carrying 49 people, mostly from Tunisia. Just a few miles off shore, a group onboard filmed themselves celebrating their imminent arrival in Europe before the boat ran out of fuel and capsized. The Italian coastguard rescued 22 people but 27 others lost their lives.

    Coastguard divers, using robots, captured images of bodies floating near the vessel, but were unable to recover all of them. The footage circulated around the world. A group of Tunisian women who had been searching for their sons contacted the Italian authorities and were given permits to travel to meet the prosecutor, who showed them more footage.

    One mother, Zakia Hamidi, recognised her 18-year-old son, Fheker. It was a searing experience for both her and Vella: “At that moment, I realised the difference between a mother, torn apart by grief, but who at least will return home with her child’s body, and those mothers who will not have a body to mourn. It is something heartbreaking.”
    The torture of not knowing

    The grief that people feel when they have no certainty about the fate of their missing relatives has a very particular intensity.

    Dr Pauline Boss, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Minnesota in the US, was the first to describe this “ambiguous loss”. “You are stuck, immobilised, you feel guilty if you begin again because that would mean accepting the person is dead. Grieving is frozen, your decision-making is frozen, you can’t work out the facts, can’t answer the questions,” she said.

    Not knowing often has severe practical consequences too. Spouses may not be able to exercise their parental rights, inherit assets or claim welfare support or pensions without a death certificate. Orphans cannot be adopted by extended family without one either.

    Sometimes relatives are left in the dark for years. A decade on from a shipwreck disaster in 2013, bereaved families continue to gather in Lampedusa every year, still searching for answers. Among them this year was a Syrian woman, Sabah al-Joury, whose son Abdulqader was on the boat. She said that not knowing where he ended up was like having “an open wound”.

    Sabah’s family said the torture of not being able to find out what happened to him was “like dying everyday”. Abdallah thinks he must make another trip from Paris to southern Spain before the end of the year. “What is difficult is not to have the body, not to be able to bury him,” he said.

    Rituals around death were indicative of a deep human need, said Boss. “The most important thing is for the name to be marked somewhere, so the family can visit, and the missing can be remembered. A name means you were on this Earth, not forgotten.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2023/dec/08/revealed-more-than-1000-unmarked-graves-discovered-along-eu-migration-r

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #tombes #fosses_communes #Europe #morts_aux_frontières #enterrement #cimetières #morgues #chiffres

    • The Border Graves Investigation

      More than 1,000 migrants who died trying to enter Europe lie buried in nameless graves. EU migration policy has failed the dead and the living.

      A cross-border team of eight journalists has confirmed the existence of 1,015 unmarked graves of migrants buried in 65 cemeteries over the past decade across Spain, Italy, Greece, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, and Croatia. The reporters visited more than half of them.

      Unidentified migrants lay to rest in cemeteries in olive groves, on hilltops, in dense forests, and along remote highways. Each unmarked grave represents a person who lost their life en route to Europe, and a fate that will remain forever unknown to their loved ones.

      This months-long investigation underlines that Europe’s migration policies have failed more than a thousand people who have died in transit and the families who survive them.

      In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution recognsing the need for a “coordinated European approach” for “prompt and effective identification processes” for bodies found on EU borders. Yet in 2022, the Council of Europe called this area a “legislative void”.

      These failures mean that the responsibility of memorialising unidentified victims often ends up falling to individual municipalities, cemetery keepers and local good Samaritans, with many victims buried without any attempt at identification.

      https://twitter.com/Techjournalisto/status/1733100115781386448

      In the absence of official data from European and national governments, the Border Graves Investigation collaborated with The Guardian and Suddeutsche Zeitung to count 2,162 unidentified deaths of migrants across eight countries in Europe between 2014 and 2023.

      The cross-border team conducted over 60 interviews in six languages. They spoke with families of the missing and deceased, whose loved ones left for Europe from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Iraqi Kurdistan, Algeria and Sri Lanka.

      They revealed the institutional and bureaucratic hurdles of searching for bodies and burying the remains of those that are found. One mother compared her unresolved grief to an “open wound,” and an uncle said it was like “dying every day”.

      To understand the complex legal, medical and political landscape of death in each country, the journalists spoke with coroners, grave keepers, forensic doctors, international and local humanitarian groups, government officials, a European MEP and the Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner.

      The in-depth investigation reveals that the European Union is violating migrants’ last rights. The stories below show how.
      The team

      The Border Graves Investigation team consists of Barbara Matejčić, Daphne Tolis, Danai Maragoudaki, Eoghan Gilmartin, Gabriela Ramirez, Gabriele Cruciata, Leah Pattem, and is coordinated by Tina Xu. The project was supported by the IJ4EU fund and JournalismFund Europe.

      Gabriele Cruciata is a Rome-based award-winning journalist specialising in podcasts and investigative and narrative journalism. He also works as a fixer, producer, journalism consultant, and trainer.

      Gabriele Cruciata IG @gab_cruciata

      Leah Pattem is a Spain-based journalist and photographer specialising in politics, migration and community stories. Leah is also the founder and editor of the popular local media platform Madrid No Frills.

      X @leahpattem
      IG @madridnofrills

      Eoghan Gilmartin is a Spain-based freelance journalist specialising in news, politics and migration. His work has appeared in Jacobin Magazine, The Guardian, Tribune and Open Democracy.

      X @EoghanGilmartin
      Muck Rack: Eoghan Gilmartin

      Gabriela Ramirez is an award-winning multimedia journalist specialising in migration, human rights, ocean conservation, and climate issues, always through a gender-focused lens. Currently serving as the Multimedia & Engagement Editor at Unbias The News.

      X @higabyramirez
      Linkedin Gabriela Ramirez
      Instagram @higabyramirez

      Barbara Matejčić is a Croatian award-winning freelance journalist, non-fiction writer and audio producer focused on social affairs and human rights

      Website: http://barbaramatejcic.com
      FB: https://www.facebook.com/barbara.matejcic.1
      Instagram: @barbaramatejcic

      Danai Maragoudaki is a Greek journalist based in Athens. She works for independent media outlet Solomon and is a member of their investigative team. Her reporting focuses on transparency, finance, and digital threats.

      FB: https://www.facebook.com/danai.maragoudaki
      X: @d_maragoudaki
      IG: @danai_maragoudaki

      Daphne Tolis is an award-winning documentary producer/filmmaker and multimedia journalist based in Athens. She has produced and hosted timely documentaries for VICE Greece and has directed TV documentaries for the EBU and documentaries for the MSF and IFRC. Since 2014 she has been working as a freelance producer and journalist in Greece for the BBC, Newsnight, VICE News Tonight, ABC News, PBS Newshour, SRF, NPR, Channel 4, The New York Times Magazine, ARTE, DW, ZDF, SVT, VPRO and others. She has reported live for DW News, BBC News, CBC News, ABC Australia, and has been a guest contributor on various BBC radio programs, Times Radio, Morning Ireland, RTE, NPR’s ‘Morning Edition’, and others.

      X: https://twitter.com/daphnetoli
      Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/daphne_tolis/?hl=en
      Linkedin: www.linkedin.com/in/daphne-tolis

      Tina Xu is a multimedia journalist and filmmaker working at the intersection of migration, mental health, socially engaged arts, and civil society. Her stories often interrogate the three-way street between people, policy, and power. She received the Excellence in Environmental Reporting Award from Society of Publishers in Asia in 2021, was a laureate of the European Press Prize Innovation Award in 2021 and 2022, and shortlisted for the One World Media Refugee Reporting Award in 2022.

      X: @tinayingxu
      IG: @tinayingxu

      https://www.investigativejournalismforeu.net/projects/border-graves

    • 1000 Lives, 0 Names: The Border Graves Investigation. How the EU is failing migrants’ last rights

      What happens to those who die in their attempts to reach the European Union? How are their lives marked, how can their families honor them? How do governments recognize their existence and their basic rights as human beings?

      Our cross-border team confirmed 1,015 unmarked graves of migrants in 65 cemeteries buried over the last 10 years across Spain, Italy, Greece, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, and Croatia. We visited over half of them.

      Each unmarked grave represents a person who lost their life en route to Europe, and a fate that remains painfully unknown to their loved ones.

      In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution recognizing the need for a “coordinated European approach” for “prompt and effective identification processes” for bodies found on EU borders. Yet last year, the Council of Europe called this area a “legislative void.”

      In the absence of official data from European and national governments, the Border Graves Investigation counted 2,162 unidentified deaths of migrants across eight countries in Europe from 2014-2023.

      Our cross-border team conducted over 60 interviews in six languages. We spoke with families of the missing and deceased, whose loved ones left for Europe from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Iraqi Kurdistan, Algeria, and Sri Lanka. They spoke about the institutional and bureaucratic hurdles of searching for, and if found, burying a body.

      One mother compared the unresolved grief to an “open wound,” and an uncle said it was like “dying every day.”
      Here is how Europe violates the “last rights” of migrants.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/border-graves-investigation

    • Widowed by Europe’s borders

      “No water, I think I’ll die, I love you.” This is the last text Sanooja received from her husband, who disappeared after a pushback into the dense forest that stretches between Belarus, Lithuania, and Poland. For families searching for missing loved ones, the EU inflicts a second death of identity and acknowledgment.

      Samrin and Sanooja were high school classmates. Both born in 1990, they grew up together in Kalpitiya, a town of 80,000 on the tip of a small peninsula in Sri Lanka. When Samrin first asked Sanooja out in the ninth grade, she said no. But years later, when her roommates snuck through her diary, they asked about the boy in all her stories.

      When they turned 20, Sanooja was studying to be a teacher, while Samrin left town for work. After six years of video calls and heart emoji-laden selfies, Samrin returned home in 2017 and they got married, her in a white headscarf and indigo-sleeved dress, him in a matching indigo suit. Their son Haashim was born a year later. They called each other “thangam,” or gold.

      She hoped the birth of their son meant that Samrin would stay close by from now on. They took their son to the beach, to the zoo. Then the 2019 economic crisis hit, the worst since the country’s independence in 1948. There were daily blackouts, a shortage of fuel, and runaway inflation. In 2022, protests rocked the country, and the government claimed bankruptcy.

      Samrin was a difficult person to fall in love with, says Sanooja, because he was so ambitious. Sanooja smiles bitterly over a video call from her home in Kalpitiya. The sun filters through the mango tree in the yard, where the two often sat together and made plans for their future.

      But part of loving him, she explains, meant supporting him even in his hardest decisions. One of these decisions was to take a plane to Moscow, then to travel to Europe and send money home. “He went to keep us happy, to make us good.”

      Their last day together, Sanooja surprised him with a cake: Sky blue icing, an airplane made of fondant, ascending from an earth made of chocolate sprinkles. In big letters: “Love you and will miss you. Have a safe journey, Thangam.” In their last photos together, Haashim sits laughing on Samrin’s lap as he cuts the cake. That night, Samrin squeezed his son and wept. The next day he put on a pair of blue Converse All-Stars, packed a black backpack, and set out. It was June 26, 2022. He had just turned 32 years old.

      Things did not go according to plan. He boarded a bus from St. Petersburg to Helsinki, but the fake Schengen visa they paid so much for was rejected at the Finnish border. Sanooja told him he could always come home. But in order to finance the journey, they had sold a plot of Samrin’s land and Sanooja’s jewelry, and borrowed money from friends. Samrin decided there was no turning back. He pivoted to plan B: He could go to Belarus, where he didn’t need a visa, and cross the border to Lithuania, in the Schengen zone.

      When Samrin checked into the Old Town Trio Hotel in Vilnius on August 16, 2022, the first thing he did was call home: He had survived the forest. Sanooja was relieved to hear his voice. He told her about the eight days crossing the forest between Belarus and Lithuania, the mud up to his knees. Days without food, drinking dirty water. He told her especially about the pains in his stomach as he walked in the forest, due to his recent surgery to remove kidney stones. Sometimes he would urinate blood.

      But he was in the European Union. He bought a plane ticket for a departure to Paris in four days, the city where he hoped to make his new life. What happened next is unclear. This is what Sanooja knows:

      On the third day, Samrin walked into the hotel lobby, and the manager called security. Plainclothes officers shuttled him into a car and whisked him 50 kilometers back once more to the Belarusian border. In less than 72 hours, Samrin found himself trapped again in the forest he had fought to escape.

      It was already dark when Samrin was left alone in the woods. He had no backpack, sleeping bag, or food. His phone was running out of battery. The next morning, Samrin came online briefly to send Sanooja a final message on WhatsApp: “No water, I think I’ll die. Trangam, I love you.”

      That was the beginning of a deafening silence that stretched four and a half months. When she gets to this part of the story, Sanooja, ever talkative and articulate, apologizes that she simply cannot describe it. Her eyes glaze and flit upward.

      The Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatović asserts that families have a “right to truth” surrounding the fates of their loved ones who disappear en route to Europe. In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for “prompt and effective identification processes” to connect the bodies of those who perished to those searching for them. Two years on, Mijatović tells us not much has been done, and the issue is a “legislative void.”

      As part of the Border Graves Investigation, conducted with a cross-border team of eight freelance journalists across Europe in collaboration with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Sueddeutche Zeitung, we followed the stories of those who have disappeared in the forest that covers the borders in Eastern Europe, between Belarus and the EU (Lithuania, Poland, Latvia).

      We spoke with their families, as well as over a dozen humanitarian workers, lawyers, and policymakers from organizations in Poland, Lithuania, and Belarus, to piece together the question of what happens after something goes fatally wrong on Europe’s eastern border—and who is responsible.
      Who counts the dead?

      The forest along the Belarussian border is a dense landscape of underbrush, moss and swamps, and encompasses one of the largest ancient forest areas left in Europe.

      Spanning hundreds of square kilometers across the borders with Lithuania and Poland, the forest became an unexpected hotspot when Belarus began issuing visas and opening direct flights to Minsk in the summer of 2021. This power play between Belarussian President Lukashenko and his EU neighbors has been called a “political game” in which migrants are the pawns.

      Since 2021, thousands of people, mostly from the Middle East and Africa, have sought to enter the EU from Belarus via its borders in Poland and Lithuania. Hundreds of people have been caught in a one-kilometer no man’s land between Belarusian territory and the EU border fence, chased back and forth by border guards on both sides under threat of violence. Belarusian guards reportedly threatened to release dogs, and photographs emerged of bite wounds.

      Since 2021, Poland and Lithuania have ramped up on “pushbacks,” in which border guards deport people immediately without the opportunity to ask for asylum, a process that is growing in popularity across Europe despite violating international law. Poland reports having conducted 78,010 pushbacks since the start of the crisis, and Lithuania 21,857. Samrin was apparently one of these cases.

      While these two countries publish precise daily statistics for pushbacks, they do not publish data for deaths at the border, nor people reported missing.

      “National states want to do this job secretly,” explains Tomas Tomilinas, a member of the Lithuanian Parliament. “We are on the margins of the law and constitution here, any government pushing people back is trying to avoid publicity on this topic.”

      Official data is an intentional void. Both the Polish and Lithuanian Border Guards declined to share any numbers with us. However, there are organizations striving to keep count: Humanitarian groups in Poland, including Grupa Granica (“Border Group” in Polish) and Podlaskie Humanitarian Emergency Service (POPH), have documented 52 deaths on the Poland-Belarus border since 2021, and are tracking 16 unidentified bodies.

      In Lithuania, the humanitarian group Sienos Grupė (“Border Group” in Lithuanian) has documented 10 deaths, including three minors who died while in detention centers, and three others who died in car accidents when chased by local authorities after crossing the border region. In Belarus, the NGO Human Constanta reports that 33 have died according to government data shared with them, but it was not recorded whether these bodies have been identified, and whether or where they are buried.

      On the borders between Poland, Lithuania and Belarus, humanitarian groups have compiled a list of more than 300 people reported missing. The organizations emphasize that their numbers are incomplete, as they have neither the access nor the capacity to monitor the full extent of the problem.

      Where to turn?

      It was already past midnight in Sri Lanka when Samrin stopped responding to messages. From 8,000 km away, Sanooja tried to call for help. She found his last known coordinates on Find My iPhone, a blue dot in Trokenikskiy, Grodno region, just across the Belarus side of the border, and tried to report him missing.

      The Lithuanian and Belarussian border guards picked up the phone. She begged them to find him, even if it meant arresting or deporting him. They responded that he had to call himself. It was baffling: How can a missing person call to report themselves?

      She called the migrant detention camps, where people are often detained without access to a phone for months. Maybe he was locked up somewhere. As soon as she said “hello,” they responded, “no English,” and hung up. She emailed them instead, no response. She emailed UNHCR and the Red Cross Society. Both institutions said they had no information about the case. She emailed the police, who responded a week later that they had no information.

      Sanooja had run into the rude reality that there is no authority responsible for nor prepared to respond to such inquiries. Even organizations dedicated to working with migrants, such as the migrant detention camp staff, would or could not respond to basic queries in English.

      International humanitarian organizations, too, are almost absent in the region. Compared to the Mediterranean countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece, which have had a decade to organize to respond to mass deaths on their border, the presence of formal aid in Eastern Europe is much smaller.

      Weeks passed, and in the terrible silence, every possibility behind her husband’s disappearance invaded Sanooja’s mind. Four-year-old Haashim began to cry out for his father every night, who used to wake him up with kisses. When they lost contact, Haashim often wet the bed and refused to go to school. “He must have had some intuition about his father,” said Sanooja.

      Then Sanooja began to wonder if he could be in another country in the region: Latvia? Poland? She broadened her search to all four countries. There was no Sri Lankan Embassy in Lithuania, Poland, Belarus, or Latvia, so she emailed the closest one in Sweden. Then, she went on Facebook. That’s how she found the account of Sienos Grupė, and sent them a message.

      Like many local humanitarian groups across the region, Sienos Grupė is a small team of four part-time staff and around 30 volunteers. The group banded together in 2021 to respond to calls for help through WhatsApp and Facebook and drop off vital supplies in the forest, such as food, water, power banks, and dry clothes.
      “There is a body, please go”

      Local volunteer groups were doing their best to aid the living, but it wasn’t long before they were being contacted to find the missing or the dead.

      On the Polish border, everyone has heard of Piotr Czaban. A local journalist and activist, his contact is shared among migrants attempting to cross the border. He is known as the man who can help find the bodies of people left behind in the woods, a reputation he has lived up to many times. The demands of the work have led him to leave his full-time job.

      He sits on the edge of a weathered log in a forest near Sokolka, a city near the Poland-Belarus border region where he lives. Navigating the thick undergrowth with ease in jeans and trekking boots, he recounts the first search he coordinated back in February 2022. He received a message on Facebook from a Syrian man in Belarus: “There is a body in the forest, here is the place, please go.”

      Piotr was taken off guard. He asked his friends in the police what to do, and they told him the best way was to go himself, take photos, and then call the police. However, the border guards had closed the border region to all non-residents, including journalists and humanitarian workers, so he couldn’t pass the police checkpoints for the area where the body lay.

      So Piotr made another call. This time to Rafal Kowalczyk, the 53-year-old director of the Mammal Research Institute, who has worked in the Bialowieza Forest for three decades. (“In my previous TV job, I interviewed him about bison, and thought he was a good man,” said Piotr by way of introduction).

      Rafal was up for the task. As a wildlife expert, he had access to the restricted forest area, and now he ventured into the woods not to track bison, but to follow the clues sent by a despairing Syrian man.

      In the swamp, Rafal found 26-year-old Ahmed Al-Shawafi from Yemen, barefoot and half-submerged in the water, one shoe in the mud nearby.

      It was difficult for Rafal to point his camera at the face of a dead man, but he did, and this image still haunts him. Piotr forwarded the photos Rafal had taken to the police, with a straightforward message: “We know there’s a body there. Now you have to go.”

      But what if Ahmed could have been found earlier, even alive?

      “The police have no competence”

      Until there is a photo of a dead body, police and border guards have often declined to search for missing or dead migrants.

      Ahmed’s traveling companions, including the man who contacted Piotr, had personally begged Polish border guards for emergency medical aid for Ahmed. They had left Ahmed by the river in the throes of hypothermia to ask for help. Instead of calling paramedics, or searching for Ahmed at all, the border guards pushed the group back to Belarus, leaving Ahmed to die alone in the forest.

      In our investigation, we heard of at least three other deaths that are eerily similar to Ahmed’s: Ethiopian woman Mahlet Kassa, 28; Syrian man Mohammed Yasim, 32; and Yemeni man Dr. Ibrahim Jaber Ahmed Dihiya, 33. In all three cases, traveling companions approached Polish officers for emergency medical attention, but instead got pushed back themselves. Help never arrived.

      Each time the activists receive a report of a missing or dead person, they first share this information with the police. Piotr says he has received responses from the police, including, “We’re busy,” or “Not our problem.”

      After police were provided with the photos and exact GPS location of Ahmed’s body, they called back to say they still couldn’t find him. When Rafal turned his car around to personally lead the police to his body, he found out why: The police had ventured into the swamp without waterproof boots or even a GPS to navigate in a forest where there is often no cell connection.

      “The police are unequipped,” said Rafal, full of disbelief. Two years on from the crisis, the police still do not have the proper basic equipment nor training to conduct searches for people missing or dead in the forest. He recounts that in one trip to retrieve a body with police, they could only walk 300 meters in one hour, and one officer had lost the sole of his shoes in the mud.

      The Polish police responded to our email, “The police is not a force with the competence to deal with persons illegally crossing borders.” As a result, eight of 22 bodies found this year on the Polish side of the border were discovered by volunteers like Piotr and Rafal.

      On the Lithuanian side, Sienos Grupė says there are no such searches. “We are afraid there are many bodies in Lithuanian forests and the area between the fence and Belarus, but we are not allowed there,” says Aušrinė, a 23-year-old medicine student and Sienos Grupė volunteer in Lithuania. “Nobody is looking for them.”
      “In two weeks, there is nothing there”

      Rafal sits down in a wooden lodge on the edge of the forest and orders tea for himself while his two young children play on a tablet. It was his turn with the kids, he explains in a deep voice. His wife came home at four in the morning, after spending the whole night volunteering with POPH on a search for a man with diabetes in the forest.

      He feared that time was running out. We met with Rafal on Thursday evening. The man was found on Saturday morning, already dead. He is the 51st death recorded in Poland this year.

      In the forest, each search is a race against both time and wild animals.

      The winter may preserve a body for two months, but in the summer, the time frame is much shorter. A few times, Rafal has come across mere skeletons. He explains, “When there is a smell, the scavengers go immediately. When you’ve got summer and flies, probably in two weeks, it’s done, there’s nothing there.”

      In such advanced stages of decomposition, the body is exponentially more difficult to identify. However, DNA can be collected from bone fragments, in case families come searching. If they’re lucky, there are objects found close by: glasses, clothes, or jewelry. In one case, a family portrait found near the body was the key to identification.

      However, the Suwałki Prosecutor’s Office in Poland explained to us that the Prosecutor’s Offices keep no central register of data on deceased migrants, such as DNA, personal belongings, or photographs.
      “As a wife, I know his eyes”

      Four and a half months after Samrin disappeared, Sanooja’s phone rang. It was January 5, 2023. She will never forget the voice of the man that spoke. He was calling from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Sri Lanka, and informed her that her husband’s DNA had been matched to a body found in the Lithuanian forest. Interpol had drawn Samrin’s biometric data from the UK.

      She considers it fate that the dots came together this way. When they were 20 years old, Samrin’s father passed away, and Samrin left for London on a student visa. Instead of studying, he washed dishes at McDonald’s and KFC, and stocked shelves at Aldi, Lidl, and Iceland. When his visa expired, he lived a clandestine existence, evading the authorities. At age 26, the Home Office arrested him, took his DNA, and deported him. This infraction turned out to be an unexpected lifeline for his identification.

      “Getting the message that my husband was no more, that was nothing compared to those four and a half months,” said Sanooja. She had begun to fear that she would have to live with “lifelong doubt” around Samrin’s fate. Now she knew that four days after Samrin sent his goodbye message, his body was pulled from a river on the Lithuanian side of the border.

      Sanooja has read the police report countless times now: On August 21, 2022, witness Saulius Zakarevičius went for a morning swim in the Neris River. After bathing, he saw something floating. Through binoculars, he was able to decipher human clothes. The river bank is covered with tall grass. At the end of the patch there was a male corpse lying face down. The surface of the skin was swollen, pale, chaotically covered with pink lines, resembling the surface of marble. The skin was peeling from the palms of the corpse…

      She was asked to identify the corpse.

      “As a wife, I know him. I know his eyes. To see them on a dead body, that was terrible.”
      Sanooja

      In photos of his personal items, she instantly recognized Samrin’s shoes: a muddy pair of blue Converse All-Stars, with the laces looped just the way he always did.

      To be able to transport a dead body from Europe to any other part of the world, families must face the financial challenge of costs up to 10,000 euros. But the decision was not only about money for Sanooja. It was about time and dreams.

      For one, she believed that he had suffered enough. “As Muslims, we believe that even dead bodies can feel pain,” she says softly. “I felt broken that he was in the mortuary, feeling the cold for four and a half months.”

      And perhaps most of all, she recites what Samrin had told her before he left: “If I go, this time I’m not coming back.” In the end, Sanooja relied on her husband’s last will. “His dream was to be in Europe. So, at least his body will rest in Europe.”
      “Graves without a plate”

      Samrin’s death was the first border death publicly recognized by the Lithuanian government. Despite being the first, he did not receive any distinctive attention, and his resting place remained an unmarked mound of earth for more than eight months.

      On a hot summer day in July, co-founder of Sienos Grupė, Mantautas Šulskus brings a green watering can and measuring tape to our visit to the Vilnius cemetery where Samrin was buried in February. Green grass is sprouting all over Samrin’s grave. But it is not the only one.

      There are three smaller graves lined in a row. Among them, an eleven-year-old, a five-year-old, and a newborn baby rest side by side, their lives cut short in 2021. “These are three minors who died in detention centers in Lithuania,” Mantautas points out somberly.

      These cases have not been officially acknowledged by Lithuanian authorities, and none of the graves of the minors bear a name, even though their identities were also known to authorities. This lack of recognition paints a haunting picture, suggesting a second, silent death—a death of identity and acknowledgment.

      Bodies are sent to municipal or village governments to bury, and if they do not receive explicit instructions to create a plate, they often opt not to. As a result, the nameless graves of migrants are scattered across cemeteries in the region.

      Yet Mantautas is here in the scorching heat to measure a stone plate nearby in the Muslim corner of the cemetery. Sanooja saw it during a video call with Sienos Grupė volunteers, so that she could pray virtually at her husband’s grave. She asked for a plate with Samrin’s name on it—“just exactly like that one there,” she pointed.

      After some months, Sienos Grupė crowdfunded around 1,500 euros to buy and place stone plates for all four graves. The graves of Samrin and the three children now have names: Yusof Ibrahim Ali, Asma Jawadi, and Fatima Manazarova.

      Resting at the feet of the grave is a plate made of stone bearing the inscription “M.S.M.M. Samrin, 1990-2022, Sri Lanka,” precisely as Sanooja has requested. She explains that, according to Islamic beliefs, this will ensure that her husband will rise when the last days come.

      Hidden graves, unknown bodies

      The chilling thing, Mantautas explains, is nobody knows how many graves of migrants there might be, except for the government, which buries them quietly, often in remote villages.

      Organizations like Sienos Grupė find themselves grasping in the dark for leads. Last month, volunteers came across the grave of Lakshmisundar Sukumaran, an Indian man reported dead in April “quite by accident,” says Mantautas. The revelation came on the Eve of All Saint’s Day, when activists preparing for a control ran into a local returning from a visit to his mother’s grave: “There is a migrant buried in town.”

      Indeed, Sukumaran’s grave stands alone in an isolated corner of a small cemetery in Rameikos, a village of 25 people on the Lithuanian-Belarus border. Set apart from crosses of various sizes, a vertical piece of wood bears the inscription: “Lakshmisundar Sukumaran 1983.06.05 – 2023.04.04.” The border fence is visible from his grave. The earth is decorated by the colorful leaves of Lithuanian autumn.

      Sienos Grupė maintains a list of at least 40 people reported missing on the Lithuania-Belarus border, information the government does not record. When bodies are found, they strive to connect the dots: Location, gender, age, ethnicity, possessions, birthmarks, anything. But if authorities do not report when a body is found, the chances of locating anybody on this list are small.

      Emiljia Śvobaitė, a lawyer and volunteer from Sienos Grupė, explains that the Lithuanian government will only confirm whether something they already know is correct. “It seems like they are hiding these kinds of stories and information unless somebody exposes it. They would only confirm the deaths after activists have said something about it.”
      “No political will”

      The Lithuanian Parliament building, known as the Seimas Palace, is an imposing glass-and-concrete building in downtown Vilnius. It is where the Lithuanians declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. From an office with a view over the square, Member of Parliament Tomas Tomilinas wryly explains that their government has legalized pushbacks essentially because Europe has not established that it’s illegal.

      “I would say Europe has no political will to make pushbacks illegal. If there were a European law, the European Commission would put a ban on it. It would put a fine on Lithuania. But nobody’s doing that.”
      Member of Lithuanian Parliament, Tomas Tomilinas

      The Polish parliament legalized pushbacks in October 2021, and the Lithuanian parliament followed suit by legalizing pushbacks in April this year.

      Emiljia raises concerns about the violence of pushbacks her clients have seen. “The government keeps telling us they do everything really nicely. They give people food, and even wave goodbye to them, in the daytime. But when we look at specific cases, where people end up without their limbs on them, those pushbacks are performed at night.”

      She also raises concerns about legalized pushbacks in Lithuania, and whether border guards should be given the right to assess and deny asylum claims on the spot. “It’s funny because border guards should decide right away on the border whether a person is running from persecution, meaning a border guard should identify the conflict in the country of origin, and do all the work that the migration department is doing.”

      “It’s naive to believe that the system would work.”
      Fighting back in court

      With the help of Sienos Grupė’s support for legal expenses, Sanooja took the case to court. If the Lithuanian officials wouldn’t speak with her, perhaps they would speak to lawyers.

      Yet last month, Sanooja’s case was closed for the final time by the Vilnius Regional Prosecutor’s Office after seven appeals. The case never made it to trial.

      The Vilnius court claims there is no basis for a criminal investigation. Emiljia, who was on the team representing Sanooja in the case, responds that the pre-trial investigation didn’t investigate the cause of death properly, nor how the acts of the border police might have caused or contributed to the death of the applicant’s husband.

      Rytis Satkauskas, law professor, managing partner of ReLex law firm, and the lead attorney on Sanooja’s case, questions whether the Lithuanian courts are trying to hide something greater: he points to a series of inconsistencies in Samrin’s autopsy report.

      Autopsies should be conducted immediately to determine the cause of death. However, Samrin’s autopsy report claims that the cause of death cannot be established because the body was in an advanced state of decomposition of up to five months.

      Five months after Samrin’s death is the same time around which Sanooja got in touch to pursue the truth of the matter. Satkauskas does not think this is a coincidence: “I believe they left the body in the repository, then when they established the identity of the person, they had to do this autopsy.”

      The autopsy report explains the advanced state of decomposition by referencing the marshy area in which it was found, claiming the heat of the marsh had accelerated decomposition by up to five months within a matter of days.

      Satkauskas asks further: If Samrin simply drowned, then why do other measurements not add up? He references a table of measurements in the autopsy report, in which the weight and algae content of the lungs are normal. However, Satkauskas says, in cases of drowning, both weight and algae content should be much higher. “I’m convinced they have invented all those measurements,” Satkauskas puts simply.

      As Sanooja’s case has exhausted all legal avenues in Lithuania, it is now eligible for appeal to the European Court of Human Rights.

      Emilija points to a promising parallel: in Alhowais v. Hungary, the European Court of Human Rights ruled this February that a Hungarian border guard’s violent pushback ending in the drowning of a Syrian man violated Articles 2 and 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights, which protects the “right to life” and against “torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

      The decision came in February this year, seven years after the death of the defendant’s brother. Yet for Sanooja and her team, the case provides hope that there is a growing legal precedent for victims of pushbacks.

      A battle in court for Sanooja could be a long and expensive one. The case in Vilnius courts had cost 600 euros for each of the seven appeals, and after Sanooja ran out of funds after the first case, Sienos Grupė stepped in to shoulder the costs of the appeals.

      For the ECHR, it will cost 1500 euros to submit the proposal. Sanooja is exploring the possibility of raising money through NGOs or other means to continue the long quest for truth.

      The window of eligibility to appeal will close in February 2024.
      “Wherever I go, I have memories”

      Day by day, Sanooja’s son grows to look more like Samrin.

      She has tried not to cry in front of him. “It makes him upset. I am the only person now for my son, so I should be strong enough to face these things,” says the 32-year-old widow. “But wherever I go, I have memories. And everything my son does reminds me of him.”

      Before Samrin’s body was found, she told her son “false stories,” but with his body now interred, she has opened up to her son about her father’s death. He understands it the way a child might—he runs around telling neighbors his father is in heaven, and it’s a great place. It will be years before he can point to where Lithuania is on a map.

      Thanks to the cooperation of the Sri Lankan embassy in Sweden, Sanooja is one of the few families who have been able to receive a death certificate. She notes this will be crucial when her son enrolls for school and if they decide to sell or expand their property. However, to correct the misspelling on the document, she needs to travel to Colombo, the capital of Sri Lanka, which takes ten hours and nearly 10,000 rupees.

      Meanwhile, Samrin’s death has ruptured the family into those who can accept the reality of his death, and those who cannot. Sanooja’s mother-in-law has ceased contact with her, unable to wrap her head around the fact that her boy is gone. When Samrin had left, he promised his mother to send money so that she would no longer have to wake up early to make pastries to sell in the morning. On the day of Samrin’s funeral, she told the family, “That is not my son.”

      “What difference does it make, finding the body and burying it?” asks Pauline Boss, the Psychology Professor emeritus at the University of Minnesota who coined the term “ambiguous loss,” which encompasses the unique stress of not knowing whether someone you love is alive or dead.

      Professor Boss states that burying someone is a distinct human need—not just for the dead, but for the living. “In all cases, a human being has to see their loved one transform from breathing to not breathing, and have the power and control to deal with the remains in their particular cultural way. It’s a human need, and it has been for eons.”

      Yet few families are able to attend the funerals of their loved ones in Europe, for the same reason their loved ones tried to travel to Europe on such a dangerous road in the first place: inability to obtain a visa, or lack of funds.

      “I hope one day I will visit, and I will show our son his father’s grave,” Sanooja declares.

      When Samrin was interred into the snow-covered February earth of Liepynės cemetery in Vilnius on Valentine’s Day this year, a volunteer present at the burial offered to video call Sanooja through FaceTime.

      In the grainy constellation of pixels of the phone screen in her palm, from 8,000 kilometers away, she watched her husband disappear forever into the cold European soil.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/widowed-by-europes-borders

      #Lituanie #Biélorussie #forêt #Pologne #Bialowieza

    • Missing data, missing souls in Italy

      How Italy’s failing system makes it almost impossible for families to identify their relatives who passed away while reaching the EU.

      Before the Syrian civil war erupted, Refaat Hazima was a barber in Damascus. His father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had also been barbers. Thanks to his craftsmanship, flair, and a reputation built over four generations, Refaat was a wealthy man. Together with his wife – a doctor for the national service – he could afford to have his three children study instead of sending them to work at a young age.

      “They were always the top of the class,” he recalls in a nostalgic voice as he sits alone in a seaside restaurant on Lampedusa, a small Sicilian island halfway between Malta and the eastern coast of Tunisia. The rocky shores along which he now slowly enjoys eggplant served with fresh tuna were the scene of the most traumatic episode of his life.

      “President Bashar al-Assad had centralized all power in his hands, and our daily life in Syria had become complicated.” Refaat was also temporarily imprisoned for political reasons. But the point of no return for him and his wife was the outbreak of civil war in 2011. It became clear that not only their children’s educational future was in jeopardy, but even the survival of their entire family.

      So they decided to leave.

      The couple paid smugglers more than fifty thousand dollars to attempt to reach Germany, where their children could continue their education. But amid rejections, hurdles, and hesitations that forced the family into months-long stages in different countries, Refaat and his family had to wait until 2013 to finally set sail to the European shores of Lampedusa.

      Although it was autumn, the sea was calm that night. Initial concerns related to the sea conditions and the wooden boat that was all too heavily laden with humans now dissipated. In the darkness of the night sea, the shorelines and the flickering lights of street lamps and restaurants were in sight. But suddenly the boat in which they were traveling capsized.

      “Everyone was screaming as we ended up in the sea,” Rafaat recalls. “I grabbed one of my children, my wife grabbed another child. But in the commotion and screaming of the nighttime shipwreck, two of my children disappeared.”
      \

      The couple were rescued by Italian authorities and brought to the mainland along with one of their children. The other two, however, disappeared. “One of them told me Dad, give me a kiss on the forehead, and then I never saw him ever again.”

      From 2013 to the present, Refaat has searched everywhere for their children. For 10 years he has been traveling, asking, and searching. He has even appeared on TV hoping one day to be reunited with them. But to this day he still does not know if his children were saved or if they are two of the 268 victims of the October 11, 2013 shipwreck, one of the worst Mediterranean disasters in the last three decades.

      Uncertain and partial numbers

      For more than two decades, Italy has been one of the main gateways for migrants wanting to reach the European Union. Between thirty and forty thousand people have died trying to reach Italy since 2000. But despite this strategic location, authorities have never created a comprehensive register to census the dead returned from the sea, and thus sources are confusing and approximate.

      In any case, the figure of bodies found is only a percentage of the people who lost their lives while attempting to cross over to Europe. In fact, the bodies of those who die at sea are rarely recovered. When this happens, they are even more rarely identified by Italian authorities.

      A study conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross tried to map the anonymous graves of migrants in various European countries and count the number of deaths recovered at sea. According to the report, between 2014 and 2019, 964 bodies of people – presumed migrants – were found in Italy, of which only 27 percent were identified. In most of the cases analyzed, identification occurred through immediate visual recognition by their fellow travelers, while those traveling without friends or relatives almost always remained anonymous.

      Overall, 73 percent of the bodies recovered in Italy between 2014 and 2019 remain unknown.

      A DNA test for everyone

      “The vast majority of bodies end up at the bottom of the sea and are never recovered, becoming fish food,” explains Tareke Bhrane, founder of the October 3 Committee, an NGO established to protect the rights of those who die trying to reach Europe. “The Committee was born in the aftermath of the two disastrous shipwrecks on October 3 and 11, 2013 to make Italy understand that even those who die have dignity and that respecting that dignity is important not only for those who die, but also for those who survive,” Bhrane recounts.

      On October 3, 2023, the Committee organized a large event on the island of Lampedusa to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the shipwreck. Dozens of families of people who died or disappeared gathered on the island, traveling from many European and Middle Eastern countries.

      On the island were also forensic geneticists from Labanof, a leading forensic medicine laboratory at the University of Milan that has been working with prosecutors and law enforcement agencies for decades now to solve cases and identify unnamed bodies. Relatives of missing persons were thus able to undergo a free DNA test to find out more about their loved ones.

      One of the committee’s main activities in recent years has been to lobby Sicilian municipalities for better management of anonymous graves. Thanks in part to the NGO, today almost all Sicilian provinces now house some victims of migration, often anonymous, in their cemeteries.

      “Among the essential points of our mission,” Bhrane explains, “is to create a European DNA database for the recognition of victims, so that anyone who wants to can take a DNA test anywhere in Europe and find out if a loved one has lost their life trying to get here.”
      Resigned and hopeful

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1RhbqUACTv8&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Funbiasthenews.org%2

      While Refaat has not yet resigned himself to the idea that his children may have died at sea, other relatives have become more aware and would like to know where Italy buried their loved ones. But this is often impossible because the graves are anonymous and there is a lack of national records that they can consult to find their loved ones.

      This is the case for Asmeret Amanuel and Desbele Asfaha, two Eritrean nationals who are respectively the nephew and brother of one of the people aboard the boat that capsized in 2013.

      “We heard from the radio that the boat he was traveling on had sunk. We never heard from him again,” Asmeret says. The two traveled all the way to Lampedusa to undergo DNA testing, hoping to match their loved one’s name for the first time with one of the many acronyms that have appeared on migrants’ anonymous graves and find out where he rests.

      “I remember as children we used to play together,” says Desbele. “And instead today I don’t even know where to mourn him. Yet it would take so little.”

      An organizational failure

      Many Italian cemeteries hold anonymous graves of people who died while migrating, especially in the South. It is difficult to map them all and provide an exact number, just as it is nearly impossible to quantify the number of anonymous graves. Again, there is no centralized, national database, and even at the municipal level information is scarce and partial.

      But thanks to an international investigation project called the “The Border Graves Investigation” and promoted by IJ4EU and Journalism Fund of which Unbias the News is one of the partners, it is now possible to shed light on what resembles a large European mass grave.

      From the Italian side of the investigation, large gaps emerge on Italy’s part in the construction of a national cemetery archive. According to protocol, data on anonymous graves are supposed to be sent every three months from individual cemeteries and work their way up a long bureaucratic chain until they reach the desk of the government’s Special Commissioner for Missing Persons, an office created by the Italian government in 2007 precisely to create a single national database.

      But sources from the Special Commissioner told the Border Graves Investigation team that unidentified bodies are not within their jurisdiction because in cases where there is an alleged crime (e.g., illegal immigration) the jurisdiction passes to the local magistrate. Thus, the source confirmed that no office systematically collects this data and that figures areeverything is scattered in individual prosecutors’ offices.

      However, the documentary traces of migrants’ anonymous graves are often already lost in the records of the cemeteries themselves or municipal records, that is, at the first step in the chain. For example, in Agrigento, it is possible to visit the graves of men and women who died at sea marked by numbers, but in the paper registers consulted by our team of journalists there is no trace of them.

      Yet the records are deposited a few meters from the graves themselves.

      In Sciacca, Agrigento province, the municipal administration moved some anonymous graves of migrants inside a mass grave to make room for new burials. However, it did not follow the prescribed regulations and did not notify the relatives of the few victims who had been identified and whose names were listed on the grave. The matter was discovered at the time when a woman went to the cemetery to pray at her sister’s grave and did not find her in her usual place.

      In other cases, anonymous graves have been moved from one cemetery to another due to the need for space, but without alerting the population.
      The bureaucratic snag

      Finding out the fate of a loved one is so complicated for several reasons. First, the identification of the body, which the Italian authorities do not generally consider a priority. Then there is the difficulty of recognition itself, especially when relatives are abroad or have difficulty contacting Italian authorities.

      In addition, there is the problem of traceability of the bodies, which often remain on the seabed and, in the few cases where they are found, enter a bureaucratic machine in which it is arduous to recover their traces. Researcher and anthropologist Giorgia Mirto explained this to our investigative team: “The corpses should be registered in the registrar’s office where the body is found. But then the body is often moved within the same cemetery, from one cemetery to another or from one municipality to another, and so there is documentation that travels along with the body. Moves that are difficult to track.”

      “Moreover,” Mirto adds, “adding to the difficulty is the absence of unified procedures. “With the Human Cost of Border Control project, we have seen that the only way to count these people and their graves is to do a blanket search of all the municipalities, all the cemetery offices, all the registrars’ offices and all the cemeteries, possibly adding the funeral homes as well.”

      Thus, there is a problem with centralization and transparency of data that is often also linked to the huge austerity cuts that have forced municipalities to work understaffed. Emblematic is the Commissioner’s Office for Missing Persons, which would be responsible for compiling a list of unidentified bodies found on Italian soil, but has been left without a portfolio.

      “As anthropologist Didier Fassin says,” the researcher concludes, “missing data is not the result of carelessness but is an administrative and political choice. It should be understood how much this choice is conscious and how much is the result of disinterest in the good work of municipal archives (an essential resource for historical memory and for the peace of victims’ families) or in understanding the cost of borders in terms of human lives.”

      EU responsibilities

      Forensic scientist Cristina Cattaneo – a professor at the University of Milan and director of the Labanof forensic laboratory – explained to our team that from a forensic point of view, the most important procedure for identifying a body is to collect both post-mortem (from tattoos to DNA, through cadaveric inspections and autopsies) and antemortem medical forensic information, that is, that which comes from family members regarding the missing person.

      However, in many countries, including Italy, no law makes this procedure mandatory. In the case of people who die while migrating, this is done only in egregious cases, such as large shipwrecks that become news. “These cases have shown that a broad and widespread effort to identify the bodies of those who die at sea is possible,” says Cattaneo. “However, most people lose their lives in very small shipwrecks that don’t make too much news. And because there is no protocol to make data collection systematic, many family members are left in doubt as to whether their loved ones are alive or dead.”

      All this happens despite the great efforts made over the years by the government’s Extraordinary Commissioner for Missing Persons, which, despite being the only national institution of its kind at the European level, has to manage a huge amount of data from all Italian municipalities. Data that are often disorganized, reported late, and collected without adhering to common and strict procedures.

      This is why Cattaneo is among the signatories of an appeal calling for the enactment of a European law that would once and for all oblige member states to identify the bodies of migrants.

      “Yet a European solution would exist and from a technical point of view it is already feasible,” Cattaneo adds. It involves data exchange systems such as Interpol, which at the European level already collects, organizes, and can share information and organically to member countries.

      “It would be enough to expand the analysis to include missing migrants and thus make it possible to search and identify them on a European scale. But this is not being done because of a lack of political will on the part of Brussels,” Cattaneo concludes.
      “The art of patience”

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PlDtBRg02aU&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Funbiasthenews.org%2

      Identifying the bodies of people who lose their lives coming to Europe is an important issue on several levels.

      First and foremost, international humanitarian law protects the right to identity for both those who are alive and those who have died. But identifying is also an essential issue for those who remain alive. Indeed, without a death certificate, it is almost impossible for a spouse to marry again or to access survivor’s pensions, just as it is impossible for a minor relative to leave their country with an adult without running into a blockade by the authorities, who cannot rule out the possibility of child abduction.

      Then there is the issue of suspended grief, namely the condition of those who do not know whether to search for a loved one or mourn his or her death.

      This is the case for Asmeret and Desbele, but also for many relatives interviewed by our team.

      Sabah and Ahmed, for example, are a Syrian couple. One of their sons disappeared in 2013 after a shipwreck in Italian waters. For 10 years, Ahmed retraced the same land and sea route followed by his son, hoping to find his body or at least get more information. But the efforts were in vain and to this day the family still does not know what happened to him.

      “His children are still with us and often ask, ‘where is Dad? Where is Dad?’ but without a grave and a body, we still don’t know what to answer.”

      Both Sabah and Ahmed are very religious and today rely on Allah to give them the comfort they have not found in the work of institutions. “The greatest gift from Allah,” they recount, “was the patience with which to be able to move forward in the face of such unnatural grief for a parent.”

      A similar lesson was learned by Refaat, who like Ahmed and Sabah has been living in ignorance for ten years. Today he has opened a barber store in Hamburg and realized his dream of having his surviving son study in Germany.

      “I have been searching for my children for ten years, and Allah knows I will search for them until the end of my days, should I find their dead bodies, or should I find them alive who knows where in the world. But I want to die knowing that I did everything I could to find them.”
      Refaat Hazima

      Sometimes his voice trembles. “I often talk to them in my sleep, I feel that they are still alive. But even if I were to find out they are dead, in all these years I would still have learned how to deal with frustration and pain, how to live with emptiness. And most importantly,” he concludes, “I would have learned the art of patience.”


      https://unbiasthenews.org/missing-data-missing-souls

      #Italie #Tareke_Brhane #comitato_3_ottobre #3_octobre_2013 #Lampedusa

    • Unmarked monuments of EU’s shame in Croatia and Bosnia

      Amid pushbacks and torture, many of the victims of the treacherous Balkan route are laid to an anonymous final resting place in Croatian and Bosnian cemetaries.

      In the village of Siče in eastern Croatia, there are more inhabitants in the cemetery than among the living. The village has 230 living residents, and 250 dead. To be more precise, the cemetery is home to 247 locals and three unknown persons. There would be more people six feet under if Siče hadn’t gotten its own cemetery only in the 1970s. There would also be even more of the living if they hadn’t, like many from that region, gone to bigger cities in search of a better life. Abroad as well, mainly to Germany.

      The graves of Siče’s inhabitants briefly tell the visitor who these people were, where they belong, and whether their loved ones care for them. That’s the thing with graves, they summarise the basic information of our life.

      If the grave bears only the inscription “NN”, that summarises a tragedy.

      Who are these three people whose names are unknown? How come their last resting place is a plain grave in Siče?

      Even if you didn’t know, it’s clear that those three people don’t belong there.

      They have been buried completely separated from the rest of the cemetery. Three wooden crosses with NN inscriptions, stuck in the ground at the edge of the cemetery. NN, an abbreviation of the Latin nomen nescio, literally means, “I do not know the name.” The official explanation from the public burial ground operator is that space has been left for more possible burials of those whose names are not known. However, the explanation that springs to mind when you get there is that they were buried separately so they wouldn’t mix with the locals. Or as the mayor of another town, where NN migrants have also been buried at the edge of the cemetery, let slip in a telephone conversation, “So that they’re not in the way.”

      At the cemetery in Siče, these are the only three graves that no one takes care of. In about five years, all trace of them could disappear. The public burial ground operator is obliged to bury unidentified bodies, but not to maintain graves unless the grave belongs to a person of “special historical and social significance.”

      NN1, NN2 and NN3 are of special significance only to their loved ones, who probably don’t even know where they are. Maybe they are waiting to finally hear from them from Western Europe. Maybe they’re looking for them. Maybe they mourn them.

      Identities known but buried as unknown

      If you do dig a little deeper, you will learn a thing or two about those who rest here nameless.

      In the early, cold morning of December 23, 2022, the police found two bodies on the banks of the Sava, the river that separates Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina. It separates the European Union from the rest of Europe. According to the police report, they also found a group of twenty foreign citizens who illegally entered Croatia via the river. The group was missing one more person. After an extensive search, a third body was found in the afternoon. The pathologist of the General Hospital in the town of Nova Gradiška established the time of death for all three people as 2:45 A.M. Two died of hypothermia, one drowned.

      Identity cards from a refugee camp in Bosnia and Herzegovina were found on them. We learned that, according to their IDs, all three were from Afghanistan: Ahmedi Abozari was 17 years old, Basir Naseri was 21 years old and Shakir Atoin was 25 years old. NN1, NN2 and NN3.

      Other migrants from the group also confirmed the identity of two of them, as the Brodsko-Posavska County police administration told us. Then why were they buried as NN? If it was known that they were from Afghanistan, why were they buried under crosses? If families are looking for them, how will they find them?

      The cemetery management was kind and said that they perform burials according to what is written in the burial permit signed by the pathologist – and it said NN.

      The pathologist said that he enters the data based on the information he receives from the police.

      The competent police department told us that the person is buried according to the rules of the local municipality.

      Siče cemetery belongs to the municipality of Nova Kapela, whose mayor, Ivan Šmit, discontentedly listed all the costs that his municipality incurred for those burials and said that whoever is willing to pay for it can change the NN inscription into names.

      We came across a series of similar administrative ambiguities while investigating how authorities deal with the deceased people they recover at EU borders as a part of the Border Graves Investigation carried out by a team of eight freelancers from across Europe together with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Süddeutsche Zeitung.

      There is no centralised European database on the number of migrants’ graves in Europe.

      But the team managed to confirm the existence of at least 1,931 migrants’ graves in Greece, Italy, Spain, Croatia, Malta, Poland and France, dating from 2014 to 2023. Of these, 1,015 were unidentified. More than half of the unidentified graves are in Greece, 551, in Italy 248, and in Spain 109. The data were obtained based on the databases of international organizations, non-governmental organizations, scientists, local authorities and cemeteries, and field visits.

      The team visited 24 cemeteries in Greece, Spain, Italy, Croatia, Poland and Lithuania, where there are a total of 555 graves of unidentified migrants in the last decade, from 2014 to 2023.

      These are only those whose bodies have been found. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) estimates that more than 93% of those who go missing on Europe’s borders are never found.
      Families lost in bureaucracy

      December 2022, when the three young Afghans died, was rainier than usual and the Sava River swelled. It is big and fast to begin with.

      In that area, just three days earlier, five Turkish citizens went missing after their boat overturned on the Sava. Among them were a two-year-old girl, a twelve-year-old boy and their parents. The brother of the missing father came from Germany to Croatia to find out what happened to the family. From the documentation, which we have in our possession, it is evident that with the help of translator Nina Rajković, he tried to get information about his missing relatives from several police stations. Even months later, he hasn’t received any updates.

      The two had wanted to file a missing person’s report, but the police told them that there was no point in doing so if the person had not previously been registered in the territory of Croatia or Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      We encountered a number of similar examples. A young man had come to Croatia and reported to the police in both Croatia and Slovenia that his brother had drowned in the Kupa River that separates the two countries. However, his brother’s disappearance was not recorded in the Croatian national database of missing persons, which is publicly available. The police did not contact him after several unidentified bodies were found in the Kupa in the following days.

      In another example, an Afghan man waited six months for the body of his brother, who drowned when they tried to cross the Sava together, also in December 2022, to be transferred from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina so that he could bury him. Although he had confirmed that it was his brother, the identification process was lengthy and complicated.

      There are numerous families who tried from afar to track down their loved ones who had disappeared in the territory of Croatia, only to finally give up in discouragement.

      There are many questions and few clear answers when it comes to the issue of missing and dead migrants on the so-called Balkan Route, of which Croatia is a part. There are no clear protocols and procedures defining to whom and how to report a missing person. It is not known whether missing migrants are actively searched for, as tourists are when they disappear in the summer. It is not clear how much and which information is needed for identification.

      “The circulation of information between institutions and individual departments seems almost non-existent to me."

      “In one case, it took me more than two months and dozens of phone calls and emails to different addresses, police stations, police departments, hospitals, and the state attorney’s office, just to prompt the initiation of identification, which to this day, more than a year later, has not been completed,” says Marijana Hameršak, activist and head of the project “European Regime of Irregular Migration on the Periphery of the EU” of the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research in Zagreb, which collects knowledge and data on missing and dead migrants.

      Searches for missing migrants and attempts to identify the dead in Croatia, as well as in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina, most often rely on the efforts of volunteers and activists, who, like Marijana, untiringly search for information in the chaotic administration because families who do not know the language find this task practically insurmountable.
      “Die or make your dream come true”

      The Facebook group “Dead and Missing in the Balkans” became the central place to exchange photos and information about the missing and the dead between families and activists.

      The competent Ministry of the Interior does not have a website in English with an address where one can write from Afghanistan or Syria and inquire about the fate of loved ones, leave information about them, and report them missing. There is also no regional database on missing and dead migrants on which the police administrations would cooperate, not even the ones from the countries where the most crossings are recorded – from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia.

      In an interview with our team, Dunja Mijatović, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, emphasised that the creation of a centralised European database of missing and dead migrants is extremely important. If such a database combined ante-mortem and post-mortem data on the deceased, the chances of identification would greatly increase.

      “Families have a right to know the truth about the fate of their loved ones.”
      Dunja Mijatović, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights

      Yet, police cooperation in keeping the EU’s external border impervious is effective.

      Previously, people attempting to migrate did not try to cross the Sava so often. They knew it was too dangerous. They share information with each other and do not venture across such a river in children’s inflatable boats or inner tubes. Unless they are utterly desperate. With pushbacks and the use of force, which many organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been warning about for years, the Croatian police made it difficult to cross at other, less dangerous points along the Croatian border, which is the longest external land border in the European Union. As a young Moroccan in Bosnia and Herzegovina who tried to cross the border to Croatia 11 times but was pushed back by the Croatian police each time told us, “You have two choices: die or make your dream come true.”

      It is difficult to determine how many died on the Balkan Route in an attempt to fulfil their dream. The most comprehensive data for ex-Yugoslav countries is collected by the researchers of the “European Regime of Irregular Migration on the Periphery of the EU (ERIM)” project. It records 346 victims from 2014 to 2023 in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Slovenia, North Macedonia and Kosovo. Each entry in ERIM’s database is individual and contains as much data as the researchers managed to collect, and they use all available sources – media reports, witnesses, official statistics, activist channels. But the figure is certainly significantly higher. Some who went missing were never even registered anywhere.

      Many bodies were never found. For example, another common border crossing, the Stara Planina mountain range between Bulgaria and Serbia, is a rough and inaccessible terrain. Only those who have been driven to this route by the same fate will come across the bodies, and they will not risk encountering authorities to report it.

      If people die in the minefields remaining from the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, there will not be much left of their bodies. Most bodies were found drowned in rivers, but there is no estimate of how many who drowned were never reported missing, or were never found.

      The Croatian Ministry of the Interior provided us with data on migrants who have died in Croatia since 2015, when records began to be kept, until the end of November 2023: according to the data, a total of 87 migrants died on the territory of the Republic of Croatia. To put it more precisely: that’s how many bodies were found in Croatia. Not a single official body in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia keeps records of migrants buried in that territory.

      However, we managed to obtain data for Croatia, thanks to inquiries sent to over 500 addresses of cities, municipalities and municipal companies that manage cemeteries. According to the data obtained, there are 59 graves of migrants in 32 cemeteries in Croatia who were buried in the last decade, namely from 2014 until September 2023. Of these, 45 have not been identified. The Ministry of the Interior says that since 2001, DNA samples have been taken from all unidentified bodies. We asked the Ministry to allow us to talk with experts who work on the identification of migrants, but we were not approved.

      Some of the buried were exhumed and returned to their families in their country of origin, although this is a demanding and extremely expensive process for the families.
      The burden of not knowing

      Among the NN graves is a stillborn baby from Syria buried in 2015 in the town of Slavonski Brod. A five-year-old girl who drowned in the Danube was buried in Dalje in 2021. Last summer, a young man died of exhaustion in the highlands in the Dubrovnik area. Some were hit by a train. Many died of hypothermia. Some die because they were not provided medical help early enough. Some don’t believe anything can help them, so they committed suicide.

      According to the law, they are buried closest to the place of death, which are mostly small cemeteries, such as the one in Siče. Often, just like in that village, their graves are separated from the rest of the cemetery. In some places, like in Otok, one of the tender-hearted local women has given herself the task of taking care of the NN grave. In others, like the cemetery in Prilišće, the NN wooden cross from 2019 has already rotted.

      Each of these NN graves leaves behind loved ones who bear the burden of not knowing what happened. In psychology, this is called ambiguous loss, which means that as long as relatives do not have confirmation that their loved ones are dead, and as long as they do not know where their bodies are, they cannot mourn them.

      If they go on with their lives, they feel guilty. And so they remain frozen in a state between despair and hope. American psychologist Dr. Pauline Boss is the author of the concept and theory of “ambiguous loss.”

      “A grave is so important because it helps to say goodbye,“ she said in an interview for our investigation.

      There are also practical consequences of this frozen state: succession rights cannot be carried out, bank accounts cannot be accessed, family pensions cannot be obtained, the partner cannot remarry, and custody of children is complicated.

      Many families in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina know ambiguous loss very well. Both countries went through war in the 1990s that left thousands of people missing.

      Both countries have special laws on the missing in those wars and well-developed mechanisms of search, identification, data storage and mutual cooperation. But this does not apply to migrants who vanish and die among the thousands who are on the move along the Balkan Route.
      Croatia responsible for death of a child

      Croatia became an important point of entry into the European Union after Hungary closed its borders in September 2015. From then until March 2016, it is estimated that around 660,000 refugees passed through the Croatian section of the Balkan corridor – the interstate, organised route. This corridor allowed them to get from Greece to Western Europe in two or three days. Most importantly, their journey was safe.

      Of these hundreds of thousands of people on the move, the Croatian Ministry of the Interior did not record a single death in 2015 and 2016.

      The corridor was established to prevent casualties after a large number of refugees died on the railway in Macedonia in the spring of 2015. However, with the conclusion of the EU-Turkey refugee agreement in March 2016, the corridor closed. The EU committed to generously funding Turkey to keep refugees on its territory, so that they do not come to the European Union. And so the perilous, informal Balkan Route remained the only option. Many take it. In the first ten months of 2023 alone, the Croatian police recorded 62,452 actions related to illegal border crossings.

      Both the Croatian Ombudswoman Tena Šimonović Einwalter and Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatović warn of the same thing: border and migration policies have a clear impact on the risk of migrants going missing or die. It is necessary to establish legal and safe migration routes in the EU.

      However, the EU expects Croatia to protect its external border, and Croatia is doing so wholeheartedly. Croatian Minister of the Interior Davor Božinović calls such practices “techniques of discouragement” and says they are fully in line with the EU Schengen Border Code.

      The result of such practices is, for example, the death of Madina Hussiny. The six-year-old girl from Afghanistan was struck by a train and killed after Croatian police “discouraged” her and her family away from the Croatian border and told them to follow train tracks back to Serbia in the middle of the night in 2017. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in November 2021 that Croatia was responsible for Madina’s death.

      In a typical “discouragement,” Croatian police transport people to points along the border and order them to cross. In the testimonies we heard, as well as in many reports of non-governmental organisations, people described having to wade or swim across rivers, climb over rocks or make their way through dense forest. They often cross at night, sometimes stripped naked, and without knowing the way because the police usually take away their mobile phones.

      Up to 80% of all pushbacks by Croatian police may be impacted by one or more forms of torture, indicates data collected by Border Violence Monitoring Network in 2019. That means that thousands were victims of border torture.

      According to data collected by the Danish Refugee Council, in the two-year period from the beginning of 2020 to the end of 2022, at least 30,000 people were pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
      “While trying to reach Europe”

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=112&v=SFLYVVtsjGc&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fu

      Among them is Arat Semiullah from Afghanistan. In November 2022, he intended to cross the Sava River and enter Croatia from Bosnia. He was 20 years old. He drowned and was buried at the Orthodox cemetery in Banja Luka. His family in Afghanistan did not know what happened to him. He had sent his mom a selfie with a fresh haircut for entering the European Union and then he stopped answering.

      The mother begged her nephew Payman Sediqi, who lives in Germany, to try to find him. Payman got in touch with the activist Nihad Suljić, who voluntarily helps families find out what happened to their loved ones in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They spent weeks trying to get information. Payman travelled to Bosnia and managed to find his relative thanks to the helpfulness of a policewoman who showed him forensic photographs. Arat’s mom confirmed by phone that it was her son.

      Arat’s obituary published in Bosnia and Herzegovina said that “Croatian police sank the boat using firearms, and he tragically drowned.” With the help of the Muslim community, and at the request of the family, his body was transferred to the Muslim cemetery in the village of Kamičani. The family wanted to bury him in Afghanistan, but it was too expensive and bureaucratically complicated.

      In September 2023, we met with Nihad and Payman when a large tombstone was erected for Arat. It says, “Drowned in the Sava River while trying to reach Europe.” Payman told us that Arat was crossing the Sava with a group of others trying to enter Europe. Some of them managed to cross over to the Croatian side, but then the Croatian police shot at the rubber boat Arat was in. The boat sank and Arat drowned. That’s what a survivor who crossed over to the Croatian bank of the Sava told Payman. Payman says that Arat’s family is in great pain, but at least they know where their son is and that he was buried according to their religious customs. It is important to Payman that his relative’s grave says he died as a migrant.

      “People die every day in Europe, fleeing countries where there is no life for them. Their dreams are buried in Europe. No one cares about them, not even when European policemen shoot at them,” Payman says.

      Payman knows what kind of dreams he’s talking about. He himself came to Germany illegally at the age of 16. He says he was lucky.

      Nihad advocates that other graves of migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina also be permanently marked as such. He takes us to the cemetery in the town of Zvornik, where 17 NN migrants are buried. Nihad says he was informed that some of them had their passport on them when they were found. From the cemetery, you can see the river Drina, which separates Serbia from Bosnia and where many lives have been lost during crossing attempts. About 30 bodies were found in the Drina this year alone. Nihad says that they are lucky if they wash up on the Bosnian riverbanks, because in Serbia the authorities often do not perform autopsies nor take DNA samples. This was confirmed to us by activists from Serbia. In those cases, they are forever and completely lost to their families.

      The earthen NN graves in Zvornik are overgrown and not demarcated, so you wouldn’t know if you are stepping on them. Nihad managed to convince the Town of Zvornik to replace the wooden signs with black stone. It is important to him that they are buried with dignity, but he also finds it important that they stand there as a memorial.

      “My wish is that even 100 years from now these graves stand as monuments of the EU’s shame. Because it was not the river that killed these people, but the EU border regime,” Nihad says.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/unmarked-monuments-of-eus-shame-croatia-bosnia

      #Bosnie #Croatie #Zvornik #Madina_Hussiny

    • Counting the invisible victims of Spain’s EU borders

      Investigation finds hundreds of victims of migration to the EU lie in unmarked graves along Spain’s borders, with government taking no coordinated action to guarantee “last rights.”

      In January 2020, Alhassane Bangoura was buried in an unmarked grave in the Muslim area of Teguise municipal cemetery in Lanzarote as city officials and members of the local Muslim community watched on. He had been born only a couple of weeks earlier onboard a cramped patera migrant boat on which his mother, who is from Guinea, and 42 others were trying to reach the Spanish Canary Islands. Their boat was adrift on the Atlantic ocean after its motor had failed two days earlier, and Alhassane’s mother had gone into labour at sea. Her child only lived for a few hours before dying just off the coast of Lanzarote.

      Alhassane’s case shocked the island and made national news. Yet as mourners paid their respects, his mother was 200 kilometres away in a migrant reception centre on the neighbouring island of Gran Canaria, having been unable to get permission from authorities to remain on Lanzarote for the funeral.

      “She’d been allowed to see the body of her son one more time before being transferred, and I accompanied her to the funeral home,” says Mamadou Sy, a representative of the local Muslim community. “It was very emotional as she was leaving. All we could do was promise her that her son would not be alone; that like any Muslim, he’d be brought to the Mosque where his body would be washed by other mothers; that we would pray for him and that afterwards we’d send her a video of the burial.”

      Nearly four years later, Alhassane’s final resting place remains without a formal headstone. It lies next to more than three dozen graves of unidentified migrants – whose names are completely unknown but who, like Alhassane, are also victims of Europe’s brutal border regime.

      Border Graves

      Such a scene is no anomaly along Spain’s vast coastline. Border graves like these can be found in cemeteries stretching from Alicante on the country’s eastern Mediterranean coast to Cádiz on the Atlantic seaboard and south to the Canaries. Some have names but, more often than not, the inscription reads some variation of “unidentified migrant,” “unknown Moroccan,” or “victim of the Strait [of Gibraltar],” or there is simply a hand-painted cross.

      In Barbate cemetery in Cádiz, where the deceased are sealed into niches in traditional brick-walled stacks around two metres in height, groundskeeper Germán points out over 30 different migrant graves, the earliest of which date from 2002 and the most recent are from a shipwreck in 2019.

      "No one ever comes to visit, but on days when there are funerals here and flowers are about to be thrown out, I place them on the tombs containing the unknown migrants,” he explains. “In some of the older graves, you have the remains of up to five or six migrants together, each placed in separate sacks within the same niche to save space.”

      Along the coast, in Tarifa, Spain’s earliest mass grave of unidentified migrants, containing 11 victims from a 1988 shipwreck, overlooks the northern reaches of the African continent, which can be seen on a clear day. Meanwhile, around 400 kilometres west of the African coast, on the remote Canarian island of El Hierro, seven unidentified migrants have been buried in the last two months, along with the remains of 30-year old Mamadou Marea. “Locals joined us to accompany the remains of each of these people to their last resting place,” explains Amado Carballo, a councillor on El Hierro. “What upset all of us was not being able to put a name on the tombstone and simply having to leave the person identified by a police code.”

      Such concern was less evident in Arrecife, Lanzarote where two unidentified graves from February this year have been left sealed with a covering that still bears a corporate logo.

      There is no comprehensive data on how many identified and unidentified migrant graves exist in Spain, and the country’s Interior Ministry has never released figures for the total number of bodies recovered across the various maritime migration routes. But in exclusive data from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Unbias The News can reveal that the bodies of an estimated 530 people who died at Spain’s borders were recovered between 2014 and 2021 – of which 292 remain unidentified.

      In the six month Europe-wide Border Graves Investigation, undertaken in conjunction with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Süddeutsche Zeitung, 109 unidentified migrant graves from 2014-21 were confirmed in Spain across 18 locations. According to a study by the University of Amsterdam, a further 434 unidentified graves stem from 2000-2013 in at least 65 cemeteries.

      These graves are symbols of a much wider humanitarian tragedy. The ICRC estimates that just 6.89% of those who go missing on Europe’s borders are found, while the Spanish NGO Walking Borders gives an even lower figure for the West African Atlantic route to the Canaries, estimating that only 4.2 percent of the bodies of those who die are ever recovered.

      Guaranteeing “last rights”

      The unvisited and anonymous graves are also a reflection of the fact that the rights to both identification and a dignified burial for those who have died on migration routes have been consistently neglected by national authorities in Spain. As in other European countries, successive Spanish governments have failed to develop legal mechanisms and state protocols to guarantee these “last rights” of victims, as well as their families’ corresponding “right to know” and to mourn their loved ones.

      The problem is “utterly neglected,” says Dunja Mijatović, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, who insists that EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law to secure families’ “right to truth”. In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for “prompt and effective identification processes” to inform families about the fate of their loved ones. Yet last year, the Council of Europe called the area a “legislative void.”

      “People are always calling the office and asking us how to search for a family member, but you have to be honest and say there’s no clear official channel they can turn to,” explains Juan Carlos Lorenzo, director of the Spanish Refugee Council (CEAR) on the Canary Islands. “You can put them in touch with the Red Cross, but there’s no government-led programme of identification. Nor is there the type of dedicated office needed to coordinate with families and centralise information and data on missing migrants.”

      This year alone we are working with over 600 families whose loved ones have disappeared. These families, who are from Morocco, Algeria, Senegal, Guinea and as far afield as Sri Lanka are very much alone and are poorly protected by public administrations. In turn, this means that there are criminal networks and fraudsters seeking to extract money from them.”
      Helena Maleno, director of Walking Borders

      Even in the case of a victim’s identification, a recent report from the Human Rights Association of Andalucia lays out the legal and financial barriers families face in terms of repatriating their loved ones. In 2020/21, ICRC figures show that 284 bodies were recovered but that, of the 116 identified, only 53 were repatriated. The Andalusian Association for Human Rights (APDHA) report also notes, with respect to border graves, that “many people end up buried in a manner contrary to their beliefs.” Just half of Spain’s 50 provinces have Muslim cemeteries, not all of which are on the Spanish coast.

      For Maleno, these state failures are no accident: “Spain and other European states have a policy of making the victims, as well as the border itself, invisible. You have policies of denying the number of dead and of concealing data, but for the families this means obstacles in terms of accessing information and burial rights, as well as endless bureaucratic hurdles.”
      “I dream of Oussama”

      Abdallah Tayeb has gained first-hand experience of the dysfunctionality of the Spanish system in his attempts to confirm whether a body recovered almost a year ago is that of his cousin Oussama, a young barber from Algeria who dreamed of joining Tayeb in France.

      The unnamed corpse, which Tayeb strongly believes is his cousin, is currently in a morgue in Almería and looks set to be buried in an unmarked grave in the new year – unless he can achieve a last minute breakthrough.

      “The feeling is one of powerlessness,” he admits. “Nothing is transparent.”

      Abdallah Tayeb was born in Paris to Algerian parents but spends every summer in Algeria with his family. “As Oussama and I were pretty much the same age, we were really close. He was obsessed with the idea of coming to Europe, as two of his brothers were already living in France. But I didn’t know he had actually arranged to leave on a patera last December.”

      Oussama was among 23 people (including seven children) who vanished after setting out from Mostaganem, Algeria, on a motor boat on Christmas Day 2022. Soon after the patera went missing, his brother Sofiane travelled from France to Cartagena in southern Spain – the destination the vessel had hoped to reach. With the help of the Red Cross, Sofiane was able to file a missing persons report with the Spanish authorities and submit a DNA sample, which he hopes will result in a match with a body held in a morgue. However, so far, he has been unable to piece together any concrete information regarding his brother’s fate.

      A second trip to Spain in February did lead to a breakthrough, however. After driving down the Mediterranean coast together, Tayeb and his cousin Sofiane managed to speak to a forensic pathologist working in the Almería morgue, who seemed to recognise a photo of Oussama. “She kept saying ‘This face looks familiar’ and also mentioned a necklace – something he’d been wearing when he left.” According to the pathologist, there was a potential match with an unidentified body recovered by the coastguard on 27 December 2022.

      Feeling that they were finally close to getting some answers, they were informed at the police headquarters in Almería that, in order to view the body for a visual identification, they would need permission from the police station where the corpse had initially been registered. “This was when the real nightmare began,” Tayeb remembers. Handed a list of five police stations from across the wider region where the corpse could have been registered, they spent the next two days driving from station to station along the Murcian coast.

      “The first police station we visited wouldn’t even let us in the door when we told them we were asking about a missing migrant, and after that it was always the same script: this is not the right place; we don’t have a body; you have to go there instead.” When the pair returned to the first station in Huércal de Almeria after being repeatedly told it was the right place to ask, impatient officers refused to engage, citing privacy laws, and even told them to warn other families searching for missing migrants not to keep coming to inquire.

      “In the end,” Tayeb explains, “we came to the reality that they will never let us have any information. It was very heartbreaking, especially going back to France. It felt like we were leaving him [there] in the fridge.”

      As the subsequent months passed, the frustration and anxiety built for the family. “In May we were told that the DNA sample we gave five months earlier had only just arrived in Madrid and had still not been processed and sent to the database.” No further information has been forthcoming, and Spanish authorities have a policy of only getting in touch with families when there is a positive match and not if the test comes back negative.

      Tayeb is contemplating one final visit to Spain to try and retrieve his cousin Oussama, partly to be certain for his own sake that he’s done everything in his power to find him, but he’s worried that the journey could reopen his trauma of ambiguous loss. “The effort of going is not painful, but what is painful is coming back with nothing,” he says. “This lack of information is the worst thing.”

      “All the people on board were from the same neighbourhood in Mostaganem. I have had a chance to talk to many of their families, and they are destroyed. There is such grief but also no answers. There are only rumours, and some of the mothers believe their sons are in prisons in Morocco and Spain. We all have dreams [about the missing]. In the end, you trust what you will see in your dreams, like cosmic reality telling you he is coming. I dream of Oussama.”

      Dr Pauline Boss, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Minnesota, USA, explains the concept of ambiguous loss: “It looks like complicated grief, intrusive thoughts,” she says. “There’s nothing else on your mind but the fact that your loved one is missing. You can’t grieve because that would mean the person is dead, and you don’t know for sure.”
      A defective system

      Of all the families of those who went missing on Oussama’s patera, only Tayeb and four other families have been able to file a missing persons report with the Spanish authorities, and only two have been able to give a DNA sample. According to a 2021 study from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), one of the major complications families face in their searches is that in order to register someone as a missing person in Spain, you have to file a report with police in the country itself, which for many families is “a virtually impossible feat” as there are no visas to travel for this purpose.

      The IOM report also notes that, while many families file missing person reports in their home countries, they are “aware of the almost symbolic nature of their efforts” and that “it will never result in any kind of investigation being launched in Spain.”

      Along with the IOM, there have been efforts by domestic NGOs, including APDHA and more than a hundred grassroots organisations, to call out Spain’s failure to adapt existing missing person procedures to the transnational challenges of cases of people who disappeared while migrating. These organisations have repeatedly argued that the country’s legal framework regarding missing persons must be adapted to ensure families can file missing person cases from abroad.

      They have also pushed for the development of specific protocols for police handling cases of disappeared migrants, as well as the creation of a missing-migrant database so as to centralise information and allow it to be exchanged with authorities in other countries. The latter would include a full range of both post-mortem data (from tattoos to DNA, through cadaveric inspections and autopsies) and antemortem medical forensic information, that is, that which comes from family members regarding the missing person.

      “The reality is that the situation across Europe is consistently poor,” explains Julia Black, an analyst with IOM’s Missing Migrant Project. “Despite our research showing these pressing needs of families, neither Spain nor any other European country has significantly changed policy or practice to help this neglected group [in recent years]. Support for families is available only on a very ad hoc basis, mostly in response to mass casualty events that are in the public eye, which leaves many thousands of people without meaningful support.”

      Non-state actors such as the Red Cross and Walking Borders, as well as a network of independent activists, try to fill this void. “It’s a terrible job that we shouldn’t be doing, because states should be responding to families and guaranteeing the rights of victims across borders,” Maleno explains. In the case of the Mostaganem patera, Walking Borders is now planning to visit Algeria next year to take DNA samples from family members and bring them back to Spain. But Maleno also acknowledges that her NGO often has to then “apply a lot of pressure” to get authorities to accept these samples.

      This is something left-wing MP Jon Iñarritu from the Basque EH Bildu party also confirms: “As I sit on the Spanish parliament’s Interior Committee, I’ve had to intervene on a number of occasions to help families seeking to register DNA samples, talking with the foreign ministry or the interior ministry to get them to accept the samples. But it shouldn’t require action from an MP to get this to happen. The whole process needs to be standardised with clear and automatic protocols [for submission]. Right now, there’s no one clear way to do it.”

      Even when IOM recommendations have become the subject of parliamentary debate in Spain, they have tended not to translate into government action. In 2021, for example, a resolution was passed by the Spanish Congress calling on the government to establish a dedicated state office for the families of disappeared migrants. “It’s clear we need to ease the administrative and bureaucratic ordeal for families by offering them a single point of contact [with state authorities],” explains Iñarritu, who sponsored the motion.

      Yet while even government parties voted in favour of the resolution, the countries’ current centre-left administration has failed to act on it in the 18 months since. “From my point of view, the government has no intention of implementing the proposal,” Iñarritu argues. “They were only offering symbolic support.”

      When the above points were put to Spain’s Interior ministry, the reply was that: “The treatment of unidentified corpses arriving on the Spanish coast is identical to that of any other corpse. In Spain, for the identification of corpses, the law enforcement agencies apply the INTERPOL Disaster Victim Identification Guide. Although this guide is especially indicated for events with multiple victims, it is also used as a reference for the identification of an isolated corpse.”

      NGOs and campaigners insist, however, that the application of the INTERPOL guide is no substitute for a specific protocol tailored to the demands of missing migrant cases or for the creation of particular mechanisms to allow for the exchange of information with families and authorities in other jurisdictions.

      Close connections with the people they have helped compensate for strained social interactions and online hate. “They call me brother, sister, and even father,” Rybak shares.
      Burial rights

      APDHA migration director Carlos Arce argues that, within a European framework that views irregular migration predominantly “through the prism of serious crime and border security, […] not even death or disappearance puts an end to the repeated assault on the dignity of migrant people.” Iñarritu also points to the EU’s wider border regime: “Many issues that don’t fit into this dominant policy framework, such as the right to identification, are simply left unmanaged on a day-to-day basis. They are simply not a priority.”

      This is also clear with respect to the Spanish government’s inaction on guaranteeing a dignified burial to those whose bodies are recovered. As noted by a 2023 report from APDHA, “while repatriation is the most desired option for families […,] the cost is very high (thousands of euros) and very few of their [home countries’] embassies help [to cover it].” The NGO recommends that Spain establish repatriation agreements with the countries where migrants come from so as to create “mortuary safe passages” guaranteeing their return at a reduced cost.

      Furthermore, Spain’s central government has also failed to put in place mechanisms to ensure the right of unidentified migrants to a dignified burial within the country, instead maintaining that local councils are responsible for all charitable burials. This has meant that very specific municipalities where coastguard rescue boats are stationed are left legally responsible for the bulk of the interments – and most of these municipalities lack local cemeteries able to cater for traditional Muslim burials.

      The potential for this issue to become a flashpoint for anti-immigration sentiment was made clear this September when the mayor of Mogán in Gran Canaria, Onalia Bueno, insisted that her municipality would no longer pay for such burials, as she did not want to “detract the costs from the taxes of my neighbours.”

      CEAR’s Juan Carlos Lorenzo condemns such “divisive language, which frames the issue in terms of wasting my ‘neighbours’ money’ on someone who is not a neighbour,” and points instead to the actions of municipalities in El Hierro as a positive counterexample.

      Carballo notes that “over 10,000 people have arrived in El Hierro since September, the same as the island’s population. These are quite long trips, between six and nine days at sea, and right now people are arriving in a terrible state of health. With those who have died in recent months, we’ve tried to offer them a dignified burial within the means at our disposal. We’ve had an imam present, with Islamic prayers said before the remains were laid to rest.”

      Currently, the responsibility of memorialising unidentified victims comes down to individual municipalities and even cemetery keepers. Like Gérman at the cemetery in Barbate, who tries to dignify the unmarked tombs by placing flowers on top of them, the cemetery of Motril has adorned tombs with poems. In Teguise, the council has an initiative encouraging locals to leave flowers on the migrant graves when they come to visit the remains of their own families.

      In another memorial, a collection of around 50 discarded fishing boats has become a distinctive feature of Barbate port. These small wooden boats with Arabic script on their hulls were used by migrants attempting to cross the Strait of Gibraltar. Instead of the boats’ being scrapped, APDHA was able to convert the scrapyard into a memorial site and to place plaques on boats stating how many migrants were travelling on them and where and when they were found.

      In the case of little Alhassane Bangoura, residents routinely come to leave fresh flowers and tokens of affection, among which is a small granite bowl with his first name inscribed on it. But many victims are buried without any attempt at identification – and as countless NGOs, politicians and activists demand, it should not be simply left to good-willed residents, grave keepers or local councillors to ensure the last rights of the victims of Fortress Europe.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/counting-the-invisible-victims-of-spains-eu-borders

      #Espagne #Lanzarote #îles_Canaries #route_Atlantique #Teguise #Barbate #Cádiz #Tarifa #Arrecife

    • The unidentified: Unmarked refugee graves on the Greek borders

      Graves marked only with a stick, graves covered with weeds: a cross-border investigation documents official indifference surrounding the dignified burial of refugees who lose their lives at the Greek border.

      The phone rang on a morning in October 2022 at work, in Finland, where 35-year-old Mohamed Samim has been living for the last ten years or so.

      His nephew did not have good news: his brother Samim, Tarin Mohamad, along with his son and two daughters, was on a boat that sank near a Greek island, having sailed from the Turkish coast to Italy.

      When Samim arrived in Kythera the next day, he learned that – although weak after not eating for three days – his brother had managed to save his family before a wave took him away. He immediately went to the site of the wreck. In the water he saw bodies floating – he couldn’t see his brother’s face, but he recognized his back.

      The Coast Guard said that the bad weather had to pass before they could pull the dead from the sea. The first day passed, the second day passed, until on the third day it was finally possible. The coastguard confirmed that 8 Beaufort winds and the morphology of the area made it impossible to retrieve the bodies. Samim will never forget the sight of his brother at sea.

      In Kalamata, it took four days of shifting responsibility between the hospital and the Coast Guard, and the help of a local lawyer who “came and yelled at them” to allow him to follow the identification process of his brother.

      He was warned that it would be a soul-crushing procedure, and that he would have to wear a triple mask because of the smell. Samim says that due to a lack of space in the morgue’s refrigerators, some of the wreck victims were kept in the chamber outside the refrigerator.

      “The stress and the smell. Our knees were shaking”, recalls Samim when we meet him in Kythera a year later.

      They started showing him decomposing bodies. First the ones outside the refrigerator. He didn’t recognize him among them. They went out and changed the masks they wore, returned, opened the refrigerators in turn, reaching the last one.

      “He was lying there, calm. The man you love. We were kind of happy that, after days, we could see him,” Samim said.

      Unclaimed dead

      The number of people dying at Europe’s borders is growing. In addition to the difficulty of recording the deaths, there is also the challenge of identifying the bodies, a traumatic process for the relatives. In some cases, however, there are bodies that remain unidentified, hundreds of men, women and children buried in unidentified graves.

      In July 2023, the European Parliament adopted a resolution recognising the right to identification of people who lose their lives trying to reach Europe, but to date there is no centralised registration system at a pan-European level. Nor is there a single procedure for the handling of bodies that end up in mortuaries, funeral homes – even refrigerated containers.

      The problem is “utterly neglected”, European Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatovic told Solomon, and added that EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law”. The tragedy of the missing migrants has reached horrifying proportions. The issue requires immediate action,” she added.

      The International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Missing Migrants platform, which acknowledges that its data is not a comprehensive record, reports more than 1,090 missing refugees and migrants in Europe since 2014.

      As part of the Border Graves investigation, eight European journalists, together with Unbias the News, the Guardian, Süddeutsche Zeitung, and Solomon, have spent seven months investigating what happens to the thousands of unidentified bodies of those who die at European borders, and for the first time they have recorded almost double that number: according to the data collected, more than 2,162 people died between 2014 and 2023.

      We studied documents and interviewed state coroners, prosecutors and funeral home workers; residents and relatives of the deceased and missing; and gained exclusive access to unpublished data from the International Committee of the Red Cross.

      In 65 cemeteries along the European border - Greece, Spain, Italy, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, Spain, Italy, Malta, Lithuania, France and Croatia - we have recorded more than 1,000 unidentified graves from the last decade.

      The investigation documents how state indifference to the dignified burial of people who die at the border is pervasive in European countries.

      In Greece, we recorded more than 540 unidentified refugee graves, 54% of the total recorded by the European survey. We travelled to the Aegean islands and Evros, and found graves in fields sometimes covered by weeds, and marble slabs with dates of death erased, while in other cases a piece of wood with a number is the only marking.

      The data from our survey, combined with the data from the International Committee of the Red Cross, is not an exhaustive account of the issue. However, they do capture for the first time the gaps and difficulties of a system that leads to thousands of families not knowing where their relatives are buried.

      Lesvos: 167 unidentified refugee graves

      A long dirt road surrounded by olive trees leads to the gate of the cemetery of Kato Tritos, which is usually locked with a padlock.

      The “graveyard of refugees,” as they call it on the island, is located about 15 kilometers west of Mytilene. It is the only burial site exclusively for refugees and migrants in Greece.

      During one of our visits, the funeral of four children was taking place. They lost their lives on August 28, 2023, when the boat they were on with 18 other people sank southeast of Lesvos.

      The grieving mother and several women, including family members, sat under a tree, while the men prayed near the shed used for the burial process, according to Islamic tradition.

      In Kato Tritos and Agios Panteleimonas, the cemetery on Mytilene where people who died while migrating had been buried until then, we counted a total of 167 unidentified graves from between 2014-2023.

      Local journalist and former member of the North Aegean Regional Council Nikos Manavis explains that the cemetery was created in 2015 in an olive grove belonging to the municipality of Mytilene due to an emergency: a deadly shipwreck in the north of the island on October 28 of that year resulted in at least 60 dead, for whom the island’s cemeteries were not sufficient.

      Many shipwreck victims remain buried in unidentified graves. Gravestones are marked with the estimated age of the deceased and the date of burial, sometimes only a number. Other times, a piece of wood and surrounding stones mark the grave.

      “What we see is a field, not a graveyard. It shows no respect for the people who were buried here.”
      Nikos Manavis

      This lack of respect for the Lower Third Cemetery mobilized the Earth Medicine organization. As Dimitris Patounis, a member of the NGO, explains, in January 2022 they made a proposal to the municipality of Mytilene for the restoration of the cemetery. Their plan is to create a place of rest with respect and dignity, where refugees and asylum seekers can satisfy the most sacred human need, mourning for their loved ones.

      Although the city council approved the proposal in the spring of 2023, the October municipal elections delayed the project. Patounis says he is positive that the graves will soon be inventoried and the area fenced.

      Christos Mavrachilis, an undertaker at the Agios Panteleimon cemetery, recalls that in 2015 Muslim refugees were buried in a specific area of the cemetery.

      “If someone was unidentified, I would write ‘Unknown’ on their grave,” he says. If there were no relatives who could cover the cost, Mavrachilis would cut a marble himself and write as much information as he could on the death certificate. “They were people too,” he says, “I did what I could.”

      For his part, Thomas Vanavakis, a former owner of a funeral parlour that offered services in Lesvos until 2020, also says that they often had to cover burials without receiving payment. “Do you know how many times we went into the sea and paid workers out of our own pockets to pull out the bodies and didn’t get a penny?” he says.

      Efi Latsoudi, who lives in Lesvos and works for Refugee Support Aegean (RSA), says that in 2015 there were burials that the municipality of Mytilene could not cover, and sometimes “the people who participated in the ceremony paid for them. We were trying to give a dignity to the process. But it was not enough,” she says.

      Latsoudi recalls something a refugee had mentioned to her in 2015: ’The worst thing that can happen to us is to die somewhere far away and have no one at our funeral’.

      The municipality of Mytilene did not answer our questions regarding the dignified burial of refugees in the cemeteries under its responsibility.

      Chios and Samos: graves covered by weeds

      According to Greek legislation, the local government (and in case of its inability, the region) covers the cost of the burial of both unidentified people who die at the border and those who are in financial difficulty.

      For its part, the Municipal Authority of Chios stated that funding is provided for the relevant costs, and that “within the framework of its responsibilities for the cemeteries, it maintains and cares for all the sites, without discrimination and with the required respect for all the dead.”

      But during our visit in August to the cemetery in Mersinidi, a few kilometers north of Chios town, where refugees are buried next to the graves of the locals, it was not difficult to spot the separation: the five unidentified graves of refugees were marked simply by a marble, usually covered by vegetation.

      Natasha Strachini, an RSA lawyer living in Chios, has taken part in several funerals of refugees both in Chios and Lesvos. For her, the importance of the local community and presence at such a difficult human moment is very important.

      Regarding burials, he explains that “only a good registration system could help relatives to locate the grave of a person they have lost, as usually in cemeteries after three to five years exhumations take place.” He says that sometimes a grave remains unidentified even though the body has been identified, either because the identification process was delayed or because the relatives could not afford to change the grave.

      In Heraion of Samos, next to the municipal cemetery, on a plot of land owned by the Metropolis and used as a burial site for refugees, we recorded dozens of graves dating between 2014-2023. The plaques – some broken – placed on the ground, hidden by branches, pine needles and pine cones, simply inscribe a number and the date of burial.

      Lawyer Dimitris Choulis, who lives in Samos and handles cases related to the refugee issue, commented: ‘It is a shameful image to see such graves. It is unjustifiable for a modern society like Greece.”
      Searching for data

      The International Committee of the Red Cross is one of the few international organisations working to identify the dead refugees. Among other things, they have conducted several training sessions in Greece for members of the Coast Guard and the Greek Police.

      “We have an obligation to provide the dead with a dignified burial; and the other side, providing answers to families through identification of the dead. If you count the relatives of those who are missing, hundreds of thousands of people are impacted. They don’t know where their loved ones are. Were they well treated, were they respected when they were buried? That’s what preys on families’ minds,” says Laurel Clegg, ICRC forensic Coordinator for Migration to Europe.

      She explains that keeping track of the dead “consists of lots of parts working well together – a legal framework that protects the unidentified dead, consistent post-mortems, morgues, registries, dignified transport, cemeteries”

      However, countries’ “medical and legal systems are proving inadequate to deal with the scale of the problem,” she says.

      Since 2013, as part of its programme to restore family links, the Red Cross has registered 16,500 requests in Europe from people looking for their missing relatives. According to the international organisation, only 285 successful matches (1.7%) have been made.

      These matches are made by the local forensic experts.

      “We always collect DNA samples from unidentified bodies. It is standard practice and may be the only feasible means of identification,” says Panagiotis Kotretsos, a forensic pathologist in Rhodes. The samples are sent to the DNA laboratory of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Greek Police, according to an INTERPOL protocol.

      According to the Red Cross, difficulties usually arise when families are outside the EU, and are due to a number of factors, such as differences in the legal framework or medical systems of the countries. For example, some EU countries cannot ‘open’ a case and take DNA samples from families without a mandate from the authorities of the country where the body of the relative being sought has been recovered.

      The most difficult part of the DNA identification process is that there needs to be a second sample to be compared with the one collected by the forensic experts, which has to be sent by the families of the missing persons. “For a refugee who started his journey from a country in central Africa, travelled for months, and died in Greece, there will be genetic material in the morgue. But it will remain unmatched until a first-degree relative sends a DNA sample,” says Kotretsos.

      He explains that this is not always possible. “We have received calls from relatives who were in Syria, looking for missing family members, and could not send samples precisely because they were in Syria.”

      Outside the university hospital of Alexandroupolis, two refrigerated containers provided by the Red Cross as temporary mortuaries house the bodies of 40 refugees.

      Pavlos Pavlidis, Professor of Forensic Medicine at the Democritus University of Thrace, has since 2000 performed autopsies on at least 800 bodies of people on the move, with the main causes of death being drowning in the waters of Evros and hypothermia.

      The forensic scientist goes beyond the necessary DNA collection: he or she records data such as birthmarks or tattoos and objects (like wallets, rings, glasses), which could be the missing link for a relative looking for a loved one.

      He says a total of 313 bodies found in Evros since 2014 remain unidentified. Those that cannot be identified are buried in a special cemetery in Sidiro, which is managed by the municipality of Soufli, while 15-20 unidentified bodies were buried in Orestiada while the Sidiro cemetery was being expanded.

      The bodies of Muslim refugees who are identified are buried in the Muslim cemetery in Messouni Komotini or repatriated when relatives can cover the cost of repatriation.

      “This is not decent”

      In response to questions, the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum said that the issue of identification and burial procedures for refugees does not fall within its competence. A Commission spokesman said that no funds were foreseen for Greece, but that such expenditure “could be supported under the National Programme of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund”, which is managed by the Migration Ministry.

      Theodoros Nousias is the chief forensic pathologist of the North Aegean Forensic Service, responsible for the islands of Lesvos, Samos, Chios and Lemnos. According to the coroner, the DNA identification procedure has improved a lot compared to a few years ago.

      Nusias says he was always available when asked to identify someone. “You have to serve people, that’s why you’re there. To serve people so they can find their family,” he adds.

      The coroner lives in Lesvos, but says he has never been to the cemetery in Kato Tritos. “I don’t want to go. It will be difficult for me because most of these people have passed through my hands.”

      In October 2022, 32-year-old Suja Ahmadi and his sister Marina also travelled to Kythera and then to Kalamata to identify the body of their father, Abdul Ghasi.

      The 65-year-old had started the journey to Italy with his wife Hatige – she survived. The two brothers visited the hospital, where they were shown all eight bodies, male and female, although they had explained from the start that the man they were looking for was a man.

      Their father’s body was among those outside the freezer.

      “My sister was crying and screaming at them to get our father out of the refrigerator container because he smelled,” Suja recalls. “It was not a decent place for a man.”

      https://unbiasthenews.org/the-unidentified-unmarked-refugee-graves-in-the-greek-borders

      #Grèce #Chios #Evros #Samos #Alexandroupolis #Lesbos #Kato_Tritos #Sidiro #Mersinidi #Mersinidi #Pavlos_Pavlidis

    • Enterrar a más de mil personas sin nombre: las trabas de la UE y España para identificar los cuerpos de migrantes

      Cientos de personas fallecidas en la última década yacen en tumbas sin nombre en España, sin que el Gobierno tome medidas coordinadas para garantizar su identificación

      En enero de 2020, Alhassane Bangoura fue enterrado en una tumba sin nombre en la zona musulmana del cementerio municipal de Teguise, en Lanzarote, ante la presencia de funcionarios municipales y miembros de la comunidad musulmana local. El pequeño había nacido apenas un par de semanas antes a bordo de una patera abarrotada en la que su madre, originaria de Guinea, y otras 42 personas intentaban llegar a las Islas Canarias. La embarcación llevaba dos días a la deriva en el océano Atlántico, tras averiarse el motor, y la madre de Alhassane se puso de parto en el mar. Su hijo sólo alcanzó a vivir unas pocas horas antes de morir frente a la costa de Lanzarote.

      El caso de Alhassane conmocionó a la isla y saltó a las noticias de todo el país. Sin embargo, mientras los asistentes al entierro ofrecían sus condolencias, la madre del bebé fallecido se encontraba a 200 kilómetros de distancia, en un centro de acogida de migrantes de la vecina isla de Gran Canaria, al no haber podido obtener permiso de las autoridades para permanecer en Lanzarote durante el funeral.

      “Le habían permitido ver el cuerpo de su hijo una vez más antes de ser trasladada, y yo la acompañé a la funeraria”, cuenta Mamadou Sy, representante de la comunidad musulmana local. “Fue muy emotivo cuando se tuvo que marchar. Lo único que pudimos hacer fue prometerle que su hijo no estaría solo; que, como cualquier musulmán, sería llevado a la mezquita, donde su cuerpo sería lavado por otras madres; que rezaríamos por él y que después le enviaríamos un vídeo del entierro”.

      Casi cuatro años después, el lugar donde reposan los restos de Alhassane sigue sin tener una lápida formal. La tumba se encuentra junto a los restos de más de tres docenas de personas migrantes no identificadas, cuyos nombres se desconocen por completo pero que, como Alhassane, también son víctimas del brutal régimen fronterizo de Europa.
      Las tumbas de la frontera

      A lo largo de las fronteras de la Unión Europea, miles de personas están siendo enterradas de forma precipitada en tumbas sin nombre. El equipo de investigación de Border Graves (Las Tumbas de la Frontera) ha contabilizado que, en los últimos 10 años, al menos 2.162 cadáveres de migrantes han sido encontrados en las fronteras europeas sin identificar.

      El equipo de investigación también ha confirmado la existencia de 1.015 tumbas de inmigrantes sin identificar entre 2014 y 2021 en 103 cementerios, todas ellas pertenecientes a personas que intentaban emigrar a Europa.

      El problema está “absolutamente abandonado”, afirma Dunja Mijatović, Comisaria de Derechos Humanos del Consejo de Europa, que insiste en que los países de la UE incumplen sus obligaciones en virtud de la legislación internacional sobre derechos humanos. “La tragedia de los migrantes desaparecidos ha alcanzado una magnitud espantosa. El asunto exige una actuación inmediata”.

      Las condiciones de sepultura de estos migrantes varían en todo el continente. En la última década, en la isla griega de Lesbos, un olivar se ha convertido en un cementerio informal para refugiados. Al menos 147 tumbas sin identificar se pueden encontrar en el pequeño pueblo de Kato Tritos, que según explica el periodista Nikos Manavis brotaron tras la gran oleada de refugiados de 2015. “Los otros cementerios de la isla eran inapropiados y no podían cubrir el número de muertos que había que enterrar en Lesbos”, afirma. “Pero no es un cementerio. Es sólo un campo. No se muestra ningún respeto por la gente enterrada aquí”.

      En Siče, una población al este de Croacia, se hallan las tumbas de tres refugiados afganos al borde del cementerio del pueblo, separadas de las de los residentes locales. Los tres hombres no identificados, que se ahogaron intentando cruzar el río Sava desde Bosnia a Croacia, están enterrados bajo sencillas cruces de madera en las que se lee “NN” (desconocido).

      En la frontera entre Lituania y Bielorrusia, un pequeño cementerio de la tranquila localidad de Rameikos alberga la tumba de un emigrante indio. El lugar está marcado por un trozo de madera vertical, a pocos metros de la valla fronteriza. En el cementerio de Piano Gatta, en Agrigento (Sicilia), están enterrados decenas de cadáveres sin identificar del naufragio de Lampedusa en 2013, en el que perdieron la vida 368 personas de Eritrea y Somalia al hundirse el pesquero en el que viajaban.

      En cuanto a la extensa costa española, pueden encontrarse tumbas de inmigrantes desde Alicante hasta Cádiz, y hacia el sur hasta las Canarias. Algunas tienen nombre, pero lo más frecuente es que las inscripciones sean del estilo de “inmigrante no identificado”, “marroquí desconocido” o “víctima del Estrecho [de Gibraltar]”. O, simplemente, una cruz pintada a mano.

      En el cementerio de Barbate, en Cádiz, donde los difuntos están sepultados en nichos, el jardinero Germán señala más de 30 tumbas de inmigrantes: las más antiguas datan de 2002 y las más recientes son de un naufragio de 2019. “Nunca viene nadie a visitarlos, pero los días que hay funerales aquí y se van a tirar las flores antiguas, las coloco en las tumbas de los migrantes desconocidos”, explica. “En algunas de las más antiguas hay restos de hasta cinco o seis emigrantes juntos, cada uno colocado en bolsas separadas dentro del mismo nicho para ahorrar espacio”.

      Tal preocupación era menos evidente en Arrecife, Lanzarote, donde dos tumbas no identificadas de febrero de este año se han dejado selladas con una cubierta que aún lleva el logotipo de una empresa.

      No existen datos exhaustivos sobre cuántas fosas de inmigrantes identificadas y no identificadas existen en España, y el Ministerio del Interior nunca ha dado a conocer cifras sobre el número total de cadáveres recuperados en las distintas rutas migratorias marítimas. Pero los datos del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja (CICR) revelan que entre 2014 y 2021 se recuperaron los cuerpos de alrededor de 530 personas fallecidas en las fronteras españolas, de las cuales 292 permanecen sin identificar.

      En los diez meses que ha durado la investigación europea Border Graves, llevada a cabo de manera conjunta entre un grupo de periodistas independientes y los medios Unbias the News, The Guardian y Süddeutsche Zeitung y publicada en exclusiva en España por elDiario.es, se ha confirmado la existencia de 109 tumbas de migrantes no identificados entre 2014 y 2021 en 18 lugares de España. Según un estudio de la Universidad de Ámsterdam, otras 434 tumbas sin identificar se remontan al periodo 2000-2013 en al menos 65 cementerios del territorio nacional.

      Estas tumbas son símbolos de una tragedia humanitaria mucho mayor. El CICR calcula que sólo el 6,89% de los restos mortales de las personas que desaparecen a lo largo de las fronteras europeas son recuperados, mientras que la ONG española Caminando Fronteras da una cifra aún más baja para la ruta atlántica de África Occidental a Canarias, estimando que sólo se recupera el 4,2% de los cuerpos de los fallecidos.
      Garantizar los “últimos derechos”

      Las tumbas anónimas y sin visitar reflejan también el hecho de que el derecho a la identificación y a un entierro digno de los fallecidos en las rutas migratorias ha sido sistemáticamente desatendido por las autoridades nacionales españolas. En 2021, el Parlamento Europeo aprobó una resolución que reconoce el derecho a la identificación de los fallecidos en las rutas migratorias, y la necesidad de una base de datos coordinada que recoja los datos de la frontera. Pero, al igual que en otros países europeos, los sucesivos gobiernos han sido incapaces de desarrollar mecanismos legales y protocolos estatales para garantizar estos “últimos derechos” de las víctimas, así como el “derecho a saber” y a llorar a sus seres queridos que corresponde a las familias.

      “La gente siempre llama a la oficina y nos pregunta cómo buscar a un familiar, pero hay que ser sincero y decir que no hay un canal oficial claro al que puedan dirigirse”, explica Juan Carlos Lorenzo, coordinador del Consejo Español para los Refugiados (CEAR) en Canarias. “Se les puede poner en contacto con la Cruz Roja, pero no hay un programa de identificación liderado por el Gobierno. Tampoco existe el tipo de recurso especializado necesario para coordinarse con las familias y centralizar la información y los datos sobre los migrantes desaparecidos”.

      Helena Maleno, directora de Caminando Fronteras, afirma: “Sólo este año estamos trabajando con más de 600 familias cuyos seres queridos han desaparecido. Estas familias, procedentes de Marruecos, Argelia, Senegal, Guinea y países tan lejanos como Sri Lanka, están muy solas y poco protegidas por las administraciones públicas. A su vez, esto significa que hay redes criminales y estafadores que buscan sacarles dinero”.

      Incluso en el caso de la identificación de una víctima, un reciente informe de la Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos de Andalucía (APDHA) expone las barreras legales y financieras a las que se enfrentan las familias para repatriar a sus seres queridos. En 2020/21, las cifras del CICR muestran que se recuperaron 284 cuerpos pero que, de los 116 identificados, sólo 53 fueron repatriados. El informe de la APDHA también señala, respecto a las tumbas fronterizas, que “muchas personas acaban enterradas de manera contraria a sus creencias”. Apenas la mitad de las 50 provincias españolas cuentan con cementerios musulmanes, y no todos están en la costa española.

      Para Maleno, estos fallos del Estado no son casualidad: “España y otros Estados europeos mantienen una política de invisibilización de las víctimas y de la propia frontera. Tienen políticas de negación del número de muertos y de ocultación de datos, pero para las familias esto significa obstáculos en cuanto al acceso a la información y a los derechos de sepultura, así como interminables trabas burocráticas”.
      “Sueño con Oussama”

      Abdallah Tayeb ha sufrido en primera persona las deficiencias del sistema español en sus intentos por confirmar si un cadáver recuperado en diciembre de 2022 es el de su primo Oussama, un joven barbero argelino que soñaba con reunirse con Tayeb en Francia.

      Tayeb está convencido de que el cuerpo sin identificar, que se cree que está en un depósito de cadáveres de Almería, es el de su primo. Está previsto que los restos sean enterrados a comienzos del próximo año en una tumba sin nombre, a menos que se consiga algún avance de última hora. “La sensación es de impotencia”, admite. “No hay nada de transparencia”.

      Tayeb nació en París, de padres argelinos, pero pasa todos los veranos en Argelia con su familia. “Como Oussama y yo teníamos más o menos la misma edad, estábamos muy unidos. Le obsesionaba la idea de venir a Europa, pues dos de sus hermanos ya vivían en Francia. Pero yo no sabía que en realidad ya había organizado su viaje en una patera a finales del año pasado”.

      Oussama formaba parte de un grupo de 23 personas (entre ellas siete niños) que desaparecieron tras zarpar de Mostaganem, Argelia, en una lancha motora el día de Navidad de 2022. Poco después de la desaparición de la patera, su hermano Sofiane viajó de Francia a Cartagena, el destino al que esperaba llegar la embarcación. Con la ayuda de la Cruz Roja, Sofiane pudo presentar una denuncia por desaparición y dar una muestra de ADN, pero no pudo reunir ninguna información concreta sobre la suerte de su hermano.

      Sin embargo, un segundo viaje a España en febrero condujo a un gran avance. Tras recorrer juntos la costa mediterránea, Tayeb y su primo Sofiane consiguieron hablar con una patóloga forense que trabaja en la morgue de Almería, quien pareció reconocer una foto de Oussama. “No paraba de decir ’esta cara me suena’ y también mencionó un collar, algo que llevaba cuando se fue”. Según la forense, había una posible coincidencia con un cuerpo sin identificar recuperado por los guardacostas el 27 de diciembre de 2022.
      El laberinto burocrático

      Con la sensación de que por fin estaban cerca de obtener alguna respuesta, en la comisaría de Almería les informaron de que, para poder ver el cadáver –o incluso las pertenencias– y proceder a su identificación visual, necesitarían el permiso de la comisaría donde se había registrado inicialmente el cadáver. “Fue entonces cuando empezó la verdadera pesadilla”, recuerda Tayeb. Les entregaron una lista de cinco comisarías de toda la región en las que se podría haber registrado el cadáver, y se pasaron los dos días siguientes conduciendo de comisaría en comisaría a lo largo de la costa murciana.

      “En la primera comisaría que visitamos ni siquiera nos dejaron entrar cuando les dijimos que estábamos buscando a un inmigrante desaparecido, y después siempre fue la misma consigna: éste no es el lugar adecuado; no tenemos ningún cadáver; tenéis que ir a este otro lugar…”, continúa. Cuando ambos regresaron a la primera comisaría de Huércal de Almería, después de que les dijeran repetidamente que era el lugar adecuado para preguntar, los agentes, impacientes, se negaron a atenderlos, alegando leyes de protección de la intimidad, e incluso les dijeron que advirtieran a otras familias que buscaban a migrantes desaparecidos que no siguieran viniendo a preguntar.

      “Al final”, explica Tayeb, “nos dimos cuenta de que nunca nos darían ninguna información. Fue muy desgarrador, sobre todo volver a Francia. Fue como si le dejáramos [allí] en la nevera”.
      Incertidumbre

      A medida que pasaban los meses, la frustración y la ansiedad aumentaban para la familia. “En mayo nos dijeron que la muestra de ADN que habíamos dado cinco meses antes acababa de llegar a Madrid y aún no había sido procesada ni enviada a la base de datos”. No se les ha facilitado más información, y las autoridades españolas tienen la política de ponerse en contacto con las familias sólo cuando hay una coincidencia positiva, pero no si la prueba da negativo.

      Tayeb se plantea una última visita a España para intentar recuperar a su primo Oussama, en parte para estar seguro de que ha hecho todo lo posible por encontrarlo, pero le preocupa que el viaje pueda reabrir su trauma de “pérdida ambigua”. “El esfuerzo de ir no es doloroso, lo doloroso es volver sin nada”, dice. “Esta falta de información es lo peor”.

      La Dra. Pauline Boss, catedrática emérita de Psicología de la Universidad de Minnesota (EE.UU.), explica el concepto de pérdida ambigua: “Se parece a un duelo complejo, con pensamientos intrusivos”, dice. “No tienes otra cosa en la cabeza más que el hecho de que tu ser querido ha desaparecido. No puedes afrontar el duelo, porque eso significaría que la persona está muerta, y no lo sabes con certeza”.

      Tayeb lo explica con sus propias palabras: “Todas las personas que iban a bordo eran del mismo barrio de Mostaganem. He podido hablar con muchas de sus familias y están destrozadas. Hay mucho dolor, pero tampoco hay respuestas. Sólo hay rumores, y algunas de las madres creen que sus hijos están en cárceles de Marruecos y España. Todos tenemos sueños [sobre los desaparecidos]. Al final, confías en lo que ves en tus sueños, como si la realidad cósmica te dijera que va a venir. Sueño con Oussama”.
      Un sistema defectuoso

      De todas las familias de los desaparecidos en la patera de Oussama, sólo Tayeb y otras tres familias han podido presentar denuncias de desaparición ante las autoridades españolas, y únicamente en dos casos se han podido entregar muestras de ADN. Según un informe de 2021 de la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM), una de las mayores complicaciones a las que se enfrentan las familias en sus búsquedas es que, para registrar a alguien como desaparecido en España, hay que presentar una denuncia ante la policía del propio país, lo que para muchas familias es “una hazaña prácticamente imposible”, ya que no existen visados para viajar con este fin.

      El informe de la OIM también señala que, aunque muchas familias presentan denuncias de personas desaparecidas en sus países de origen, son “conscientes del carácter casi simbólico de sus esfuerzos” y de que “nunca darán lugar a que se inicie ningún tipo de investigación en España.”

      Junto con la OIM, algunas ONG nacionales, como la APDHA y más de un centenar de organizaciones comunitarias, han denunciado la incapacidad de España para adaptar los procedimientos vigentes en materia de personas desaparecidas a los retos transnacionales que plantean los casos de migrantes desaparecidos. Estas organizaciones han defendido en repetidas ocasiones que el marco jurídico del país en materia de personas desaparecidas debe adaptarse para garantizar que las familias puedan presentar denuncias desde el extranjero por casos de personas desaparecidas.

      También han presionado para que se elaboren protocolos específicos para la policía al tratar casos de migrantes desaparecidos, así como para que se cree una base de datos de migrantes desaparecidos que permita centralizar la información y haga posible el intercambio con autoridades de otros países. Esta incluiría todos los datos disponibles post mortem (desde tatuajes hasta ADN, pasando por inspecciones de cadáveres y autopsias) como de información médica forense ante mortem, es decir, la que procede de los familiares en relación con la persona desaparecida.

      “La realidad es que la situación en toda Europa es sistemáticamente deficiente”, explica Julia Black, analista del Proyecto Migrantes Desaparecidos de la OIM. “A pesar de que nuestras investigaciones muestran estas necesidades acuciantes de las familias, ni España ni ningún otro país europeo ha cambiado [en los últimos años] de forma significativa sus políticas, ni tampoco han mejorado las prácticas para ayudar a este grupo desatendido. El apoyo a las familias sólo está disponible de forma muy puntual, sobre todo en respuesta a sucesos con víctimas masivas que están en el punto de mira de la opinión pública, lo que deja a muchos miles de personas sin un apoyo adecuado”.

      Actores no estatales como la Cruz Roja y Caminando Fronteras, así como una red de activistas independientes, intentan llenar este vacío. “Es un trabajo terrible que no deberíamos estar haciendo, porque los Estados deberían responder a las familias y garantizar los derechos de las víctimas más allá de las fronteras”, explica Maleno. En el caso de la patera de Mostaganem, Caminando Fronteras tiene previsto viajar a Argelia el año que viene para tomar muestras de ADN de los familiares y traerlas a España. Pero Maleno también reconoce que su ONG a menudo tiene que “ejercer mucha presión” para que las autoridades acepten estas muestras.

      Es algo que también confirma Jon Iñarritu, diputado de EH Bildu: “Como miembro de la Comisión de Interior del Congreso de los Diputados, he tenido que intervenir en varias ocasiones para ayudar a las familias que querían registrar muestras de ADN, hablando con el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores o con el Ministerio del Interior para que aceptaran las muestras. Pero no debería ser necesaria la intervención de un diputado para conseguirlo. Es necesario normalizar todo el proceso con protocolos claros y automáticos [para la presentación de las muestras]. Ahora mismo, no hay una forma clara de hacerlo”.

      Incluso cuando las recomendaciones de la OIM han sido objeto de debate parlamentario en España, no han tendido a traducirse en medidas gubernamentales. En 2021, por ejemplo, el Congreso de los Diputados aprobó una Proposición no de Ley en la que se instaba al Gobierno a crear una oficina estatal específica para las familias de migrantes desaparecidos. “Está claro que necesitamos aliviar el calvario administrativo y burocrático para las familias ofreciéndoles un único punto de contacto [con las autoridades estatales]”, explica Iñárritu, impulsor de la moción.

      Sin embargo, aunque los partidos en el gobierno votaron a favor de la resolución, no se ha tomado ninguna medida al respecto en los 18 meses transcurridos desde la aprobación de la resolución. “Desde mi punto de vista, el Gobierno no tiene ninguna intención de aplicar la propuesta”, argumenta Iñárritu. “Sólo ofrecían un apoyo simbólico”.

      Cuando se expusieron las cuestiones anteriores al Ministerio del Interior, la respuesta fue la siguiente: “El tratamiento de los cadáveres sin identificar que llegan a las costas de España es idéntico al hallazgo de cualquier otro cadáver. En España, para la identificación de cadáveres, las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado aplican la Guía de INTERPOL para la Identificación de Víctimas de Catástrofes. Esta Guía, aunque está especialmente indicada para los sucesos con víctimas múltiples, también es aplicada como referencia para la identificación de un cadáver aislado”.
      Derechos de sepultura

      El director de migraciones de APDHA, Carlos Arce, escribe que, en un marco europeo que contempla la migración irregular predominantemente a través del prisma de la criminalidad grave y la seguridad fronteriza, “ni siquiera la muerte o desaparición de las personas migrantes pone freno a la concatenación de ataques a su dignidad”. Por su parte, Iñárritu también apunta al régimen fronterizo más amplio de la UE: “Muchas cuestiones que no encajan en este marco político dominante, como el derecho de identificación, simplemente se dejan sin gestionar en el día a día. Sencillamente, no son una prioridad”.

      Esto también queda claro en lo que respecta a la inacción del gobierno español a la hora de garantizar un entierro digno a las personas cuyos cuerpos son recuperados. Como señala un informe de 2023 de APDHA, “aunque la repatriación es la opción más deseada por las familias [...] el coste es muy elevado (miles de euros) y muy pocas de sus embajadas ayudan [a sufragarlo]”. La ONG recomienda a España que establezca acuerdos de repatriación con los países de procedencia de los inmigrantes para crear “salvoconductos mortuorios” que garanticen su retorno a un coste reducido.

      A esto se suma que el gobierno central tampoco ha establecido mecanismos para garantizar el derecho de los inmigrantes no identificados a un entierro digno dentro del territorio español, sino que sostiene que los ayuntamientos son responsables de todos los entierros de carácter benéfico. Esto ha supuesto que municipios muy concretos, en los que están estacionadas las embarcaciones de salvamento marítimo, sean legalmente responsables de la mayor parte de los entierros, y la mayoría de estos municipios carecen de cementerios locales capaces de acoger entierros musulmanes tradicionales.

      La posibilidad de que este asunto se convierta en un caldo de cultivo para el rechazo a la inmigración quedó patente el pasado mes de septiembre, cuando la alcaldesa de Mogán (Gran Canaria), Onalia Bueno, insistió en que su municipio dejaría de sufragar estos entierros, ya que no quería “detraer los costes de los impuestos de mis vecinos”. Juan Carlos Lorenzo, de CEAR, condena ese “lenguaje divisivo, que enmarca la cuestión en términos de malgastar el dinero de mis ’vecinos’ en alguien que no es un vecino”, y señala en cambio la actuación de los municipios de El Hierro como contraejemplo positivo.

      En esta isla poco poblada, en los últimos dos meses han sido enterrados siete inmigrantes no identificados, junto con los restos de Mamadou Marea, de 30 años. “Los habitantes de la isla se unieron a nosotros para acompañar los restos de cada una de estas personas hasta su lugar de descanso”, explica Amado Carballo, concejal de El Hierro. “Lo que nos entristeció a todos fue no poder poner un nombre en la lápida y simplemente tener que dejar a las personas identificadas con un código policial”.

      Carballo señala que “más de 10.000 personas han llegado a El Hierro desde septiembre, lo mismo que la población de la isla. Son viajes muy largos, de entre seis y nueve días en el mar, y ahora mismo la gente llega en un pésimo estado de salud. A los que han muerto en los últimos meses hemos intentado ofrecerles un entierro digno dentro de los medios de que disponemos. Hemos contado con la presencia de un imán, que ha rezado oraciones del Islam antes de depositar los restos”.

      En la actualidad, la responsabilidad de conmemorar a las víctimas no identificadas recae en los municipios e incluso en los responsables de los cementerios. Al igual que Germán en el cementerio de Barbate, que intenta dignificar las tumbas sin nombre colocando flores sobre ellas, el cementerio de Motril ha adornado las tumbas con poemas. En Teguise, el Ayuntamiento ha puesto en marcha una iniciativa que anima a los vecinos a dejar flores en las tumbas de los inmigrantes cuando vienen a visitar los restos de sus familiares.

      En otro gesto conmemorativo, una colección de unas 50 barcas de pesca desechadas se ha convertido en un rasgo distintivo del puerto de Barbate. Estas pequeñas embarcaciones de madera con escritura árabe en el casco eran utilizadas por los emigrantes que intentaban cruzar el Estrecho de Gibraltar. En lugar de ser desguazadas, APDHA pudo convertir el astillero en un lugar conmemorativo y colocar placas en las embarcaciones en las que se indicaba cuántas personas viajaban en ellas y dónde y cuándo fueron encontradas.

      En el caso del pequeño Alhassane Bangoura, los vecinos acuden habitualmente a dejar flores frescas y otras muestras de afecto, entre ellas un pequeño cuenco de granito con su nombre de pila inscrito. Pero muchas víctimas son enterradas sin ningún intento de identificación y, tal y como exigen innumerables ONG, políticos y activistas, no debería dejarse en manos de la buena voluntad de residentes, trabajadores de cementerios o concejales el garantizar los últimos derechos de las víctimas de la Fortaleza Europa.

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/enterrar-mil-personas-nombre-trabas-ue-espana-identificar-cuerpos-migrantes

    • « Αγνώστων στοιχείων » : Πάνω από 1.000 αταυτοποίητοι τάφοι στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα

      Τάφοι με μόνη σήμανση ένα ξύλο, μνήματα που καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα : μια διασυνοριακή έρευνα οκτώ δημοσιογράφων σε συνεργασία με Solomon, Guardian και Süddeutsche Zeitung καταγράφει την αδιαφορία γύρω από την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των προσφύγων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα.

      Το τηλέφωνο χτύπησε ένα πρωινό του Οκτωβρίου 2022 στη δουλειά, στη Φινλανδία όπου ο 35χρονος Μοχάμεντ Σαμίμ ζει τα τελευταία δέκα περίπου χρόνια.

      Ο ανιψιός του δεν είχε καλά νέα : ο αδερφός του Σαμίμ, Ταρίν Μοχαμάντ, μαζί με τον γιο και τις δύο κόρες του, βρισκόταν σε ένα σκάφος που βυθίστηκε κοντά σε ένα ελληνικό νησί, έχοντας αποπλεύσει από τα τουρκικά παράλια για την Ιταλία.

      Όταν ο Σαμίμ έφτασε την επομένη στα Κύθηρα, έμαθε πως —παρότι αδύναμος αφού δεν είχε φάει επί τρεις μέρες— ο αδερφός του είχε καταφέρει να σώσει την οικογένειά του πριν ένα κύμα τον πάρει μακριά. Πήγε αμέσως στο σημείο του ναυαγίου. Μέσα στο νερό είδε σώματα να επιπλέουν — δεν μπορούσε να δει το πρόσωπο του αδερφού του, αλλά αναγνώρισε την πλάτη του.

      Το Λιμενικό είπε πως έπρεπε να περάσει η κακοκαιρία για να μπορέσουν να βγάλουν τους νεκρούς από τη θάλασσα. Πέρασε η πρώτη μέρα, πέρασε και δεύτερη, ώσπου την τρίτη ημέρα κατέστη τελικά δυνατό. Το Λιμενικό επιβεβαίωσε στο Solomon πως άνεμοι έντασης 8 μποφόρ και η μορφολογία της περιοχής καθιστούσαν την ανάσυρση των σορών αδύνατη. Ο Σαμίμ δεν θα ξεχάσει ποτέ την εικόνα του αδερφού του στη θάλασσα.

      Στην Καλαμάτα, χρειάστηκε να περάσουν τέσσερις ημέρες μετακύλισης της ευθύνης μεταξύ νοσοκομείου και Λιμενικού, και η βοήθεια μιας ντόπιας δικηγόρου που « ήρθε και τους έβαλε τις φωνές », προκειμένου να του επιτραπεί να ακολουθήσει τη διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης του αδερφού του.

      Τον προειδοποίησαν πως θα ήταν μια ψυχοφθόρα διαδικασία, και πως θα έπρεπε να φορέσει τριπλή μάσκα λόγω της μυρωδιάς. Ο Σαμίμ λέει πως, λόγω έλλειψης χώρου στα ψυγεία του νεκροτομείου, ορισμένα από τα θύματα του ναυαγίου βρίσκονταν στον θάλαμο εκτός ψυγείου.

      « Το άγχος και η μυρωδιά. Τα γόνατά μας έτρεμαν », θυμάται ο Σαμίμ όταν τον συναντάμε στα Κύθηρα ένα χρόνο μετά.

      Ξεκίνησαν να του δείχνουν σώματα σε αποσύνθεση. Πρώτα αυτά εκτός ψυγείου. Δεν τον αναγνώρισε ανάμεσά τους. Βγήκαν έξω και άλλαξαν τις μάσκες που φορούσαν, επέστρεψαν, άνοιξαν με τη σειρά τα ψυγεία φτάνοντας στο τελευταίο.

      « Βρισκόταν εκεί, ήρεμος. Ο άνθρωπος που αγαπάς. Ήμασταν κάπως χαρούμενοι που, μετά από μέρες, μπορούσαμε να τον δούμε », είπε ο Σαμίμ.
      Νεκροί πρόσφυγες στα αζήτητα

      Ο αριθμός των προσφύγων που πεθαίνουν στα σύνορα της Ευρώπης ολοένα και μεγαλώνει. Πέρα από τη δυσκολία καταγραφής των θανάτων, υπάρχει και η πρόκληση της ταυτοποίησης των σορών, μια διαδικασία ψυχοφθόρα για τους συγγενείς. Σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις, ωστόσο, υπάρχουν σοροί που μένουν αταυτοποίητες, εκατοντάδες άνδρες, γυναίκες και παιδιά που θάβονται σε τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων.

      Τον Ιούλιο του 2023, το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο υιοθέτησε ψήφισμα που αναγνωρίζει το δικαίωμα στην ταυτοποίηση των ανθρώπων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στην προσπάθεια να φτάσουν στην Ευρώπη, έως σήμερα ωστόσο δεν υπάρχει κεντρικό σύστημα καταγραφής σε πανευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο. Ούτε ενιαία διαδικασία για τη διαχείριση των σορών που καταλήγουν σε νεκροτομεία, γραφεία κηδειών — ακόμη και κοντέινερ ψύξης.

      Το πρόβλημα είναι « εντελώς παραμελημένο », είπε στο Solomon η Ευρωπαία Επίτροπος Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων, Dunja Mijatović, η οποία αναφέρει ότι οι χώρες της ΕΕ δεν εκπληρώνουν τις υποχρεώσεις τους βάσει του διεθνούς δικαίου των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. « Η τραγωδία των αγνοούμενων μεταναστών έχει λάβει τρομακτικές διαστάσεις. Το ζήτημα απαιτεί άμεση δράση », πρόσθεσε.

      Η πλατφόρμα Missing Migrants του Διεθνούς Οργανισμού Μετανάστευσης (ΔΟΜ), που αναγνωρίζει πως τα στοιχεία της δεν αποτελούν ολοκληρωμένη καταγραφή, κάνει λόγο για πάνω από 1.090 αγνοούμενους πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες στην Ευρώπη από το 2014.

      Στο πλαίσιο της έρευνας Border Graves, οκτώ Ευρωπαίοι δημοσιογράφοι, από κοινού με την βρετανική εφημερίδα Guardian, την γερμανική εφημερίδα Süddeutsche Zeitung, και το Solomon για την Ελλάδα, ερεύνησαν επί επτά μήνες τι συμβαίνει με τις χιλιάδες αταυτοποίητες σορούς όσων χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα, και καταγράφουν για πρώτη φορά έναν σχεδόν διπλάσιο αριθμό : σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία που συγκεντρώθηκαν, περισσότεροι από 2.162 άνθρωποι πέθαναν την περίοδο 2014-2023.

      Μελετήσαμε έγγραφα και πήραμε συνεντεύξεις από κρατικούς ιατροδικαστές, εισαγγελείς και εργαζομένους σε γραφεία τελετών· από κατοίκους και συγγενείς θανόντων και αγνοουμένων· και αποκτήσαμε αποκλειστική πρόσβαση σε αδημοσίευτα στοιχεία της Διεθνούς Επιτροπής του Ερυθρού Σταυρού.

      Σε 65 νεκροταφεία κατά μήκος των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων –Ελλάδα, Ισπανία, Ιταλία, Μάλτα, Πολωνία, Λιθουανία, Γαλλία και Κροατία– καταγράψαμε περισσότερους από 1.000 τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία.

      Η έρευνα καταγράφει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η κρατική αδιαφορία γύρω από την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των ανθρώπων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα σύνορα διαπερνά τις ευρωπαϊκές χώρες. Στην Ιταλία, συναντήσαμε ξύλινους σταυρούς. Στην Κροατία και τη Βοσνία, συναντήσαμε δεκάδες τάφους με την ένδειξη « ΝΝ » (αγνώστων στοιχείων), στη Γαλλία απλώς με ένα « Χ ».

      Στα ισπανικά Γκραν Κανάρια, εντοπίσαμε πλάκες που δεν αναφέρουν την ταυτότητα των θανόντων, αλλά σε ποιο ναυάγιο πέθαναν : « Βάρκα μεταναστών νούμερο 4. 25/09/2022 ».

      Στην Ελλάδα, καταγράψαμε περισσότερους από 540 αταυτοποίητους τάφους προσφύγων, το 54% όσων συνολικά κατέγραψε η ευρωπαϊκή έρευνα. Ταξιδέψαμε στα νησιά του Αιγαίου και τον Έβρο, και εντοπίσαμε τάφους σε χωράφια που ενίοτε καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα, και μαρμάρινες πλάκες με ημερομηνίες θανάτου που έχουν σβηστεί, ενώ σε άλλες περιπτώσεις ένα κομμάτι ξύλο μαζί με έναν αριθμό αποτελεί τη μόνη σήμανσή τους.

      Τα στοιχεία της έρευνάς μας, σε συνδυασμό με τα στοιχεία της Διεθνούς Επιτροπής του Ερυθρού Σταυρού, δεν αποτελούν εξαντλητική καταγραφή του ζητήματος. Ωστόσο, αποτυπώνουν για πρώτη φορά τα κενά και τις δυσκολίες ενός συστήματος, που οδηγεί χιλιάδες οικογένειες να μην γνωρίζουν πού είναι θαμμένοι οι συγγενείς τους.

      Λέσβος : 167 αταυτοποίητοι τάφοι προσφύγων

      Ένας μακρύς χωματόδρομος, που τριγυρίζεται από ελαιόδεντρα, οδηγεί στην πύλη του νεκροταφείου του Κάτω Τρίτου, που συνήθως παραμένει κλειδωμένη με λουκέτο.

      Το « νεκροταφείο των προσφύγων », όπως το αποκαλούν στο νησί, βρίσκεται περίπου 15χλμ δυτικά της Μυτιλήνης. Αποτελεί τον μοναδικό χώρο ταφής αποκλειστικά για πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες στην Ελλάδα.

      Κατά τη διάρκεια μίας από τις επισκέψεις μας, λάμβανε χώρα η κηδεία τεσσάρων παιδιών. Έχασαν τη ζωή τους στις 28 Αυγούστου 2023, όταν η βάρκα στην οποία επέβαιναν μαζί με 18 ακόμη ανθρώπους βυθίστηκε νοτιοανατολικά της Λέσβου.

      Η πενθούσα μητέρα και αρκετές γυναίκες, μεταξύ των οποίων μέλη της οικογένειας, κάθονταν κάτω από ένα δέντρο, ενώ οι άνδρες προσεύχονταν κοντά στο υπόστεγο που χρησιμοποιείται για τη διαδικασία της ταφής σύμφωνα με την ισλαμική παράδοση.

      Στον Κάτω Τρίτο και τον Άγιο Παντελεήμονα, το νεκροταφείο της Μυτιλήνης όπου θάβονταν οι πρόσφυγες έως τότε, μετρήσαμε συνολικά 167 τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων μεταξύ 2014-2023.

      Ο τοπικός δημοσιογράφος, και πρώην μέλος του Περιφερειακού Συμβουλίου Βορείου Αιγαίου Νίκος Μανάβης, εξηγεί πως το νεκροταφείο δημιουργήθηκε το 2015 σε έναν ελαιώνα που ανήκει στο δήμο Μυτιλήνης λόγω ανάγκης : ένα πολύνεκρο ναυάγιο στα βόρεια του νησιού, στις 28 Οκτωβρίου του έτους, είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τουλάχιστον 60 νεκρούς, για τους οποίους τα νεκροταφεία του νησιού δεν επαρκούσαν.

      Πολλά θύματα ναυαγίων παραμένουν θαμμένα σε τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων. Στις ταφόπλακες αναγράφεται η εκτιμώμενη ηλικία των θανόντων και η ημερομηνία ταφής, ενίοτε μόνο ένας αριθμός. Άλλες φορές, ένα κομμάτι ξύλο και περιμετρικά τοποθετημένες πέτρες σηματοδοτούν τον τάφο.

      « Αυτό που βλέπουμε είναι ένα χωράφι, όχι ένα νεκροταφείο. Δεν δείχνει σεβασμό στους ανθρώπους που τάφηκαν εδώ », λέει ο Μανάβης.

      Αυτή η έλλειψη σεβασμού στο νεκροταφείο του Κάτω Τρίτου κινητοποίησε την οργάνωση Earth Medicine. Όπως εξηγεί ο Δημήτρης Πατούνης, μέλος της ΜΚΟ, τον Ιανουάριο του 2022 έκαναν πρόταση στο δήμο Μυτιλήνης για την αποκατάσταση του νεκροταφείου. Το σχέδιό τους είναι να δημιουργήσουν ένα χώρο ανάπαυσης με σεβασμό και αξιοπρέπεια, όπου οι πρόσφυγες και οι αιτούντες άσυλο θα μπορούν να ικανοποιήσουν την πιο ιερή ανθρώπινη ανάγκη, το πένθος για τους αγαπημένους τους.

      Παρόλο που το δημοτικό συμβούλιο ενέκρινε την πρόταση την άνοιξη του 2023, οι δημοτικές εκλογές του Οκτωβρίου καθυστέρησαν το έργο. Ο Πατούνης δηλώνει θετικός ότι σύντομα θα γίνει καταγραφή των τάφων και περίφραξη της περιοχής.

      Ο Χρήστος Μαυραχείλης, νεκροθάφτης στο νεκροταφείο του Αγίου Παντελεήμονα, θυμάται ότι το 2015 οι μουσουλμάνοι πρόσφυγες θάβονταν σε συγκεκριμένη περιοχή του νεκροταφείου.

      « Αν κάποιος ήταν αγνώστου ταυτότητας έγραφα στον τάφο του “Άγνωστος” », λέει. Εάν δεν υπήρχαν συγγενείς, που θα μπορούσαν να καλύψουν το κόστος, ο Μαυραχείλης έκοβε ο ίδιος ένα μάρμαρο και έγραφε όσα στοιχεία μπορούσε από το πιστοποιητικό θανάτου. « Άνθρωποι ήταν κι αυτοί », λέει, « έκανα ό,τι μπορούσα ».

      Από την πλευρά του, ο Θωμάς Βαναβάκης, πρώην ιδιοκτήτης γραφείου τελετών που πρόσφερε υπηρεσίες στη Λέσβο έως το 2020, λέει επίσης πως συχνά χρειάστηκε να καλύψουν ταφές δίχως να λάβουν αμοιβή. « Ξέρετε πόσες φορές μπήκαμε στη θάλασσα και πληρώσαμε εργάτες από την τσέπη μας για να τραβήξουμε τα πτώματα και δεν παίρναμε φράγκο ; », λέει.

      « Το να βλέπεις τόσα μωρά, να τα μαζεύεις και να τα πετάς σε ένα κουτί… Πώς μπορείς να πας σπίτι και να κοιμηθείς μετά από αυτό ; », λέει ο Βαναβάκης.

      Η Έφη Λατσούδη, που ζει στη Λέσβο και εργάζεται στην οργάνωση Refugee Support Aegean (RSA), λέει πως το 2015 υπήρχαν ταφές που δεν μπορούσε να καλύψει ο δήμος Μυτιλήνης, και ορισμένες φορές τις « πληρώναν οι άνθρωποι που συμμετείχαν στην τελετή. Προσπαθούσαμε να δώσουμε μια αξιοπρέπεια στη διαδικασία. Αλλά δεν ήταν αρκετό », λέει.

      Η Λατσούδη θυμάται κάτι που της είχε αναφέρει μια προσφύγισσα το 2015 : « Το χειρότερο που μπορεί να μας συμβεί είναι να πεθάνουμε κάπου μακριά και να μην είναι κανείς στην κηδεία μας ».

      Ο δήμος Μυτιλήνης δεν απάντησε στα ερωτήματά μας σχετικά με την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των προσφύγων στα νεκροταφεία ευθύνης του.
      Χίος και Σάμος : τάφοι καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα

      Σύμφωνα με την ελληνική νομοθεσία, η τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση (και σε περίπτωση αδυναμίας της η περιφέρεια) καλύπτει το κόστος για την ταφή τόσο των αταυτοποίητων προσφύγων που πεθαίνουν στα σύνορα, όσο και εκείνων που βρίσκονται σε οικονομική αδυναμία.

      Από πλευράς της, η δημοτική Αρχή Χίου δήλωσε πως προβλέπεται χρηματοδότηση για τις σχετικές δαπάνες, καθώς και ότι « στο πλαίσιο των αρμοδιοτήτων της για τα νεκροταφεία, συντηρεί και φροντίζει όλους τους χώρους, χωρίς διακρίσεις και με τον απαιτούμενο σεβασμό, για όλους τους νεκρούς ».

      Αλλά κατά την επίσκεψή μας τον Αύγουστο στο νεκροταφείο του Μερσινιδίου, λίγα χιλιόμετρα βόρεια της πόλης της Χίου, όπου πρόσφυγες βρίσκονται θαμμένοι πλάι στα μνήματα των ντόπιων, δεν ήταν δύσκολο να εντοπίσει κανείς τον διαχωρισμό : οι πέντε τάφοι αταυτοποίητων προσφύγων σηματοδοτούνταν απλώς από ένα μάρμαρο, το οποίο έτεινε να υπερκαλύψει η βλάστηση.

      Η Νατάσα Στραχίνη, δικηγόρος του RSA που ζει στη Χίο, έχει λάβει μέρος σε αρκετές κηδείες προσφύγων τόσο στη Χίο όσο και στη Λέσβο. Για εκείνη, είναι πολύ μεγάλη η σημασία της τοπικής κοινότητας και η παρουσία σε μια τόσο δύσκολη ανθρώπινη στιγμή.

      Σχετικά με τις ταφές, εξηγεί πως « μόνο ένα καλό σύστημα καταγραφής θα μπορούσε να βοηθήσει τους συγγενείς να εντοπίσουν τον τάφο ενός ανθρώπου που έχασαν, καθώς συνήθως στα νεκροταφεία μετά από 3-5 χρόνια γίνονται εκταφές ». Αναφέρει πως ενίοτε ένας τάφος παραμένει αγνώστων στοιχείων παρότι η σορός έχει ταυτοποιηθεί, είτε γιατί καθυστέρησε η διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης, είτε γιατί οι συγγενείς δεν είχαν την οικονομική δυνατότητα να αλλάξουν το μνήμα.

      Στο Ηραίο Σάμου, δίπλα στο δημοτικό νεκροταφείο, σε ένα οικόπεδο που ανήκει στη Μητρόπολη και χρησιμοποιείται ως χώρος ταφής προσφύγων, καταγράψαμε δεκάδες μνήματα που χρονολογούνται μεταξύ 2014-2023. Οι πλάκες –ορισμένες σπασμένες– που έχουν τοποθετηθεί στο έδαφος, « κρυμμένες » από κλαδιά, πευκοβελόνες και κουκουνάρια, αναγράφουν απλώς έναν αριθμό και τη χρονολογία της ταφής.

      Ο δικηγόρος Δημήτρης Χούλης, που ζει στη Σάμο και χειρίζεται υποθέσεις γύρω από το προσφυγικό, σχολίασε σχετικά : « Είναι ντροπιαστική εικόνα να βλέπεις τέτοιους τάφους. Είναι αδικαιολόγητο για μια σύγχρονη κοινωνία όπως η Ελλάδα ».

      Αναζητώντας στοιχεία

      Η Διεθνής Επιτροπή του Ερυθρού Σταυρού είναι από τις λίγες διεθνείς οργανώσεις που εργάζονται για την ταυτοποίηση των νεκρών πρσοφύγων. Μεταξύ άλλων, και στην Ελλάδα έχουν πραγματοποιήσει αρκετές σχετικές εκπαιδεύσεις σε στελέχη του Λιμενικού και της Ελληνικής Αστυνομίας.

      « Είναι υποχρέωσή μας να παρέχουμε στους νεκρούς μια αξιοπρεπή ταφή. Παράλληλα, οφείλουμε να δίνουμε απαντήσεις στις οικογένειες μέσω της ταυτοποίησης των νεκρών. Αν υπολογίσουμε τους συγγενείς των αγνοουμένων, αυτή η διαδικασία επηρεάζει εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες ανθρώπους. Δεν γνωρίζουν πού βρίσκονται οι αγαπημένοι τους. Τους φέρθηκαν καλά ; Τους σεβάστηκαν όταν τους έθαψαν ; », αναφέρει η Laurel Clegg, συντονίστρια ιατροδικαστής για τη μετανάστευση στην Ευρώπη.

      Εξηγεί πως η καταγραφή των νεκρών αποτελεί διαδικασία που « απαιτεί την καλή συνεργασία μεταξύ πολλών μερών : ένα νομικό πλαίσιο που να προστατεύει τους αταυτοποίητους νεκρούς, συστηματικές νεκροψίες (consistent post-mortems), νεκροτομεία, ληξιαρχεία, αξιοπρεπή μεταφορά, νεκροταφεία ».

      Ωστόσο, τα ιατρικά και νομικά συστήματα των χωρών αποδεικνύονται ανεπαρκή για να αντιμετωπίσουν τη διάσταση του προβλήματος, προσθέτει.

      Από το 2013, στο πλαίσιο του προγράμματος για την αποκατάσταση οικογενειακών δεσμών, ο Ερυθρός Σταυρός έχει καταγράψει στην Ευρώπη 16.500 αιτήματα από ανθρώπους που αναζητούν αγνοούμενους συγγενείς τους. Σύμφωνα με τον διεθνή οργανισμό έχουν επιτευχθεί μόλις 285 επιτυχείς αντιστοιχίσεις (1,7%).

      Τις αντιστοιχίσεις αυτές αναλαμβάνουν οι κατά τόπους ιατροδικαστές.

      « Συλλέγουμε πάντα δείγματα DNA από τις σορούς αγνώστων στοιχείων. Είναι συνήθης πρακτική και μπορεί να είναι το μόνο εφικτό μέσο ταυτοποίησης », αναφέρει ο Παναγιώτης Κοτρέτσος, ιατροδικαστής στη Ρόδο. Τα δείγματα αποστέλλονται στο εργαστήριο DNA της Διεύθυνσης Εγκληματολογικών Ερευνών της Ελληνικής Αστυνομίας, σύμφωνα με πρωτόκολλο της INTERPOL.

      Σύμφωνα με τον Ερυθρό Σταυρό, οι δυσκολίες συνήθως προκύπτουν όταν οι οικογένειες βρίσκονται εκτός ΕΕ, και οφείλονται σε διάφορους παράγοντες, όπως τυχόν διαφορές στο νομικό πλαίσιο ή στα ιατρικά συστήματα των χωρών. Για παράδειγμα, ορισμένες χώρες της ΕΕ δεν μπορούν να « ανοίξουν » υπόθεση και να πάρουν δείγματα DNA από οικογένειες, χωρίς εντολή από τις Aρχές της χώρας στην οποία έχει ανασυρθεί η σορός του συγγενή που αναζητάται.

      Το πιο δύσκολο μέρος στη διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης μέσω DNA είναι ότι χρειάζεται να υπάρχει κι ένα δεύτερο δείγμα που θα συγκριθεί με εκείνο που συνέλεξαν οι ιατροδικαστές, το οποίο πρέπει να σταλεί από τις οικογένειες των αγνοουμένων. « Για έναν πρόσφυγα που ξεκίνησε το ταξίδι του από μια χώρα της κεντρικής Αφρικής, ταξίδεψε για μήνες, και πέθανε στην Ελλάδα, θα υπάρχει το γενετικό υλικό στο νεκροτομείο. Αλλά θα παραμείνει αταίριαστο μέχρι κάποιος συγγενής πρώτου βαθμού να στείλει δείγμα DNA », λέει ο Κοτρέτσος.

      Εξηγεί πως αυτό δεν είναι πάντα εφικτό. « Έχουμε δεχτεί τηλεφωνήματα από συγγενείς που βρίσκονταν στη στη Συρία, και αναζητούσαν αγνοούμενα μέλη της οικογένειάς τους, και δεν μπορούσαν να στείλουν δείγματα ακριβώς επειδή βρίσκονταν στη Συρία ».

      Έξω από το πανεπιστημιακό νοσοκομείο της Αλεξανδρούπολης, δύο κοντέινερ ψυγεία που έχουν παραχωρηθεί από τον Ερυθρό Σταυρό ως προσωρινοί νεκροθάλαμοι φιλοξενούν τα σώματα 40 προσφύγων.

      Ο καθηγητής Ιατροδικαστικής στο Δημοκρίτειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θράκης, Παύλος Παυλίδης, έχει από το 2000 πραγματοποιήσει αυτοψίες σε τουλάχιστον 800 σώματα ανθρώπων σε κίνηση, με βασικές αιτίες θανάτου τον πνιγμό στα νερά του Έβρου και την υποθερμία.

      Ο ιατροδικαστής δεν αρκείται στην απαραίτητη συλλογή DNA : καταγράφει δεδομένα όπως σημάδια γέννησης ή τατουάζ και αντικείμενα (π.χ. πορτοφόλια, δαχτυλίδια, γυαλιά), τα οποία θα μπορούσαν να αποτελέσουν τον συνδετικό κρίκο για έναν συγγενή που αναζητά το αγαπημένο του πρόσωπο.

      Λέει πως συνολικά 313 σοροί που βρέθηκαν στον Έβρο από το 2014 παραμένουν αγνώστων στοιχείων. Όσες δεν μπορούν να ταυτοποιηθούν θάβονται σε ειδικό νεκροταφείο στο Σιδηρώ, το οποίο διαχειρίζεται ο δήμος Σουφλίου, ενώ 15-20 αταυτοποίητες σοροί τάφηκαν στην Ορεστιάδα όσο γινόταν η επέκταση του νεκροταφείου Σιδηρού.

      Οι σοροί των μουσουλμάνων προσφύγων που ταυτοποιούνται ενταφιάζονται στο μουσουλμανικό νεκροταφείο στη Μεσσούνη Κομοτηνής ή επαναπατρίζονται, όταν οι συγγενείς μπορούν να καλύψουν το κόστος επαναπατρισμού.

      « Αυτό δεν είναι αξιοπρεπές »

      Απαντώντας σε σχετικά ερωτήματα, το υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου είπε πως το ζήτημα των διαδικασιών ταυτοποίησης και ταφής προσφύγων δεν εμπίπτει στις αρμοδιότητές του. Εκπρόσωπος της Κομισιόν δήλωσε πως σχετικά κονδύλια προς την Ελλάδα δεν προβλέπονται, ωστόσο εν λόγω δαπάνες « θα μπορούσαν να υποστηριχθούν στο πλαίσιο του Εθνικού Προγράμματος του Ταμείου Ασύλου, Μετανάστευσης και Ένταξης », το οποίο διαχειρίζεται το υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης.

      Ο Θεόδωρος Νούσιας είναι επικεφαλής ιατροδικαστής της Ιατροδικαστικής Υπηρεσίας Βορείου Αιγαίου, δηλαδή υπεύθυνος για τα νησιά Λέσβο, Σάμο, Χίο, και Λήμνο. Σύμφωνα με τον ιατροδικαστή, η διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης μέσω DNA έχει βελτιωθεί πολύ σε σχέση με πριν από μερικά χρόνια.

      Ο Νούσιας λέει ότι πάντα ήταν διαθέσιμος, όταν του ζητήθηκε να αναγνωρίσει κάποιον. « Πρέπει να εξυπηρετείς τους ανθρώπους, γι’ αυτό βρίσκεσαι εκεί. Να εξυπηρετείς τους ανθρώπους για να μπορούν να βρουν την οικογένειά τους », προσθέτει.

      Ο ιατροδικαστής ζει στη Λέσβο, αλλά λέει πως δεν έχει πάει ποτέ στο νεκροταφείο στον Κάτω Τρίτο. « Δεν θέλω να πάω. Θα είναι δύσκολο για μένα γιατί οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς τους ανθρώπους έχουν περάσει από τα χέρια μου ».

      Τον Οκτώβριο του 2022, ο 32χρονος Σουτζά Αχμαντί και η αδελφή του Μαρίνα ταξίδεψαν επίσης στα Κύθηρα και, στη συνέχεια, στην Καλαμάτα προκειμένου να αναγνωρίσουν τη σορό του πατέρα τους, Αμπντούλ Γασί.

      Ο 65χρονος είχε ξεκινήσει το ταξίδι για την Ιταλία μαζί με τη γυναίκα του Χατίτζε — εκείνη επέζησε. Τα δύο αδέλφια επισκέφθηκαν το νοσοκομείο, όπου τους έδειξαν και τα οκτώ πτώματα, άνδρες και γυναίκες, παρότι είχαν εξαρχής εξηγήσει πως ο άνθρωπος που αναζητούσαν ήταν άνδρας.

      Το σώμα του πατέρα τους ήταν μεταξύ εκείνων που βρίσκονταν εκτός ψυγείου.

      « Η αδελφή μου έκλαιγε και τους φώναζε να πάρουν τον πατέρα μας από το κοντέινερ ψυγείο γιατί μύριζε », θυμάται ο Σουτζά. « Δεν ήταν αξιοπρεπές μέρος για έναν άνθρωπο ».

      Για την έρευνα συνεργάστηκαν οι : Gabriele Cruciata, Eoghan Gilmartin, Danai Maragoudaki, Barbara Matejčić, Leah Pattem, Gabriela Ramírez, Daphne Tolis and Tina Xu (συντονίστρια).

      Η έρευνα υποστηρίχθηκε από το Investigative Journalism for Europe (IJ4EU) και Journalismfund Europe.

      https://wearesolomon.com/el/mag/format-el/erevnes/agnoston-stoixeion-pano-apo-1000-ataftopoihtoi-tafoi-sta-evropaika-syn

    • U Hrvatskoj pronađeno 45 neimenovanih grobova migranata, među njima je bila i 5-godišnja curica: ‘Policija ih često tjera u rijeku’

      Telegram ekskluzivno donosi veliku priču Barbare Matejčić koja je, kao jedina novinarka iz Hrvatske, sudjelovala u međunarodnoj novinarskoj istrazi s kolegama iz uglednih medija poput britanskog Guardiana i njemačkog Süddeutsche Zeitunga. Otkrili su kako završavaju tijela onih koji su stradali pokušavajući ući u Europsku uniju

      U selu Siče u istočnoj Hrvatskoj više je Sičana na groblju nego među živima: živih je 230, a umrlih 250. Točnije, na groblju je 247 Sičana i tri nepoznate osobe. Bilo bi ih još više pod zemljom da Siče svoje groblje nema tek od 1970-ih. Bilo bi još više i živih da nisu, kao mnogi iz tog kraja, odlazili u veće gradove ili u inozemstvo u potrazi za boljim životom. Grobovi Sičana, ukratko, posjetitelju kažu tko su ti ljudi bili, gdje pripadaju i posjećuju li ih bližnji. Tako to biva s grobovima, sažimaju osnovne informacije naših života. Ako na grobu stoji samo NN, to sažima tragediju.

      Tko su te tri osobe kojima se ne zna ime? Kako im je posljednja adresa skromni humak u Siču? Migranti, utopili su se u obližnjoj rijeci, reći će vam mještani. Malo je mjesto, malo je groblje, sve se zna. I da ne znate ništa, jasno vam je da te tri osobe tu ne pripadaju. Ukopani su sasvim izdvojeno od ostatka groblja. Tri drvena križa s NN natpisima, zabodena u zemlju na rubu groblja. NN, kao skraćenica od latinskog nomen nescio, doslovno znači: ne znam ime.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iQAGqiWBB78&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Službeno objašnjenje komunalnog poduzeća koje upravlja grobljem je da je ostavljeno mjesta za još mogućih ukopa onih kojima se ne zna ime. A objašnjenje na koje pomislite kad tamo dođete jest da su ukopani izdvojeno kako se ne bi miješali s mještanima. Ili, kako nam se u telefonskom razgovoru izlanuo načelnik jednog drugog mjesta gdje su također na margini groblja NN migrantski grobovi: “Da nam ne smetaju.”

      Afganistanci pod križem

      Na groblju u Sičama to su jedina tri groba o kojima nitko ne vodi računa. Za nekih pet godina mogao bi im nestati svaki trag. Komunalna poduzeća su dužna ukopati neidentificirana tijela, ali ne i održavati grobove osim ako grob nije od “osobe od posebnog povijesnog i društvenog značaja”, kako zakon nalaže. NN1, NN2 i NN3 su od posebnog značaja samo svojim bližnjima, koji vjerojatno ni ne znaju gdje su. Možda čekaju da im se konačno jave iz zapadne Europe. Možda ih traže. Možda ih oplakuju. No, ako zakopate malo dublje, saznat ćete ponešto o onima koji tu počivaju bez imena.

      U rano i hladno jutro 23. prosinca 2022. policija je pronašla dva tijela na obali Save, koja je u tom području odvaja Hrvatsku od Bosne i Hercegovine. Odvaja Europsku uniju od ostatka Europe. Prema policijskom izvještaju, pronašli su i skupinu od dvadeset stranih državljana koji su tim putem nezakonito ušli u Hrvatsku. Skupini je nedostajala još jedna osoba. Nakon opsežne potrage u popodnevnim satima je pronađeno i treće tijelo. Patolog Opće bolnice u Novoj Gradiški ustanovio je da je smrt za sve troje nastupila u 2.45 u noći. Dvojica su umrla od pothlađenosti, jedan se utopio.

      Kod njih su pronađene iskaznice iz izbjegličkog kampa u Bosni i Hercegovini. Saznali smo da su, prema iskaznicama, sva trojica bila iz Afganistana: Ahmedi Abozari imao je 17 godina, Basir Naseri imao je 21 godinu i Shakir Atoin je imao 25 godina. NN1, NN2 i NN3. Za dvojicu od njih su i drugi iz skupine migranata potvrdili identitet, rekli su nam iz Policijske uprave brodsko-posavske. Zašto su onda pokopani kao NN? Ako se znalo da su iz Afganistana, zašto su pokopani pod križem? Ako ih traže obitelji, kako će ih naći?
      ‘Neka plate za ime na grobu’

      U upravi groblja su bili ljubazni i rekli da pokapaju prema tome kako stoji u dozvoli za ukop koju potpisuje patolog. A stajalo je NN. Patolog je rekao da podatke ispisuje na temelju informacija dobivenih od policije i mrtvozornika. Iz nadležne policije su nam rekli da se osoba sahranjuje po pravilima lokalne uprave. Groblje Siče pripada Općini Nova Kapela, čiji nam je načelnik Ivan Šmit nezadovoljno nabrojao sve troškove koje je njegova općina snosila za te ukope i poručio da ako će netko za to platiti, onda može promijeniti oznaku NN u imena.

      Na niz smo takvih administrativnih nejasnoća naišli istražujući kako nadležna tijela postupaju s tijelima onih koji su stradali pokušavajući ući u Europsku uniju, kao dio Border Graves Investigation koje je proveo tim od osam slobodnih novinara u zemljama na migrantskim rutama, zajedno s britanskim Guardianom i njemačkim Süddeutsche Zeitungom.

      Nema jedinstvene europske baze podataka o broju migranata koji su pokopani u Europi. No tim je uspio potvrditi najmanje 1.931 takav grob u Grčkoj, Italiji, Španjolskoj, Hrvatskoj, Malti, Poljskoj i Francuskoj u zadnjem desetljeću, dakle od 2014. do 2023. Od toga je 1.015 NN grobova. Više od polovice neidentificiranih grobova je, očekivano, u Grčkoj – 551, u Italiji 248 i u Španjolskoj 109. U Hrvatskoj smo utvrdili 59 grobova migranata koji su ukopani posljednjeg desetljeća, od čega ih 45 nije identificirano. Podaci su temeljeni na različitim bazama podataka koje u pojedinačnim zemljama prikupljaju međunarodne organizacije, nevladine udruge, znanstvenici i istraživači, kao i od lokalnih vlasti te terenskim radom.

      Tim novinara je posjetio 24 groblja u Grčkoj, Italiji, Španjolskoj, Hrvatskoj, Poljskoj i Litvi, gdje je ukupno 555 grobova neidentificiranih migranata od 2014. do 2023. To su oni čija su tijela pronađena i pokopana. Međunarodni odbor Crvenog križa procjenjuje da se 87 posto onih koji nestanu na europskim južnim granicama nikad ne pronađe. Za kopnene migrantske rute nema procjena.
      Traže li migrante kao što traže turiste?

      Prosinac 2022. kad su umrla trojica mladih Afganistanaca je bio kišniji nego inače i Sava je nabujala. No ionako je velika i brza. Na tom je području samo tri dana ranije nestalo petero turskih državljana nakon što im se na Savi prevrnuo čamac. Među njima su bili dvogodišnja curica, dvanaestogodišnji dečko i njihovi roditelji. Brat nestalog oca je došao iz Njemačke u Hrvatsku kako bi saznao što se dogodilo s obitelji. Iz dokumentacije koju posjedujemo, vidljivo je da je uz pomoć turkologinje Nine Rajković pokušavao od više policijskih postaja doći do informacija u vezi nestalih. Nije ih dobio ni mjesecima kasnije. Htjeli su prijaviti nestanak, no u policiji im je rečeno da prijavu nema smisla pisati ako osobe nisu prethodno registrirane na području Hrvatske ili Bosne i Hercegovine.

      Na niz smo sličnih primjera naišli baveći se ovom temom. Mladić je došao u Hrvatsku i prijavio policiji i u Hrvatskoj i u Sloveniji da mu se brat utopio u Kupi. No njegov nestanak nije evidentiran u hrvatskoj nacionalnoj bazi nestalih osoba koja je javno dostupna. Policija brata nije kontaktirala nakon što je u narednim danima u Kupi nađeno više neidentificiranih tijela. Afganistanac je šest mjeseci čekao da se tijelo njegova brata, koji se utopio kad su zajedno pokušali prijeći Savu također u prosincu 2022., prebaci iz Hrvatske u Bosnu i Hercegovinu da ga može pokopati. Iako je potvrdio da je riječ o njegovu bratu, proces identifikacije je bio spor i kompliciran.

      Naišli smo i na primjere obitelji koje nemaju nekoga u Europi tko može doputovati i uporno tragati za informacijama, već izdaleka pokušavaju ući u trag bližnjima koji se gube na području Hrvatske i na kraju su obeshrabreno odustali. Puno je pitanja i malo jasnih odgovora na temu nestalih i umrlih migranata na tzv. Balkanskoj ruti, čiji je Hrvatska dio. Ne postoje jasni protokoli i procedure oko toga kome i kako se prijavljuje nestanak. Ne zna se traži li se nestale migrante aktivno, kao što se ljeti traži nestale turiste. Nije jasno koliko je informacija, i kojih, potrebno za identifikaciju.
      Obitelji se nemaju kome javiti

      “Kruženje informacije između institucija i pojedinih odjela mi se čini gotovo nepostojeća. U jednom slučaju mi je trebalo više od dva mjeseca i deseci telefonskih poziva i mailova upućenih na različite adrese, policijske postaje, policijske uprave, bolnice, državno odvjetništvo, samo da potaknem pokretanje identifikacije koja do danas, više od godinu dana kasnije, još nije završena”, kaže Marijana Hameršak s Instituta za etnologiju i folkloristiku u Zagrebu. Ona vodi znanstveni projekt “Europski režim iregulariziranih migracija na periferiji EU” u kojem se prikuplja znanje i podaci o nestalim i umrlim migrantima. Na kraju sve ovisi o susretljivim i posvećenim pojedincima u institucijama, kaže Hamrešak, no oni ne mogu nositi cijeli teret disfunkcionalnog sustava.

      Potrage za nestalim i pokušaji identifikacije umrlih migranata u Hrvatskoj, kao i susjednoj Bosni i Hercegovini, najčešće počivaju na trudu volontera i aktivista, koji poput Marijane tragaju za informacijama u kaotičnoj administraciji jer je obiteljima koje ne poznaju jezik taj zadatak praktički nesavladiv. Tako je Facebook grupa Dead and Missing in the Balkans postala glavno mjesto razmjene fotografija i podataka o nestalima i umrlima između obitelji i aktivista. Ne postoj internetska stranica na engleskom nadležnog Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova na koju se mogu javiti iz Afganistana ili Sirije i raspitati se za sudbinu svojih bližnjih, ostaviti podatke o njima i prijaviti nestanak.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PldA9Pa3LJc&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Nema ni regionalne baze podataka o nestalim i umrlim migrantima na kojoj bi surađivale policije makar iz zemalja među kojima se bilježi najviše prelazaka – iz Bosne i Hercegovine u Hrvatsku. Povjerenica Vijeća Europe za ljudska prava Dunja Mijatović je u razgovoru s našim timom naglasila da je iznimno važno uspostaviti centraliziranu europsku bazu podataka o nestalim i umrlim migrantima. Kad bi takva baza podataka objedinjavala ante-mortem (podaci o osobi koji se prikupljaju od rodbine i poznanika, poput fizičkih karakteristika i opisa odjeće koju je nosila posljednji put, koje je predmete imala uz sebe itd.) i post-mortem (kao DNK uzorak i fotografije) podatke o umrlima, uvelike bi se povećale šanse za identifikaciju.
      Poginuti ili ostvariti san

      “Obitelji imaju pravo znati istinu o tome što se dogodilo njihovim najbližima”, kaže Mijatović. No suradnja policija susjednih zemalja u održavanju vanjske granice EU nepropusnom je učinkovita. Ranije migranti nisu tako često pokušavali prijeći Savu. Znali su da je previše opasna. Dijele informacije jedni s drugima i ne upuštaju se u prelazak takve rijeke u dječjim čamcima na napuhavanje ili u zračnicama kotača. Ako nisu sasvim očajni.

      Hrvatska policija je push-backovima i upotrebom sile – na što već godinama upozoravaju Amnesty International i Human Rights Watch – otežala prelazak drugim, manje opasnim prijelazima duž zelene granice s Bosnom i Hercegovinom. Kako nam je rekao mladi Marokanac u Bosni i Hercegovini, koji je 11 puta pokušao preći u Hrvatsku ali ga je hrvatska policija svaki put vratila: “Imaš dva izbora: poginuti ili ostvariti san.” Koliko ih je poginulo na Balkanskoj ruti u pokušaju ostvarenja sna, teško je utvrditi. Najsveobuhvatniji podaci za zemlje bivše Jugoslavije su oni koje prikupljaju istraživači projekta “Europski režim iregulariziranih migracija na periferiji EU”, i broje 346 stradalih od 2014. do 2023. u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji, Sloveniji, Sjevernoj Makedoniji i na Kosovu.

      ERIM-ova baza pojedinačno navodi svakog stradalog i sadrži onoliko podataka koliko su istraživači mogli prikupiti iz raznih izvora – medija, svjedoka stradanja, od institucija, iz aktivističkih kanala. No brojka je zasigurno bitno veća. Nestanak nekih nije ni evidentiran. Tijela mnogih nikad nisu pronađena. Stara planina između Bugarske i Srbije težak je i nedostupan teren. Tu će na preminule naići samo oni koji su istom sudbinom nagnani na taj put i neće riskirati prijavu. Ako stradaju u minskim poljima zaostalim iza ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, od tijela im neće ostati mnogo. Najviše je pronađeno tijela utopljenih u rijekama, no nema procjena koliko utopljenih nije nikad pronađeno.
      U Hrvatskoj 45 neidentificiranih

      Hrvatsko Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova nam je dostavilo podatke o stradalim migrantima od 2015., otkad vode evidenciju, do kraja studenog 2023.: ukupno 87 stradalih migranata na području Republike Hrvatske. Ni jedno službeno tijelo u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i Srbiji ne vodi evidenciju o pokopanim migrantima na tom teritoriju. No za Hrvatsku smo uspjeli doći do podataka, zahvaljujući upitima poslanima na preko 500 adresa gradova, općina i komunalnih poduzeća koja upravljaju grobljima. Prema dobivenim podacima, u Hrvatskoj se na 32 groblja nalazi 59 grobova migranata, koji su ukopani posljednjeg desetljeća, dakle od 2014. do danas. Od toga ih 45 nije identificirano.

      Neki pokopani migranti su ekshumirani i vraćeni obiteljima u zemlju porijekla, premda je to za obitelji zahtjevan i iznimno skup proces. U MUP-u navode da se od 2001. DNK uzorci uzimaju od svih neidentificiranih tijela, a obradu provodi Centar za forenzična ispitivanja, istraživanja i vještačenja Ivan Vučetić. Tražili smo od MUP-a razgovor sa stručnjacima koji rade na identifikaciji migranata, ali nam nije udovoljeno.

      Među NN grobovima u Hrvatskoj je mrtvorođena beba iz Sirije pokopana 2015. u Slavonskom Brodu. Petogodišnja djevojčica koja se utopila u Dunavu i pokopana je 2021. u Dalju. Prošlo ljeto je mladić u brdovitom predjelu na dubrovačkom području umro od iscrpljenosti. Neke je udario vlak. Mnogi su umrli od pothlađenosti. Neki umru jer im nije na vrijeme pružena pomoć. Neki ne vjeruju da im išta više može pomoći pa se ubiju.
      Nerazriješeni gubitak

      Prema zakonu, sahranjuju se najbliže mjestu stradavanja tako da su uglavnom na malim grobljima poput onog u Sičama. Često su, baš kao tamo, njihovi grobovi izdvojeni od ostatka groblja. Ponegdje je, kao u Otoku, netko od mještanki mekog srca dao sebi u zadatak da brine o NN grobu. Negdje je, kao na groblju u Prilišću, NN drveni križ iz 2019. već istrunuo.

      Iza svakog tog NN groba ostaju bližnji koji se nose s teretom neznanja što se dogodilo. Psiholozi to zovu nerazriješenim gubitkom, jer toliko dugo koliko bližnji nemaju potvrdu da su njihovi voljeni mrtvi i ne znaju gdje su im tijela, ne mogu žalovati za njima. Ako nastave sa životom, osjećaju krivnju. I tako su zamrznuti u stanju između očaja i nade. Američka psihologinja dr. Pauline Boss autorica je termina i teorije o nerazriješenom gubitku. “Znati gdje je grob bližnje osobe je jako važno jer pomaže da se oprostite”, rekla je dr. Boss u razgovoru za naš tim.

      Postoji i praktična strana te zamrznutosti: ako osoba nije proglašena mrtvom, ne može se provesti nasljeđivanje, ne može se pristupiti bankovnom računu, ne može se dobiti obiteljska mirovina, partner ili partnerica se ne mogu ponovno vjenčati, komplicira se skrbništvo nad djecom. Mnoge obitelj i u Hrvatskoj i u Bosni i Hercegovini dobro poznaju nerazriješeni gubitak; ratovi u devedesetima ostavili su tisuće nestalih. Obje zemlje imaju posebne zakone o nestalima u tim ratovima i dobro razrađene mehanizme potrage, identifikacije, pohranjivanja podataka i međusobne suradnje. No to se ne primjenjuje na migrante koji se gube i pogibaju među tisućama koji se kreću Balkanskom rutom.
      Uređeni koridor – nula mrtvih

      Hrvatska je postala važna točka ulaska u Europsku uniju nakon što je Mađarska zatvorila granice u rujnu 2015. Od tada pa do ožujka 2016. preko hrvatske dionice Balkanskog koridora – dakle, međudržavnog, organiziranog puta – prema procjenama, prošlo je oko 660.000 izbjeglica. Taj koridor im je omogućio da od Grčke pa do zapadne Europe dođu u dva ili tri dana. I dolazili su sigurno. Od tih stotina tisuća ljudi u pokretu, hrvatski MUP ne bilježi niti jednu smrt 2015. i 2016. Koridor je i uspostavljen da bi se spriječila stradavanja nakon što je veći broj izbjeglica u proljeće 2015. poginuo na željezničkoj pruzi u Makedoniji.

      No sa sklapanjem europsko-turskog sporazuma o izbjeglicama u ožujku 2016. godine, koridor je zatvoren. EU se obavezala izdašno financirati Tursku da izbjeglice drži na svom teritoriju kako ne bi dolazili u Europsku uniju. I tako je migrantima ostala pogibeljna Balkanska ruta. Mnogi njom idu. Samo u deset mjeseci 2023. hrvatska je policija evidentirala 62.452 postupanja vezano za nezakonite prelaske granice.

      I Ured pučke pravobraniteljice u Hrvatskoj i povjerenica Vijeća Europe za ljudska prava upozoravaju na isto: granične i migracijske politike utječu na povećanje rizika od nestajanja migranata. I da je potrebno da se u EU uspostave legalni i sigurni putevi migracija. No, EU očekuje od Hrvatske da štiti zajedničku vanjsku granicu. I Hrvatska to zdušno radi. Takvu praksu ministar Davor Božinović naziva “obeshrabrivanjem” migranata da uđu u Hrvatsku.
      ‘Obeshrabreni’ pod vlak

      Rezultat takve prakse je, primjerice, smrt Madine Hussiny. Šestogodišnju afganistansku djevojčicu je ubio vlak nakon što je njenu obitelj hrvatska policija “obeshrabrila” i usred noći 2017. potjerala nazad u Srbiju uz uputu da prate tračnice. Europski sud za ljudska prava u studenom 2021. je presudio da je Hrvatska odgovorna za Madininu smrt. U svjedočanstvima koja smo čuli, kao i u mnogim izvještajima nevladinih organizacija, migranti opisuju da im je hrvatska policija na granici naredila da pregaze ili preplivaju rijeku kako bi se vratili u Bosnu ili Srbiju, da se penju preko stijena, idu kroz šumu, nekad i svučeni dogola i ne znajući put jer im policija u pravilu oduzme mobitele.

      Prema podacima koje prikuplja Dansko vijeće za izbjeglice, od početka 2020. do kraja 2022. najmanje je 30.000 ljudi prisilno vraćeno iz Hrvatske u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Među njima je bio i Afganistanac Arat Semiullah. U studenom 2022. je namjeravao prijeći Savu i ući iz Bosne u Hrvatsku. Utopio se. Imao je 20 godina. Pokopan je na pravoslavnom groblju u Banja Luci. Njegova obitelj u Afganistanu nije znala što mu se dogodilo. Dan ranije je poslao mami fotografiju na kojoj je svježe ošišan za ulazak u Europsku uniju. I onda se prestao javljati.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_2nVP5AL1x0&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Majka je molila nećaka Paymana Sediqija, koji živi u Njemačkoj, da ga pokuša pronaći. Payman je stupio u kontakt s aktivistom Nihadom Suljićem, koji u Bosni i Hercegovini samostalno pomaže obiteljima da doznaju što je s njihovim bližnjima. Tjednima su pokušavali doći do informacija. Payman je otputovao u Bosnu i uspio pronaći tijelo rođaka zahvaljujući susretljivosti policajke koja mu je pokazala forenzičke fotografije. Aratova mama je telefonski potvrdila da je to njezin sin.
      U Europi sahranili snove

      Na Aratovoj osmrtnici objavljenoj u Bosni i Hercegovini piše da je “hrvatska policija vatrenim oružjem potopila čamac te se on tragično utopio”. Uz pomoć muslimanske zajednice, a na želju obitelji, uspjeli su tijelo prebaciti iz Banja Luke na muslimansko groblje u Kamičanima. Htjeli su ga pokopati u Afganistanu, ali im je bilo previše skupo i birokratski komplicirano. U rujnu 2023. susreli smo se s Nihadom i Paymanom kad je Aratu postavljen velik kameni nadgrobni spomenik. Na njemu piše: “U pokušaju dolaska do Europe utopio se u rijeci Savi.”

      Payman nam je ispričao da je Arat prelazio Savu u skupini migranata. Dio njih je uspio doći do hrvatske obale, no onda je hrvatska policija pucala u gumeni čamac u kojem je bio Arat. Čamac se potopio i Arat se utopio. Tako je Paymanu ispričao preživjeli koji je prešao na hrvatsku obalu Save. Payman kaže da je Aratova obitelj u velikoj boli, ali da makar znaju gdje im je sin i da je pokopan po religijskim običajima. Paymanu je važno da na grobu piše da je Arat stradao kao migrant.

      “Svakodnevno u Europi umiru ljudi koji bježe iz zemalja u kojima im nema života. U Europi se sahranjuju njihovi snovi. Nikoga nije briga za njih, čak ni kad europski policajci pucaju na njih”, kaže Payman. Zna o kakvim snovima govori; i sam je ilegalno došao u Njemačku sa 16 godina. Kaže da je imao sreće. Nihad se zalaže da se i drugi grobovi migranata u Bosni i Hercegovini trajno obilježe. Vodi nas na groblje u Zvorniku gdje je pokopano 17 NN migranata. Kaže kako za neke od njih ima informaciju da su imali pasoš sa sobom kad su pronađeni.
      ‘Ove ljude nije ubila rijeka’

      S groblja se vidi Drina, koja dijeli Srbiju od Bosne i u kojoj mnogi izgube život pokušavajući je preći. Samo je ove godine u Drini pronađeno tridesetak tijela. Nihad kaže da imaju sreće ako ih rijeka izbaci na bosansku stranu jer se u Srbiji često ne radi ni obdukcija niti uzimaju DNK uzorci. To su nam potvrdili i aktivisti iz Srbije. U tom slučaju su i u smrti sasvim izgubljeni za svoje obitelji. Zemljani NN grobovi u Zvorniku su zarasli i nisu omeđeni, tako da ne znate gazite li po njima.

      Nihad je uspio uvjeriti Grad Zvornik da drvena obilježja zamijene crnim kamenom. Važno mu je da su pokopani dostojanstveno, ali mu je još važnije da ostanu svjedočiti. “Želja mi je da i za sto godina ovi grobovi budu spomenici srama EU. Jer, nije ove ljude ubila rijeka, nego granični režim EU”, kaže Nihad.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UJkS3qHfA54&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      https://www.telegram.hr/preview/1905158

    • An obscure island grave: fate of deadly EU migration route’s youngest victim

      Case of #Alhassane_Bangoura in #Lanzarote highlights Europe-wide failure as authorities struggle to cope with scale of deaths

      Stretching less than a metre in length and covered in the ochre-coloured soil that dots the Canary island of Lanzarote, large stones encircle the tiny mound. There is no tombstone or plaque; nothing official to signal that this is the final resting site of the infant believed to be the youngest victim of one of the world’s deadliest migration routes.

      Instead, two bouquets of plastic daisies adorn the grave, along with a granite bowl engraved with his name, Alhassane Bangoura, hinting at the impact his story had on many across the island.

      His mother, originally from Guinea, was among three pregnant women who joined 40 others in an inflatable raft that left Morocco in early January 2020. After running out of fuel, the flimsy raft was left to the mercy of Atlantic currents for three days.

      “They were driven by desperation,” said Mamadou Sy, a municipal councillor for the Socialist party in Lanzarote. “Nobody would get into one of these vessels if they had even a little bit of hope in their own country. Nobody would do it.”

      So far this year, a record 35,410 migrants and refugees have arrived on the shores of the Canary Islands – a 135% increase over last year. More than 11,000 of them landed at the tiny island of El Hierro, home to just 9,000 people.

      The surge in those risking the perilous route has transformed the archipelago into a microcosm of the wider strain playing out across the EU as authorities struggle to deal with the bodies of those that die on their way. A Guardian investigation in collaboration with a consortium of reporters has found that refugees and migrants are being buried in unmarked graves across the EU at a scale that is unprecedented outside of war.

      In September, the mayor of Mogán, a municipality on the island of Gran Canaria, gave voice to the tensions that have at times surfaced as officials across the EU confront this issue, announcing she would no longer use her budget to cover the cost of burying refugees and migrants who are found along the shores that buttress the municipality.

      “When they die on the high seas, it is the responsibility of the state,” Onalia Bueno told reporters, in rejection of a Spanish law that requires municipalities to foot the bills for people who die within their jurisdiction and who are either unidentified or whose families cannot cover the costs.

      At the Teguise municipal cemetery on the island of Lanzarote, more than 25 unmarked graves sit among a plot containing about 60 graves in total. It was here that baby Alhassane was buried. His mother had delivered him as the rickety vessel pitched against the fierce Atlantic swells; those onboard later told media they never heard the baby cry.

      His body was cold when the vessel was rescued, an emergency services spokesperson said. He was taken to the nearest hospital but was declared dead on arrival. His body was taken to judicial authorities as is the standard practice in Spain for migrants and refugees who perish at sea or on arrival.

      Alhassane’s mother, who was unconscious when she was rescued, was later sent to Gran Canaria, about 200km (125 miles) away, where an NGO had agreed to take her into its care. But the Spanish judicial system had yet to release her son’s body – a process that can take up to eight months in Lanzarote.

      The funeral took place on 25 January. “She wasn’t able to attend the funeral,” said Laetitia Marthe, who was among those who unsuccessfully battled for Alhassane’s mother to be allowed to attend. “Basically they’re treated like numbers.”

      Instead, Marthe was among the handful of people who attended the funeral in her name.

      Judicial officials had liaised with the mother to check the baby’s name, said Eugenio Robayna Díaz, the municipal councillor responsible for cemeteries in the city of Teguise. But he did not know why the name had not made it on to the grave.

      Julie Campagne, an anthropologist based in Lanzarote, called for the baby’s grave to be marked with a plaque. “We’re witnessing the process of forgetting in real time. And this loss of memory comes with a shirking of our responsibility for what is happening.”

      Generally speaking, all over the world, there is always a small fraction of people who die and are never identified, she added. “But that is not what is happening here. This is happening for specific reasons. This is happening because of the policy decisions of our governments.”

      While Alhassane’s mother was not able to attend the funeral, what did eventually make it to his gravesite was a smooth stone, painted by her in yellow and red and brought there by those travelling from Gran Canaria shortly after the burial. Written on the stone was a message for her son.

      More than three years of rain has washed away much of what was there but Marthe copied down the message, hoping to one day add it to a formal marker of the site. “I will miss you a lot my baby,” it reads. “I love you.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/08/an-obscure-island-grave-fate-of-deadly-eu-migration-routes-youngest-vic

      #Teguise

    • Dead refugees in the Balkans: bribes to find missing relatives

      In comparison to 2015, today more asylum seekers are dying on the Balkan route. While relatives are forced to overcome state indifference to identify their loved ones, they are also forced to bribe authorities, even border guards, in the hope of finding them.

      He had hoped to find his son in a refugee camp. And after spending three weeks looking for him, he had prepared himself for the possibility of finding him in a hospital.

      But he didn’t expect to find him in the graveyard.

      When the policeman with Bulgarian insignia on his uniform showed him the picture of his son lying lifeless in the grass, he lost the ground under his feet. “I wish I could at least have been able to see Majd one last time. My mind still can’t believe that the person in this grave is my son,” says Husam Adin Bibars.

      The 56-year-old Syrian refugee, a father of four other children, had spent 22 days searching for his son from afar when he decided to spend his meager savings to travel from Denmark to Bulgaria to look for him – but it was too late.

      In Bulgaria, he learned that 27-year-old Majd’s body had been buried within just four days of its discovery. Majd had been buried as an unidentified person; there was nothing to indicate that the person buried under that pile of dirt, which Bibars later visited, was his son.

      “We hear that Europe is the land of freedom, democracy, and human rights,” says Bibars soberly. “Where are human rights if I am not able to see my son before his burial?”

      Dead without identification

      Majd had crossed from Turkey to Bulgaria with a group of about 20 other people, hoping to reunite with his parents and siblings in Europe. Once he arrived, his pregnant wife and their daughter, Hannah, would follow.

      Toward the end of September, he stopped returning calls and texts. The smuggler told Bibars that Majd had fallen ill and they needed to leave him behind. Authorities told Bibars his son died of thirst, exhaustion, and exposure.

      In recent years, with the support of EU funds and the increased involvement of the European border agency Frontex, Balkan countries have stepped up border controls, constructing fences, deploying drones and surveillance mechanisms. But this doesn’t deter asylum seekers – it causes them to take longer and more dangerous routes to avoid authorities.

      An investigation by Solomon in collaboration with investigative newsroom Lighthouse Reports, the German magazine Der Spiegel and German public television ARD, the British newspaper i, and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, found that the hostility people face at the borders of Europe in life continues even in death.

      We found that since the start of 2022, the lifeless bodies of 155 people presumed to be migrants have ended up in morgues close to borders along a route that includes Serbia, Bulgaria, and Bosnia.

      According to the data, for 2023 there is already a 46% increase in deaths compared to the whole of 2022.

      In the Balkans, people making the journey have to cope with harsh weather conditions, but also with pushbacks, increased brutality by border guards and smugglers, theft by border forces – even detention in secret prisons.

      For their part, the families of those who go missing or die in the region have to search for their loved ones in morgues, hospitals, and special Facebook and WhatsApp groups, and to cope with an equally arduous effort facing the indifference of the authorities.

      In Bulgaria, this investigation reveals, they often also need to pay bribes in the hope of learning more about their missing loved ones.
      The 10 key findings of the investigation:

      - In 2022, the number of people travelling irregularly through the Balkans to Western Europe reached its highest point since 2015, with Frontex recording 144,118 irregular border crossings.

      – The corresponding figure for 2023 is lower (79,609 by September), but remains a multiple of 2019 (15,127) and 2018 (5,844).

      – The Balkan route is more dangerous than ever: in the absence of a centralised relevant registration system, the International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Missing Migrants platform suggests that more people died or went missing in 2022 than in 2015.

      - According to data gathered for this investigation, at least 155 unidentified bodies ended up in six selected morgues along a section of the Balkan route that includes Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia. The majority of the bodies (92) were found this year.

      - For 2023, the number is already showing a 46% increase compared to 2022, and is exploding in some morgues.

      – Some morgues in Bulgaria (Burgas, Yambol) are having difficulty finding space for the bodies of refugees. Others in Serbia (Loznina) have no space at all.

      - This contributes to unidentified bodies being buried within days, in ‘No Name’ graves. This means that families are left without the opportunity to search for their loved ones.

      - In Bulgaria, families told us that they had to bribe staff at hospitals and morgues, but border guards too, when searching for their loved ones. Sources in the field confirm the practice, which is also recorded in an audio file in our possession.

      – In Bosnia, at least 28 people presumed to be asylum seekers have already died in the Drina River this year, compared to just five in 2022 and three in 2021.

      - Bureaucracy and lack of state interest are recorded as hampering efforts to identify dead asylum seekers.

      Dead but cause of death unknown

      What do you do when your little brother is missing, and because of your status in the country you live in, you can’t travel to look for him?

      Asmatullah Sediqi, a 29-year-old asylum seeker, was in his asylum accommodation in Warrington, UK, when his brother’s travel companions informed him that 22-year-old Rahmatullah was likely dead.

      Due to his status as an asylum seeker, the UK Home Office did not allow Asmatullah to return to Bulgaria, which he had also crossed on his journey, to look for his brother.

      When a friend was able to go on his behalf, the Bulgarian police refused to give any information. And the morgue staff asked for 300 euros to let him see some bodies, Sediqi said in this investigation.

      “In such a situation, a person should help a person,” he added. “They only know money. They are not interested in human life.”

      He managed to borrow the amount they asked for. In July 2022, 55 days after his brother’s disappearance, the Burgas hospital confirmed that one of the bodies in the morgue belonged to Rahmatullah. With another 3,000 euros borrowed, a company repatriated the remains to their parents in Afghanistan.

      But to this day, Sediqi is consumed by one thought: he doesn’t know how, he hasn’t been told why, his brother died.

      The Bulgarian authorities have not given him the results of the autopsy “because I don’t have a visa to travel there,” he says. “I’m sure that when the police found him in the forest, they must have taken some photos. It’s very painful not knowing what happened to my brother. It’s devastating.”
      “Not a single complaint”

      As part of this investigation by Solomon, Lighthouse Reports, RFE/RL, inews, ARD και Der Spiegel, several relatives told us they had also been forced to bribe workers at the Burgas hospital’s morgue to find out if their family members were among the dead.

      When we asked the hospital administration whether they were aware of such practices, Galina Mileva, head of the forensic medicine department at Burgas hospital, said that they had not received “a single report or complaint about such a case. The identification of the bodies is done only in the presence of a police officer conducting the investigation and a forensic expert.”

      The administration also replied that there is no legal provision under which employees could claim money from relatives for this procedure.

      “We appeal to these complaints to be addressed through official channels to us and to the investigating authorities. If such practices are found to exist, the workers will be held accountable,” they added.
      “Money is requested at every step of the process”

      Another relative, whose family also travelled to Bulgaria in late 2022 to search for a family member, told us that after they paid staff at the morgue 300 euros to be allowed to look at the dead bodies, they also had to pay border guards.

      It was the only way they could be taken seriously, the relative explained.

      When they asked the border guards to show them photos of people who had been found dead, the border guards said they didn’t have time, but when the family agreed to pay 20 euros for each photo shown to them, time was found.

      Georgi Voynov, a lawyer for the Bulgarian Committee Helsinki Refugee and Migrant Programme, confirmed that families of deceased persons have approached the Committee about cases in which hospitals asked for large sums of money to confirm that the bodies of their loved ones were there.

      “They complain that they are being asked for money at every step of the process,” he said.

      International organisations, including the Bulgarian Red Cross, confirmed that they had such experiences from persons they had supported, who said they had been forced to pay money to hospitals and morgues.

      A Bulgarian Red Cross official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, commented:

      “We understand that these people are very overwhelmed and have to be paid extra for all the extra work they do. But this should be done in a legal way.”

      https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/dead-refugees-in-the-balkans

      #Bulgarie #Drina #Galina_Mileva

  • #Suppression de l’#AME : l’"exemple malheureux" de l’#Espagne

    Alors que, en #France, le Sénat vient de voter la suppression de l’AME dans le cadre du projet de loi « immigration », l’exemple de l’Espagne, qui, après avoir démantelé son dispositif d’aide, l’a remis en place, donne matière à réflexion.

    Adoptée mardi 7 novembre au Sénat, la suppression de l’aide médicale de l’Etat (AME) pour les sans-papiers est décriée jusqu’au sein même du gouvernement. « C’est une profonde #erreur, et il y a des moments où l’erreur confine à la #faute. C’est une faute », a déclaré le soir même le ministre de la Santé, Aurélien Rousseau, invité de l’émission Quotidien. La chambre haute du Parlement s’est par ailleurs attiré les foudres d’une partie du corps médical. C’est « une #hérésie humanitaire, sanitaire et financière », a dénoncé, mercredi 8 novembre, la fédération des hôpitaux publics, le représentant des hôpitaux privés appelant, lui aussi, à « maintenir [ce dispositif] de #santé_publique ».

    « Sur le plan financier, la suppression de l’AME fragiliserait de façon extrêmement forte un #hôpital_public soumis à de fortes tensions budgétaires [en le privant] des financements associés à la prise en charge de personnes malades qui continueraient d’être soignées », a signalé la Fédération hospitalière de France. Un argument également repris par Aurélien Rousseau, qui, lui, cite l’exemple de l’Espagne, qui avait supprimé le dispositif en 2012, pour le rétablir en 2018. « L’Espagne a essayé ce dispositif. Au bout de quelques années, ils se sont aperçus qu’ils avaient 20 % de mortalité en plus dans cette population qui est beaucoup plus sujette aux #maladies_transmissibles… »

    Entre 15 et 20 % de #surmortalité

    En France, dans l’argumentaire de ceux qui s’opposent à la suppression de l’AME, l’"exemple malheureux de l’Espagne" revient systématiquement. « La restriction de l’accès aux soins des étrangers en situation irrégulière, votée en 2012, a entraîné une augmentation de l’incidence des maladies infectieuses ainsi qu’une surmortalité. Cette réforme a finalement été abrogée en 2018 », écrivaient 3 000 soignants dans une tribune publiée dans Le Monde la semaine dernière.

    A l’époque, en 2012, le gouvernement du conservateur Mariano Rajoy avait justifié la mesure par l’idée qu’elle permettrait l’économie de « plus de 500 millions d’euros » et qu’elle éviterait le « tourisme sanitaire ». Or c’est l’effet l’inverse qui s’est produit, engendrant des conséquences dramatiques.

    Une étude menée par l’Institut d’économie de Barcelone et l’université Pompeu Fabra, publiée en 2018 et intitulée « Les effets mortels de la perte de l’assurance-maladie » (https://editorialexpress.com/cgi-bin/conference/download.cgi?db_name=ESPE2018&paper_id=135), a montré une augmentation de la mortalité des #sans-papiers en Espagne de 15 % en moyenne entre 2012 et 2015, soit au cours des trois premières années de la mesure. L’étude soulignait aussi que ces restrictions « avaient pu provoquer une augmentation des passages aux #urgences, puisque c’était devenu la seule forme d’#accès_aux_soins pour beaucoup ».

    « Pas de preuve d’économies »

    En outre, la presse espagnole a largement souligné que la mesure du gouvernement Rajoy n’avait pas permis de réaliser les #économies souhaitées. Le site d’actualités ElDiario (https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/exclusion-sanitaria-personas-probar-gobierno_1_4680962.html) soulignait ainsi que les économies faites via la suppression de l’AME étaient finalement annulées par des prises en charge trop tardives de pathologies, notamment aux urgences, et donc beaucoup plus coûteuses. Tandis que le journal El País démontrait les effets d’une « réforme exclusive et finalement très coûteuse » (https://elpais.com/sociedad/2014/04/17/actualidad/1397761517_421716.html?event_log=oklogin). Une étude menée en 2015 par l’Agence des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne avait par ailleurs montré que les économies allaient de 9 à 69 % lorsqu’une maladie était prise en charge de manière précoce par rapport à des #soins_tardifs (https://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2015/cost-exclusion-healthcare-case-migrants-irregular-situation-summary).

    En 2018, après six ans de restriction de l’accès aux soins pour les étrangers en situation irrégulière, le gouvernement du socialiste Pedro Sánchez est finalement revenu en arrière pour instaurer à nouveau le dispositif. « La #santé ne connaît pas de frontières, de papiers d’identité, de permis de travail ou de séjour », avait déclaré la ministre de la Santé d’alors, Carmen Montón.

    https://www.lexpress.fr/monde/europe/suppression-de-lame-lexemple-malheureux-de-lespagne-JMBUYCQFYFGYVFUKLXZDZQ3

    #loi_immigration #coût

    –—

    ajouté à ce fil de discussion :
    #AME, #regroupement_familial, #quotas : le Sénat s’acharne contre l’immigration
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1025340

    • Cost of exclusion from healthcare – The case of migrants in an irregular situation – Summary

      The right to health is a basic social right. However, its understanding and application differs across the European Union (EU) Member States, which results in different healthcare services being offered to migrants in an irregular situation. This summary looks into the potential costs of providing migrants in an irregular situation with timely access to health screening and treatment, compared to providing medical treatment only in emergency cases.

      https://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2015/cost-exclusion-healthcare-case-migrants-irregular-situation-summary

    • La réforme de l’AME « implique que les sans-papiers ne sont dignes d’être soignés que s’ils vont mourir »

      Pour l’économiste #Philippe_Batifoulier, la suppression de l’aide médicale d’Etat pour les sans-papiers est un non-sens. Bien loin des économies promises, cette décision menace l’ensemble de la population et aggrave un peu plus le démantèlement du système de santé publique.

      Mardi 7 novembre, le Sénat a adopté la suppression de l’aide médicale d’Etat (AME), un dispositif instauré en 2000 permettant aux étrangers en situation irrégulière de bénéficier d’un accès régulier aux soins, accordé pour un an sous certaines conditions de résidence et de ressources, et dans la limite des tarifs de la sécurité sociale.

      Le texte prévoit de lui substituer une « aide médicale d’urgence », soit une réduction drastique du panier de soins proposés. Introduit par la droite sénatoriale, l’amendement fait partie du projet de loi immigration et a été adopté à 200 voix contre 136 ; en décembre, l’Assemblée nationale l’examinera à son tour et pourrait choisir de le retoquer. Pour l’économiste Philippe Batifoulier, spécialiste des questions de santé et de protection sociale, l’AME relève de l’humanité la plus élémentaire. La supprimer est selon lui une faute morale, économique et sanitaire.

      Que recouvre l’aide médicale d’Etat et à qui s’adresse-t-elle ?

      Elle permet de dispenser des soins à des personnes sans-papiers aux ressources inférieures à 810 euros par mois, et arrivées en France depuis au moins trois mois – deux situations qu’il faut prouver. Ce panier de soins est inférieur, notamment sur les soins dentaires, à celui proposé par la Complémentaire santé solidaire, accessible aux Français les plus modestes. Les soins médicaux reçus par les migrants à leur arrivée en France ne datent pas de l’AME, mais ce dispositif, qui n’est pas seulement social, permet de recouvrer des créances, et de mieux garantir aux hôpitaux publics le financement de certains soins. Contrairement à ce qu’on entend, ce n’est pas une spécificité française : il y a des dispositifs similaires en Belgique ou en Allemagne, qui ne sont pas restreints aux situations d’urgence.

      Comment analysez-vous cette décision du Sénat ?

      C’est une opportunité politique liée à l’air du temps et à une extrême droite qui a le vent en poupe. Ce débat régulier sur l’AME est un marqueur exemplaire du degré de xénophobie en France. Sa suppression ne repose sur aucun argument scientifique : par contre, ce que cette réforme implique, c’est que les sans-papiers ne sont dignes d’être soignés que s’ils vont mourir. Ce n’est plus la bonne santé qui compte, c’est éviter le pire.

      Quels sont les principaux arguments des détracteurs de cet acquis social ?

      Leur premier objectif est de lutter contre le « tourisme médical », l’idée selon laquelle dès que les migrants posent un pied sur le territoire français, la première chose qu’ils font est de se faire soigner. C’est aussi faux que ridicule. Aujourd’hui, on constate au contraire un non-recours massif : les personnes en situation irrégulière et qui ont besoin de soins ne connaissent pas l’existence de l’AME, et on estime que seuls 50% des concernés entament les démarches nécessaires, ce qui équivaut à environ 380 000 personnes, un nombre relativement faible. Son coût représente environ 1 milliard d’euros par an : soit 0,47% des dépenses de santé ! C’est moins que les dépassements d’honoraires sur un an, qui coûtent bien plus cher à la collectivité. Médecins, chercheurs en santé publique et économistes de toutes obédiences le répètent : cette suppression est un non-sens.

      Si la réforme passe, quelles en seront les conséquences ?

      Il y a fort à parier que les médecins continueront comme ils le pourront à soigner les patients immigrés. Seulement, ils devront composer avec ces bâtons dans les roues, entravant l’exercice de leur profession. Et les créances ne seront pas recouvrées. L’argument de réduction des dépenses est donc battu en brèche, d’autant que soigner les patients en état d’urgence coûte bien plus cher qu’appliquer un traitement en amont !

      Surtout, restreindre les soins à des situations d’urgence pose un vrai problème de santé publique. Si on ne soigne pas les individus qui en ont besoin, les maladies s’aggravent, se développent, dégénèrent en épidémie – la tuberculose par exemple, mais aussi tout simplement l’ensemble des virus de la vie quotidienne, qui se transmettent et qu’il faut soigner. Enfin, du fait de leurs conditions de vie, les migrants concentrent aussi un certain nombre de problèmes de santé mentale, qui peuvent avoir des répercussions sur l’ensemble de la population. Tout le monde a intérêt à ce que son voisin soit en bonne santé.

      Comment expliquer que cette réforme soit adoptée dans le cadre d’un projet de loi immigration ?

      Si on suppose que la santé est une des causes de l’immigration, il faut donc supprimer le besoin de santé pour enrayer l’immigration ! Par ailleurs, certaines personnes très riches viennent en France pour se faire soigner et cela ne pose jamais l’ombre d’un problème. L’AME est une histoire de pauvreté : ce n’est pas l’immigré le problème, c’est l’immigré pauvre. L’objectif est de créer un climat repoussoir. Mais réformer l’AME ne changera rien au nombre d’arrivées, motivées par bien d’autres raisons. De plus, certaines études montrent que ce sont plutôt les personnes en bonne santé qui émigrent, vu les risques que comporte le voyage. C’est quand elles arrivent en France que leur santé se dégrade du fait des conditions d’accueil.

      Quelles pourraient être les conséquences sur le dispositif de santé publique ?

      Cette réforme constitue une attaque à la santé des Français. L’AME a une résonance particulière car elle concerne les migrants, mais finalement ses problèmes ne diffèrent pas de ceux de l’Assurance santé en général, autour de l’idée que « quand les gens sont bien assurés, ils dépensent sans compter ». Selon cette logique, il faudrait donc supprimer les éléments de cette assurance. Cela peut passer par un forfait hospitalier de 20 euros par jour, un ticket modérateur, un forfait aux urgences… Ou par la fin de l’AME pour les étrangers. En France on ne déplore pas le renoncement aux soins : on l’organise, via une politique publique qui met des barrières un peu partout, et crée d’immenses inégalités d’accès aux soins. Mais imaginer que les répercussions concerneront seulement les dépenses futiles et superficielles, c’est profondément illusoire. Les études scientifiques montrent au contraire que quand vous faites payer les gens pour leur santé, ce sont les dépenses utiles que vous fragilisez. Finalement, plus on est pauvre, plus on a des besoins de soin… Et moins on est couvert. Quand vous ne pouvez pas vous permettre d’aller chez le dentiste, vous laissez votre état s’empirer jusqu’à être pris en charge à l’hôpital, ce qui coûte bien plus cher à la collectivité. Ce sont toutes ces absurdités que la réforme de l’AME met tristement en lumière.

      https://www.liberation.fr/idees-et-debats/suppression-de-laide-medicale-detat-les-migrants-ne-sont-dignes-detre-soi

    • Projet de loi immigration : deux #plaintes déposées devant l’#Ordre_des_médecins contre des sénateurs LR qui ont voté la suppression de l’AME

      Parmi les élus de droite et du centre qui ont voté la suppression de cette aide aux personnes sans papiers figurent une quinzaine de soignants de profession, médecins, pharmaciens ou infirmière.

      Deux praticiens ont déposé des plaintes devant l’Ordre des médecins, vendredi 10 novembre, pour violation du code de la Santé publique contre deux sénateurs Les Républicains (LR), également médecins de profession, qui ont voté la suppression de l’aide médicale d’État (AME) lors des débats sur le projet de loi immigration.

      L’AME couvre intégralement les frais de santé des étrangers en situation irrégulière présents en France depuis au moins trois mois. Les sénateurs ont voté son remplacement par un dispositif plus restreint. Le texte doit désormais être examiné par l’Assemblée nationale.

      Parmi les sénateurs de droite et du centre qui ont voté la réforme figurent une quinzaine de soignants de profession, médecins, pharmaciens ou infirmière. Les plaintes devant l’Ordre des médecins visent spécifiquement deux d’entre eux, Marie Mercier et Jean-François Rapin. Leur vote « [porte] atteinte, directement, à la santé physique et psychique d’une population connue pour être particulièrement vulnérable », écrivent les docteurs Georges Yoram Federmann, psychiatre installé à Strasbourg, et Jean Doubovetzky, généraliste exerçant à Albi.
      La suppression de l’AME considérée comme une « hérésie »

      Selon les plaignants, les deux sénateurs visés, en votant la fin de l’AME, ont violé cinq articles du Code de la Santé publique, dont l’article R.4127-7, selon lequel « le médecin doit écouter, examiner, conseiller ou soigner avec la même conscience toutes les personnes quels que soient leur origine, leurs moeurs et leur situation de famille, leur appartenance ou leur non-appartenance à une ethnie, une nation ou une religion déterminée, leur handicap ou leur état de santé, leur réputation ou les sentiments qu’il peut éprouver à leur égard. Il doit leur apporter son concours en toutes circonstances ».

      Pour les plaignants, voter la suppression de l’AME est en « contradiction avec le serment prêté par les médecins ». La Fédération des hôpitaux publics avait déjà estimé mercredi que la suppression de l’AME était « une #hérésie ».

      https://www.francetvinfo.fr/societe/immigration/projet-de-loi-immigration-deux-plaintes-ordinales-deposees-contre-des-m

  • El Supremo reconoce el derecho a pedir asilo en las embajadas en contra del criterio del Gobierno

    Esta posibilidad aparece recogida en la Ley de Asilo, pero ningún gobierno ha aprobado su desarrollo reglamentario por lo que España, salvo escasas excepciones, impide de forma sistemática acceder al procedimiento de asilo a través de esta vía

    El Tribunal Supremo ha reconocido el derecho de potenciales solicitantes de asilo a pedir en embajadas españolas su traslado legal a España para formalizar una petición de protección internacional. Aunque esta posibilidad aparece recogida en la Ley de Asilo de 2009, ningún gobierno ha aprobado su desarrollo reglamentario por lo que, salvo escasas excepciones, habitualmente se impide de forma sistemática acceder al procedimiento de asilo a través de esta vía. Los magistrados también han confirmado la obligación de los embajadores a contestar a dichas peticiones.

    En la sentencia, el Alto Tribunal echa por tierra los argumentos en los que se han apoyado gobiernos de distintos colores para negarse a aplicar el artículo 38 de la normativa de asilo, que permite a los embajadores del país «promover el traslado» de los solicitantes de asilo a España para que estos puedan formalizar su solicitud en territorio español. Para la Sala de lo contencioso administrativo número 5, el enunciado de la legislación española contiene «elementos suficientes» para realizar traslados de solicitantes de asilo por esta vía cuando el demandante «corra peligro» en su país de origen, sin que su aplicación quede supeditada al desarrollo reglamentario al que se aferra el gobierno.

    El fallo sostiene que la normativa «se limita a regular la atención de aquellas solicitudes que se presentan fuera del territorio nacional y en un tercer país», por la que el embajador tiene competencia de valorar «el peligro para la integridad física del solicitante que motive su derivación a España». Para ello, apunta la Sala, debe aplicar «las mismas exigencias» que determinan el reconocimiento de la protección internacional en España.

    Es decir, el Supremo concluye que la normativa ya desarrolla el mecanismo por el que un demandante puede registrar en las embajadas españolas una suerte de petición de asilo, sobre la que los representantes españoles deben valorar si su integridad corre peligro y, en ese caso, promover su traslado a España para tramitar la demanda de manera oficial.

    La sentencia se refiere al caso de una familia kurdo-iraquí que llegó a Grecia en 2016 huyendo del conflicto bélico en Irak, donde solicitó asilo sin respuesta, según Stop Mare Mortum, organización que ha apoyado jurídicamente a los demandantes. Un año después, pidieron ser trasladados a España en el marco del programa europeo de reubicación, pero solo fue aceptada la solicitud de la madre y las hijas. El padre, quien tuvo que permanecer en Grecia, solicitó protección posteriormente junto al resto de su familia en la Embajada española en el país europeo, pero no recibieron respuesta.

    Ante el silencio de la embajada española, explican desde la organización, la familia presentó una demanda ante la Audiencia Nacional que le dio la razón en marzo del 2019. No obstante, la abogacía del Estado interpuso un recurso de casación en el Tribunal Supremo para evitar el traslado del padre de familia en España, alegando la imposibilidad de aplicación del artículo 34 de la Ley de Asilo, debido a su falta de desarrollo reglamentario, entre otras razones expuestas.
    La falta de reglamento no impide su aplicación

    Para el Supremo, la falta de desarrollo reglamentario no impide la aplicación del contenido de la normativa «a las solicitudes de protección internacional formuladas a su amparo». Además, el Tribunal aclara que la valoración del peligro para la integridad física del solicitante se debe realizar en base a la situación que le empuja a salir del país de origen.

    Según Stop Mare Nostrum, es «habitual» la falta de respuesta de las embajadas españolas cuando un potencial solicitante de asilo intenta acceder al procedimiento de protección internacional a través de esta vía. De las 38 peticiones de traslado registradas por la ONG en los consulados de Atenas y Tánger, los representantes españoles «no han respondido a ninguna». En este sentido, la Abogacía del Estado justificó en su recurso que la Ley de Asilo no «les impone la obligación de resolver estas peticiones». Este extremo también ha sido rechazado por el Alto Tribunal, que sí ve en la ausencia de contestación una actuación «susceptible de impugnación».

    Según detalla la sentencia, a la que ha accedido elDiario.es, el abogado del Estado defendía que, ante la falta de desarrollo reglamentario, «no existe como tal un procedimiento administrativo para poder aplicar ese artículo» lo que, consideraba «imprescindible para determinar los órganos competentes y las condiciones en las que un embajador puede promover el traslado a España a los efectos de solicitar asilo así como para determinar las consecuencias prácticas de tal medida».
    Diferente argumento para defender ante Estrasburgo las devoluciones en caliente

    Los argumentos de la Abogacía del Estado evidencian la falta de aplicación por parte del Gobierno de la posibilidad de solicitar el traslado a España desde las embajadas españolas, lo que se contradice con los razonamientos que España presentó ante el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos para defender la legalidad de las devoluciones en caliente en las vallas de Ceuta y Melilla.

    Según sostenían entonces desde la Abogacía del Estado, España contaba con vías legales de entrada al territorio, entre las que nombraba el artículo 38 de la Ley de Asilo. El mismo que no se podría aplicar debido a la falta de desarrollo reglamentario, según dice el abogado del Estado en el recurso que pretendía evitar el traslado del hombre iraquí para encontrarse con su familia.

    «La sentencia demuestra la incoherencia de los argumentos de la Abogacía del Estado, que los utiliza según su conveniencia en una materia tan sensible como los derechos humanos», dice Stop Mare Mortum. «El pasado mes de febrero, ante el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, defendía la existencia de este mecanismo para pedir asilo en las embajadas y así demostrar que las personas que saltaron la valla, podían haber solicitado asilo en España vía artículo 38», recuerda la organización. «En los procedimientos judiciales que han terminado en la actual Sentencia del Tribunal Supremo la argumentación de la abogacía del estado era la contraria: que las solicitudes a Embajada no se podían tramitar por falta de reglamento de desarrollo de la ley de asilo».

    El razonamiento desarrollado por la Abogacía del Estado para justificar las devoluciones en caliente de migrantes en Ceuta y Melilla fue clave en la consiguiente sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, que avaló las expulsiones inmediatas de quienes sortean de forma irregular las alambradas de las ciudades autónomas porque, según el concluyó, «se pusieron ellos mismos en una situación de ilegalidad al intentar entrar deliberadamente en España por la valla de Melilla».

    Según el Defensor del Pueblo, la Ley de Asilo de 2009, a diferencia de la normativa anterior, no permite la presentación oficial de solicitudes de asilo en las representaciones diplomáticas, por lo que deja en manos del embajador la posibilidad de promover el traslado a España del solicitante si considera que corre peligro físico. Un informe de la institución de 2016 señaló que «la alta conflictividad existente en la actualidad en muchos países, junto a la limitación de no permitir la presentación de la demanda en las representaciones de España en el exterior, contribuyen a dificultar el acceso al procedimiento». Estos obstáculos, advertía, «pueden menoscabar los compromisos internacionales asumidos por España y la finalidad de dicho instrumento».

    https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/supremo-reconoce-derecho-solicitantes-asilo-pedir-asilo-embajadas-espanolas
    #asile #réfugiés #ambassade #ambassades #Espagne #justice #voies_légales

  • Interior reactiva las expulsiones desde Canarias y deporta a 22 migrantes a Mauritania

    El Ministerio del Interior ha reactivado este miércoles las deportaciones de migrantes desde Canarias y ha expulsado a 22 las personas que estaban en el Centro de Internamiento de Extranjeros (CIE) de Barranco Seco hacia Mauritania. De ellas, 18 son de Senegal, dos de Gambia, uno de Guinea-Bissau y uno de Mauritania. En este momento, el CIE de Gran Canaria está vacío, y podrá albergar hasta a 42 personas a partir de hoy, ya que el juez de control, Arcadio Díaz-Tejera, en un auto estableció que este era el aforo máximo para evitar el hacinamiento y los posibles contagios en cadena, como sucedió en marzo. Entonces, el magistrado tuvo que ordenar el desalojo y el cierre, ya que trabajadores del centro contagiaron a los internos. Además, el cierre de fronteras decretado para frenar la expansión de la COVID-19 tampoco permitía las expulsiones. La reapertura se ordenó en septiembre, tras la visita del ministro Fernando Grande-Marlaska a Nouakchott.

    El ministro viajó en compañía de la comisaria europea Ylva Johansson para abordar la crisis migratoria que atraviesa el Archipiélago en la actualidad. Uno de los resultados de este encuentro fue la recuperación de las deportaciones hacia Mauritania, aprovechando el acuerdo bilateral que ambos países mantienen. Este documento recoge la expulsión a este país africano tanto de nacionales de este país como de países terceros que en su trayecto migratorio hayan partido del territorio mauritano.

    Aprovechando este epígrafe del convenio, España expulsó a finales de 2019 y comienzos de 2020 incluso a malienses. Algunos de ellos habían solicitado protección internacional ante el conflicto armado que atraviesa su país. Según Acnur, ninguna persona procedente de las regiones afectadas por esta guerra debería ser devuelta de manera forzosa, puesto que el resto del país no debe ser considerado como una alternativa adecuada al asilo hasta el momento en que la situación de seguridad, el estado de derecho y los derechos humanos hayan mejorado significativamente. Así, Acnur insta a los Estados a proporcionar acceso al territorio y a los procedimientos de asilo a las personas que huyen del conflicto en Malí.

    Grande-Marlaska y Johansson también visitaron este fin de semana Canarias, incluido el saturado muelle de Arguineguín que alberga hasta el momento a más de 2.000 personas. El viaje fue criticado por Podemos Canarias, que lo tildó de «hipócrita y decepcionante» por haberse limitado a «poco más que a hacerse una foto y unas declaraciones que son las mismas que se repiten desde hace meses».

    El ministro evidenció en su visita que su apuesta para controlar los flujos migratorios era reforzar la vigilancia y cooperar con los países de origen, poniendo el foco en la lucha contra las mafias de tráfico de personas. Marlaska aseguró que España reforzó tanto a sus Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado como a las autoridades de Mauritania. «Un avión de la Guardia Civil ha sido enviado a Nouakchott para realizar labores de prevención y facilitar los rescates en origen y así evitar más muertes»

    Como parte de la estrategia de su departamento, ha solicitado apoyo al Frontex, que ha enviado a siete agentes a Gran Canaria para identificar migrantes y «controlar la inmigración irregular». Con este fin, el ministro ha visitado Argelia, Túnez y Mauritania, y se desplazará a Marruecos el próximo 20 de noviembre. Esta estrategia ya fue empleada en 2006 con fines disuasorios hacia las personas que pretendían partir en cayucos o pateras hacia Canarias. El operativo HERA consistió en el despliegue de personal especializado en la zona, medios marítimos y aéreos que patrullaban el litoral africano, además de sistemas de satélite para controlar el Atlántico. Este equipo no lo aportó Frontex, sino los países miembros de la UE y la agencia reembolsa los costes del despliegue, tantos de los guardias de fronteras como del transporte, combustible y mantenimiento del equipo. La Agencia europea invirtió 3,2 millones de euros de los cuatro que costó la operación en el Atlántico.

    El objetivo se cumplió, ya que de las 31.678 personas que sobrevivieron a la ruta migratoria canaria ese año, se pasó a 12.478 en 2007, 9.181 en 2008, 2.246 en 2009 y a 196 en 2010.

    https://www.eldiario.es/canariasahora/migraciones/interior-reactiva-expulsiones-canarias-deporta-22-migrantes-mauritania_1_63

    –-> 22 personnes expulsées des Canaries vers la Mauritanie. Une personne mauritanienne parmi elles, les autres viennent du Sénégal, de Gambie et de Guinée Bissau. Selon l’article, la reprise des expulsions a été décidée en septembre après la visite du ministre de l’intérieur.

    –—

    A mettre en lien avec la « réactivation des routes migratoires à travers la #Méditerranée_occidentale » :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/885310

    #Canaries #îles_Canaries #Mauritanie #expulsions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Espagne #evelop #externalisation

    ping @_kg_ @rhoumour @isskein @karine4

    • Marruecos aumenta las deportaciones de migrantes desde el Sáhara Occidental, punto de partida clave hacia Canarias

      Hablamos con varios de los migrantes deportados por Marruecos en los últimos meses tras un pausa durante el confinamiento.

      Aminata Camara, de 25 años, es una de las 86 personas migrantes guineanas expulsadas por Marruecos el pasado 28 de septiembre desde la ciudad de Dajla. El reino marroquí retomó entonces las deportaciones de migrantes desde el Sáhara Occidental, punto de partida clave de pateras hacia Canarias. «Nos llevaron al aeropuerto, no nos tomaron las huellas, no nos pidieron nada ni los datos. Nos dieron los billetes del vuelo, sin equipaje», contaba la mujer guineana a elDiario.es mientras acababa de embarcar en el avión.

      De fondo se escuchaba el revuelo, los gritos de un grupo de mujeres, mientras ella se atropellaba al denunciar nerviosa que los militares la habían metido en un avión en Dhkala junto a otros 80 compatriotas (28 mujeres), y que los expulsaban a su país. «Los militares que nos acompañaron en el viaje nos abandonaron en el avión. Un bus nos llevó a la parte nacional del aeropuerto de Conakri y nos dejaron allí sin más, a pesar del coronavirus. Tuvimos que coger taxis para llegar a nuestras casas», denunciaba ya en su país.

      Desde entonces, han salido al menos tres aviones más con personas migrantes desde Dajla a Guinea Conakry, Senegal y Mali. El último vuelo de deportación se organizó el pasado 11 de noviembre, con alrededor de un centenar de personas que la Marina Real marroquí había interceptado en la costa atlántica intentando salir hacia las Islas Canarias. Los metieron en dos autocares en la ciudad saharaui para enviarlos en avión a Dakar. Allí, fuentes del aeropuerto, corroboran a este medio que el miércoles llegó un grupo de senegaleses.

      En el momento en que se ejecutaba la expulsión de los ciudadanos malienses el pasado 2 de octubre, elDiario.es contactó telefónicamente con Traore, el presidente de la comunidad maliense en Marruecos. «Hemos sido detenidos ilegalmente, nos cogieron en las casas y nos encerraron tres semanas en un centro de detención en El Aaiún. Hoy nos llevan al aeropuerto de Dajla para deportarnos a Mali. Somos algo más de 80 personas. Y las autoridades malienses han firmado una deportación voluntaria, mientras que nos están forzado a dejar el país sin ningún papel».

      Desde Dajla, François, que se salvó de la expulsión, asegura a este medio: «A los subsaharianos nos cogen diciendo que tenemos el coronavirus para meternos en cuarentena. Los test de PCR en los trabajos son obligatorias para los subsaharianos. Y a 115 senegaleses, 95 guineanos y 80 malienses los deportaron a sus países».

      Entre los expulsados había migrantes que residían desde hace tiempo en El Aaiún y Dajla, ciudades saharauis desde donde se registran la mayoría de las salidas en embarcaciones a Canarias, la ruta migratoria más transitada actualmente en España. Hasta el 15 de noviembre, llegaron 16.760 personas en 553 embarcaciones, según los datos del Ministerio del Interior. En plena crisis migratoria en las islas, Marlaska viaja este viernes a Marruecos con el objetivo de reforzar la cooperación en materia fronteriza y evitar la salida de pateras hacia las islas.

      Por su parte, una fuente oficial de migración desde Rabat confirma a elDiario.es los cuatro aviones de expulsión, pero con 120 personas de Mali, entre los que se encontraban cinco guineanos; 28 mujeres deportadas a Guinea Conakry y 144 senegaleses rescatados en el mar. A los que hay añadir los últimos 100 enviados a Senegal la semana pasada. «Algunos son migrantes expulsados inicialmente de Tánger, Nador, Rabat, Casablanca y Alhucemas hacia la frontera de Marruecos con Argelia en Tiouli, región de Jerada, a unos 60 kilómetros de Oujda», precisa la misma fuente. Las devoluciones se hicieron con tres de los cuatro países –el otro es Costa de Marfil– con los que Marruecos estableció un acuerdo para acceder al país sin visado.
      «Había un bebé de tres meses con nosotros»

      Aminara pasó tres semanas encerrada junto al resto de personas de origen subsahariano antes de ser expulsadas desde el Sáhara Occidental. «Había un bebé de tres meses con nosotros, otro de dos meses con su madre, dos niños de 5 y 8, una niña de 9 años», recuerda ya desde una localidad cercana a Boffa, en la región de Boké (Guinea Conakry).

      «La Gendarmería vino a la casa por la noche. Estábamos dormidos. Llamaron a la puerta y nos pidieron que abriésemos, cuando lo hicimos, nos hicieron salir y montar en los vehículos, nos llevaron a prisión y nos encerraron tres semanas.
      »¿Qué hemos hecho?", preguntaron. «Nada, tenéis que salir» respondieron los militares.

      Después la encerraron tres semanas en un centro de detención improvisado. «Nos maltrataron, nos trataban como esclavos. Pegaron a una amiga allí, y le rompieron el pie. Cuando alguien caía enfermo, lo abandonaban fuera, y nadie te miraba, ni siquiera te llevaban al hospital. Solo comíamos pan y sardinas, ni agua nos daban. Enfermó mucha gente, yo misma me puse mala. Fue un calvario», enumera apresuradamente por teléfono.

      Durante el encierro les hicieron dos veces los test PCR para detectar el coronavirus. Y después de que las autoridades firmasen junto a los representantes de los consulados su expulsión, los metieron en aviones a sus países de origen. «Nos maltrataron, nos encerraron, nos pegaron, nos hicieron todo lo malo, lo prometo», dice en un susurro.
      «Han violado nuestros derechos y queremos verdaderamente justicia»

      Precisamente, la Asociación Marroquí de Derechos Humanos (AMDH) de Nador ha denunciado detenciones forzosas desde que comenzó el confinamiento en el mes de marzo. «Estas condiciones inhumanas de confinamiento son una práctica voluntaria de las autoridades marroquíes para instar a los migrantes secuestrados a que revelen sus datos personales para posteriormente identificarlos y deportarlos contra su voluntad», mantiene la AMDH.

      Finalmente, Amina está en Guinea: «No es fácil. No tengo apoyo ni nadie que me pueda ayudar. Cuando llegamos, contactamos con Naciones Unidas. Nos dijeron que nos iban ayudar, pero después no nos han llamado, también nos ha abandonado. Nadie nos ha escuchado».

      Esta joven viajó a Marruecos para mejorar el nivel de vida. En su país, creció en la calle después de perder a sus padres. Habló con un amigo magrebí y emprendió la ruta de Argelia, pasando por Mali y entrando finalmente a Marruecos. El objetivo era trabajar, «jamás osé a cruzar a España. Lo encuentro muy peligroso. Cada día muere gente en el agua. Nunca intenté eso», confiesa.

      «Los dos años en Marruecos no había nada que hacer. Tampoco fue fácil», rememora desde Guinea. Compartía una habitación con ocho personas y trabajaba en una empresa de pescado en Dkhala, pero «los militares me pegaron y perdí mi bebé. Tuve un aborto». Tras esta desgracia, se trasladó a una residencia particular en El Aaiún «donde trabajaba día y noche por 150 euros al mes, que me llegaba para pagar el alojamiento y la comida».
      AMDH denuncia las «deportaciones forzosas» que el gobierno disfraza de «voluntarias»

      El gobierno disfraza estos vuelos con datos de «retorno voluntario» porque los están gestionando al margen de los organismos internacionales. La AMDH de Nador denunció en las redes sociales: «La deportación forzosa de migrantes subsaharianos por las autoridades marroquíes continúa desde Dajla».

      «Desalojos inhumanos que no podían hacerse sin la complicidad de las embajadas en Rabat y sin el dinero de la Unión Europea (UE)», apunta la AMDH. Incide además en sus publicaciones en Facebook en que «son expulsados con la complicidad de su embajada y con el dinero de la UE y la Organización Internacional de Migraciones (OIM)».
      «Retornos a la fuerza, y no voluntarios»

      Desde el organismo confirman que se trataba de «retornos a la fuerza, y no voluntarios». Las ONG denuncian «corrupción» porque los cónsules firmaron un retorno voluntario con Marruecos basándose en acuerdos entre los países que además se han instalado recientemente en el Sáhara Occidental, como es el caso de Guinea Conakry, Senegal y Mali.

      Moussa Coulibaly (31 años) habla con elDiario.es desde Mali. Llevaba cuatros años y medio en Marruecos, pero el 2 de octubre por la tarde fue deportado, junto a otras 83 personas malienses. «Fue el consulado el que firmó que nos trajeran al país. Nuestros gobiernos son malos. Realmente sufrimos. Las autoridades han deportado a la mayoría», delata.

      Marruecos ha retomado las deportaciones tras el confinamiento. «Desde principios de julio hasta septiembre de 2020, alrededor de 157 personas han sido expulsadas de Marruecos entre las que había 9 mujeres, 11 menores y 7 personas heridas», detallaban desde Rabat a principios de octubre.

      La AMDH ya denunció en su informe de 2019, que cerca de 600 migrantes habían sido expulsados en autocares desde un centro de internamiento de Nador al aeropuerto de Casablanca en 35 operaciones de deportación durante el año. Entonces ya desveló que los seis países que cooperan con Marruecos para deportar a sus nacionales son Camerún, Costa de Marfil, Guinea, Senegal, Mali y Burkina Faso.

      Precisamente la Organización Democrática del Trabajo (ODT) acusa al gobierno magrebí de descuidar a las personas migrantes desde que apareció la Covid–19. Denuncia en un comunicado que «el sufrimiento de los migrantes africanos en Marruecos solo se ha intensificado y exacerbado durante el período de la pandemia».

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/marruecos-aumenta-deportaciones-migrantes-subsaharianos-dajla-principales-p

      #Sahara_occidental #Maroc #Dajla #Dhkala #Sénégal #Mali #Guinée-Conakry #Guinée

  • El Defensor del Pueblo pide al Gobierno liberar a los inmigrantes de los CIE ante su imposible deportación por el coronavirus
    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#Espagne#centrederetention#fermeture

    https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Defensor-Pueblo-Gobierno-CIE-deportacion_0_1007549663.html

    El Defensor del Pueblo pide al Gobierno que la liberación de los internos contemple el traslado de estas personas a su hogar o, en caso de no tener una residencia, derivarlos a la red de acogida estatal

  • Migrants expulsés à #Melilia : « L’Espagne n’a pas commis de violation » (#CEDH)

    Selon la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme, l’Espagne n’a pas commis de violation en renvoyant au Maroc des migrants qui tentaient de franchir Melilia.

    La Cour européenne des droits de l’homme vient de rendre son verdict dans l’affaire de l’expulsion, en 2014, à Melilia, de deux migrants malien et ivoirien par les autorités espagnoles. Dans son arrêt, rendu ce jeudi 13 février, la juridiction a conclu que l’Espagne n’a commis aucune violation.

    L’affaire concerne le renvoi immédiat au Maroc de deux ressortissants malien et ivoirien qui ont tenté, le 13 août 2014, de pénétrer sur le territoire espagnol de manière irrégulière en escaladant les clôtures qui entourent Melilia, sur la côte nord-africaine.

    Dans son arrêt, la Cour a estimé « que les requérants se sont mis eux-mêmes dans une situation d’illégalité lorsqu’ils ont délibérément tenté, le 13 août 2014, d’entrer en Espagne en franchissant le dispositif de protection de la frontière de Melilia, à des endroits non autorisés et au sein d’un groupe nombreux, en profitant de l’effet de masse et en recourant à la force. Ils ont par conséquent décidé de ne pas utiliser les voies légales existantes permettant d’accéder de manière régulière au territoire espagnol. »

    Dans leur requête, les deux migrants avaient notamment affirmé qu’au moment de leur appréhension par la garde civile espagnole, ils n’ont pas « eu la possibilité de s’exprimer sur leur situation personnelle, ni d’être assistés par des avocats ou des interprètes », accusant sur cette base les autorités espagnoles de violations de la convention européenne des droits de l’homme.

    Rendu par la Grande chambre de la Cour européenne, l’arrêt de ce jeudi vient à rebours de celui prononcé en octobre 2017, et qui avait conclut à l’existence de plusieurs « violations » imputables aux autorités espagnoles.

    https://www.medias24.com/migrants-expulses-a-mellila-l-espagne-n-a-pas-commis-de-violation-cedh-761
    #CourEDH #push-back #refoulements #droits_fondamentaux #droits_humains #Espagne #devoluciones_en_caliente #justice (euh...) #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • El Tribunal de Estrasburgo cambia de criterio y avala las devoluciones en caliente

      La Gran Sala del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos (TEDH) ha avalado las devoluciones en caliente en la frontera española y con ello anula su condena a España de 2017 por estas prácticas. El Tribunal considera que los migrantes denunciantes «se pusieron ellos mismos en una situación de ilegalidad al intentar entrar deliberadamente en España por la valla de Melilla».

      Estrasburgo ha concluido que «la falta de un estudio individualizado» de cada caso, como obliga el Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, «podía atribuirse al hecho de que los solicitantes no habían utilizado los procedimientos oficiales de entrada existentes para ese fin, y que, por lo tanto, [la devolución] había sido una consecuencia de su propia conducta».

      Según el fallo, en la legislación española existen «varios medios posibles» de entrada al país por la vía regular, por lo que las personas devueltas «podrían haber solicitado un visado o protección internacional, en particular en el puesto fronterizo, pero también en las representaciones diplomáticas y consulares de España en sus respectivos países de origen o tránsito o bien en Marruecos». La Corte destaca entre las vías de acceso legal a España las oficinas de asilo creadas en el paso fronterizo de Melilla.

      Las ONG denuncian los obstáculos a los que se enfrentan las personas subsaharianas para acceder a estas salas y la dificultad para llegar a España a través de vías legales y seguras. No obstante, el Tribunal responde que «el mero hecho -no discutido por el Gobierno - de que se presentasen en Beni Enzar muy pocas solicitudes de asilo antes del 1 de septiembre de 2014 no permiten la conclusión de que el Estado demandado no había proporcionado un acceso efectivo a ese cruce fronterizo».

      Según expone la sentencia, a lo largo del procedimiento ante la Gran Cámara «los demandantes no alegaron que tratasen de entrar en territorio español alguna vez por medios legales. Sólo en la audiencia de la Gran Cámara declararon que habían intentado acercarse a Beni Enzar [puesto fronterizo] pero habían sido ’perseguidos por oficiales marroquíes». El argumento de la dificultad de acceso a las salas de asilo de la frontera no ha convencido a la Gran Sala. «En ningún momento los demandantes habían alegado que la obstáculos encontrados fueron responsabilidad de las autoridades españolas. Por lo tanto, la Corte no estaba convencida de que, en el momento de los hechos, los demandantes hubieran tenido razones convincentes para no utilizar el puesto fronterizo».

      De esta manera, la Corte rompe con el criterio de los magistrados que estudiaron el caso en primera instancia, que concluyeron en 2017 que la expulsión inmediata de N.D y N.T el 13 de agosto de 2014 violó el Convenio Europeo de los Derechos Humanos, en relación a la prohibición de los retornos colectivos y la obligación de garantizar el derecho de recurso efectivo de las personas devueltas.

      Los denunciantes, de origen maliense y marfileño, se encontraban entre los centenares de personas que intentaron saltar la valla de Melilla el 13 de agosto de 2014. Alrededor de 70 migrantes permanecieron durante horas sentadas en lo alto de la alambrada más próxima a España. Finalmente, todos ellos descendieron por una escalera colocada por la Guardia Civil y, tras pisar suelo español, todos fueron esposados y entregados de forma inmediata a las fuerzas marroquíes.
      El giro de Estrasburgo

      En su sentencia de 2017, el Tribunal de Estrasburgo dio la razón por unanimidad a N.D. y N.T, de Mali y Costa de Marfil, respectivamente. Cuando ambos ciudadanos fueron esposados por los agentes españoles para ser devueltos a Marruecos, nadie les preguntó su nombre. No los identificaron ni les ofrecieron el acceso a un abogado ni a un intérprete, como establecen diferentes acuerdos internacionales de los que España forma parte, como la Convención de Ginebra, y como marcaba la Ley de Extranjería vigente en ese momento, meses después reformada a través de la Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana en un intento de regular estas prácticas.

      La Corte concluyó entonces que la expulsión inmediata de dos ciudadanos de origen subsahariano a Marruecos violó el Convenio Europeo de los Derechos Humanos que prohíbe los retornos colectivos y obliga a garantizar el derecho de recurso efectivo de las personas devueltas. El TEDH sostenía que los denunciantes «no tuvieron la oportunidad de explicar sus circunstancias para recibir asistencia de abogados, intérpretes o personal médico», lo que impedía de facto la posibilidad de solicitar asilo.

      «El Tribunal ha observado que los denunciantes habían sido expulsados y enviados a Marruecos en contra de sus deseos y que las medidas se adoptaron en ausencia de toda intervención administrativa o judicial previa», sentenció Estrasburgo en 2017. En este sentido, el Tribunal alegó que «existe un vínculo claro entre la expulsión colectiva y el hecho de que se les impedía acceder a un recurso que les hubiera permitido presentar su queja a una autoridad competente y obtener una minuciosa revisión de sus solicitudes antes de su devolución». No había duda, concluían, de que los hechos ocurrieron bajo jurisdicción española.

      Tras ser entregados a las autoridades marroquíes por los guardias civiles, N.D. y N.T fueron trasladados a la comisaría de la policía de Nador, y luego a Fez, a más de 300 kilómetros de Melilla, en compañía de los 75 a 80 inmigrantes que habían intentado entrar en Melilla en la misma fecha. El Tribunal Europeo ordenó entonces a España indemnizar a cada uno de ellos con 5.000 euros.

      Tirando de los mismos argumentos que el Partido Popular, el Gobierno español defendió estas expulsiones ante Estrasburgo y anunció que no abordaría ninguna reforma al respecto hasta conocer la decisión definitiva del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos. «No hay una expulsión sino una prevención de entrada», alegó la Abogacía del Estado en el documento enviado a Estrasburgo. Los migrantes, añadió, «no lograron superar la línea policial» por lo que no entraron «en la jurisdicción española».

      La hipótesis del Ejecutivo, conocida como la «frontera flexible», fue la base levantada por el exministro del PP Jorge Fernández Díaz para justificar las expulsiones inmediatas en Ceuta y Melilla. Según su argumentario, el suelo español no empezaba a los pies de la valla hispano-marroquí, sino que su inicio estaría ligado a la línea imaginaria formada por los agentes de la Guardia Civil. No habría, insisten, una ’devolución en caliente’ sino un ’rechazo en frontera’. A su juicio, los migrantes no habrían entrado a España a pesar de sortear la alambrada fronteriza.

      En 2018, el Gobierno devolvió en caliente a 658 personas en las fronteras de Ceuta y Melilla, 51 más que el año anterior, según las cifras del Ministerio del Interior aportadas en una respuesta remitida a la exsenadora de Unidas Podemos Maribel Mora.

      Las devoluciones en caliente fueron regularizadas en la legislación española en 2015 por el Gobierno de Mariano Rajoy a través de la figura del «rechazo frontera», incluida en una disposición de la Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana. Esta semana, el Constitucional ha empezado a analizar los artículos de la llamada ’Ley Mordaza’ cuestionados en el recurso, incluida la disposición adicional primera que regula las devoluciones en caliente.

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Estrasburgo-devoluciones_en_caliente-derechos_humanos_0_994951426.html

    • Feu vert européen aux #expulsions_express de migrants

      L’Espagne n’a pas bafoué les droits humains en expulsant « à chaud », sans décision administrative ou judiciaire, deux migrants africains de son enclave de Melilla, dans le nord du Maroc, a statué la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) dans un arrêt rendu jeudi à Strasbourg. La décision, définitive, est une surprise puisqu’elle inverse un arrêt rendu en 2017, qui donnait raison aux deux requérants et condamnait Madrid.

      Au-delà du cas de ces deux ressortissants, malien et ivoirien, l’Espagne a expulsé de façon expéditive, depuis une quinzaine d’années, des centaines de « sauteurs », ces migrants d’Afrique subsaharienne qui franchissent à mains nues les grilles, hautes de plus de 6 mètres et hérissées de lames tranchantes, qui séparent du Maroc les villes de Ceuta et Melilla, seules frontières terrestres entre l’Afrique et l’Europe. Parvenus en territoire espagnol, les migrants étaient reconduits au Maroc sans avoir pu faire valoir leur droit à une assistance juridique ou médicale ni déposer une demande d’asile. Au mépris du droit européen, opposé aux expulsions collectives, et de la Convention de Genève de 1951 sur les réfugiés.

      Pour Claire Rodier, du Groupe d’information et de soutien des immigré.e.s (Gisti), cofondatrice du réseau Migreurop, une telle décision est « catastrophique » en ce qu’elle « valide des pratiques contraires au droit international », et « s’inscrit dans un climat politique qui justifie le recours à l’illégalité des Etats ». Quelques exemples : « Les interdictions de débarquement des bateaux humanitaires en Méditerranée, de porter secours à leurs passagers, l’accord Turquie-UE de 2016… »

      Pour la responsable d’ONG, l’arrêt de Strasbourg est un nouveau cas où « les juges suivent les politiques ». La Hongrie, souligne-t-elle, procède à des expulsions illégales. La France aussi, à la frontière italienne, même si elle s’en défend.

      L’argument de la CEDH, qui reproche aux migrants de « choisir » la violence au lieu de se présenter aux postes frontières en faisant la queue avec les touristes, scandalise Claire Rodier car il « ignore une situation pourtant connue de tous et dénoncée depuis des années : les migrants noirs ne peuvent approcher des guichets frontaliers, tant du côté espagnol que marocain, tout est fait pour les empêcher d’y accéder. » Dès lors, ils n’ont pas le « choix », la voie illégale est la seule possible.

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2020/02/13/feu-vert-europeen-aux-expulsions-express-de-migrants_1778340
      #migrations #réfugiés #asile #machine_à_expulser

    • "El fallo de Estrasburgo significa que si entras de manera irregular no te amparan los derechos"

      Los impulsores del caso que ha llevado las devoluciones en caliente al Tribunal de Estrasburgo consideran que la decisión de la corte es «peligrosa» porque responsabiliza a los migrantes de poner en una situación de ilegalidad y les niega el amparo de los convenios europeos por infringir una norma

      Peligrosa, decepcionante, sin memoria histórica y sin empatía. Así han calificado este jueves los impulsores de la causa la decisión de la Gran Sala del Tribunal Europeo de derechos de Humanos (TEDH) que avala las devoluciones en caliente de migrantes en las vallas de Ceuta y Melilla y, por extensión, a todas las fronteras de la Unión Europea.

      «Es difícil encontrar palabras ante un texto jurídico redactado sin conciencia, sin memoria histórica, sin imaginación y sin empatía», ha afirmado en rueda de prensa Wolfgang Kaleck, fundador del Centro Europeo de Derechos Constitucionales y Humanos (ECCHR), la organización alemana que llevó al tribunal de Estrasburgo el caso de los dos jóvenes subsaharianos expulsados automáticamente tras saltar la valla de Melilla en 2014. Ganaron en primera instancia, por unanimidad de todos los jueces, pero menos de tres años después, también por unanimidad, el mismo tribunal con diferentes magistrados ha anulado la condena a España y ha cambiado de opinión.

      «Estamos sorprendidos. Afirmar que los demandantes tenían otra posibilidad legal [de entrar en España] es ir contra la realidad», ha criticado Kaleck. «No hay maneras legales para encontrar refugio en Europa. Por eso violan alguna regla», ha especificado, en referencia al fallo de la corte, que responsabiliza a los dos demandantes de ponerse ellos mismos «en una situación de ilegalidad al intentar entrar deliberadamente por la valla de Melilla». Para Kaleck, asumir esto significa «negar el Convenio de Derechos Humanos de la Unión Europea y la Convención de Ginebra sobre los refugiados».

      https://twitter.com/centre_IRIDIA/status/1227983447404285953?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

      El problema fundamental, según ha destacado Hanna Hakiki, abogada de la asociación alemana, es que la sentencia considera probado que había jurisdicción europea dentro de la valla y que se produjo una expulsión sin garantías, pero que al mismo tiempo existían vías legales para acceder que no los demandantes no utilizaron. Por eso la corte no encuentra una violación del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, en concreto, al recurso efectivo de su expulsión. «Es una interpretación punitiva de la protección, significa que si entras de manera irregular no te amparan los derechos del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos», ha lamentado. «Creo que esta es una perspectiva peligrosa que va contra el Derecho Internacional», ha advertido la abogada.

      Hakiki ha recordado que el el TEDH ha asumido la postura del representante de España durante la vista del recurso que el Gobierno interpuso ante la condena de 2017. Según afirmó este representante, se puede pedir asilo en los puestos fronterizos y en las embajadas y consulados españoles en otros países. «Esto es falso y todos lo saben, desde el Defensor del Pueblo Español hasta el Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR)», ha esgrimido la letrada.

      En la misma línea se ha pronunciado Gonzalo Boye, abogado defensor de los migrantes de la causa, que ha destacado «contradicciones» en la sentencia y ha pedido paciencia para analizarla en profundidad. «Confío en que este fallo no cree doctrina. Que no haga historia», ha deseado el letrado, que también defiende al expresidente de la Generatitat de Catalunya Cales Puigdemont. Según Boye, «es muy preocupante que cualquier personas que infrinja una norma —en este caso, una administrativa— pierda los derechos que le amparan. Esta decisión, en un caso penal, puede ser muy peligrosa», ha sentenciado el abogado.

      «Ya no hay tribunal de derechos humanos»

      «Creo sinceramente que el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos ha dejado de ser una referencia en Derechos Humanos», ha lamentado José Palazón, activista y presidente de la fundación Pro Derechos de la Infancia (Prodein) de Melilla, que lleva años denunciando públicamente las vulneraciones de derechos y la violencia empleada contra los migrantes por parte de las fuerzas de seguridad españolas y marroquíes. «Enfadado y sorprendido con esas 17 personas que llaman jueces», ha afirmado estar Palazón, el más contundente en la crítica.

      «Ya no hay tribunal de derechos humanos, hay un tribunal del derecho de los Gobiernos y corporaciones fascistas que crecen en toda Europa, que se deja influenciar y tiene miedo de defender los derechos humanos», ha proseguido el activista. «¿Será que a los negros les gusta saltar la valla?», se ha preguntado irónicamente para recordar que para los subsaharianos es imposible acercarse a la frontera entre Marruecos y España de otra forma. «Nos han robado una institución. Han ganado esta partida, pero la lucha sigue», ha afirmado.

      Por su parte, Kaleck ha recordado que su organización tiene pendientes otros procesos similares a este por devoluciones en otras fronteras de la Unión Europea y que esta decisión «no es una solución», por eso ha hecho un llamamiento al Gobierno español para que legisle "de acuerdo a la Constitución a la Convención de Derechos Humanos de la UE. «En 20 años, este tribunal se avergonzará de esta decisión».

      https://www.publico.es/sociedad/devoluciones-caliente-fallo-estrasburgo-significa-entras-manera-irregular-no

    • L’Espagne et l’Union européenne pourront faire prévaloir la protection des frontières européennes sur le #droit_d’asile

      La Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme (Cour-EDH) vient de rendre une décision favorable aux autorités espagnoles, en entérinant la pratique dite des « refoulements à chaud » des personnes tentant de rejoindre les enclaves espagnoles de Ceuta et Melilla. Alors même qu’une autre formation de la Cour avait condamné l’Espagne en 2017 pour cette pratique illégale[1], sa Grande Chambre a décidé cette fois que ce pays n’avait pas violé les droits des exilé·e·s qui avaient déjà franchi sa frontière en les renvoyant de façon expéditive et violente vers le Maroc. Par cette décision extrêmement grave, la Cour-EDH légitime le principe du refoulement généralisé. Par ailleurs, elle entérine l’impossibilité de déposer une demande d’asile en cas de franchissement illégal d’une frontière, et salue la bonne collaboration avec le Maroc dans la répression des exilé·e·s.

      Les personnes migrantes se heurtent aux pratiques de refoulement tout au long de leurs parcours aux frontières extérieures de l’UE, qui s’étendent toujours plus aux Sud et à l’Est. Elles y sont confrontées lorsqu’elles tentent de traverser le Sahara[2] ou les Balkans[3], ou tentent de fuir l’enfer libyen[4]. Cette réalité – qui, pour les cas les plus dramatiques mène à la mort – concerne aussi l’intérieur du territoire européen, comme l’illustrent les renvois récurrents de personnes migrantes aux frontières françaises avec l’Italie et l’Espagne[5]. Les pratiques de refoulement se multiplient et sont devenues une forme de gestion de plus en plus normalisée des mobilités illégalisées, qu’il faudrait entraver à tout prix.

      Depuis au moins deux décennies, les personnes migrantes subissent les violences des garde-frontières espagnols lors de leurs tentatives d’entrée dans les enclaves de Ceuta et Melilla. Les militaires marocains ne sont pas en reste : de multiples rapports d’ONG démontrent que le Maroc procède régulièrement à de violentes répressions et rafles pour éloigner les exilé·e·s de la frontière[6].

      Malgré cette réalité ancienne et documentée, la Cour-EDH conclut dans son arrêt du 13 février que l’Espagne n’a commis aucune violation, estimant « que les requérants [s’étaient] mis eux-mêmes dans une situation d’illégalité » en tentant de franchir la frontière de Melilla hors d’un poste-frontière habilité. Elle ajoute qu’« ils ont par conséquent décidé de ne pas utiliser les voies légales existantes permettant d’accéder de manière régulière au territoire espagnol ». Argument fallacieux s’il en est de considérer que seul·e·s pourraient être protégé·e·s du refoulement les exilé·e·s entré·e·s par un poste frontière habilité ou qu’ils/elles pourraient déposer sans entrave une demande d’asile au consulat. Pourtant, de nombreuses organisations de défense des droits – dont les rapports ont été sciemment ignorés par la Cour – ont pu documenter que les personnes noires sont particulièrement traquées par les forces sécuritaires marocaines, empêchées d’atteindre les postes frontières des enclaves. L’accès aux bureaux d’asile de Ceuta et Melilla (mis en place en 2015) leur est donc impossible, ne leur laissant d’autres choix que de tenter d’escalader les clôtures et leurs lames tranchantes, ou de prendre la mer, au péril de leur vie[7].

      La Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, en revenant sur la condamnation de l’Espagne, donne un signal fort aux États européens pour la généralisation de ces pratiques violentes de refoulement et la légitimation de l’externalisation de l’asile. En effet, en estimant qu’un État membre peut limiter le droit de demander protection sur son territoire à certains lieux ou à certaines circonstances, la Cour cautionne des pratiques contraires au droit international, que l’UE essaye de longue date de promouvoir : empêcher l’arrivée de celles et ceux qui cherchent protection, soit en érigeant des barrières physiques ou juridiques, soit en sous-traitant ses obligations à des pays notoirement hostiles aux personnes migrantes.

      Les associations signataires condamnent fermement la décision de la Cour-EDH. Nous refusons que le principe de non-refoulement, pierre angulaire du droit d’asile, soit remis en cause au nom de la politique d’externalisation et de protection des frontières de l’UE et ses États membres. Nous soutenons les personnes migrantes dans l’exercice de leur liberté de circulation, et combattons les violences et le racisme qu’elles subissent tout au long de leurs trajectoires illégalisées.

      https://www.lacimade.org/presse/lespagne-et-lunion-europeenne-pourront-faire-prevaloir-la-protection-des-f

      –-> Communiqué inter-associatif signé par le réseau Migreurop, dont La Cimade est membre, publié à la suite d’une décision rendue par la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme sur les « refoulements à chaud » en Espagne.

  • L’Espagne appelle l’UE à aider le Maroc sur la gestion des frontières

    Le Premier ministre espagnol, Pedro Sánchez, a demandé à la Commission de mettre en place des aides pour aider le Maroc ainsi que l’Espagne à gérer la frontière Méditerranéenne.

    La mise en place d’un fonds de 55 millions d’euros dans le cadre du programme de gestion des frontières du Maroc a déjà été approuvée par l’Europe. Ces financements devraient surtout servir à équiper les #gardes-frontières_marocains.

    Le gouvernement marocain demande cependant plusieurs autres actions, des demandes reprises en annexe dans la lettre adressée à Jean-Claude Juncker, le président de la Commission européenne, par le Premier ministre espagnol, Pedro Sánchez. Selon les sources d’Euractiv, l’exécutif analyseront cette lettre « rapidement ».

    La route de la Méditerranée occidentale, qui passe par le Maroc et l’Espagne, est devenu le principal point d’entrée des migrants illégaux à l’UE. À la date du 30 juillet, 23 993 personnes sont arrivées en Europe par cette voie, alors qu’ils étaient 18 298 à arriver en Italie. La coopération hispano-marocaine est essentielle pour limiter le nombre d’arrivées.

    La lettre de Pedro Sánchez suit un engagement du Conseil européen, selon lequel le soutien aux pays d’arrivée, « surtout l’Espagne », et les pays d’origine et de transit, « en particulier le Maroc », afin d’empêcher l’immigration illégale.

    Plus tôt dans le mois, la Commission européenne a octroyé 24,8 millions d’euros à l’Espagne pour qu’elle puisse améliorer ses capacités d’accueil, notamment en ce qui concerne les soins, la nourriture et le logement des migrants qui arrivent notamment sur l’enclave de Ceuta et Melilla.

    720 000 euros supplémentaires ont été mis à disposition du ministère de l’Intérieur pour renforcer le système de retours.

    « Durant l’année écoulée, l’Espagne a vu le nombre d’arrivants augmenter et nous devons renforcer notre soutien pour renforcer la gestion de ces arrivées et le retour de ceux qui n’ont pas le droit de rester », avait alors déclaré le commissaire aux migrations, Dimitris Avramopoulos.

    Dans le cadre des programmes sur l’immigration, les frontières et la sécurité, l’Espagne doit toucher 692 millions d’euros pour la période budgétaire 2014-2020.

    L’agence Frontex a également renforcé sa présence en Espagne. Quelque 195 agents, deux bateaux, un avion et un hélicoptère ont été déployé pour contribuer à la surveillance des frontières, aux opérations de sauvetage et à la répression de la criminalité organisée.

    Les opérations Frontex en Espagne étaient jusqu’ici organisées de manière saisonnière, mais l’augmentation des arrivées a forcé l’agence à s’y établir de manière permanente.

    Plateformes de débarquement

    Des représentants de l’UE, de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations, de l’UNHCR, des pays d’Afrique du Nord (à l’exception de la Lybie et de l’Algérie) et de l’Union africaine se sont réunis à Genève le 30 juillet.

    Le principal objectif de cette rencontre était d’assurer une meilleure coopération sur les opérations de sauvetage en Méditerranée, de favoriser la mise en place de partenariats et de partager les points de vue des participants sur la création de plateformes de débarquement dans des pays tiers.

    L’UE avait annoncé ne pas s’attendre à un résultat particulier, mais espérer des discussions ouvertes avec ses voisins, afin de préparer un accord plus formel qui pourrait être négocié à l’automne.

    https://www.euractiv.fr/section/migrations/news/tues-morning-sanchez-backs-moroccos-call-for-support-to-stem-migrat-flows
    #Maroc #Espagne #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée

    • Le Maroc et l’Espagne pour un renforcement de la coopération sur l’immigration

      Le chef du gouvernement espagnol Pedro Sanchez effectue lundi sa première visite officielle au Maroc, au moment où la question migratoire est devenue centrale dans les relations entre Rabat et Madrid.

      « La migration est une responsabilité commune et nous devons renforcer notre coopération sur cette question », a dit M. Sanchez, à l’issue d’entretiens avec son homologue marocain Saad-Eddine el Othmani.

      « Le partenariat économique est également important, c’est pourquoi nous avons convenu de l’organisation l’an prochain d’un forum économique maroco-espagnol », a poursuivi le dirigeant espagnol, accompagné de plusieurs membres de son gouvernement pour sa première visite officielle dans le royaume qui s’achève plus tard dans la journée.

      « Le Maroc fait tout ce qui est en son pouvoir en matière de lutte contre l’immigration clandestine », a souligné de son côté le chef du gouvernement marocain, issu du Parti justice et développement (PJD, islamiste).

      « La question migratoire est complexe et ne peut être réglée uniquement par une approche sécuritaire malgré son importance, il faut privilégier le développement des pays de départ en Afrique », a ajouté M. Othmani.

      Le socialiste Pedro Sanchez avait annoncé vendredi avoir demandé une audience avec le roi Mohammed VI, mais sa tenue n’était toujours pas confirmée lundi en fin de matinée.

      L’Espagne est l’un des principaux alliés du Maroc en Europe et son premier partenaire commercial.

      Tout au long de l’année, plusieurs ministres et responsables espagnols se sont rendus à Rabat pour parler lutte antiterroriste et surtout migration, louant « l’excellence » des relations entre les deux voisins.

      Devenue cette année la première porte d’entrée des migrants en Europe, l’Espagne plaide depuis des mois pour que l’Union européenne débloque des aides à destination du Maroc afin de mieux gérer les flux clandestins sur la route occidentale de la Méditerranée.

      Près de 47.500 migrants sont arrivés en Espagne par voie maritime depuis le début de l’année, selon l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), et 564 sont morts ou portés disparus.

      Si certains tentent la traversée à bord de bateaux pneumatiques au départ des côtes marocaines, d’autres escaladent les barrières hérissées de barbelés des enclaves espagnoles de Ceuta et Melilla, seules frontières terrestres entre l’Afrique et l’Europe.

      Outre les migrants subsahariens, ces derniers mois ont vu se multiplier les tentatives de départ de migrants marocains, prêts à tout pour gagner le continent européen.

      Entre janvier et fin septembre, le Maroc a stoppé 68.000 tentatives d’immigration clandestine et démantelé 122 « réseaux criminels actifs », selon un bilan officiel.

      https://www.h24info.ma/actu/le-maroc-et-lespagne-pour-un-renforcement-de-la-cooperation-sur-limmigration

    • Migration : Où iront les 140 millions d’euros ?

      Le partenariat Maroc-UE en matière de migration connait un coup d’accélérateur. De nouveaux fonds ont été débloqués par la Commission européenne. « Les Inspirations ÉCO » retrace le circuit de ces fonds et leur affectation.

      C’est l’aboutissement de six mois de négociations entre le Maroc et la Commission européenne (CE) pour renforcer le soutien destiné au royaume pour « développer davantage son système de gestion des frontières, et de lutter de manière plus efficace contre le trafic d’êtres humains ». Les nouvelles annonces prises dans le cadre du Fonds fiduciaire d’urgence de l’UE pour l’Afrique contribueront à améliorer la capacité du Maroc et de la Libye à gérer leurs frontières.

      Une aide en trois volets

      Un montant de 40 millions d’euros a été libéré par la CE sur les 140 millions d’euros adopté à l’issue de négociations. Dans ces pourparlers, le Maroc pouvait compter sur un avocat de taille : l’Espagne. Le royaume aussi a fait prévaloir les chiffres de la lutte contre les flux de la migration irrégulière stoppés en 2018 sur les côtes marocaines. « Nous évoluons dans un contexte régional marqué par une reprise de la pression migratoire sur le Maroc », rappelle Khalid Zerouali, directeur de l’immigration et de la surveillance des frontières, au ministère de l’Intérieur. Et d’ajouter : « En 2018, nous sommes à 78.000 interceptions contre 32.000 en 2016 sur la route de la méditerranée occidentale ». Même son de cloche de Dimitris Avramopoulos, commissaire chargé de la migration, des affaires intérieures et de la citoyenneté : « Le Maroc est soumis à une pression migratoire particulièrement forte, du fait de l’augmentation des flux. C’est pourquoi, nous nous employons à intensifier et approfondir notre partenariat avec ce pays, en augmentant notre soutien financier ». Ces 140 millions d’euros seront destinés « à l’acquisition d’équipements et de moyens de détection », indique le haut responsable du ministère de l’Intérieur. Ces budgets seront gérés par le voisin ibérique à travers la Fondation internationale et ibéro-américaine pour l’administration et les politiques publiques. Ces nouveaux fonds seront axés sur « la lutte contre le trafic de migrants et la traite d’êtres humains, dont un renforcement de la gestion intégrée des frontières », indique la CE. Dans les détails le soutien européen au Maroc en matière migratoire se compose de trois volets : soutien à la gestion des frontières, lutte contre les réseaux de trafic et le soutien à la politique d’intégration des migrants. Le premier volet s’inscrit dans le programme de soutien à la gestion des frontières dans la région du Maghreb. « Sur l’ensemble de ce budget, le Maroc bénéficiera d’une enveloppe de 30 millions d’euros, ce qui aidera les services marocains de contrôle aux frontières. Ce programme est d’ores et déjà déployé, en concertation étroite avec les autorités marocaines », précise l’UE. Le deuxième volet est un programme d’une valeur de 70 millions d’euros, qui a été récemment adopté pour aider le Maroc « dans sa lutte contre le trafic de migrants et la traite d’êtres humains, au moyen, notamment, d’une gestion des frontières renforcée », continue l’UE. Le troisième volet porte sur un programme de 8 millions d’euros visant à aider le Maroc à renforcer encore ses politiques dans le domaine de la gouvernance des migrations au niveau régional. Johannes Hahn, commissaire chargé de la politique européenne de voisinage et des négociations d’élargissement, avait déclaré à ce propos : « avec le concours de ses États membres, l’UE intensifie actuellement son aide au Maroc, un partenaire de premier plan pour l’Union européenne ». Pour ce responsable de l’UE, « la coopération va cependant bien au-delà de la seule migration : nous nous employons à renforcer notre partenariat par le développement socioéconomique, la décentralisation et l’intégration des jeunes, au profit des citoyens marocains et européens ». À la fin de cette année, l’UE aura pris en faveur du Maroc des engagements à hauteur de 148 millions d’euros en matière d’assistance liée aux migrations.

      Les niet du Maroc

      Lors des négociations avec l’UE, le Maroc continue d’afficher une position ferme sur deux points : les centres de débarquement de migrants (hotspot) et un accord de réadmission globale Maroc-UE. Les dix ans de partenariat avec l’UE sur le thème de la migration, avec des engagements se hissant à 232 millions d’euros, n’ont pas changé l’avis du Maroc sur le sujet. Depuis 2013, ce partenariat s’inscrit dans le cadre de l’Accord de partenariat de mobilité. L’UE soutient la Stratégie nationale pour l’immigration et l’asile adoptée par le Maroc en 2014, dont certaines mesures mettent tout particulièrement l’accent sur l’intégration des migrants, ainsi que sur la promotion et la protection de leurs droits, mettent en place des systèmes durables en matière de retour et de réintégration et promeuvent un dialogue régional sur la migration. Depuis 2014, l’UE dispose de différents fonds et instruments afin de soutenir des actions liées à la migration au Maroc.

      http://www.leseco.ma/decryptages/grand-angle/72929-migration-ou-iront-les-140-millions-d-euros.html

    • Alemania y los países del Grupo Visegrado anuncian un plan para que Marruecos frene la inmigración, como pide España

      Alemania y los cuatro países del Grupo de Visegrado (V4) planean un proyecto de desarrollo en Marruecos con el objetivo de frenar la migración del Norte de África a Europa, según han anunciado este jueves en Bratislava la canciller alemana, Angela Merkel, y el primer ministro eslovaco, Peter Pellegrini.

      Desde el pasado verano, el Gobierno español está actuando como «el abogado de las peticiones marroquíes», en palabras del Ministro del Interior, para impulsar el desembolso de millones de euros desde la Unión Europea a Marruecos a cambio de que el país norteafricano aumente el control de la inmigración hacia España. A finales de enero, la secretaria de Estado de Migraciones, Consuelo Rumí, viajó a Bruselas para agilizar partidas por valor de 140 millones con esta finalidad.

      Entre las demandas se encontraba el apoyo a Marruecos en el desarrollo de políticas sociales, como la educación. Las reclamaciones del Ejecutivo socialista parecen haber convencido a Alemania y los cuatro países del V4 (R.Checa, Eslovaquia, Hungría y Polonia).

      «Debemos actuar sobre las causas de la migración o destierro, y por eso en el futuro nos dedicaremos a este proyecto con Marruecos», dijo Merkel en rueda de prensa tras finalizar una cumbre de jefes de Gobierno de Alemania y los países V4.

      «Queremos enviar el mensaje de que colaboramos cuando se trata de combatir las raíces de la migración», resaltó Merkel tras reconocer que la Unión Europea (UE) ya tiene «actividades» en el país africano.

      «Marruecos es un país de donde llegaron muchos refugiados y por eso queremos incidir aquí de una forma muy concreta», insistió. Ni Merkel ni Pellegrini dieron detalles sobre el proyecto.

      El jefe del Gobierno eslovaco se limitó a indicar que se prevé crear un fondo de dinero y una estructura administrativa, y que esperan estar en condiciones de concretarlo en un futuro cercano.

      Merkel consideró que el acuerdo alcanzado es un «ejemplo» de que los V4 y Alemania «quieren estrechar su cooperación también en este campo», en una alusión a las posturas hasta ahora distantes entre Berlín y las otras cuatro capitales.

      Los Estados de Visegrado son reacios a conceder asilo a refugiados o a aceptar inmigrantes, sobre todo si vienen de Oriente Medio o África, y especialmente los Gobiernos de Polonia y Hungría han criticado duramente a Merkel por su política de 2015, cuando Alemania abrió las puertas a centenares de miles de refugiados que llegaron a través de la ruta de los Balcanes.

      Los V4 se han mantenido inflexibles en su negativa a aceptar las cuotas obligatorias de reubicación solicitantes de asilo entre todos los socios de la Unión Europea (UE), propuesta por la Comisión Europea en 2015, y abogan por reforzar el control de las fronteras externas del bloque comunitario para frenar la inmigración

      «Necesitamos una migración legal y también la defensa de las fronteras, para lo cual es necesario mantener buenas relaciones con los vecinos, y uno de ellos es Marruecos», declaró Merkel.

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Alemania-Grupo-Visegrado-Marruecos-Espana_0_865464385.html
      #Allemagne #Groupe_de_Visegrad #République_Tchèque #Slovaquie #Hongrie #Pologne

    • Nouvelle #aide_en_nature de Madrid à Rabat pour contenir l’immigration irrégulière

      Dans son édition d’aujourd’hui, le quotidien espagnol El Pais annonce l’octroi au Maroc d’une aide sous forme de #véhicules. Le #don est estimé à 26 millions d’euros. Ce soutien devrait être validé le même jour, en Conseil des ministres à Madrid.

      Nouvel appui de Madrid à destination du Maroc pour la gestion de la migration irrégulière en Méditerranée occidentale. Le quotidien espagnol El Pais annonce l’allocation d’une aide de 26 millions d’euros au gouvernement marocain. Une aide qui s’inscrit dans le décaissement de 140 millions d’euros, promis par la Commission européenne au Maroc afin de “compenser les efforts [du Maroc] mis en oeuvre en matière de surveillance de ses frontières”, écrit le journal de référence ibère.

      Cette aide prendra la forme d’un achat de véhicules. Celui-ci devrait comprendre, selon El Pais, sept lots de véhicules types 4×4, dont des ambulances. Des camions-citernes et réfrigérants seraient également prévus dans ce dispositif qui attend d’être approuvé lors du Conseil des ministres de ce vendredi avant de débloquer les fonds.

      Cette aide s’inscrit dans un budget spécifique prévu pour l’année 2019 au titre de “l’appui à la gestion intégrale des frontières et des migrations au Maroc”. C’est dans ce même fonds, d’après El Pais, que Madrid avait validé l’octroi de 108 véhicules et équipements informatiques d’une valeur totale de 3,2 millions d’euros. Le Maroc, ainsi que la Mauritanie et le Sénégal, en avait bénéficié en octobre 2018.
      Peser en faveur du Maroc

      Depuis 2015, les deux voisins du Détroit ont multiplié les actions conjointes pour réguler le phénomène migratoire en Méditerranée occidentale. Nasser Bourita, ministre des Affaires étrangères, avait salué “un binôme exemplaire” lors d’une conférence de presse avec son homologue espagnol en marge de la visite d’État du roi Felipe VI.

      Le ministère espagnol de l’Intérieur a annoncé “avoir enregistré, au 13 juin, l’arrivée de 13.263” personnes en situation irrégulière. Soit une baisse de 23% par rapport à la même période janvier-fin juin 2018. En février, Nasser Bourita avait affirmé que le Maroc déployait quelque 13.000 agents des forces de l’ordre sur le littoral nord, “pour agir avec responsabilité dans la lutte contre la migration clandestine”.

      Devenue la première porte d’entrée en Europe, l’Espagne compte bien peser en faveur du Maroc pour réguler la pression migratoire accrue. Le chef de la diplomatie espagnol, Josep Borell, avait également rappelé que “l’Espagne était prête à soutenir la relance de la relation spéciale et singulière du Maroc avec l’Union européenne”. Une phrase qui prend une tout autre allure depuis ces derniers jours. En début de semaine, ce dernier a en effet été désigné à la tête de la diplomatie européenne.

      D’après El Pais, “les Vingt-huit souhaitent que la coopération et les efforts soient maintenus et négociés, au-delà des 140 millions d’euros”. “Un effort important”, pour le Premier ministre socialiste espagnol, Pedro Sanchez, qui avait appelé dans une interview en marge des législatives espagnoles à le soutenir “à moyen et long terme par un véritable partenariat stratégique entre l’Union européenne et le Maroc”.

      Parmi les dossiers qui pourraient compter pour Madrid, El Pais évoque “une flexibilité” de l’Espagne sur l’attribution des visas pour les Marocains, en échange de la coopération des autorités marocaines concernant l’expulsion de ses ressortissants en situation irrégulière sur le sol européen.

      https://telquel.ma/2019/07/05/nouvelle-aide-en-nature-de-madrid-a-rabat-pour-contenir-limmigration-irregul
      #aide

  • Le directeur de #Frontex appelle à accélérer les #expulsions de migrants

    Le directeur de l’agence européenne des garde-frontières et garde-côtes (Frontex) exhorte les Etats membres à appliquer plus systématiquement les décisions d’expulsions de migrants et à harmoniser leurs règles, sans quoi l’Europe envoie selon lui un encouragement « implicite » à traverser la Méditerranée.

    Le directeur de l’agence européenne des garde-frontières et garde-côtes (Frontex) exhorte les Etats membres à appliquer plus systématiquement les décisions d’expulsions de migrants et à harmoniser leurs règles, sans quoi l’Europe envoie selon lui un encouragement « implicite » à traverser la Méditerranée.

    Dans un entretien à paraître jeudi dans les quotidiens régionaux du groupe Ebra, Fabrice Leggeri appelle globalement les pays européens à durcir et à coordonner la gestion des frontières extérieures communes.

    « Tant qu’on n’arrivera pas à augmenter l’efficacité des éloignements, les gens verront des clandestins créer dans certains quartiers une forme de société parallèle, fonctionnant sur une économie noire, comme des ’bulles’ où la loi ne s’applique pas », estime-t-il.

    « Les Etats membres doivent prendre davantage de décisions effectives d’éloignement, qui soient mieux mises en oeuvre », dit-il.

    En France , 18.000 expulsions ont eu lieu l’an dernier, dont près de 15.000 forcées (en hausse de 14% par rapport à 2016) et 86.000 personnes ont été refoulées aux frontières, pour la plupart dans les Alpes-Maritimes.

    Lors d’un Conseil européen, les Vingt-Huit se sont engagés le 29 juin notamment à renforcer les frontières de l’UE et à créer des « plateformes de débarquement » hors d’Europe et des « centres contrôlés » d’accueil sur le sol européen.

    Pour Fabrice Leggeri, les plateformes situées dans des pays tiers, décriées par les ONG et par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) comme contraires au droit d’asile, représentent une piste valable.

    « Il n’est pas question de revenir sur le devoir de sauvetage des gens. La vraie question est : pour les débarquer où ? Pourquoi systématiquement en Europe ? Après, il n’est pas non plus question de refouler les gens vers des pays ’non sûrs’. L’enjeu est donc de mettre en place des plateformes de débarquement respectueuses du droit, qui permettent aux personnes d’avoir accès à l’asile », estime-t-il.

    En vue de coordonner les expulsions par avion, l’agence Frontex est en train de mettre au point « un système informatique d’échange de données nommé Irma qui dira en temps réel combien d’irréguliers d’un pays, par exemple des Pakistanais, vont avoir bientôt une décision effective d’éloignement de l’Union, ce qui nous permettra de planifier l’envoi d’un charter vers le Pakistan », explique-t-il.

    Selon l’OIM, 63.142 réfugiés ont traversé la Méditerranée cette année pour rejoindre l’Europe, soit environ deux fois moins qu’à la même période l’an dernier. Au moins 1.500 personnes ont péri dans cette traversée.

    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/220818/le-directeur-de-frontex-appelle-accelerer-les-expulsions-de-migrants
    #asile #migrations #renvois #réfugiés #UE #Europe #EU

    #machine_à_expulsion #machine_à_expulser = les tags que j’ai utilisés sur seenthis pour parler de cette envie d’expulser à tous les coup !

    • Ah mais de quoi il se mêle ce gugusse ?

      « Tant qu’on n’arrivera pas à augmenter l’efficacité des éloignements, les gens verront des clandestins créer dans certains quartiers une forme de société parallèle, fonctionnant sur une économie noire, comme des ’bulles’ où la loi ne s’applique pas »,

      Qu’il s’occupe de ses frontières, qu’il parle de son boulot de merde, ça suffit déjà hein. Ces propos pseudo descriptivo prémonitoires qu’il se les garde, merde. C’est un fonctionnaire ? Depuis quand ça a le droit de jeter de la merde sur le fumier un fonctionnaire ? Quelqu’un connait un endroit où on peut demander à l’Europe que le mec s’occupe de sa popotte et s’abstienne de ces vagissements décérébrés et fascisants ?
      #enerve #devoir_de_reserve #sanction

    • España es el tercer país de la UE que más dinero recibe para deportar migrantes

      Casi mil millones de euros destina la Comisión Europea a los países para «acciones relacionadas con el retorno de inmigrantes irregulares». Es decir, para deportaciones.

      Así se desprende de la respuesta del comisario de Migración, Dimitris Avramopouluos, a una pregunta formulada por la portavoz de IU en el Parlamento europeo, Marina Albiol, preguntaba por la cantidad empleada en garantizar la llegada legal y segura de personas; la información desglosada por Estados miembros y por receptor final de los fondos y por los mecanismos para supervisar que las personas migrantes no son encarceladas, perseguidas o torturadas tras haber sido deportadas desde la UE.

      Avramopouluos, que responde a algunas cuestiones con más concreción que a otras, afirma que «en el marco del Fondo de Asilo, Migración e Integración, los Estados miembros disponen en sus programas nacionales, para el periodo 2014-2020, de 737 millones de euros para acciones que refuercen el Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo, incluida la prestación de servicios a los solicitantes de asilo y la recepción de los mismos. Además, 53 millones de euros están destinados a apoyar la migración legal desde terceros países a los Estados miembros. Asimismo, se han asignado a los Estados miembros 872 millones de euros en fondos adicionales para apoyar el reasentamiento de los beneficiarios de protección internacional procedentes de terceros países a los Estados miembros».

      Además, Avramopouluos explica que "en el marco del Fondo de Asilo, Migración e Integración, se asignan 943 millones de euros como parte de los programas nacionales de los Estados miembros para acciones relacionadas con el retorno. Por lo que se refiere al número de retornos en 2017, la cifra oficial de Eurostat es de 188 905 inmigrantes irregulares devueltos de manera efectiva a terceros países en 2017 por todos los Estados miembros de la UE. Esta cifra incluye tanto los retornos voluntarios como los forzosos.

      «Las deportaciones son uno de los elementos centrales de las políticas xenófobas de la UE y esto queda claro cuando vemos que se gastan 70 millones de euros más en deportaciones que en programas de reasentamiento», reflexiona Marina Albiol: «Su objetivo es reducir el número de migrantes a toda costa y para ello no dudan en realizar deportaciones forzosas, para las que a menudo se utiliza violencia o sedaciones. Devuelven a esas personas a la violencia y la miseria de la que huyeron, o incluso las deportan a terceros países, por los que hayan transitado en su camino hacia la UE, pero con los que no tengan ningún tipo de vínculo».

      De esos 943 millones de euros, España es el tercer país, con 116,1 millones, que más dinero recibe para deportaciones. El primero es Reino Unido –219,4 millones–, seguido de Grecia –132,8 millones–.

      «Que el Estado español sea el tercer estado europeo que más fondos recibe para las deportaciones demuestra el papel de alumno aventajado que tiene en la aplicación de las políticas de la Europa Fortaleza», prosigue Albiol: «El Gobierno de Sánchez ya ha demostrado con sus acciones que no va a promover ningún tipo de cambio en las políticas migratorias españolas, caracterizadas por las violaciones de derechos humanos en la frontera de Ceuta y Melilla y en los Centros de Internamiento».

      «Estas políticas –continúa Albiol– son además un enorme negocio para unas pocas empresas privadas que, como Air Europa, se lucran con esta industria criminal. Esos 116 millones de euros que de momento ha recibido el Estado español para realizar deportaciones es dinero del conjunto de contribuyentes que viven o trabajan en la Unión, también de personas migrantes en situación administrativa irregular. Sin embargo, las autoridades europeas no tienen reparo en dar ese dinero a empresas privadas para que estas apliquen unas políticas que están dictadas por la extrema derecha».

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Espana-tercer-UE-deportar-migrantes_0_817868523.html

      –->En 2017, 943 millions were assigned for deportations, says the European Commissioner of Migration Avramopouluos, answering the MEP Marina Albiol (IU). Of this 943 million Euros, Spain is the third country, with 116,1 millions, which more money receives for deportations. The first one is United Kingdom -219,4 million-, followed by Greece -132,8 million-.

      #Espagne

  • Marruecos desmantela el mayor campamento de migrantes que intentaban llegar a España

    Las autoridades notificaron el desalojo a los migrantes a finales de 2017, que pidieron permanecer durante el invierno

    También han desalojado al centenar de personas del campamento #Meknes y han prendido fuego al de Casablanca

    El empeño de Marruecos por alejar a los migrantes de la frontera española los llevó a la ciudad de Fez en 2015, a 300 kilómetros de Fnideq, junto a Ceuta, la entrada más cercana a Europa

    https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Marruecos-desmantela-campamento-migrantes-Espana_0_791271632.html
    #Maroc #destruction #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps #campement #démantèlement #Fez

  • EU leaders consider centers outside bloc to process refugees

    Draft conclusions for the European Council summit next week propose the creation of ‘disembarkation platforms.’

    European Council President Donald Tusk has proposed that EU leaders create “regional disembarkation platforms” outside the European Union, where officials could quickly differentiate between refugees in need of protection and economic migrants who would potentially face return to their countries of origin.

    The proposal is an effort to break the acute political crisis over migration and asylum that has bedeviled EU leaders since 2015 — and even threatened in recent days to topple the German government — even as the numbers of arrivals have plummeted since the peak of the crisis.

    The disembarkation platform concept — which officials said would have to be implemented in cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) — could create a formal mechanism by which the EU can bridge the divide between hard-line leaders calling for tough border controls and those insisting that EU nations obey international law and welcome refugees in need of protection.

    But the idea could also open EU leaders to criticism that they are outsourcing their political problem by creating centers for people seeking entry in countries on the periphery of the bloc. Among the potential partner nations are Tunisia and Albania, but officials say it is far too soon to speculate.

    The idea to create such facilities was suggested in 2016 by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, the strongest critic of the EU’s policies on migration — especially on the relocation of refugees across Europe.

    More recently, French President Emmanuel Macron has endorsed the idea, and on Sunday Italian Foreign Minister Enzo Moavero said Italy wants to officially put the idea on the table at the European Council summit.

    According to the draft guidelines, the new sites would “establish a more predictable framework for dealing with those who nevertheless set out to sea and are rescued in Search And Rescue Operations.”

    The conclusions state: “Such platforms should provide for rapid processing to distinguish between economic migrants and those in need of international protection, and reduce the incentive to embark on perilous journeys.”
    https://www.politico.eu/article/regional-disembarkation-platforms-eu-leaders-consider-camps-outside-bloc-to

    Nouveau #mots, nouvelle absurdité #disembarkation_platform...!!!
    #tri #migrations #migrants_économiques #réfugiés #catégorisation #hotspots #externalisation #novlangue
    #regional_disembarkation_platforms #Tunisie #Albanie #plateformes_régionales_de_désembarquement

    cc @reka @isskein @i_s_

    • European Council meeting (28 J une 2018) – Draft conclusions

      In order to establish a more predictable framework for dealing with those who nevertheless set out to sea and are rescued in Search And Rescue Operations, the European Council supports the development of the concept of regional disembarkation platforms in close cooperation with UNHCR and IOM. Such platforms should provide for rapid processing to distinguish between economic migrants and those in need of international protection , and reduce the incentive to embark on perilous journeys.

      https://g8fip1kplyr33r3krz5b97d1-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/draftEucoConclusionsJune.pdf
      #HCR #OIM #IOM

    • Une idée qui vient de la Hongrie...

      From protest to proposal : Eastern Europe tries new migration tactic

      “Asylum procedures should be completed outside the EU in closed and protected hotspots before the first entry on the territory of the EU,” states Orbán’s plan. “Third countries should be supported in establishing a system of reception and management of migratory flows … which should foresee careful on-site screening of refugees and economic migrants,” reads Renzi’s.

      https://www.politico.eu/article/viktor-orban-hungary-slovakia-from-protest-to-propose-eastern-europe-tries-

    • La UE estudia instalar centros de clasificación de inmigrantes en el norte de África

      Un borrador de documento para la cumbre afirma que la idea podría facilitar «un procesamiento rápido que distinga entre migrantes económicos y refugiados»

      La Unión Europea estudia la idea de construir centros para el procesamiento de inmigrantes en el norte de África en un intento por disuadir a la gente de emprender viajes a través del Mediterráneo que puedan poner en riesgo su vida, según indica un documento al que ha tenido acceso The Guardian.

      El Consejo Europeo de líderes de la UE «apoya el desarrollo del concepto de plataformas de desembarque regional», según señala un borrador de conclusiones de la cumbre europea que se llevará a cabo la próxima semana.

      La UE quiere estudiar la viabilidad de instalar estos centros en el norte de África, donde comienza la mayoría de los viajes de los inmigrantes que quieren llegar a suelo europeo. «Estas plataformas podrían facilitar un procesamiento rápido que distinga entre migrantes económicos y aquellos que necesitan protección internacional, y así reducir los incentivos a embarcarse en viajes peligrosos», sostiene el documento.

      La inmigración es un tema prioritario en la agenda de la próxima cumbre de dos días que se iniciará el 28 de junio. Los líderes de la UE intentarán llegar a un consenso sobre cómo manejar la crisis de los miles de refugiados e inmigrantes que llegan a Europa cada mes.

      Los líderes de Alemania y Francia, Angela Merkel y Emmanuel Macron, se han reunido este martes cerca de Berlín para fijar una posición común respecto a la inmigración y la eurozona, en medio de los temores sobre el desmoronamiento del proyecto europeo.

      Antes de la reunión, el ministro de Hacienda francés, Bruno Le Maire, afirmó que Europa está «en proceso de desintegración». «Vemos Estados que se están cerrando, intentando encontrar soluciones nacionales a problemas que requieren soluciones europeas», señaló. Así, llamó a construir «un nuevo proyecto europeo sobre inmigración», así como sobre asuntos económicos y financieros «que consoliden a Europa en un mundo en el que Estados Unidos está a un lado, China al otro y nosotros quedamos atrapados en el medio».

      El ministro de Interior alemán, Horst Seehofer, de línea dura, está presionando a la canciller Angela Merkel para que diseñe un plan europeo para finales de mes. Alemania sigue siendo el país europeo que más solicitudes de asilo recibe. Si no hay avance a nivel europeo, Seehofer quiere que la policía de las fronteras alemanas comience a negar la entrada a los inmigrantes.

      No queda claro cómo se llevaría a la práctica la propuesta europea de «plataformas de desembarque regional», o dónde se instalarían.

      En 2016, la UE llegó a un acuerdo con Turquía que redujo drásticamente el flujo migratorio, pero al bloque le ha resultado más difícil trabajar con los gobiernos del norte de África, especialmente con Libia, punto de partida de la mayoría de las embarcaciones que intentan llegar a Europa por el Mediterráneo.

      La Comisión Europea ha rechazado la posibilidad de llegar a un acuerdo con Libia parecido al de Turquía, debido a la inestabilidad del país. Sin embargo, el anterior Gobierno de Italia pactó con las milicias y tribus libias y colaboró para reconstituir la guardia costera libia. Estas acciones han contribuido a reducir drásticamente el número de personas que intenta cruzar el Mediterráneo, pero los críticos han denunciado un aumento en las violaciones de los derechos humanos.

      Según el documento filtrado, la UE prefiere construir los centros en colaboración con ACNUR, la agencia de la ONU para los refugiados, y con la Organización Internacional para la Migración, otro organismo relacionado con la ONU que con anterioridad ha criticado la escasez de rutas legales que tienen los inmigrantes y refugiados africanos para llegar a Europa.

      https://www.eldiario.es/theguardian/UE-instalar-procesamiento-inmigrantes-Africa_0_783922573.html

    • Commentaire d’Emmanuel Blanchard, via la mailing-list Migreurop :

      Au contraire de ce que suggère le titre choisi par ce journaliste (article ci-dessous), la proposition de créer ces plateformes de débarquement n’est pas vraiment « étonnante » tant elle ressemble aux « #processings_centers » et autres « #centres_d'identification » dont les projets ressurgissent régulièrement depuis le début des années 2000. Il y a cependant des évolutions (ces centres étaient pensés pour cantonner les exilés avant qu’ils prennent la mer et pas pour débarquer les boat-people secourus en mer) et le danger se rapproche : maintenant que ces camps existent sous le nom de hotpsots dans les iles grecques, il apparaît possible de les étendre dans des pays extérieurs ayant besoin du soutien financier ou politique de l’UE.

      #camps #cpa_camps

    • Europe Pushes to Outsource Asylum, Again

      With Dublin reform stalled, European leaders began to cast around for new ideas to solve the ongoing political crisis on migration and settled on a recurring proposition: the creation of asylum processing centres beyond the (strengthened) borders of the European Union.

      What exactly is up for discussion remains unclear. The plans championed by various EU leaders are diverse, yet the details remain fuzzy. What they have in common is a near-universal focus on shifting responsibility for dealing with refugees and migrants upstream. The idea of external processing looks good on paper, particularly in demonstrating to skeptical voters that governments have control over migration flows. But leaders also hope that by reducing inflows to the European Union, they will face less pressure to compromise on sharing responsibility for asylum within the bloc.

      The devil is in the detail. Proposals to externalize the processing of asylum claims are not new, but have largely fallen flat. Previous leaders balked at the idea of such elaborate constructions, especially when confronted with their significant practical complications. But public pressure to further slow arrivals of refugee and migrant boats has mounted in many countries, and leaders feel compelled to find an agreement. The result is a debate on migration increasingly divorced from reality.

      But before sitting down to the negotiating table, EU leaders may want to reflect on the exact model they wish to pursue, and the tradeoffs involved. Critically, does the concept of “regional disembarkation platforms” set out in the draft European Council conclusions offer a potential solution?

      Key Design Questions

      From Austria’s so-called Future European Protection System, to the “centres of international protection in transit countries” suggested by Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, to an outlier idea from the Danish Prime Minister to create centres to host failed asylum seekers in “undesirable” parts of Europe —a variety of models for externalization have been floated in recent weeks.

      Several proposals also envisage the simultaneous creation of joint processing centres within the European Union, coupled with the use of reception centres that restrict residents’ freedom of movement. While it is still unclear how such a plan would unfold, this commentary focuses on the external dimension alone.

      Where Would People Be Stopped and Processed?

      The proposals differ regarding where in the journey they would stop migrants and potential asylum seekers. French President Emmanuel Macron has vaguely referred to centres in key transit countries, such as Niger, Libya, and Chad, as well as closer to regions of origin. Others have focused more squarely on the North African coast.

      Centres operating far away from the European Union would likely function as a form of resettlement, stopping people en route (or even prior to the journey), and offering selected individuals an additional channel of EU entry in hopes that this would discourage the use of smugglers. Indeed, nascent EU efforts to resettle refugees evacuated from Libya to Niger (under the Evacuation Transit Mechanism, or ETM), demonstrate how this might work. At the other extreme, the model championed by Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz would see migrants and refugees returned to “safe zones” in Africa, where they would stay, even after arriving at the external EU border.

      The latter concept is problematic under current EU and international law. By returning arrivals to third countries without giving them the opportunity to submit an asylum claim, governments would be likely to run afoul of the EU Asylum Procedures Directive, as well as the European Convention on Human Rights, which prohibits signatories from the “collective expulsion of aliens.” European Court of Human Rights case law also precludes the pushback of migrants rescued by European boats while crossing the Mediterranean. Conversely, however, if migrants and potential asylum seekers are stopped before entering EU waters, and without the involvement of European-flagged vessels, then no EU Member State has formal legal responsibility.

      A framework for regional cooperation on the disembarkation of migrant boats—being developed by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) —may offer a middle ground. While details are scarce, it seems likely that the proposal would focus first on the development of a system for determining who would rescue migrants crossing the Mediterranean, and where they would be landed. Absent consensus within the European Union on responsibility sharing for asylum claims, UNHCR would attempt to create a new framework for responsibility sharing with both Northern and Southern Mediterranean states on search and rescue. However, to prove palatable to partners, such a scheme would require strong EU support, not least through the creation of regional disembarkation centres across North Africa where migrants and refugees “pulled back” from their journey would be sent. This approach would sidestep the application of EU law. To be viable, the European Union would likely need to offer North African partner states some assurance of support, including resettling some of those found in need of protection (as with the Niger ETM).

      Who Would Do the Processing?

      Once asylum seekers are pulled back, there is the question of who would make determinations regarding their protection. There are three options.

      First, Member States’ own asylum agencies could adjudicate protection claims, as Macron has occasionally suggested. Aside from the logistical challenges of seconding officials outside Europe, the question quickly arises as to who would adjudicate which applications? Member States have very different asylum systems, which produce markedly different outcomes for applicants, and would need extensive coordination.

      As a result, there is growing interest in developing an EU asylum agency capable of undertaking assessments on behalf of Member States. This appears a neat solution. However, governments would have to agree joint procedures and standards for processing claims and have confidence in the decisions made by through a joint processing arrangement. This is, if anything, an option only in the long term, as it would be years before any such agency is operational.

      Should the regional disembarkation idea gain ground, the European Union would have no legal responsibility to undertake assessment. Most Member States would be likely to consider UNHCR a key partner to manage any external process. But doing so could require UNHCR to redeploy limited staff resources from existing resettlement operations or from pressing humanitarian situations elsewhere. Moreover, outsourcing to UNHCR could still raise the issue of trust and transferability of decisions. Many Member States remain reluctant to rely solely on UNHCR to select refugees for resettlement, preferring to send their own teams to do the final selection.

      What Happens Next?

      The issue of what happens to people after their protection claims are assessed remains at the crux of questions around the feasibility of external processing. Proposals here differ starkly.

      On the one hand, some proposals would allow those recognized as in need of protection to subsequently enter the European Union. This is the option that—even if the European Union has circumvented any legal responsibility—would be deemed necessary to host countries as it would give them assurance that they are not overly burdened with providing protection. But doing so would require Member States to agree on some sort of distribution system or quotas for determining who would be settled where—crashing back into a responsibility-sharing problem that has plagued the European Union.

      By contrast, proposals that would explicitly not allow entry to anyone who had attempted to travel to Europe via the Mediterranean, taking a page from Australia’s playbook, are meant to assuage fears that such centres would become magnets for new travellers. Those with protection needs brought to such centres would be settled in countries outside the bloc. The challenges with this model centre squarely on the difficulty finding a “safe” country that would allow the settlement of potentially unlimited number of protection beneficiaries. Neither is likely to be the case in any arrangements the European Union would seek to make with external countries.

      Finally, there is the troubling question of what to do with those denied status or resettlement in the European Union. While the International Organization for Migration (IOM) or another agency might be able to help facilitate voluntary return, some might not be able to return home or may have been denied resettlement but nonetheless have protection needs. They are at risk of becoming a population in limbo, with long-term implications for their well-being and for the host country.


      https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/europe-pushes-outsource-asylum-again
      #schéma #visualisation

    • "L’UE devrait demander à la Tunisie ou l’Algérie d’accueillir des migrants"

      Afin d’éviter toute complicité des ONG, #Stephen_Smith propose notamment une participation des pays du sud de la Méditerranée. « L’Europe se bat un peu la coulpe et a l’impression que tout est pour elle. Or, la Libye a beaucoup de pays voisins. Pourquoi n’a-t-on pas songé à demander le soutien de la Tunisie ou de l’Algérie ? Habituellement, en cas de naufrage, la règle veut que les voyageurs soient transportés vers la prochaine terre sûre. Et, à partir de la Libye, cette terre n’est pas l’Italie. »

      http://www.rts.ch/info/monde/9678271--l-ue-devrait-demander-a-la-tunisie-ou-l-algerie-d-accueillir-des-migran
      #Tunisie #Algérie

    • Macron y Pedro Sánchez proponen «centros cerrados de desembarco» para los inmigrantes que lleguen a Europa

      Con el apoyo de Pedro Sánchez, el presidente francés expone su apuesta para la gestión de las llegadas de migrantes a las costas del sur de Europa

      En estos centros se tratarían los expedientes de los demandantes de asilo o se tramitaría su devolución a los países de origen

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/Macron-propone-centros-desembarco-inmigrantes_0_785321746.html
      #Espagne

    • EU admits no African country has agreed to host migration centre

      The European Union’s most senior migration official has admitted that no north African country has yet agreed to host migrant screening centres to process refugee claims.

      Details of an EU plan to prevent migrants drowning at sea emerged on Thursday after Italy criticised the agenda of an emergency summit for not offering enough to help it cope with arrivals.

      Dimitris Avramopoulos, the European commissioner for migration, said the EU wanted to “intensify cooperation” with Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Niger and Morocco, as he announced the intention to create a “regional disembarkation scheme”.
      Malta’s ’barbaric’ finch traps ruled illegal by EU court
      Read more

      So far no African country had agreed to host screening centres, he confirmed. “It has to be discussed with these countries, he said. “An official proposal has not been put on the table.”

      The idea for offshore migrant processing centres remains sketchy, with numerous political, practical and legal questions unanswered. It remains unclear, for example, whether migrants on a rescue ship in European waters could be returned to a north African country.

      Tahar Cherif, the Tunisian ambassador to the EU said: “The proposal was put to the head of our government a few months ago during a visit to Germany, it was also asked by Italy, and the answer is clear: no!

      “We have neither the capacity nor the means to organise these detention centres. We are already suffering a lot from what is happening in Libya, which has been the effect of European action.”

      He said his country was facing enough problems with unemployment, without wishing to add to them while Niger said its existing centres taking migrants out of detention camps in Libya are already full.

      The idea for the centres was thrown into the mix of EU migration policy before a series of crucial summits on migration in the next week.

      About 10 EU leaders will meet in Brussels on Sunday in a hastily convened emergency meeting aimed at preventing the collapse of the German coalition government.

      But the Italian government has been angered by draft conclusions for the summit, which stress the need to counter “secondary movements” – an issue that affects Germany.

      Under EU rules, a member state usually has responsibility for asylum seekers who have arrived in its territory, a regulation that has put frontline states Italy and Greece under huge pressure.

      But claimants often move to a second EU state, seeking a faster decision or to unite with family members.

      So-called “secondary movements” is the issue driving a wedge between Germany’s ruling coalition. The Bavarian CSU party has set the chancellor, Angela Merkel, a deadline of two weeks to find a solution. The interior minister, Horst Seehofer, has threatened to send away migrants at the border – a breach of EU rules that threatens to unravel the common asylum system.

      Tensions are running high after Italy’s prime minister, Giuseppe Conte, said he was not ready to discuss secondary movements “without having first tackled the emergency of ‘primary movements’ that Italy has ended up dealing with alone”.

      Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, said: “If anyone in the EU thinks Italy should keep being a landing point and refugee camp, they have misunderstood.”

      The election of a populist government in Italy, combined with tensions in Germany’s ruling coalition, has created a political storm over migration despite the sharp fall in arrivals. In the first six months of this year 15,570 people crossed into Italy, a 77% drop on last year.

      The European commission president, Jean-Claude Juncker, reluctantly agreed to host the weekend summit to help Merkel, after her governing coalition came close to breaking point.

      Avramopoulos stressed that the summit would be about “consultations” to prepare the ground for decisions to be taken by all 28 EU leaders at a European council meeting next Thursday.

      Warning that the future of the EU’s border-free travel area was at stake, Avramopoulos said: “The European leadership of today will be held accountable in the eyes of future generations if we allow all these forces of populism to blow up what has been achieved”.

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/21/eu-admits-no-african-country-has-agreed-to-host-migration-centre
      #cpa_camps

    • IOM-UNHCR Proposal to the European Union for a Regional Cooperative Arrangement Ensuring Predictable Disembarkation and Subsequent Processing of Persons Rescued at Sea

      Approximately 40,000 refugees and migrants have arrived in Europe via maritime routes in 2018 to date. This is almost six times less than over the same period in 2016, following a peak in arrivals by sea in 2015. According to EUROSTAT, approximately 30 per cent of those arriving on the European shores were in need of international protection; moreover, some have faced extreme hardship and abuse at the hands of unscrupulous traffickers during the journey.

      Despite the reduced arrival rates, new challenges resulting from divergent EU Member State views have revealed a need to revisit regional arrangements to relieve front line states from having the sole responsibility for the disembarkation and further processing of people rescued at sea.

      IOM and UNHCR stand ready to support a common approach, and call on all countries in the Mediterranean region to come together to implement a predictable and responsible disembarkation mechanism in a manner that prioritizes human rights and safety first, delinked from the subsequent processing of status and related follow-up responsibilities, post-disembarkation, for those rescued in international waters.

      It is increasingly recognized that disembarkation cannot be the sole responsibility of one country or regional grouping. It should be a shared responsibility across the Mediterranean Basin, with due respect for the safety and dignity of all people on the move. A comprehensive approach is required to realize effective and sustainable responses.

      People on the move to and through the Mediterranean have different migratory status, with the majority of them not qualifying for international or subsidiary protection. Addressing the drivers of forced displacement and irregular migration needs to be given renewed attention through effective conflict-prevention and crisis settlement processes, strengthening good governance, rule of law, and respect for human rights efforts, stabilization and recovery, as well as poverty reduction.

      Priority efforts need to focus on strengthening protection capacities in regions of origin, including through developing sustainable asylum systems; providing sufficient needs-based support for humanitarian operations and adopting a development-oriented approach to assistance; as well as expanding opportunities for resettlement, family reunification and safe pathways for refugees which are currently well below existing needs and pledges being made. Efforts toward opening safe and regular pathways for migrants need also to be undertaken (family reunification, labour and education opportunities, humanitarian visas for vulnerable migrants).

      Against this background, with a focus on the immediate disembarkation concerns at hand, the current proposal for a regional disembarkation mechanism aims to ensure that:

      People rescued-at-sea in international waters are quickly disembarked in a predictable manner in line with international maritime law, in conditions that uphold respect for their rights including non-refoulement, and avoid serious harm or other risks;
      Responsible post-disembarkation processing, supported – as appropriate- by IOM and UNHCR, leads to rapid and effective differentiated solutions and reduces onward movement through an effective cooperative arrangement.

      Functioning of the mechanism is premised on a set of principles and common objectives:

      The effective functioning of maritime commerce requires ships’ masters to have full confidence in prompt and predictable disembarkation;
      Efforts to reduce loss of life at sea are maximized, in line with existing international obligations and frameworks, and saving lives remains the international community’s priority;
      Strengthened efforts to build the capacity of Coast Guards in Mediterranean countries (not just in Libya) to perform effective rescue operations in their respective SAR;
      National Maritime Rescue Coordination Centres (MRCC) are able to carry out their work effectively for the purposes of search and rescue operations based on long- standing and effective practices to save lives;
      People rescued at sea in the Mediterranean are quickly disembarked in safe ports in a predictable manner in line with established rescue at sea arrangements and international maritime law, coordinated through the responsible MRCCs;
      Measures for cooperative arrangements to support States providing for disembarkation are well-established;
      The right to seek asylum is safeguarded, and the human rights of all individuals such as non-refoulement are respected, including the right not to be disembarked in or transferred to a place where there is a risk of persecution, torture, or other serious harm;
      Efforts to address human smuggling and trafficking are reinvigorated, including measures to ensure protection and/or referrals for victims of trafficking and ensuring the effective prosecution of those involved in / or facilitating human trafficking or smuggling;
      Rescue at sea capacity coordinated by effective MRCCs that operate in accordance with international law is reinforced.

      As such, the proposal does not affect existing legal norms and responsibilities applicable under international law (Note 1) Rather it seeks to facilitate their application in accordance with a regional collaborative approach and the principle of international cooperation. This proposal relies on functional arrangements for intra-EU solidarity in managing all consequences of rescue, disembarkation and processing. It also relies on operational arrangements which would need to be sought and formalised through a set of understandings among all concerned States.

      https://www.iom.int/news/iom-unhcr-proposal-european-union-regional-cooperative-arrangement-ensuring-pre

      Question : c’est quoi la différence entre la proposition IOM/HCR et la proposition UE ?

    • THE LEGAL AND PRACTICAL FEASIBILITY OF DISEMBARKATION OPTIONS

      This note presents a first assessment of the legal and practical feasibility of the three different scenarios on disembarkation presented at the Informal Working Meeting of 24 June 2018. Under international maritime law, people rescued at sea must be disembarked at a place of safety. International law sets out elements of what a place of safety can be and how it can be designated, without excluding the possibility of having regional arrangements for disembarkation.


      https://ec.europa.eu/commission/sites/beta-political/files/migration-disembarkation-june2018_en.pdf
      #scénario

    • #Palerme :
      ❝La Commission régionale de l’Urbanisme a rejeté le projet de pré-faisabilité du « #hotspot » à Palerme, confirmant l’avis du Conseil municipal de Palerme. L’avis de la Commission régionale reste technique. Le maire de Palerme a rappelé que "la ville de Palerme et toute sa communauté sont opposés à la création de centres dans lesquels la dignité des personnes est violée (...). Palerme reste une ville qui croit dans les valeurs de l’accueil, de la solidarité et des rencontres entre les peuples et les cultures, les mettant en pratique au quotidien. En cela, notre « non » à l’hotspot n’est pas et ne sera pas seulement un choix technique, mais plutôt un choix relatif à des principes et des valeurs".
      > Pour en savoir plus (IT) : http://www.palermotoday.it/politica/hotspot-zen-progetto-bocciato-regione.html

      –-> Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop

    • Ne dites pas que ce sont des #camps !

      Les camps devraient être la solution. C’est en Afrique, peut-être en Libye ou au Niger, que les migrants seront arrêtés avant qu’ils puissent commencer leur dangereux voyage en mer vers l’Europe. Ainsi l’a décidé l’UE. Des camps attendront également les réfugiés qui réussiraient toutefois à arriver dans un pays de l’UE. Des camps sur le sol européen. Où seront-ils établis ? Cela n’est pas encore défini, mais ce seront des installations fermées et surveillées parce que les détenus devront être « enregistrés » et les personnes non autorisées seront expulsées. Ils ne pourront pas s’enfuir.

      L’intérêt pour les camps concerne également les responsables politiques allemands. Le gouvernement allemand veut élargir le no man’s land à la frontière germano-autrichienne afin que les réfugiés puissent être arrêtés avant d’entrer officiellement en Allemagne et avoir ainsi droit à une procédure d’asile régulière. Une « fiction de non-entrée » est créée, comme le stipule précisément l’accord. Un État qui magouille. Pendant ce temps, la chancelière Angela Merkel a déclaré que personne ne sera détenu plus de quarante-huit heures, même dans le no man’s land. Il reste encore à voir si l’Autriche y accédera. Le plan est pour l’instant plus un fantasme qu’une politique réalisable, ce qui est bien pire. Bien sûr, tous ces centres fermés de rassemblement de migrants ne peuvent pas être appelés camps. Cela évoquerait des images effrayantes : les camps de concentration nazis, le système des goulags soviétiques, les camps de réfugiés palestiniens de plusieurs générations, le camp de détention de Guantánamo.

      Non, en Allemagne, ces « non-prisons » devraient être appelées « centres de transit ». Un terme amical, efficace, pratique, comme la zone de transit d’un aéroport où les voyageurs changent d’avion. Un terme inventé par les mêmes personnes qui désignent le fait d’échapper à la guerre et à la pauvreté comme du « tourisme d’asile ». Les responsables politiques de l’UE sont encore indécis quant à la terminologie de leurs camps. On a pu lire le terme de « centres de protection » mais aussi celui de « plateformes d’atterrissage et de débarquement », ce qui fait penser à une aventure et à un voyage en mer.

      Tout cela est du vernis linguistique. La réalité est que l’Europe en est maintenant à créer des camps fermés et surveillés pour des personnes qui n’ont pas commis de crime. Les camps vont devenir quelque chose qui s’inscrit dans le quotidien, quelque chose de normal. Si possible dans des endroits lointains et horribles, si nécessaire sur place. Enfermer, compter, enregistrer.

      La facilité avec laquelle tout cela est mis en œuvre est déconcertante. Deux ans seulement après que le public européen a condamné l’Australie pour ses camps brutaux de prisonniers gérés par des sociétés privées sur les îles de Nauru et Manus, dans l’océan Pacifique, nous sommes prêts à abandonner nos inhibitions. Pourquoi ne pas payer les Libyens pour intercepter et stocker des personnes ?

      Derrière le terme allemand « Lager » (« camp ») se cache un ancien mot correspondant à « liegen », qui signifie « être allongé ». Les camps sont ainsi faits pour se reposer. Aujourd’hui, le terme de « camp » implique quelque chose de temporaire : un camp n’est que pour une courte période, c’est pourquoi il peut aussi être rustique, comme un camp de vacances pour les enfants ou un dortoir. Des camps d’urgence sont mis en place après des catastrophes, des inondations, des glissements de terrain, des guerres. Ils sont là pour soulager les souffrances, mais ne doivent pas être permanents.

      Si les responsables politiques participent activement à l’internement de personnes dans des camps en l’absence de catastrophe, alors il s’agit d’autre chose. Il s’agit de contrôle, d’#ordre, de #rééducation, de #domination. Les puissances coloniales tenaient des camps, depuis les camps de barbelés des Britanniques au Kenya jusqu’aux camps de Héréros dans le Sud-Ouest africain. C’est dans des camps que les États-Unis ont enfermé des Américains d’origine japonaise pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les responsables de ces camps n’avaient pas pour préoccupation le logement, mais bien la garde et la gestion de « personnes problématiques ».

      Dans de tels camps, la #violence extrême et la #déshumanisation des détenus allaient et vont généralement de pair avec une gestion froide. Exploiter un camp nécessite de l’#organisation. La technologie de #contrôle à distance aide le personnel à commettre des atrocités et transforme des gens ordinaires en criminels. Dans son essai controversé « Le siècle des camps », le regretté sociologue #Zygmunt_Bauman qualifie le camp de symptôme de #modernité. Pour lui, l’association d’une #exclusion_brutale et d’une #efficacité dans l’ordre semblable à celle d’un jardinier est une caractéristique de notre époque.

      Que Bauman fasse des camps de concentration nazis un « distillat » d’un problème majeur et moderne pour sa thèse lui a justement valu des critiques. Il ignore la singularité de l’Holocauste. Contrairement aux camps coloniaux, les camps de concentration étaient en effet des camps d’extermination qui n’avaient plus pour fonction d’apprêter des groupes ou de les rééduquer, ni même de les dissuader. Il s’agissait de « violence pour elle-même », comme l’écrit le sociologue #Wolfgang_Sofsky, de folie de la #pureté et d’éradication des personnes #indésirables.

      L’Europe croit être à l’abri de cette folie. Pour les gouvernants allemands, le slogan « Plus jamais de camps en Allemagne » est un slogan ridicule parce qu’il évoque des images qui n’ont rien à voir avec le présent. Dans les différents camps de migrants en Europe et à l’extérieur, il n’est certes pas question d’une extermination mais « seulement » de contrôle de l’accès et de #dissuasion. C’est ce dernier objectif qui est explicitement recherché : répandre dans le monde l’idée de camps de l’horreur au lieu du paradis européen.

      Mais il n’y a pas de raison de maintenir la sérénité. L’analyse de Zygmunt Bauman parlait de la mince couche de #civilisation par-dessus la #barbarie. La leçon tirée de l’expérience des camps du XXe siècle est la suivante : « Il n’y a pas de société ordonnée sans #peur et sans #humiliation ». La #pensée_totalitaire peut à nouveau prospérer, même dans les sociétés apparemment démocratiques.

      https://www.tdg.ch/monde/europe/dites-camps/story/31177430
      #totalitarisme

      Et ce passage pour lequel je suis tentée d’utiliser le tag #frontières_mobiles (#Allemagne et #Autriche) :

      L’intérêt pour les camps concerne également les responsables politiques allemands. Le gouvernement allemand veut élargir le no #man’s_land à la frontière germano-autrichienne afin que les réfugiés puissent être arrêtés avant d’entrer officiellement en Allemagne et avoir ainsi droit à une procédure d’asile régulière. Une « #fiction_de_non-entrée » est créée, comme le stipule précisément l’accord.

      Et sur la question de la #terminologie (#mots #vocabulaire) :

      Bien sûr, tous ces #centres_fermés de rassemblement de migrants ne peuvent pas être appelés camps. Cela évoquerait des images effrayantes : les camps de concentration nazis, le système des goulags soviétiques, les camps de réfugiés palestiniens de plusieurs générations, le camp de détention de Guantánamo.

      Non, en Allemagne, ces « #non-prisons » devraient être appelées « #centres_de_transit ». Un terme amical, efficace, pratique, comme la zone de transit d’un aéroport où les voyageurs changent d’avion. Un terme inventé par les mêmes personnes qui désignent le fait d’échapper à la guerre et à la pauvreté comme du « #tourisme_d’asile ». Les responsables politiques de l’UE sont encore indécis quant à la terminologie de leurs camps. On a pu lire le terme de « #centres_de_protection » mais aussi celui de « #plateformes_d’atterrissage_et_de_débarquement », ce qui fait penser à une aventure et à un voyage en mer.

      Tout cela est du #vernis_linguistique. La réalité est que l’Europe en est maintenant à créer des camps fermés et surveillés pour des personnes qui n’ont pas commis de crime. Les camps vont devenir quelque chose qui s’inscrit dans le quotidien, quelque chose de normal. Si possible dans des endroits lointains et horribles, si nécessaire sur place. Enfermer, compter, enregistrer.

      #shopping_de_l'asile #normalisation
      #cpa_camps

    • L’#Autriche veut proscrire toute demande d’asile sur le territoire de l’Union européenne

      A la veille d’une réunion, jeudi, entre les ministres de l’intérieur de l’UE sur la question migratoire, Vienne déclare vouloir proposer un changement des règles d’asile pour que les demandes soient étudiées hors d’Europe.

      https://mobile.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2018/07/10/l-autriche-veut-proscrire-toute-demande-d-asile-sur-le-territoire-de-

    • Record deaths at sea: will ‘regional disembarkation’ help save lives?
      ❝What is the aim of European policy on Mediterranean migration?

      Europe’s strategic ambition is clear: reduce the number of people who embark on journeys across the Mediterranean by boat. The more European countries struggle to share responsibility for those who are rescued at sea and brought to Europe, the stronger the desire to dissuade migrants from getting on a boat in the first place. Moreover, stemming the departures is said to be the only way of reducing the death toll.

      The challenge, as the European Council put it, is to ‘eliminate the incentive to embark’ on journeys across the Mediterranean. And the new migration agreement proposes a solution: setting up ‘regional disembarkation platforms’ outside the European Union. The logic is that if people rescued at sea are sent back to the coast they left, nobody will take the risk and pay the cost of getting on smugglers’ boats.
      Would this even work?

      Addressing the challenges of irregular migration is truly difficult. Still, it is baffling how the proposal for regional disembarkation platforms is embroiled in contradictions. The agreement itself is scant on specifics, but the challenges will surface as the policy makers have to make key decisions about how these platforms would work.

      First, will they be entry points for seeking asylum in Europe? The agreement suggests that the platforms might play this role. But if the platforms are entry points to the European asylum procedure, they will attract thousands of refugees who currently have no other option to apply for asylum in Europe than paying smugglers to set out to sea.

      This scenario raises a second question: what will be the possible ways of accessing the platforms? If they are reserved for refugees who have paid smugglers and are rescued at sea, access to protection will be just as reliant on smugglers as it is today. But if anyone can come knocking on the gate to the platforms, without having to be rescued first, the asylum caseload would swell. Such an outcome would be unacceptable to EU member states. As a recent EC note remarked, ‘to allow individuals to “apply” for asylum outside the EU […] is currently neither possible nor desirable.

      These two questions lay out the basic scenarios for how the regional disembarkation platforms would operate. Thinking through these scenarios it’s not clear if these platforms can ever be workable. Moreover, putting these platforms in place directly contradicts the European Council’s stated objectives:

      – dissuading smuggling journeys
      – distinguishing individual cases in full respect of international law
      – not creating a pull factor

      How does this relate to broader EU policies on migration?

      In some way, regional disembarkation platforms are a logical next step along the course the EU has been pursuing for years now. To stop refugees and other migrants from reaching its shores, the EU has been using a multi-pronged approach. On the one hand, the bloc has increased the use of aid to tackle the ‘root causes’ of migration – the logic being that if potential migrants are given other opportunities (e.g. skills training), they will be deterred from leaving. Similarly, information campaigns targeting aspiring migrants seek to deter people from setting out on dangerous journeys.

      Another major focus has been that of externalisation of border management – basically shifting border management to countries outside the EU: a key component of the EU-Turkey Deal is Turkey agreeing to take back refugees who crossed into Greece. Externalisation serves two purposes: keeping migrants physically out of Europe, but also as a deterrence measure sending potential migrants the implicit message that it won’t be easy to come to Europe.

      Regional disembarkation platforms are part of this process of externalisation. But there are key differences that make this proposal more extreme than policies pursued so far. Other externalization measures have aimed at preventing potential asylum seekers from reaching the point where they become eligible to launch a claim in Europe. The platforms will apparently serve a different role, by enabling the physical return of asylum seekers who have become Europe’s responsibility after being rescued by European ships in international waters.
      What do we know about efforts to deter irregular migration?

      The dim outlook for regional disembarkation platforms reflects more general limitations of deterrence measures in migration policy. Using decades worth of data, Michael Clemens and colleagues have shown that along the US-Mexico border greater deterrence and enforcement efforts have only reduced irregular migration when accompanied by greater legal migration pathways. Research by ODI has shown that information about deterrence measures and anti-migration messages rarely featured in migrant decision-making process. We will explore this further in our upcoming MIGNEX research project, which includes large-scale analyses of the drivers of migration in ten countries of origin and transit.
      Blocking access to asylum is not a life-saving measure

      The European Council presents regional disembarkation platforms as a strategy for ‘preventing tragic loss of life’. The irony of this argument is that these platforms will only deter sea crossings if they are dead ends where people who are rescued at sea are barred from seeking asylum in Europe. It is difficult to see how such a setup would be legally feasible, or indeed, ‘in line with our principles and values’, as the Council states.

      If the legal obstacles were overcome, there may indeed be fewer deaths at sea. But some of the deaths would simply occur out of sight instead. Refugees flee danger. Blocking access to seeking asylum puts more lives at risk and cannot be justified as a measure to save lives at sea.

      For now, the European Council glosses over the dilemmas that the regional disembarkation platforms will create. Facing the realities of the situation would not make perfect solutions appear, but it would enable an open debate in search of a defensible and effective migration policy.


      $https://blogs.prio.org/2018/07/record-deaths-at-sea-will-regional-disembarkation-help-save-lives

    • Austrian Presidency document: “a new, better protection system under which no applications for asylum are filed on EU territory”

      A crude paper authored by the Austrian Presidency of the Council of the EU and circulated to other Member States’s security officials refers disparagingly to “regions that are characterised by patriarchal, anti-freedom and/or backward-looking religious attitudes” and calls for “a halt to illegal migration to Europe” and the “development of a new, better protection system under which no applications for asylum are filed on EU territory,” with some minor exceptions.

      See: Austrian Presidency: Informal Meeting of COSI, Vienna, Austria, 2-3 July 2018: Strengthening EU External Border Protection and a Crisis-Resistant EU Asylum System (pdf): http://www.statewatch.org/news/2018/jul/EU-austria-Informal-Meeting-%20COSI.pdf

      The document was produced for an ’Informal Meeting of COSI’ (the Council of the EU’s Standing Committee on Operational Cooperation on Internal Security) which took place on 2 and 3 July in Vienna, and the proposals it contains were the subject of numerous subsequent press articles - with the Austrian President one of the many who criticised the government’s ultra-hardline approach.

      See: Austrian president criticises government’s asylum proposals (The Local, link); Austrian proposal requires asylum seekers to apply outside EU: Profil (Reuters, link); Right of asylum: Austria’s unsettling proposals to member states (EurActiv, link)

      Some of the proposals were also discussed at an informal meeting of the EU’s interior ministers on Friday 13 July, where the topic of “return centres” was also raised. The Luxembourg interior minister Jean Asselborn reportedly said that such an idea “shouldn’t be discussed by civilized Europeans.” See: No firm EU agreement on Austrian proposals for reducing migration (The Local, link)

      The Austrian Presidency paper proposes:

      "2.1. By 2020

      By 2020 the following goals could be defined:

      Saving as many human lives as possible;
      Clear strengthening of the legal framework and the operational capabilities of FRONTEX with respect to its two main tasks: support in protecting the Union’s external border and in the field of return;
      Increasing countering and destruction of people smugglers’ and human traffickers‘ business models;
      Significant reduction in illegal migration;
      More sustainable and more effective return measures as well as establishment of instruments that foster third countries’ willingness to cooperate on all relevant aspects, including the fight against people smuggling, providing protection and readmission;
      Development of a holistic concept for a forward-looking migration policy (in the spirit of a “whole of government approach“) and a future European protection system in cooperation with third countries that is supported by all and does not overburden all those involved – neither in terms of resources nor with regard to the fundamental rights and freedoms they uphold.

      2.2. By 2025

      By 2025 the following goals could be realised:

      Full control of the EU’s external borders and their comprehensive protection have been ensured.
      The new, better European protection system has been implemented across the EU in cooperation with third countries; important goals could include:
      no incentives anymore to get into boats, thus putting an end to smuggled persons dying in the Mediterranean;
      smart help and assistance for those in real need of protection, i.e. provided primarily in the respective region;
      asylum in Europe is granted only to those who respect European values and the fundamental rights and freedoms upheld in the EU;
      no overburdening of the EU Member States’ capabilities;
      lower long-term costs;
      prevention of secondary migration.
      Based on these principles, the EU Member States have returned to a consensual European border protection and asylum policy.”

      And includes the following statements, amongst others:

      “...more and more Member States are open to exploring a new approach. Under the working title “Future European Protection System” (FEPS) and based on an Austrian initiative, a complete paradigm shift in EU asylum policy has been under consideration at senior officials’ level for some time now. The findings are considered in the “Vienna Process” in the context of which the topic of external border protection is also dealt with. A number of EU Member States, the EU Commission and external experts contribute towards further reflections and deliberations on these two important topics.”

      “...ultimately, there is no effective EU external border protection in place against illegal migration and the existing EU asylum system does not enable an early distinction between those who are in need of protection and those who are not.”

      “Disembarkment following rescue at sea as a rule only takes place in EU Member States. This means that apprehensions at sea not only remain ineffective (non-refoulement, examination of applications for asylum), but are exploited in people smugglers’ business models.”

      “Due to factors related to their background as well as their poor perspectives, they [smuggled migrants] repeatedly have considerable problems with living in free societies or even reject them. Among them are a large number of barely or poorly educated young men who have travelled to Europe alone. Many of these are particularly susceptible to ideologies that are hostile to freedom and/or are prone to turning to crime.

      As a result of the prevailing weaknesses in the fields of external border protection and asylum, it is to be expected that the negative consequences of past and current policies will continue to be felt for many years to come. As experience with immigration from regions that are characterised by patriarchal, anti-freedom and/or backward-looking religious attitudes has shown, problems related to integration, safety and security may even increase significantly over several generations.”

      See: Austrian Presidency: Informal Meeting of COSI, Vienna, Austria, 2-3 July 2018: Strengthening EU External Border Protection and a Crisis-Resistant EU Asylum System (pdf)

      http://www.statewatch.org/news/2018/jul/eu-austrian-pres-asylum-paper.htm

    • Libya rejects EU plan for refugee and migrant centres

      Blow to Italy as Tripoli snubs proposal to set up processing centres in Africa

      Libya has rejected a EU plan to establish refugee and migrant processing centres in the country, adding that it would not be swayed by any financial inducements to change its decision.

      The formal rejection by the Libyan prime minister, Fayez al-Sarraj, is a blow to Italy, which is regarded as being close to his Tripoli administration.

      In June, Italy proposed reception and identification centres in Africa as a means of resolving divisions among European governments.

      The impasse came as the EU said it was willing to work as a temporary crisis centre to oversee the distribution of refugees and migrants from ships landing in Europe from Libya. Italy has said it is not willing to open its ports and may even reject those rescued by the EU Sophia search and rescue mission, a position that has infuriated other EU states.

      Speaking to the German newspaper Bild, Serraj said: “We are absolutely opposed to Europe officially wanting us to accommodate illegal immigrants the EU does not want to take in.”

      He dismissed accusations that Libya’s coastguard had shot at aid workers in ships trying to rescue people from the Mediterranean.

      “We save hundreds of people off the coast of Libya every day – our ships are constantly on the move,” he said. In practice, Libya is already running detention camps, largely as holding pens, but they are not run as EU processing centres for asylum claims.

      European foreign ministers agreed at a meeting on Monday to do more to train the Libyan coastguard by setting up the EU’s own training team inside Libya.

      The European parliament president, Antonio Tajani, said after a trip to Niger, one of the chief funnels for people into Libya, that the EU needed to plough more money into the Sahel region to reduce the need to leave the area. He said the number of people reaching Libya from Niger was collapsing.

      Tajani said: “Until 2016, 90% of irregular migrants travelled through the Niger to Libya and Europe. In just two years, Niger reduced migration flows by 95%, from over 300,000 to about 10,000 in 2018.”

      He said he would host a European conference in Brussels in October to support democratic elections in Libya scheduled for December.

      At the same time, Italy is to host a further conference in Rome in September seen as a follow-on to a conference held in May by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, that led to a commitment to hold elections this year.

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/20/libya-rejects-eu-plan-for-migrant-centres?CMP=Share_iOSApp_OtherSpeakin

    • UNHCR ed OIM discutono con la Commissione europea sulle piattaforme di sbarco, ma gli stati dicono no.

      Lunedì 30 luglio si svolgerà a Ginevra un incontro di rappresentanti dell’UNHCR e dell’OIM con la Commissione Europea per discutere sulle piattaforme di sbarco che Bruxelles vorrebbe imporre nei paesi di transito, come gli stati nordafricani, e negli stati di sbarco, soprattutto in Italia. Per selezionare rapidamente migranti economici e richiedenti asilo, e dunque procedere al respingimento immediato dei primi, senza alcuna garanzia di difesa, ed all’avvio delle procedure di asilo, per gli altri, senza alcuna garanzia di resettlement o di relocation ( ricollocazione) in un paese diverso da quello di primo ingresso. La Commissione dichiara che, soltanto dopo avere trovato un “approccio comune a livello europeo “, si rivolgeranno proposte ai paesi terzi. Gli stati nordafricani hanno però respinto in blocco questa proposta, e le autorità locali dei paesi di primo ingresso più interessati dagli sbarchi, confernano la loro opposizione a nuovi Hotspot. Le risorse previste per questa esternalizzazione delle frontiere sono ridicole. Per non parlare dei costi in termini di vite e di sfregio dei diritti umani.

      Un progetto che si salda strettamente con l’incremeno degli aiuti alla sedicente Guardia costiera “libica”, alla quale si affida già adesso, nella prassi quotidiana, un numero sempre più elevato di intercettazioni in acque internazionali, di fatto respingimenti collettivi, perchè realizzati con il coordinamento e l’assistenza di unità militari della Marina italiana che ha una base a Tripoli, nell’ambito della missione Nauras. Intanto la accresciuta assistenza italiana alla Marina ed alla Guardia costiera di Tripoli rischia di contribuire all’inasprimento del conflitto tra le diverse milizie ed allontana le probabilità di una reale pacificazione, premessa indispensabile per lo svolgimento delle elezioni. Le stesse milizie che continuano a trattenere in Libia, in condizioni disumane, centinaia di migliaia di persone.

      Dietro la realizzazione delle “piattaforme di sbarco” in Nordafrica, proposte anche dal Consiglio europeo del 28 giugno scorso, il ritiro dalle responsabilità di coordinamento dei soccorsi in acque internazionali da parte degli stati che fin qui ne sono stati responsabili in conformità al diritto internazionale generalmente riconosciuto. Per ragioni diverse, nè la Tunisia, ne la Libia, possono essere riconosciuti come “paesi terzi sicuri” con porti di sbarco che siano qualificabili come place of safety. Come avveniva fino a qualche mese fa, secondo il diritto internazionale, dopo i soccorsi in acque internazionali, i naufraghi vanno sbarcati non nel porto più vicino, na nel porto sicuro più vicino. Ma questa regola, a partire dal caso della nave Aquarius di SOS Mediterraneè, il 10 giugno scorso, è stata continuamente violata dal governo italiano e dalle autorità amministrative e militari che questo governo controlla. Molto grave, ma prevedibile, il comportamento di chiusura da parte di Malta, che continua a trattenere sotto sequstro due navi umanitarie, la Lifeline e la Seawatch. Sempre più spesso le dispute tra stati che negano a naufraghi un porto sicuro di sbarco rischiano di fare altre vittime

      La soluzione che si prospetta adesso con la nave SAROST 5,dopo gli appelli delle ONG tunisine, lo sbarco a Zarzis dei migranti soccorsi il 15 luglio, un caso eccezionale ben diverso da altri soccorsi operati in precedenza in acque internazionali, non costituisce un precedente, perchè la SAROST 5 batte bandiera tunisina. Dunque i naufraghi a bordo della nave si trovavano già in territorio tunisino subito dopo il loro recupero in mare. In futuro, quando i soccorsi in acque internazionali saranno comunque operati da imbarcazioni miitari o private ( incluse le ONG) con diversa bandiera, il problema del porto sicuro di sbarco si proporrà in termini ancora più gravi, con un ulteriore incremento delle vittime e delle sofferenze inflitte ai sopravvissuti, a fronte dei dinieghi degli stati che non rispettano il diritto internazionale ed impediscono la individuazione, nei tempi più rapidi, di un vero “place of safety”.

      Nel 2013 il caso del mercantile turco SALAMIS, che sotto cooordinamento della Centrale operativa (IMRCC) di Roma, aveva soccorso naufraghi a sud di Malta, in acque internazionali, si era concluso con lo sbarco in Italia, in conformità del diritto internazionale. Con lo sbarco dei migranti soccorsi dalla SAROST 5 nel porto di Zarzis,in Tunisia, per ragioni di emergenza sanitaria, si consuma invece una ennesima violazione del diritto internazionale, dopo i rifiuti frapposti dalle autorità italiane e maltesi. Stati che creano sofferenze, come strumento politico e di propaganda, fino al punto da costringere i comandanti delle navi a dichiarare lo stato di emergenza. Alla fine il governo tunisino, nel giorno della fiducia al governo e dell’insediamento del nuovo ministro dell’interno, ha ceduto alle pressioni internazionali, ed ha accettato per ragioni umanitarie lo sbarco di persone che da due settimane erano bloccate a bordo di un rimorchiatore di servizio ad una piattaforma petrolifera, in condizioni psico-fisiche sempre più gravi. Un trattamento inumano e degradante imposto da quelle autorità e di quegli stati che, immediatamente avvertiti dal comandante della SAROST 5 quando ancora si trovava in acque internazionali, hanno respinto la richiesta di garantire in tempi più rapidi ed umani un porto di sbarco sicuro.

      Di fronte al probabile ripetersi di altri casi di abbandono in acque internazionali, con possibili pressioni ancora più forti sulla Tunisia, è importante che l’UNHCR e l’OIM impongano agli stati membri ed all’Unione Europea il rispetto del diritto internazionale e l’obbligo di soccorso in mare, nel modo più immediato. Le prassi amministraive di “chiusura dei porti” non sono sorrette ada alcuna base legale, e neppure sono concretizzate in provvedimenti amministrativi, motivati ed impugnabili davanti ad una qualsiasi autorità giurisdizionale. Non si può continuare a governare tratendo in inganno il corpo elettorale, distorcendo persino le posizioni delle grandi organizzazioni internazionali. Fino ad un mese fa sia l’UNHCR che l’OIM avevano respinto la proposta della Commissione che voleva creare piattaforme di sbarco al di fuori dei confini europei. Una proposta che adesso viene ripresentata con vigore ancora maggiore, sotto la presidenza UE affidata all’Austria di Kurz, con la spinta di Orban e di Salvini verso la “soluzione finale” verso migranti ed ONG.

      Le Nazioni Unite conoscono bene la situazione in Libia. Occorre garantire a tutti i naufraghi soccorsi in acque internazionali un porto sicuro di sbarco, che non deve essere quello più vicino, se non offre la piena garanzia di una tutela effettiva dei diritti fondamentali e del diritto di chiedere asilo delle persone sbarcate. Non basta la presenza fisica di operatori dell’UNHCR e dell’OIM in alcuni punti di sbarco, come si sta verificando da mesi in Tripolitania, per riconoscere l’esistenza di un place of safety in paesi che anche secondo le grandi istituzioni internazionali, come per i tribunali italiani, non sono in grado di garantire place of safety in conformità alle Convenzioni internazionali.

      Se si dovesse decidere di riportare i migranti intercettati in acque internazionali e sbarcati nei paesi nordafricani, ammesso che posa succedere( anche se i migranti considerati “illegali” in Nordafrica saranno costretti a firmare una richiesta di resettlement, se non di rimpatrio volontario), magari per essere riportati indietro in un campo profughi in Niger, sarebbero violati i principi base di protezione delle persone, in quanto eseri umani, ai quali si ispirano le Convenzioni internazionali e la Costituzione italiana. La Convenzione di Ginevra non esclude il diritto dei richeidenti asilo a rivolgersi ad paese piuttosto che ad un altro. L’evacuazione dalle aree di crisi non esclude il diritto di accesso alle frontiere di un paese europeo perchè la richiesta di asilo sua valutata con le garanzie sostanziali e procedurali previste dalla normativa interna e sovranazionale.

      Se l’UNHCR e l’OIM cederanno alle pressioni dei governi, diventeranno complici degli abusi che i migranti continuano a subire nei paesi del nordafrica nei quali vengono respinti e detenuti.

      Le Organizzazioni non governative che, insieme ai naufraghi che soccorrono, continuano ad essere bersaglio di una campagna di odio che non accenna ad attenuarsi, continueranno, nei limiti dei propri mezzi a denunciare quanto accade ed a soccorrere le persone che in acque internazionali potranno raggiungere prima che facciano naufragio. La loro attività di ricerca e salvataggio appare tuttavia fortemente ridotta, anche per la illegittima “chiusura dei porti” decisa dal governo italiano, in assenza di qualsiasi provvedimento che ne fornisca una base legale, tale almeno da potere essere impugnato. Una lesione forse irreversibile dello stato di diritto (rule of law) alle frontiere marittime.Una responsabilità ancora maggiore per le autorità militari alle quali sarebbe affidato il coordinamento delle attività di ricerca e soccorso in mare (SAR). La percentuale delle vittime calcolate sul numero dei migranti che ancora riescono a fuggire dalla Libia non è mai stata tanto alta. Non si deve ridurre il valore del rispetto della vita umana alla riduzione numerica degli arrivi o dei soccorsi in mare.

      Dietro la conclamata esigenza di contrastare i trafficanti si cela una micidiale arma elettorale che sta permettendo il capovolgimento della narrazione dei fatti e la criminalizzazione della solidarietà. Il ruolo delle città dell’accoglienza e dei rappresentanti politici che ancora si oppongono a questa deriva disumana contro i migranti e le ONG, devono passare dalle parole ai fatti e dare concretezza alle dichiarazioni di solidarietà ed all’impegno di aprire i porti, ed aprire le città. Tutti i cittadini solidali sono chiamati ad esporsi in prima persona, saldando il ruolo delle autonomie locali con la capacità di autorganizzazione. Sarà una stagione lunga e dolorosa di conflitto, senza una rappresentanza polkitica capace di praticare una vera opposizione. Ma non ci sono possibilità di mediazione con chi dimostra di valutare una parte dell’umanità come “untermenschen” ( sottouomini), praticando l’abbandono in mare ed il respingimento collettivo verso luoghi di internamento e tortura, in modo da creare le premesse per una discriminazione istituzionale che nei territori si sta già traducendo in una violenza diffusa contro i più deboli. Oggi tocca ai migranti, dai naufraghi a quelli accolti nei centri in Italia, domani saranno nel mirino le componenti minoritarie dell’intera popolazione.

      https://www.a-dif.org/2018/07/29/unhcr-ed-oim-discutono-con-la-commissione-europea-sulle-piattaforme-di-sbarco

    • Libya rejects establishment of reception centres for irregular migrants on its territory

      Foreign Minister of the Presidential Council’s government Mohamed Sayala said Libya refuses the idea of setting up reception centres for irregular migrants on its territory, as did Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco.

      “The country’s immigrant housing centres are sheltering around 30,000 immigrants, and Libya has cooperated with the European Union to return migrants to their countries of origin, but some countries refused to receive them,” Sayala said to the Austrian newspaper Die Presse.

      “Libya has signed agreements with Chad, Niger and Sudan to enhance the security of the crossing borders in order to curb the flow of migrants,” the Foreign Minister added.

      https://www.libyaobserver.ly/inbrief/libya-rejects-establishment-reception-centres-irregular-migrants-its-t

    • Juncker says N.Africa migrant “camps” not on EU agenda

      European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said on Friday that a suggestion that the European Union might try to set up migrant camps in North Africa was no longer on the agenda.

      EU member states are in disagreement over how the bloc should deal with tens of thousands of migrants arriving every year in Europe, the bulk of them by sea from Turkey and North Africa.

      In June, a summit of all EU leaders asked the Commission to study ways to set up “regional disembarkation platforms” in North African countries, including Tunisia, for migrants rescued by European vessels in the Mediterranean.

      However, there has been little appetite in Africa and EU officials have long questioned the legality and practicality of such camps — a view underlined in Juncker’s blunt reply.

      “This is no longer on the agenda and never should have been,” Juncker told a news conference in Tunis with Tunisian Prime Minister Youssef Chahed.

      http://news.trust.org/item/20181026131801-1t7he
      #cpa_camps

    • Juncker says North Africa migrant ’camps’ not on EU agenda

      European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said on Friday that a suggestion that the European Union might try to set up migrant camps in North Africa was no longer on the agenda.

      EU member states are in disagreement over how the bloc should deal with tens of thousands of migrants arriving every year in Europe, the bulk of them by sea from Turkey and North Africa.

      In June, a summit of all EU leaders asked the Commission to study ways to set up “regional disembarkation platforms” in North African countries, including Tunisia, for migrants rescued by European vessels in the Mediterranean.

      However, there has been little appetite in Africa and EU officials have long questioned the legality and practicality of such camps — a view underlined in Juncker’s blunt reply.

      “This is no longer on the agenda and never should have been,” Juncker told a news conference in Tunis with Tunisian Prime Minister Youssef Chahed.


      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-africa/juncker-says-north-africa-migrant-camps-not-on-eu-agenda-idUSKCN1N01TU

    • Refugee centers in Tunisia ’out of the question’, president says

      The Tunisian President, Beji Caid Essebsi, has said his country will not host EU refugee reception centers. He also told DW that Tunisia was a safe country, despite a terrorist attack in the capital earlier this week.

      President Essebsi made the statement in Berlin, where he attended Chancellor Angela Merkel’s African business summit. In an interview with DW’s Dima Tarhini, the 91-year-old leader said opening refugee reception centers in countries such as Tunisia was “out of the question.”

      “Tunisia has much more experience with refugees than many European countries. After the Libyan revolution, more than 1.3 million refugees from various countries streamed into Tunisia. Fortunately, most of them returned to their home countries with our help. Europe has never experienced anything comparable. And we, unlike Europe, do not have the capacities to open reception centers. Every country needs to pull its own weight on this issue.”

      The European Union wants greater cooperation on migration with North African nations Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Niger and Morocco. Earlier this year, the EU migration commissioner announced a plan for a “regional disembarkation scheme”. Under the proposed deal, African countries would host migrant screening centers to process refugee claims. The Tunisian government has already expressed opposition to the idea.

      Despite terrorism, a ’safe country’

      During President Essebsi’s visit to Berlin, a 30-year-old woman blew herself up with a homemade bomb in the Tunisian capital, injuring at least eight people.

      “We thought we had eradicated terrorism, but it turns out that it still exists and that it can strike in the heart of the capital,” President Essebsi said in a statement to the press.

      The suicide attack led to renewed questions about whether Tunisia should be considered a safe country of origin for asylum seekers.

      Tarhini: In Germany, in the context of repatriating asylum-seekers, it has been questioned just how safe Tunisia really is. Tunisia is considered a safe North African country. What is your opinion on this?

      Beji Caid Essebsi: "Tunisia is a safe country; that is the truth. It is much safer than many other countries. Regarding refugees and the problem that they pose for Europe and other regions: Tunisia guarantees the freedom of its citizens, no matter what their conduct. If Tunisians abroad do something wrong and are sent back, then we will take them in. But not citizens of other countries.

      http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/13062/refugee-centers-in-tunisia-out-of-the-question-president-says?ref=tw
      #Tunisie
      ping @_kg_

    • Les plateformes de débarquement pour migrants enterrées ?

      « Les Plateformes de débarquement en Afrique ne sont plus à l’ordre du jour et n’auraient jamais dû l’être », a déclaré le président de la Commission européenne Juncker, ce 26 octobre, lors d’une conférence de presse à Tunis avec le Premier ministre tunisien, Youssef Chahed .

      Etonnant ? Rembobinons la bande-son 4 mois en arrière...

      Les plateformes de débarquement sont une proposition de la Commission européenne faite, à Bruxelles, le 28 juin lors d’un Conseil européen. Son objectif était d’empêcher l’arrivée des personnes migrantes, dites irrégulières, sur le sol européen. Comment ? En les bloquant, en amont, dans des centres fermés, le temps d’examiner leur profil et demande. Et en y débarquant systématiquement les naufragés repêchés en Méditerranée. Ces plates-formes seraient situées sur les côtes africaines notamment en Tunisie et au Maroc. L’Egypte a été également évoquée.

      Cette proposition s’inscrivait dans l’approche dominante de « l’externalisation » de la gestion des frontières prônée de façon croissante par les institutions européennes et ses membres depuis une vingtaine d’années. Depuis 2015, cette approche constitue l’une des orientations majeures des politiques migratoires européennes.

      Pourquoi dès lors, la Commission fait-elle marche arrière quant à ce projet ? Plusieurs raisons peuvent être avancées.

      La première réside dans le fait que cette approche n’atteint pas ses objectifs (endiguer les départs et augmenter les expulsions des personnes en situation irrégulière). Il suffit de voir la situation dans les hotspots d’Italie et de Grèce depuis 2015. A Moria, sur l’île de Lesbos, MSF parle de crise humanitaire due au surpeuplement, aux infrastructures et conditions d’accueil déplorables, ainsi qu’à l’insécurité mettant à mal l’ensemble des droits fondamentaux des personnes, notamment ceux des femmes et des mineurs. Les plus vulnérables se retrouvent dans un cul-de-sac.
      « Moria est devenu pour beaucoup un lieu de transit prolongé le temps que leur demande d’asile soit étudiée », souligne Dimitris Vafeas, le directeur adjoint du camp de Moria. D’autres exemples sont ceux du Niger ou encore de la Libye qui laissent les personnes migrantes dans une situation « d’encampement » permanent ou d’errance circulaire sans fin, faute de voies légales de migrations.

      La seconde explication trouve sa source dans le fait que cette approche ne respecte pas le droit international. En effet, d’une part, selon la Convention de Genève, chacun a le droit de quitter son pays et de demander l’asile dans un pays où sa sécurité sera assurée. Le droit international, s’il autorise un pays à refuser l’immigration, prohibe l’instauration du délit d’émigration : la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme stipule ainsi en son article 13 le droit de « quitter tout pays y compris le sien ». De plus, le droit maritime prévoit que tout naufragé sauvé en mer doit être conduit vers le port proche le plus sûr, ce qui implique que les personnes rescapées au large des côtes européennes doivent y être conduite. Enfin, plusieurs pays, à commencer par la Libye, ne représentent en aucun cas des « lieux sûrs », au regard des conditions auxquelles y font face les migrants. Même au Maroc, il y a quelques semaines, le GADEM, association marocaine de défense des droits de l’homme, sortait un rapport dramatique faisant état des violences multiples qu’encourent les personnes migrantes au Maroc.

      La troisième raison est que la majorité des pays en développement ne veulent pas entendre parler de ces plates-formes. Ils accueillent déjà 85 % des personnes réfugiées alors que l’Europe n’en accueille que 6%. Les pays africains tentent donc de faire bloc afin d’installer un rapport de force face aux Européens. Ils savent qu’ils sont désormais des acteurs incontournables du dossier migratoire sur la scène internationale. Cependant, les sommes mises sur la table, tels que les budgets de l’APD, risquent à terme d’effriter ce bloc d’argile, même si ces montants doivent être mis en regard des transferts des diasporas (remittances), nettement plus importants et qui rendent donc les dirigeants des pays d’origine enclins à favoriser les migrations.

      Il est donc temps, vu cet échec, que la Commission européenne change de cap et axe ses politiques non pas sur l’externalisation des questions de l’asile et de la migration, mais sur le renforcement de la solidarité intra-européenne dans l’accueil et sur la mise en œuvre de nouvelles voies sûre et légales de migration. Cela lui permettrait, enfin, de respecter le droit international et de consacrer son APD à la réalisation des Objectifs de développement plutôt qu’à la lutte contre les migrations, fussent-elles irrégulières.

      https://www.cncd.be/Les-plateformes-de-debarquement

    • L’UE bat partiellement en retraite sur les hotspots en Afrique

      Le Conseil voulait débarquer les migrants sauvés en Méditerranée sur les côtes africaines. Face à l’opposition des États africains, le projet a été abandonné, mais l’UE fait toujours pression sur les pays de transit.

      Au sommet du Conseil de juin dernier, les dirigeants européens ont demandé à la Commission d’étudier la possibilité d’instaurer des « plateformes de débarquement régionales » en Afrique, afin d’y envoyer les migrants repêchés par des bateaux européens en Méditerranée.

      L’initiative a tourné court. Dans les jours qui ont suivi le sommet, le Maroc et l’Union africaine se sont mobilisés pour assurer un rejet généralisé des « hotspots » sur les territoires africains.

      Nasser Bourita, le ministre marocain aux Affaires étrangères, a accusé les dirigeants européens de réagir de manière excessive, et souligné que le nombre de migrants tentant d’entrer en Europe a largement chuté. À ce jour, ils sont 80 000 à être arrivés cette année, contre 300 000 en 2016.

      La société civile s’est aussi opposée au projet, estimant que ces camps de migrants seraient contraires aux engagements de l’UE en termes de droits de l’Homme.

      Lors d’une visite en Tunisie le 26 octobre, Jean-Claude Juncker, président de la Commission européenne, a assuré que l’UE ne tentait pas de mettre en place des camps de réfugiés dans le nord de l’Afrique. « Ce n’est plus au programme, et ça n’aurait jamais dû l’être », a-t-il indiqué lors d’une conférence de presse avec le Premier ministre tunisien, Youssef Chahed.

      Une semaine après, la porte-parole de la Commission, Natasha Bertaud, a expliqué que l’exécutif européen préférait à présent parler d’« arrangements de débarquement régionaux ». L’UE a donc commencé à préparer des accords spécifiques avec chacun des pays concernés, dont un échange de financements contre un meilleur contrôle migratoire. Le but est ainsi d’empêcher les migrants d’arriver en Europe.

      Accords en négociations

      Depuis le mois de septembre, des discussions sont en cours entre Bruxelles et le gouvernement égyptien d’Abdel Fattah al-Sissi. Un accord « cash contre migrants » devrait être finalisé avant le sommet UE-Ligue arabe qui aura lieu en février au Caire.

      S’il parait évident que l’Europe ne répétera pas son offre de 4 milliards à la Turquie, l’Égypte devrait demander une aide considérable et des prêts avantageux en échange d’un durcissement du contrôle migratoire. Des accords similaires devraient être conclus avec le Maroc, la Tunisie et la Libye.

      Le timing n’est pas dû au hasard, puisque Abdel Fattah al-Sissi succédera en janvier au Rwandais Paul Kagame à la présidence de l’Union africaine, et que le sommet de février sera centré sur l’immigration.

      Ce n’est pourtant pas parce que l’idée des « hotspots » a été abandonnée que les pays africains échappent aux pressions européennes.

      Le 1er novembre, Reuters indiquait que le ministère marocain des Affaires étrangères avait mis en place une nouvelle obligation pour les ressortissants du Congo Brazzaville, de Guinée et du Mali, qui devront à présent demander un permis de voyage quatre jours avant leur arrivée au Maroc. La plupart des migrants espérant atteindre l’Europe via le Maroc sont guinéens ou maliens.

      L’Espagne fait en effet pression sur Rabat pour réduire le nombre d’arrivées de migrants, notamment via ses enclaves de Ceuta et Melilla.

      Redéfinitions à venir

      Par ailleurs, les conditions de renvoi des migrants seront redéfinies dans le texte qui remplacera l’accord de Cotonou, mais il est clair que l’Europe ne voudra pas les rendre plus strictes. Les discussions entre l’UE et les pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique, viennent de commencer.

      L’accord, qui expire en 2020, prévoit que les États africains réintègrent les migrants qui n’obtiennent pas l’autorisation de rester en Europe, une mesure qui n’a cependant pas été mise en pratique. « Les dirigeants africains ne respecteront jamais ces articles sur la migration », indique une source proche des négociations.

      L’Union africaine n’est pas parvenue à unir ses membres pour négocier le successeur de l’accord de Cotonou sur la base d’une position commune face à l’UE, mais les avis sont plus convergents sur la question migratoire. Selon une représentante de la société civile, son plan d’action sur l’immigration est « l’un des meilleurs documents sur la migration ».

      Contrairement à l’UE, divisée entre des pays plutôt accueillants et d’autres comme la Hongrie, la Pologne ou l’Italie, qui défendent des règles extrêmement strictes, les membres de l’Union africaine sont sur la même longueur d’onde sur le sujet. « L’UE n’est pas en position de négocier sur l’immigration, mais l’Union africaine l’est », conclut cette même source.

      Pour montrer à ses citoyens qu’elle agit, l’UE pourrait donc finir par mettre en place des arrangements de contrôle migratoire fragmentés et chers.

      https://www.euractiv.fr/section/migrations/news/eu-lowers-its-ambitions-on-african-migration-control

    • EP lawyers back EU plans for migrant centres in Africa

      Lawyers working at the European Parliament on Tuesday (27 November) struggled to provide a detailed analysis of whether stalled EU plans to offload rescued migrants in north Africa were legal - but ultimately backed the controversial concept.

      “It was at least a brave attempt to piece together, sort of like bits of circumstantial evidence from a kind of a crime scene, to see what the hell this is,” British centre-left MEP Claude Moraes said of their efforts.

      Speaking at the parliament’s civil liberties committee, a lawyer from the legal service was only able to provide an oral summary of their report, citing confidentiality issues.

      But EUobserver has obtained a full copy of the 10-page confidential report, which attempted to provide a legal analysis of stalled EU plans to set up so-called ’regional disembarkation platforms’ in north Africa and controlled centres in Europe.

      The report broadly rubber stamps the legality of both concepts, but with conditions.

      It says “controlled centres and/or disembarkation platforms of a similar nature could be, in principle, lawfully established in the European Union territory.”

      It states disembarkation platforms “could lawfully be established outside of the European Union, in order to receive migrants rescued outside the territory of the Union’s member states.”

      It also says EU law does not apply to migrants rescued at high sea, even with a boat flying an EU-member state flag.

      “We can’t consider a vessel flying a flag of a member state to be an extension of a member state,” the lawyer told the MEPs.

      EU law is also not applied if the migrant is rescued in the territorial waters of an African coastal state, states the report.

      It also notes that people rescued in EU territorial waters cannot then be sent to disembarkation platforms in an non-EU state.

      Morocco and other bordering coastal states must apply the 1951 Geneva Convention and must be considered safe before allowing them to host any disembarkation platform.

      Earlier this year, the European Commission tasked the EU’s asylum support office to analyse the safety of both Morocco and Tunisia.

      But neither country has voiced any interest in hosting such platforms.

      The two countries were then presented over the summer by EU heads of state and government as a possible solution to further stem boat migrants from taking to the seas in their efforts to reach Europe.

      The concepts, initially hatched by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), were met with disdain by north African states, who viewed them as a veiled attempt by the EU to outsource its problem back onto them.

      Furthermore, not a single EU state has expressed any interest to host a controlled centre.

      Human rights defenders have also raised alarm given the poor treatment of thousands of refugees and migrants stuck in over-crowded camps on the Greek islands.

      Attempting to replicate similar camps or centres elsewhere has only heightened those fears.

      But the EU says it is pressing ahead anyway.

      “The disembarkation arrangement, the discussion, is proceeding in the Council,” said Vincet Piket, a senior official in the EU’s foreign policy branch, the EEAS.

      https://euobserver.com/migration/143513

    • Et il y a des personnes, qui travaillent pour le HCR, ici #Vincent_Cochetel, qui croient en les plateformes de désembarquement évidemment...

      Good statement of search and rescue organisations, but I would like to see the same advocacy efforts with North African countries. A predictable regional disembarkation mechanism must be a shared responsibility on both sides of the Mediterranean.

      https://twitter.com/cochetel/status/1073190725473484801?s=19

    • African Union seeks to kill EU plan to process migrants in Africa

      Exclusive: Leaked paper shows determination to dissuade coastal states from cooperating.

      The African Union is seeking to kill off the EU’s latest blueprint for stemming migration, claiming that it would breach international law by establishing “de facto detention centres” on African soil, trampling over the rights of those being held.

      A “#common_African_position_paper” leaked to the Guardian reveals the determination of the 55-member state body, currently headed by Egypt, to dissuade any of its coastal states from cooperating with Brussels on the plan.

      The EU set plans for “regional disembarkation platforms” in motion last summer to allow migrants found in European waters to have their asylum requests processed on African soil.

      Brussels has a similar arrangement in place with Libya, where there are 800,000 migrants, 20,000 of whom are being held in government detention centres. The Libyan authorities have been accused of multiple and grave human rights abuses. A UN report recently stated that migrants in the country faced “unimaginable horrors”.

      Some northern states, including Morocco, have already rejected the EU’s proposal over the new “platforms”, but there are concerns within the African Union (AU) that other member governments could be persuaded by the offer of development funds.

      Italy’s far-right interior minister Matteo Salvini has called for the centres to be based around the Sahel region, in Niger, Chad, Mali and Sudan. An inaugural summit between the EU and the League of Arab States is being held in Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt on Sunday and Monday, and migration is expected to be discussed.

      “When the EU wants something, it usually gets it,” said a senior AU official. “African capitals worry that this plan will see the establishment of something like modern-day slave markets, with the ‘best’ Africans being allowed into Europe and the rest tossed back – and it is not far from the truth.”

      They added: “The feelings are very, very raw about this. And it feels that this summit is about the EU trying to work on some countries to cooperate. Bilaterally, some countries will always look at the money.”

      EU officials, in turn, have been coy about the purposes of the summit, insisting that it is merely an attempt to engage on issues of joint importance.

      The leaked draft joint position of the AU notes that Brussels has yet to fully flesh out the concept of the “regional disembarkation platforms”. But it adds: “The establishment of disembarkation platforms on the African Continent for the processing of the asylum claims of Africans seeking international protection in Europe would contravene International Law, EU Law and the Legal instruments of the AU with regard to refugees and displaced persons.

      “The setup of ‘disembarkation platforms’ would be tantamount to de facto ‘detention centres’ where the fundamental rights of African migrants will be violated and the principle of solitary among AU member states greatly undermined. The collection of biometric data of citizens of AU Members by international organisations violates the sovereignty of African Countries over their citizens.”

      The AU also criticises Brussels for bypassing its structures and warns of wider repercussions. “The AU views the decision by the EU to support the concept of ‘regional disembarkation platforms’ in Africa and the ongoing bilateral consultation with AU member states, without the involvement of the AU and its relevant institutions, as undermining the significant progress achieved in the partnership frameworks and dialogues between our two unions,” the paper says.

      Confidential legal advice commissioned by the European parliament also raises concerns about the legality of establishing processing centres on African soil for those found in European waters.

      The paper, seen by the Guardian, warns that “migrants, after they have been rescued (or a fortiori after they have been brought back on to European Union territory), could not be sent to platforms outside of the European Union without being granted access to the EU asylum procedures and without being granted the possibility to wait for the complete examination of their request”.

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/24/african-union-seeks-to-kill-eu-plan-to-process-migrants-in-africa

  • Österreich plant mit einigen EU-Ländern Aufnahmelager außerhalb der EU

    Österreich arbeite „mit einer kleinen Gruppe von Staaten“ an dem Projekt, sagte Kurz. Die Pläne seien bisher allerdings „sehr vertraulich“, um die „Durchsetzbarkeit“ des Projekts zu erhöhen. Auf die Frage, ob ein solches Aufnahmezentrum in Albanien eingerichtet werden könnte, sagte Kurz: „Wir werden sehen.“

    In der vergangenen Woche hatte bereits der dänische Ministerpräsident Lars Lökke Rasmussen bestätigt, dass einige EU-Länder, darunter auch Österreich, Aufnahmezentren für abgelehnte Asylbewerber außerhalb der EU einrichten wollen. In österreichischen Medienberichten war zuletzt mehrfach von Albanien als möglichem Standort die Rede.

    https://www.welt.de/newsticker/news1/article177463654/Fluechtlinge-Oesterreich-plant-mit-einigen-EU-Laendern-Aufnahmelager-ausserhalb
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation #Albanie #hotspots (sorte de hotspot en dehors de l’UE) #Autriche #Danemark

    –----

    voir la métaliste sur les tentatives d’externalisation de la procédure d’asile de différents pays européens dans l’histoire :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/900122

    • C’est à la même occasion de la proposition d’un #axe contre l’immigration illégale...

      Les ministres de l’Intérieur allemand, autrichien et italien créent un « axe » contre l’immigration illégale

      « A notre avis, il faut un axe des volontaires dans la lutte contre l’immigration illégale », a annoncé le chancelier autrichien #Sebastian_Kurz, mercredi.


      https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/europe/migrants/les-ministres-de-l-interieur-allemand-autrichien-et-italien-creent-un-a
      #Allemagne #Italie

    • L’Autriche et le Danemark veulent ouvrir des camps d’expulsés aux portes de l’UE

      Selon le premier ministre danois, Copenhague est en discussion avec Vienne et « d’autres pays » de l’Union pour la mise en place d’un « nouveau régime européen de l’asile ».

      Leurs divisions et la pression des populistes font décidément naître les idées les plus renversantes parmi les dirigeants européens quant au traitement à réserver aux demandeurs d’asile et au refoulement de ceux qui ne peuvent prétendre à celui-ci.

      Mardi 5 juin, le premier ministre danois, Lars Lokke Rasmussen, a annoncé que son pays était en discussion avec l’Autriche – qui assumera bientôt la présidence tournante de l’Union – et « d’autres pays » pour la mise en place d’un « nouveau régime européen de l’asile ». Point central du dispositif : la création de « centres communs de réception et d’expulsion en Europe ». En clair, des camps de rétention, où se retrouveraient des migrants ne pouvant prétendre à une demande d’asile, ou ne pouvant être rapidement renvoyés.

      M. Rasmussen n’a pas mentionné la possible localisation de ces camps. Ils ne seraient pas, selon lui, « sur la liste des destinations préférées des migrants et des passeurs ». Il s’agirait en fait, selon plusieurs sources, de l’Albanie et du Kosovo, candidats à l’adhésion à l’UE. Le premier ministre a évoqué des contacts « avec d’autres dirigeants européens » et se disait « optimiste », quant à la mise en place d’un projet pilote « d’ici à la fin de l’année ». Les premières discussions auraient en fait eu lieu à Sofia, en marge du sommet entre les dirigeants des Vingt-Huit et cinq pays des Balkans occidentaux, le 17 mai.

      Les sociaux-démocrates et les populistes du Parti du peuple danois (Dansk Folkeparti, DF) – ces derniers soutiennent M. Rasmussen au Parlement – ont fait savoir qu’ils étaient favorables à la proposition du premier ministre. La formation populiste avait déjà proposé de transformer une île inhabitée du royaume, située en dehors du territoire de l’Union, en centre de détention pour les déboutés. La ministre libérale de l’immigration, Inger Stojberg, avait répondu qu’elle était « toujours prête à examiner de bonnes idées », même si celle-ci présentait « des défis pratiques et légaux ».

      Paris semble tomber des nues

      A Bruxelles, mercredi, le chancelier conservateur autrichien Sebastian Kurz présentait avec son gouvernement les principaux axes de sa présidence, qui démarrera le 1er juillet. Il aurait voulu que toute l’attention soit portée sur sa volonté de renforcer les frontières extérieures de l’Union et sur ses propositions pour le budget post-Brexit – ses deux priorités.

      Or, il a évidemment été interrogé sur les propos de M. Rasmussen et a dû les confirmer, tout en ajoutant prudemment qu’il ne s’agissait pas d’un projet porté par sa future présidence mais « d’une initiative émanant d’un cercle restreint auquel le Danemark appartenait ». Quels autres Etats membres seraient concernés ?

      Les Pays-Bas, semble-t-il, mais la diplomatie néerlandaise affirmait, jeudi, ne pas vouloir se prononcer sur la concrétisation du projet. La Belgique, elle, n’aurait pas été consultée même si, lundi, lors d’une réunion des ministres européens de l’intérieur et de la migration, son secrétaire d’Etat, le nationaliste flamand Theo Francken, avait évoqué la nécessité d’empêcher l’accostage des bateaux en Europe – « push back » – et proclamé « la mort » du règlement de Dublin. Celui-ci oblige les pays de première arrivée (Italie et Grèce surtout) à enregistrer un migrant avant son transfert éventuel vers un autre Etat membre.

      L’Allemagne ? Mme Merkel aurait été « approchée » mais, jeudi, lors d’un congrès du Parti populaire européen, à Munich, elle insistait surtout sur le contrôle des frontières extérieures de l’Union et suggérait la nécessité de reproduire, avec d’autres pays tiers, l’accord conclu avec la Turquie pour la gestion des migrants. La famille des conservateurs européens prône toujours la relocalisation de demandeurs d’asile dans l’Union, à partir de pays tiers. Un proche de la chancelière ne cachait pas son scepticisme l’égard des plans de Copenhague et Vienne.

      La France, alors ? Sa diplomatie semble tomber des nues. Paris œuvre à un texte pour sortir le dossier migratoire de l’ornière mais ne pourrait accepter l’idée de camps de rétention. « Inimaginable », aussi, dit une source diplomatique, de voir des pays des Balkans se ranger à de telles initiatives, même en échange d’un coup de pouce financier ou d’une accélération de l’examen de leur dossier d’adhésion.

      Bruxelles inquiète des dérives

      Du côté de la Commission européenne – dont le président, Jean-Claude Juncker, recevait mercredi M. Kurz – la réponse est embarrassée. Le collège résume les projets en question à des « initiatives nationales », en soulignant qu’il serait préférable d’avoir une approche européenne, fondée sur « les valeurs » de l’Union.

      Bruxelles s’inquiète surtout des dérives du débat et redoute la multiplication des incidents avec la future présidence autrichienne, susceptible de rallier les voix de la Hongrie, de la Pologne ou d’autres Etats membres, hostiles à l’accueil des demandeurs d’asile.

      De précédents projets visant à la création de centres « d’accueil », sur le territoire libyen notamment, avaient été prudemment écartés. L’idée d’ouvrir des camps dans des pays européens, hors UE, portée par le ministre autrichien de l’intérieur, Herbert Kickl, poids lourd du FPÖ (Parti autrichien de la Liberté) est vue comme un nouvel obstacle à toute solution consensuelle.

      M. Kickl a aussi promis d’augmenter le nombre des personnes reconduites aux frontières. En 2017, 11 974 déboutés du droit d’asile ont quitté l’Autriche et 58 % d’entre eux ont été éloignés de force. Le ministre a également confirmé la mise en place d’une nouvelle police des frontières et annoncé que son pays ne participerait plus au programme de répartition des réfugiés arrivés en Grèce et en Italie. Il souhaite d’ailleurs que désormais, plus aucune demande d’asile ne soit étudiée sur le sol européen.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2018/06/08/l-autriche-et-le-danemark-veulent-ouvrir-des-camps-d-expulses-aux-portes-de-
      #Kosovo

    • L’étonnante proposition de #Donald_Tusk sur les réfugiés

      Le président du Conseil européen Donald Tusk envisage la création de centres en dehors de l’UE pour distinguer rapidement les personnes éligibles à l’asile et les migrants économiques qui ne peuvent y prétendre, ressort-il d’un projet de conclusions qu’il a fait parvenir aux chefs d’Etats et de gouvernement européens dans la perspective du sommet des 28 et 29 juin.

      Cette proposition, avancée par M. Tusk pour sortir de l’impasse sur la question migratoire, est un « #potentiel_game-changer », d’après un diplomate européen.

      Ces « plateformes régionales de débarquement » permettraient d’accueillir des personnes sauvées en mer alors qu’elles essayaient de rejoindre l’UE. Elles seraient gérées en coopération avec le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (UNHCR) et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM).

      Le document ne précise toutefois pas où elles se situeraient. Une source européenne a néanmoins précisé qu’elles étaient envisagées « en dehors de l’UE » sans donner plus de détails.

      La Tunisie et l’Albanie sont régulièrement citées comme étant susceptibles d’accueillir de telles installations. Le secrétaire d’Etat belge à l’Asile et la Migration, Theo Francken (N-VA), avait d’ailleurs récemment suggéré de ramener les migrants secourus en mer vers le pays du Maghreb pour ensuite les trier. Une idée similaire avait aussi été avancée dès 2016 par le dirigeant ultranationaliste hongrois Viktor Orban.

      Outre la création de ces « plateformes », Donald Tusk propose aux dirigeants de renforcer les moyens financiers consacrés à la lutte contre la migration illégale et d’offrir un soutien plus important aux garde-côtes libyens. Il souligne aussi la nécessité d’une coopération accrue avec des pays d’origine et de transit des migrants, pour éviter de connaître à nouveau un afflux comparable à celui de 2015.

      Les « plateformes de débarquement » seraient destinées aux migrants qui, malgré toutes ces mesures, tenteraient la traversée de la Méditerranée et seraient « secourus dans le cadre d’opérations de recherche et de sauvetage ».

      Les chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement se pencheront en détail sur les propositions de M. Tusk lors du sommet des 28 et 29 juin. Ils aborderont également l’épineuse question de la réforme du règlement de Dublin, pierre angulaire du régime d’asile européen.

      Après trois ans de palabres, les 28 Etats membres de l’UE ne sont en effet pas parvenus à s’accorder sur une réforme de ce texte, dont les failles ont été révélées lors de l’afflux massif et soudain de migrants dans l’Union en 2015.

      Ce règlement, qui détermine l’Etat membre responsable d’une demande d’asile dans l’UE, fait pour l’heure peser une pression démesurée sur les pays de « première entrée », en particulier l’Italie et la Grèce. Les chances qu’un compromis se dégage sur ce point lors du sommet semblent toutefois infimes, pour ne pas dire inexistantes.

      http://www.lalibre.be/actu/international/l-etonnante-proposition-de-donald-tusk-sur-les-refugies-5b29222e5532a296888d

      autre mot barbare : #potentiel_game-changer

    • L’axe commence à se mettre en place...

      Germany and Austria start joint police work to combat illegal migration

      The Austrian and German federal police and the Bavarian state police plan for the first time this Friday to work together in their border area to assess ways they can combat increasing illegal immigration and crime. The authorities will start by taking a closer look at rail traffic.

      https://www.thelocal.de/20180601/germany-and-austria-strengthen-borders-to-combat-risky-illegal-migration

    • Migranti, Conte: «In autunno vertice sulla Libia». E intanto a Innsbruck asse con Germania e Austria

      Il premier: «Invierò una lettera da spedire a Juncker e a Tusk». Intanto, intesa a tre per arginare i flussi migratori in modo da far arrivare in Europa solo chi fugge da una guerra.

      «Il merito dell’Italia è stato riuscire a ricondurre in un quadro unitario organico vari aspetti di un fenomeno complesso e avere compreso che il fenomeno della gestione dei flussi migratori non è emergenziale». Così il presidente del Consiglio Giuseppe Conte in conferenza stampa alla fine del vertice Nato. «Stiamo organizzando una conferenza in Italia sulla Libia in autunno per dar seguito a quella di Parigi», ha aggiunto il premier,«il processo di stabilizzazione non può riguardare solo l’Italia ma nemmeno soltanto Macron». Sulla Libia, ha spiegato invece Conte, «c’è tanto da fare, il Paese va affiancato» nel suo percorso di stabilizzazione che porti alle elezioni. Ma Conte ha avvertito che «se arriviamo troppo presto alle elezioni, si rischia di avere il caos totale. Bisogna prima creare le condizioni sociali ed economiche necessarie per reggere l’impatto di un sistema democratico».

      «Presto una lettera a Juncker e Tusk»

      Il presidente del Consiglio ha affermato poi di non aver parlato di Libia con Trump a Bruxelles: lo farà nel dettaglio nella sua prossima visita negli Usa. «Il problema», ha detto, «non è modificare il regolamento di Dublino» che è «asfittico come approccio, è assolutamente inadeguato. I principi delle Conclusioni Ue attestano che è superato». Conte ha parlato di una lettera da spedire a Juncker presidente della Commissione europea e a Tusk a capo del Consiglio europeo: «Nella mia lettera si chiederà che anche Sophia, anche questa missione internazionale sia adeguata alle conclusioni del Consiglio Ue. E così per le altre». «La mia lettera partirà molto presto, non so a che punto è Juncker ma appena rientrerò a Roma lavorerò a questo». «L’ultima notizia», ha poi detto, «è che la nave Diciotti si sta avviando in porto. Abbiamo dato indicazione di individuare le persone o i migranti che si sono resi responsabili di atti che contrastano con le nostre leggi».

      Il vertice a tre

      In mattinata, sul tema migranti era già stato protagonista Matteo Salvini, ministro dell’Interno. Un’intesa a tre, un «asse di volenterosi» guidato da Austria, Germania e Italia per arginare i flussi migratori. È ciò che è emerso dall’incontro trilaterale fra Salvini e gli omologhi tedeschi e austriaci, Horst Seehofer e Herbert Kickl a Innsbruck, che precede il vertice Ue. Si tratta di un’intesa per frenare le partenze di migranti e gli sbarchi, in modo da far giungere in Europa solo chi fugge da una guerra.

      Salvini: «Proposte italiane diventano proposte europee»

      «Le proposte italiane su migranti diventano proposte europee: contiamo che finalmente l’Europa torni a difendere i confini e il diritto e alla sicurezza dei 500 milioni di europei» ha detti Matteo Salvini. «Con i colleghi di Austria e Germania - ha spiegato al termine dell’incontro - abbiamo affrontato il grande problema degli arrivi: se si riducono questi si risolvono anche i problemi minori interni tra le nazioni e non ci sarà alcun problema alle frontiere». «Meno migranti, meno sbarchi e meno morti» ha poi aggiunto. «Chiederemo sostegno alle autorità libiche, dare a Tripoli il diritto ai rimpatri e la redistribuzione delle quote degli arrivi. Chiederemo alle missioni internazionali di non usare l’Italia come unico punto d’arrivo e il sostegno nelle operazioni di soccorso, protezione e riaccompagnamento di migliaia di clandestini nei luoghi di partenza. Credo quindi - ha detto poi Salvini - che questo nucleo di amicizia e di intervento serio concreto ed efficiente di Italia, Germania ed Austria, possa essere un nucleo che darà un impulso positivo a tutta Europa per riconoscere il diritto di asilo a quella minoranza di donne e bambini che fuggono dalle guerre ed evitare l’arrivo e la morte di decine di migliaia di persone che non scappano da nessuna guerra».

      «Proteggere le frontiere esterne all’Unione Europea»

      A fargli eco il ministro dell’Interno tedesco Seehofer:«I tre Paesi si sono messi d’accordo per controllare l’immigrazione. Vogliamo introdurre ordine nella politica migratoria ma garantire un approccio umanitario e proteggere effettivamente le frontiere esterne dell’Unione Europea». «Sarebbe importante - sottolinea poi il ministro - che l’intera Unione europea decidesse qualcosa. Noi possiamo avere delle iniziative, ma l’Unione europea deve avere un’opinione comune. Sono ottimista e qui abbiamo l’occasione di procedere in una direzione positiva». E il ministro dell’Interno austriaco Kickl sottolinea come «questo asse di volenterosi può prendere iniziative ma è l’intera Unione Europea che deve intervenire». «Le cose sono relativamente semplice - aggiunge - noi tre siamo d’accordo sul fatto che vogliamo mettere ordine» e «mandare il chiaro messaggio che in futuro non dovrebbe essere possibile calpestare il suolo europeo se non si ha il diritto alla protezione». Previsto un nuovo incontro a Vienna sempre fra i ministri dell’Interno di Italia Germania e Austria il prossimo 19 luglio.


      https://www.corriere.it/politica/18_luglio_12/migranti-asse-germania-austria-fermare-sbarchi-6ba33c18-859b-11e8-b570-8bf3

  • Una revista alemana describe un infierno de violaciones a mujeres y abortos en los campos de fresas onubenses

    “Acosadas, insultadas y violadas, eso es cotidiano para miles de mujeres que trabajan en los campos de tomates y fresas de España”… Así se inicia el reportaje que la revista alemana Correctiv ha realizado en los campos de fresa de Huelva y en el quedescribe un auténtico infierno para las trabajadoras del campo onubense procedentes de Marruecos.

    https://huelvadecidesufuturo.wordpress.com/2018/05/12/una-revista-alemana-describe-un-infierno-de-violacio
    #Espagne #travail #exploitation #agriculture #fraises #femmes #viols #Huelva #avortement #migrations #saisonniers #migration_circulaire #saisonnières

    signalé par @isskein sur FB

    • @isskein qui signale aussi :

      Des mains délicates pour des fraises amères

      À l’ouest de la communauté autonome d’#Andalousie, la province de Huelva s’est spécialisée depuis les années 80 dans la culture de la fraise. Aujourd’hui, plus de 7000 hectares de serre sont cultivés sur d’anciennes pinèdes publiques. Le cycle de production commence à la fin de l’été par la stérilisation des sols au bromure de méthyle. En octobre, les fraisiers qui ont grandi dans le froid des pépinières de Castilla y León, sont transplantés à Huelva. Ils produisent dès la fin du mois de décembre et jusqu’en juin des fraises qui seront exportées dans toute l’Europe. Il s’agit d’une culture hydroponique, le sol des serres n’apporte aucun élément nutritif aux plants. Cette production intensive dépend donc des multinationales qui fournissent les plastiques, les engrais et les pesticides indispensables à ce mode de culture. Même les plants viennent d’ailleurs. La plupart des agriculteurs cultivent la #fraise_Camarosa, une variété créée par une université californienne et dont la plantation suppose de payer des royalties à hauteur de 1800 euros par hectare et par an.

      https://www.cairn.info/revue-plein-droit-2008-3-page-34.htm

    • Et @isskein qui signale aussi :
      Les fruits de la frontière

      En partant de deux zones de production intensive de fraises situées, l’une en Andalousie et l’autre au nord du #Maroc, cet article vise à montrer les relations entre les stratégies d’implantation et d’organisation de la production des secteurs fraisicoles et les politiques migratoires et de régulation économique, relations qui sont à l’origine de la dynamique des marchés globaux. Plus précisément, il s’agit de montrer la manière dont l’intégration subordonnée évoquée plus haut s’est déclinée à l’échelle régionale au sein de la chaîne globalisée des fruits rouges, comment cela a abouti à l’embauche d’ouvrières marocaines des deux côtés du détroit et quel rôle la frontière joue dans la profitabilité de ces deux enclaves. On s’intéressera aux écarts entre annonces libérales et réalités politiques aussi bien en matière migratoire qu’économique.

      https://www.cairn.info/revue-plein-droit-2018-1-page-31.htm

    • Recherche im Original

      Vergewaltigt auf Europas Feldern

      Sexuell belästigt, beleidigt, vergewaltigt – das ist der Alltag für tausende Erntehelferinnen in Europa. Sie ernten Tomaten und Erdbeeren, die in deutschen Supermärkten als „sicher und nachhaltig“ verkauft werden. Doch die Verantwortlichen kommen ungestraft davon. In einer monatelangen Recherche in Spanien, Marokko und Italien hat BuzzFeed News diese Missstände aufgedeckt.

      https://www.buzzfeed.com/de/pascalemueller/vergewaltigt-auf-europas-feldern

    • De jornaleras a esclavas sexuales en los campos de fresas de Huelva: la verdad oculta

      En las fincas de frutas de la provincia andaluza impera la ley del silencio. Decenas de mujeres marroquíes cuentan que sus encargados las chantajean con dejarlas sin trabajo si no mantienen con ellos relaciones sexuales. Casi nadie denuncia por temor al despido. EL ESPAÑOL habla con varias de ellas. «O cedes y callas, o te echan», dice una.


      https://www.elespanol.com/reportajes/20180518/jornaleras-esclavas-sexuales-campos-huelva-verdad-oculta/308220340_0.html
      #esclavage_sexuel #esclavage_moderne #prostitution #viols

    • Exploitation salariale et sexuelle dans la récolte des fraises en #Andalousie

      Pour protéger les #saisonnières_marocaines, il faudrait assurer leur #égalité_de_droit avec le reste des travailleurs et travailleuses et c’est justement ce que le #programme_de_migration_temporaire empêche, en articulant intentionnellement les rapports de sexe, les asymétries de classe, et la précarisation juridique des étrangers.


      https://blogs.mediapart.fr/juana-moreno-nieto-emmanuelle-hellio/blog/050718/exploitation-salariale-et-sexuelle-dans-la-recolte-des-fraises-en-an
      #exploitation_sexuelle #viols #Espagne #saisonniers #saisonnières #travail_saisonnier #discriminations

    • Le goût amer des fraises d’Espagne

      Depuis 2006, des milliers de Marocaines passent trois à cinq mois à trimer dans les plantations de Huelva, où elles sont souvent exploitées voire harcelées. Celles qui témoignent craignent pourtant de perdre un revenu indispensable.

      Les ferrys en provenance de Tarifa défilent dans le port blanc de Tanger, aux pieds de l’ancienne médina. Venus d’Espagne, les touristes descendent en minishort, casquette sur la tête et valises à roulettes à bout de bras. Dix minutes plus tard, une cinquantaine de Marocaines, vêtues de djellabas et de foulards de couleur, débarquent avec des montagnes de bagages et de grands sacs à carreaux remplis de vêtements, couvertures, appareils électroniques et chocolats.

      Pendant leurs trois à cinq mois passés en Espagne, ces femmes ont cueilli des fraises, « l’or rouge » de Huelva (sud-ouest), loin de leurs familles. « Chaque jour, sauf le dimanche, pendant six heures et demie, on porte les cagettes, on y met les fraises que l’on a cueillies, puis on les ramène au frigo », explique Hayat, Marocaine de 42 ans qui laisse depuis onze ans ses deux enfants chez leur père le temps de son contrat en Espagne. « J’ai le même chef depuis 2007. Il est correct et nous paie à temps », affirme l’ouvrière agricole, qui revient au Maroc avec 34 000à 39 000 dihrams en poche, soit entre 3 100 et 3 600 euros pour la période. Un salaire conséquent pour cette femme de la campagne d’Agadir, où elle a l’habitude de ramasser des légumes pour 55 dirhams (5 euros) par jour.

      Pour gagner cette somme, nécessaire à leur subsistance, les 17 000 saisonnières recrutées cette année, toutes mères de famille de la campagne marocaine, ont dû trimer. Epuisées par la cueillette, elles dorment à six dans la même chambre d’un préfabriqué fourni par l’employeur. « Nous achetons ce que nous mettons dans notre ventre », résume Hayat, qui dit porter trois à quatre cagettes de 5 kilos en même temps. « C’est tellement lourd », se plaint l’une d’entre elles en montrant ses poignets lacérés. D’autres femmes ont mal au dos à force d’être courbées toute la journée. « Heureusement, nous avons des réductions sur les frais de médecins et de pharmacie », assure Hayat. Encore faut-il que les saisonnières soient au courant et fassent les démarches pour profiter de leurs droits dans un pays où elles ne maîtrisent pas la langue.
      « Tout était faux »

      Début juin, dix saisonnières ont osé parler de harcèlement et d’agressions sexuelles. Révoltée, l’une d’entre elles, Fatiha (1), raconte sa désillusion depuis l’Espagne, où elle attend le procès. « On nous a vendu un rêve : quinze jours de formation, 37 à 40 euros par jour, un bon logement… A l’arrivée, tout cela était faux », s’énerve cette Marocaine de 34 ans, recrutée pour la première fois. Depuis qu’elle a témoigné, son mari a demandé le divorce. La plupart des saisonnières ne se risquent pas à parler, de peur de ne pas être rappelées l’année suivante. Certaines évoquent timidement des cas de harcèlement au travail. « Le pointage quotidien des caisses ramenées est stressant. Les chefs râlent et sont parfois irrespectueux. Ils nous mettent beaucoup de pression pour travailler vite. Si on ne remplit pas l’objectif de productivité par jour, ils nous renvoient à la maison », décrit Amina, mère de famille qui fait l’aller-retour depuis 2007. « Au début, les chefs nous ont dérangées. Mais nous avons été patientes car nous avons des enfants à nourrir. Maintenant, ils nous laissent tranquilles », explique l’ouvrière de 37 ans.

      Au lendemain de leur dernier jour de travail, les femmes qui arrivent à Tanger en milieu d’après-midi ont hâte de rentrer chez elles. « Je prends le bus directement pour Agadir », lance Amina en traînant ses valises le plus vite possible. Le visage encadré par son voile blanc, les traits tirés, elle doit encore passer la nuit dans le bus pour retrouver son fils et sa fille qu’elle n’a pas vus depuis cinq mois.« J’ai l’habitude que mes enfants me manquent », glisse Khadija (1), une autre travailleuse des fraises, d’un ton amer.

      Etre mère d’un enfant de moins de 18 ans est l’un des critères fixés par l’Anapec, l’agence marocaine de l’emploi qui gère le recrutement. Une façon de s’assurer qu’elles rentrent au pays une fois leur contrat terminé. Seules les femmes qui viennent aussi de milieu rural et qui ont entre 18 et 45 ans peuvent postuler dans le cadre de la convention bilatérale, dite « win-win », signée par le Maroc et l’Espagne en 2006.

      « Des femmes dociles »

      D’un côté, ce programme de « migration circulaire » répond aux besoins économiques espagnols et permet à l’Union européenne de contrôler les flux migratoires. De l’autre, il apporte des devises et participe au développement du Maroc. La première année, 1 800 femmes ont été envoyées dans les champs de fraises espagnols, avec un taux de fuite de 50 %. Sur les 17 000 ouvrières de 2009, 4,5 % ne sont pas retournées au Maroc.

      Après un creux à 2 100 femmes lors de la crise économique espagnole, leur nombre a redécollé cette année, selon Chadia Arab, géographe chargée de recherche au CNRS et auteure de Dames de fraises, doigts de fée (2018, En toutes lettres). « Ce programme est déséquilibré. S’il soutient financièrement des femmes vulnérables, souvent analphabètes, pas une seule n’a été accompagnée pour créer son entreprise au Maroc, constate la chercheuse, qui a vu défiler les cas de harcèlement au travail pendant son enquête. Ce système veut des femmes dociles, rentables, peu chères, malléables et silencieuses. Elles se taisent et s’adaptent aux exigences des patrons afin d’être sûres de retravailler l’année suivante. » Et d’ajouter : « Tous les employeurs ne respectent pas le contrat. Certains ont installé des caméras de surveillance, d’autres ne garantissent pas le transport pour faire les courses, ni de logements salubres ou des jours de formation. »

      Des dérapages sûrement dus à la disparition, en 2012, des médiateurs de la Fondation pour les travailleurs étrangers à Huelva (Futeh) qui venaient contrôler sur le terrain. L’affaire des plaintes à Huelva a mobilisé les associations marocaines et espagnoles. « Nous allons ouvrir ce dossier et demander au gouvernement marocain l’amélioration des conditions de recrutement et de travail, comme l’accès à des congés, au chômage et à une assurance », revendique la présidente de la Fédération marocaine des ligues des droits des femmes, Latifa Bouchoua. Même sans ces améliorations, les « dames des fraises » souhaitent retourner en Espagne l’année prochaine. « Comme au Maroc, le travail est dur. Mais ici, il est bien payé », tranche Amina.


      http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/07/04/le-gout-amer-des-fraises-d-espagne_1664190

    • Contrataciones en origen y el monocultivo global de la fresa

      Proteger a estas mujeres exige asegurar su igualdad de derechos con el resto de trabajadores y trabajadoras, que es justamente lo que el programa de contratación en origen impide, articulando desigualdades de género, clase, origen y precarización jurídica, así como cuestionar el modelo productivo de la fresa.

      Las insostenibiilidades del actual sistema agroalimentario son múltiples y generalmente las relacionamos con su impacto medioambiental, sus efectos nocivos sobre la salud o la destrucción de las producciones y modos de vida campesinos. No obstante, las violencias que se ejercen sobre la mano de obra que trabaja en condiciones de gran precariedad en los campos de la agricultura global forman parte estructural de este sistema aunque queden, a menudo, invisibilizadas.

      Estas últimas semanas, hemos visto romperse el pacto de silencio existente en torno a las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras extranjeras en el sector de la fresa en Huelva. La publicación a finales de abril de un reportaje denunciando las violaciones y abusos sexuales sufridos por trabajadoras marroquíes del sector ponía en el punto de mira el sistema de contrataciones en origen, erigido durante años como modelo ejemplar de «migración ordenada» por las instituciones españolas, marroquíes y europeas.

      A principios de junio, unas cien jornaleras marroquíes, apoyadas por el SAT (Sindicato Andaluz de Trabajadores), intentaron denunciar en los juzgados incumplimientos del contrato y abusos sexuales en una empresa de Almonte. En solo dos días, el empleador organiza el retorno del conjunto de trabajadoras de su finca a Marruecos, aún cuando sus contratos no habían finalizado. El objetivo, evitar que pudieran ratificar sus denuncias ante la inspección de trabajo el lunes siguiente. Sin embargo, una parte importante de las trabajadoras resiste y se niega a embarcar en los autobuses. Las redes sociales y medios locales retransmiten lo que está ocurriendo y se logra detener el traslado de las trabajadoras al puerto de Algeciras.

      Esta situación, en la que ante una tentativa de denuncia las trabajadores son "devueltas” a Marruecos ilustra especialmente bien la tendencia autoritaria del mercado de trabajo en el sector fresero y del sistema de contrataciones en origen que lo organiza.

      Como en ocasiones anteriores, las asociaciones de productores denuncian una campaña de desprestigio contra el sector, minimizan lo que consideran “prácticas aisladas” de ciertos individuos e incluso basculan la responsabilidad sobre las propias víctimas, acusándolas de mentir y relacionándolas con la prostitución.

      En estos fértiles terrenos para los estereotipos sexistas y racistas (Martin Díaz 2002), nos parece muy importante insistir en que no se trata de hechos aislados ni fortuitos, sino que el programa de contratación en origen desarrollado para responder a las necesidades del monocultivo de fresa, es la causa principal de la vulnerabilidad de estas temporeras frente a todo tipo de abusos. Es el régimen migratorio, puesto al servicio del capitalismo agroalimentario global y su alianza con el patriarcado y el racismo, lo que explica la situación de las jornaleras marroquíes en la agricultura onubense.

      La provincia de Huelva es la principal zona de producción de fresas extra-tempranas en Europa. Su vocación exportadora y la utilización de todo tipo de insumos (variedades patentadas de fresas, plásticos para invernaderos, agroquímicos...) insertan al sector en una cadena agroalimentaria dominada por las grandes empresas transnacionales que producen los insumos agrícolas y controlan la distribución de la fruta en los mercados europeos, acumulando la mayor parte de los beneficios. La dependencia de los productores agrícolas frente a estos actores globales, junto a la gran cantidad de mano de obra necesaria para recolectar la fresa, hacen que el mantenimiento del costo del trabajo a la baja constituya una estrategia fundamental para los productores a fin de asegurar la rentabilidad del sector y aumentar el margen de beneficios.

      En este contexto de búsqueda de una mano de obra flexible, barata y que no se organice para exigir mejoras laborales, debe entenderse la instauración de un sistema de contrataciones en origen totalmente feminizado desde el año 2000. A partir de 2006, se institucionaliza el programa de contrataciones con Marruecos que contará con cuantiosas subvenciones de la Unión Europea, y ello a pesar de su dimensión utilitarista, la precariedad laboral y jurídica que impone a las trabajadoras y el carácter sexista de la selección.

      En efecto, al Estado español y a la Comisión Europea poco ha parecido importarles el carácter discriminatorio que establece la contratación de mujeres pobres con hijos menos de 14 años a su cargo para garantizar el retorno a su país de origen al final de la campaña.

      Además, el sistema de contrataciones en origen establece una cautividad jurídica y material sobre las temporeras que constituye la base de su desprotección. Primero, porque los permisos de residencia y trabajo de estas trabajadoras están vinculados a un territorio, a un sector de actividad y a un empleador concreto, lo que supone que las temporeras no tienen derecho a cambiar de trabajo. Igualmente, su retorno la temporada siguiente depende de la voluntad del empleador. Ello instituye una dependencia absoluta de las trabajadoras ante el empresariado y reduce enormemente su capacidad para negociar las condiciones laborales o denunciar cualquier forma de abuso pues si pierden o renuncian a sus empleos, ya de por si valiosos debido a la diferencia salarial existente con Marruecos (equivalente a 6,3 euros por jornal) pierden, además, el derecho a trabajar legalmente en el Estado español. Las alternativas para aquellas que no acepten las condiciones ofertadas son claras y poco alentadoras, quedarse de manera irregular en el Estado español o regresar a Marruecos sin posibilidad de volver a acceder a un contrato.

      Segundo, porque el hecho de que las temporeras residan en las fincas agrícolas permite ejercer un control sobre la vida privada de las temporeras, como muestra el hecho de que estas trabajadoras vean a menudo limitadas sus salidas nocturnas a fin de garantizar su productividad en el trabajo o que se les lleguen a retener los pasaportes para evitar lo que en el sector se consideran “fugas”, es decir, el abandono del programa. Asimismo, este modelo residencial dificulta su contacto con la población local y el aprendizaje del español, vías fundamentales para hacer valer sus derechos. En contraste, este sistema resulta de gran utilidad para los productores pues les permite de poseer trabajadoras “en stock” y ajustar diariamente el tamaño de su plantilla a las necesidades del cultivo.

      Por todo esto, para proteger a estas mujeres se hace imprescindible asegurar su igualdad de derechos con el resto de trabajadores y trabajadoras, que es justamente lo que el programa de contratación en origen impide, articulando desigualdades de género, clase, origen y precarización jurídica, así como cuestionar el modelo productivo de la fresa, paradigmático de una agricultura globalizada, que induce a que los eslabones más débiles de la cadena, las trabajadoras, carguen con todas las insostenibilidades y violencias de un sistema que beneficia al gran capital y sus alianzas patriarcales.

      https://www.eldiario.es/ultima-llamada/Contrataciones-origen-monocultivo-global-fresa_6_786781317.html

    • Les femmes de #Huelva se mobilisent contre l’exploitation sociale et sexuelle dans les champs de fraises

      Dimanche 19 juin, plus de 2000 personnes ont manifesté à Huelva au cri de Fresas si, pero con derechos (« des fraises : oui. Mais avec des droits ! »). Cette irruption des travailleuses fait suite aux révélation et dénonciations récentes (mais malheureusement pas nouvelles) des viols et des abus sexuels – mais plus largement des mauvaises conditions de travail – que les travailleuses marocaines venues ici pour la récolte des fruits rouges endurent. Durant la manifestation, un système en particulier était dénoncé : le recrutement en origine et la manière dont il organise la vulnérabilité sociale et sexuelle des travailleuses.

      Les conditions de vie et de travail des femmes migrantes marocaines dans les champs de fruits rouges à Huelva sont connues – parfois dénoncées – depuis au moins 10 ans. C’est donc moins les nouvelles révélations par deux journaux allemands sur les « viols dans les champs » que la mobilisation forte des femmes qui a suivie qui explique le fort écho médiatique qu’ont pris ces faits les dernières semaines. Motivées notamment par des plaintes déposées auprès de la justice espagnole dans un contexte où ce n’est pas la norme, mais aussi par la libération de la parole des femmes en Espagne (mouvements #cuéntalo et #yosítecreo), celles-ci ont donc défilé dimanche dernier pour exprimer leur soutien aux travailleuses migrantes marocaines et critiquer plus largement le système d’exploitation des étranger·ère·s qui sous-tend la production de fruits rouges dans la région.
      Depuis les années 1990 en effet, l’économie et l’espace de la région de Huelva s’organisent autour de la production de fruits rouges destinés à l’exportation – des fraises notamment, mais aussi des framboises, des mûres et des myrtilles. On compte aujourd’hui, pour les seules fraises, 7000 ha de serres et plus de 300 000 tonnes exportées chaque année. Or, pour pouvoir produire aux prix les plus bas et être compétitifs à l’exportation, la région dépend, depuis les années 2000 de l’importation périodique d’une main d’œuvre migrante flexible et à bas prix, provenant aujourd’hui principalement du Maroc . Comme le souligne José Antonio Brazo Regalado, responsable du SAT a Huelva, cette production se base donc sur une précarisation de la main d’œuvre, qui elle-même se fonde sur une triple discrimination : être ouvrière, être femme, être migrante.

      « Dans ce système, le journalier est déchiqueté. La journalière encore plus, et la migrante, encore davantage » José Antonio Brazo Regalado

      « Des fraises oui, mais avec des droits ! »

      Le 19 juin, la manifestation organisée par le SAT a ainsi rassemblé plus de 2000 personnes, dont de nombreuses femmes rassemblées en tête du cortège et alternant slogans féministes, en faveur de l’ouverture des frontières, et contre les violences sexuelles. Outre le SAT, le mouvement du 8M était aussi présent en nombre ainsi que de nombreuses personnes simplement solidaires après les dénonciations récentes. La manifestation rassemblait aussi plusieurs journalières espagnoles et marocaines. Preuve des dommages en cascade du patriarcat, plusieurs marocaines marchaient le visage caché par un foulard pour ne pas pouvoir être reconnues par leur famille. Au moins l’une d’entre elle ayant été reniée par son mari (resté au Maroc) à la suite de la diffusion d’images la montrant dénonçant les violences sexuelles subies.

      C’est une enquête de deux médias allemands, Correctiv et Buzzfeed qui a récemment rappelé les coulisses des fraises de Huelva. En rencontrant plusieurs travailleuses de la région, les journalistes ont pu en exposer le coût social. Dénonçant les « viols dans les champs », les journalistes insistaient notamment sur le fait qu’alors que tout le monde « a entendu » parler de la situation (et que par exemple, le taux d’avortement de la région de Palos de la Frontera monte en flèche durant la saison de récolte), ce problème est tu et que le travail des organisations syndicales et associatives présentes pour prévenir les viols et poursuivre les violeurs est quasi-inexistant. Et les procès très rares. Cette fois-ci les choses ont été différentes. À partir de fin mai, les paroles se sont libérées et une, puis plusieurs plaintes, ont été déposées dans différentes entreprises, par des femmes (marocaines et espagnoles) pour dénoncer les violences sexuelles que leur font subir les chefs et les contremaitres. Avec l’aide du SAT, d’autres plaintes ont aussi été déposées pour dénoncer, de manière plus générale, les conditions de travail et le harcèlement professionnel constant que subissent ces travailleuses durant la récolte. Derrière ces dénonciations, une cible particulière : le système de « recrutement en origine » qui organise depuis le début des années 2000 le travail temporaire agricole à Huelva.
      Organiser la vulnérabilité des femmes au profit des entreprises

      Les contrats en origine sont l’un des piliers de la production industrielle de fruits rouges d’exportation andalouse. Chaque année à Huelva, aux côtés des journalier·ère·s espagnoles et des migrant·e·s sans-papiers se déplaçant avec leur valise au fil des récoltes espagnoles[1], on trouve depuis 2001 plusieurs milliers de travailleur·euse·s migrant·e·s (notamment Marocaines) recruté·e·s à travers ce système. Cette année, le SAT explique qu’il y a 15 000 contrats en origine sur les 70 000 personnes travaillant à la récolte à Huelva. Pourtant, malgré les discours sur les migrations « éthiques » ou « ordonnées » qui justifient ce système (qui a inspiré l’UE dans sa gestion des migrations temporaires de travail et des migrations circulaires), les épisodes récents montrent une nouvelle fois que ces contrats, visant à fournir une main d’œuvre docile et peu chère à l’industrie, construisent la vulnérabilité des travailleuses. Comme l’ont montré différentes chercheuses[2] (dont l’une d’elle, Chadia Arab, a d’ailleurs récemment publié une tribune sur le sujet) le contrat en origine permet de s’assurer de la disponibilité de la main d’œuvre au plus bas prix tout en s’assurant que celle-ci ne restera pas.

      Au plus bas prix d’abord car l’ensemble du système favorise la vulnérabilité et l’acceptation de conditions de travail difficiles. Disséminées dans les champs de fraises, et logées par l’employeur sur les parcelles, il est très difficile pour les femmes de s’organiser ou de rencontrer des acteurs externes et ainsi de sortir de leur dépendance au contremaître. De plus, comme les contrats sont nominatifs (et assortis d’une période d’essai de 10 jours), les travailleuses sont incitées à la docilité sous peine d’être licenciées (alors que – bien que le transport soit supposément à la charge de l’employeur – elles ont parfois engagé des frais pour venir), de se voir proposer moins de journées de travail, ou de ne pouvoir être réembauchées l’année suivante… Enfin, alors que les travailleuses ne touchent en moyenne que 36€ pour une journée de travail selon le SAT (au lieu des 40,36€ prévus par la convention collective – déjà très basse), il arrive aussi que celles-ci ne soient payées en entier que le jour de leur départ.

      C’est l’autre versant du contrat en origine : le séjour des travailleuses est conditionné au travail, et tout est fait pour s’assurer qu’elles ne resteront pas. D’abord, le retour est compris dans le contrat (qui lui même ne peut être fait qu’en origine) et conditionne les potentielles réembauches la saison suivante. Ensuite, pour diminuer les risques de « fugue », les employeurs embauchent des marocaines originaires de régions rurales (donc souvent peu éduquées) et avec au moins un enfant mineur – et donc des attaches fortes – au Maroc. Le critère de genre se fonde ainsi à la fois sur un stéréotype naturaliste (les femmes seraient plus délicates[3]) et sur un calcul stratégique cynique (les mères retourneront vers leurs enfants).

      Des femmes forcées à monter dans les bus pour empêcher leurs témoignages

      Les principales organisations de producteur et de syndicats ont donc beau jeu de répondre que les viols doivent certes être évités, mais qu’ils ne sont pas représentatifs de la réalité des champs de fraises et qu’ils ne seraient que « des cas très isolés », ou de rendre obligatoire des formations sur les enjeux de genre pour les chefs et contremaîtres (même si c’est sans doute utile). La question en réalité n’est pas vraiment de savoir combien de pourcents de femmes sont violées dans les champs chaque année (d’abord parce que c’est toujours trop), elle est plutôt de comprendre que le dispositif du recrutement en origine ainsi construit permet et facilite les violences sexuelles et les violations des droits des travailleuses migrantes. De manière plus générale, cette recherche d’un « travail sans le travailleur »[4] qui fait de ce dernier un simple facteur de production que l’on pourrait mobiliser temporairement, à volonté, avant de le remettre « à sa place », ne peut se faire qu’au prix d’une mise en danger des droits de celui-ci.

      Un dernier épisode a participé à la vigueur de la mobilisation et est ainsi symptomatique de la manière dont ce dispositif porte en lui la vulnérabilité de celles qu’il vise. Alors que le SAT avait coordonné une plainte de plus de 100 travailleuses de l’entreprise Doñana1998 (Almonte) pour harcèlement professionnel et pour dénoncer leurs conditions de vie, l’entreprise s’est retournée contre les quelques 400 travailleuses et a tenté de les faire rentrer au Maroc au plus vite, les faisant monter dans des bus de retour en arguant officiellement de la fin de la saison… Une mobilisation rapide du SAT devant l’inspection du travail a permis de prévenir que celles-ci soient effectivement renvoyées au Maroc, et de dénoncer la séquestration et l’expulsion forcée de ces femmes visant à empêcher leur témoignage. On voit bien là encore comment le retour « inclus » (et forcé) dans le contrat renforce là encore la vulnérabilité des travailleuses importées…


      https://medialibre.info/echanges-partenariats/les-femmes-de-huelva-se-mobilisent-contre-lexploitation-sociale-et-sexu

      #résistance #manifestation #solidarité

    • « La fraise est dure, mais la liberté est douce ». L’expérience migratoire des saisonnières marocaines en Espagne

      Comment se déroulent l’arrivée et le séjour des migrants temporaires ? Comment se vit cette condition de migrant provisoire, la condition de #guest_worker selon la terminologie en vigueur, invité à travailler mais à ne pas s’installer dans la société d’accueil ? Nous verrons à partir d’un cas très particulier, celui des saisonnières marocaines recrutées pour la production de la fraise dans la province de #Huelva en Espagne, que le vécu de cette migration est marqué par une certaine ambivalence. Les ouvrières dont il est question ici sont recrutées pour des courtes durées. Pour garantir leur retour au pays, une fois la saison finie, on choisit des mères de jeunes enfants.

      https://www.cairn.info/revue-vie-sociale-et-traitements-2013-4-page-59.htm
      cc @isskein

    • DES FEMMES MAROCAINE DANS LES CHAMPS DE FRAISE

      Dans l’émission de ce jour , des histoires multiples, celles d’ouvrières agricoles marocaines venues travailler pour la récolte des fraises en Espagne, dans la province de Huelva. Et comme illustration de cette situation , une soirée de rencontre avec Chadia Arab auteure de Dames de fraises, doigts de fée:Les invisibles de la migration saisonnière en Espagne , se tenait ce 4 Octobre à la librairie scop Envie de lire à Ivry-sur-Seine.Bonne écoute !

      https://actualitedesluttes.info/?p=3668
      http://actualitedesluttes.info/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/181019.mp3

    • Dames de fraises, doigts de fée, les invisibles de la migration saisonnière marocaine en Espagne

      À la fin des années 2000, des milliers de Marocaines sont parties travailler à la cueillette des fraises dans la province de Huelva, en Espagne. Recrutées directement au Maroc par des contrats saisonniers, ces Dames de fraises sont choisies pour la précarité de leur situation et parce qu’elles laissent des enfants qui les contraindront à revenir.

      Chadia Arab, géographe et chercheuse au CNRS, analyse les rouages de ce programme de migration circulaire, pensé pour répondre aux besoins de main-d’œuvre et réguler les flux migratoires entre le Maroc et l’Union européenne, mais dont les femmes sont les grandes oubliées.


      http://www.etlettres.com/livre/dames-de-fraises-doigts-de-fee-les-invisibles-de-la-migration-saisonniere
      #livre #Chadia_Arab

    • Marocco invierà 20mila lavoratrici stagionali in Spagna

      Il governo del Marocco prevede di inviare 20mila lavoratrici stagionali in Spagna per la campagna di raccolta dei frutti di bosco e delle fragole nel 2019, oltre 4mila in più rispetto al 2018. Lo ha annunciato il ministro del Lavoro, Mohamed Yatim, dopo una riunione con l’Agencia Nacional de Empleo spagnola (Anapec) incaricata della selezione delle candidate, in una nota riportata dai media iberici. Dei 20mila stagionali, tutte donne provenienti dalle zone rurali del Marocco, oltre 8mila sono raccoglitrici che hanno già partecipato alla campagna del 2018. L’obiettivo dell’accordo con l’Anapec è garantire «un lavoro decente» alle lavoratrici immigrate, che assicuri loro «le garanzie nella selezione, nell’alloggio, nelle condizioni di lavoro e di supervisione», concordate con la parte spagnola, come si evidenzia nel comunicato. Una delle novità è che le raccoglitrici che hanno partecipano a quattro campagne stagionali successive, avranno un permesso spagnolo di residenza, basato su «un modello di emigrazione circolare», perché sia «esemplare, sicura e ordinata». E una campagna di sensibilizzazione è stata avviata dal governo marocchino per evitare lo sfruttamento e i casi di presunti abusi sessuali, denunciati a maggio scorso da almeno una decina di stagionali immigrate impiegate nella raccolta delle fragole a Huelva, in Andalusia, sui quali è stato aperto un fascicolo d’inchiesta dall’alto tribunale dell’Audiencia Nacional. Video diffusi in tv spiegheranno quali sono le condizioni di lavoro, i propri diritti e doveri. Da parte sua, la Giunta dell’Andalusia ha destinato personale alla mediazione culturale, perché le raccoglitrici immigrate non abbiano problemi a contattare l’amministrazione e ricevere informazione e assistenza in caso di necessità. Una delle finalità del «modello di emigrazione circolare» è combattere il fenomeno dell’immigrazione illegale. Il ritorno delle raccoglitrici al paese d’origine è, infatti, una delle preoccupazioni dei governi di Madrid e Rabat, sebbene abitualmente il 90% delle lavoratrici rientri in Marocco al termine della raccolta. I requisiti per accedervi sono: essere donna, minore di 40 anni, sposata e con figli minori di 14 anni a carico, proprio per dissuadere le braccianti dalla tentazione di restare in Spagna, una volta terminata la stagione. La Giunta dell’Andalusia ha annunciato che realizzerà una supervisione dei rientri attraverso il Foro dell’Immigrazione, assieme a organizzazioni sociali e Ong, per monitorare continuamente la situazione reale delle lavoratrici e perché la campagna di raccolta possa svolgersi in maniera ordinata. Da parte sua, l’Associazione di Produttori ed Esportatori di Fragole di Huelva (Freshuelva) ha ribassato a 15mila il numero di raccoglitrici con contratti in origine in Marocco, che giungeranno nella provincia per la raccolta dell’’oro rosso’ nel 2019. Per il prossimo anno, la provincia di Huelva aumenterà a 11.464 gli ettari coltivati a frutti rossi, pari a un 2,8% in più che nella stagione 2017/2018, e a 6.095 quelli dedicati alla coltivazione di fragole (+3,5%), secondo i dati diffusi da #Freshuelva.

      http://www.ansamed.info/ansamed/it/notizie/rubriche/cronaca/2018/12/06/marocco-inviera-20mila-lavoratrici-stagionali-in-spagna_c5737d2b-ad28-4640

    • Bleak life for a Moroccan migrant in southern Spain

      Migrants working on Spanish farms face hard times due to the back-breaking jobs and low wages they receive. InfoMigrants met a Moroccan woman who struggles to make ends meet.

      In the Mediterranean city of Almeria in southeast Spain, migrants spend all day working on the farm, then go back their desolate homes to take a rest before starting another hard day.

      One of the migrants here is Radia*, a 30-year-old Moroccan woman who is working at a farm where she harvests fruits and other produce.

      She is one of thousands of Moroccan women who immigrated clandestinely to Spain several years ago before obtaining a residency in Spain.

      She listens attentively as a group of workers voice their complaints to representatives of the Sindicato Andaluz de Trabajadores (SAT), the workers union in Andalusia. They talk about the rough treatment they receive from farm owners and employers. Radia still has difficulty understanding every word in Spanish, but she is fully aware of the matter at hand.

      Meeting with her after the discussion with the union representatives, Radia starts crying as she starts talking about her situation.

      Daily struggles

      If Radia is late to the farm, her employer insults her, she says. She cannot object or talk back because she is afraid of what might happen. She chooses to keep working because of the absence of an alternative source of income.

      The image that many people back home have of Radia’s life in Spain is misleading, she explains. “Many Moroccan women think that I am enjoying a good life but the reality is completely different,” she adds.

      Afraid of being fired

      Only a few weeks before, her father had passed away. Radia was afraid that her boss would fire her if she took an absence from work. She could not afford a lawyer, and her Spanish was not strong enough to seek assistance through other NGOs.

      Therefore, Radia only stayed a few days in Morocco to attend the funeral. She noted that the farm owner did not even offer his condolences for her father’s death.

      Living in dire conditions

      To reach Radia’s home, it takes one hour to walk on foot, going through several agricultural fields to end up at a desolate building on an isolated hill.

      The house has no electricity and no water. She uses flashlights at night and bottles of water for cooking and washing. She starts her day at the farm at 8:00 in the morning.

      Radia has lived in the house for 11 years, saying that the house owner, who abandoned it, did not ask her to leave or to pay for her residency.
      Despite the dire conditions, she does not want to move, yet. Living here enables her to save the money she would have used for rent. She transfers part of her earnings to her mother in Morocco.

      Once in a while, a relative who also lives in Spain comes to visit Radia in her isolated surroundings to see how she is doing. Otherwise, her life is set around her work.

      Stay or return home?

      Radia says she will stay in Spain for now because there is no work available in Morocco. But staying here forever? She has ruled that option out entirely. She wants to go back to Morocco one day and set up her own business, she explains.

      She refuses to bring her mother to live with her in Spain, saying “I do not want her to live with me in this condition. Our lives in my country are better.”

      http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/14365/bleak-life-for-a-moroccan-migrant-in-southern-spain?ref=tw

    • Rape and abuse: the price of a job in Spain’s strawberry industry?

      Ten Moroccan women say Spanish authorities have ignored claims they were trafficked, assaulted and exploited
      Last April, Samira Ahmad* kissed her baby goodbye and boarded a bus, leaving her home in Morocco for the strawberry fields of southern Spain.In her bag was her Spanish visa and a contract that promised €40 a day plus food and accommodation. In the three months she’d be away, she hoped the pain of being separated from her family would be softened by the money she’d be sending back to them – a fortune compared to what she’d be able to earn at home.

      A year on, and Ahmad’s life is in ruins. She is destitute, divorced and for the past 10 months has been living in hiding, surviving on handouts with nine other Moroccan women who – like her – claim they faced human trafficking, sexual assault and exploitation on the farm where they were hired to work. She says her biggest mistake – other than coming to Spain – was going to the authorities.

      “Before I left my home I was like a hero to everyone. Nobody in my village had ever had the chance to go and work in a rich country like Spain,” she said. “But it has turned out to be the worst decision of my life.”

      Over the coming weeks an estimated 20,000 Moroccan women will arrive in Spain to help bring in this year’s strawberry harvest. The women make up a large percentage of the seasonal workforce in Andalucía, employed under a seasonal worker visa scheme that has been operated by the Spanish and Moroccan governments since 2001. They will help to cultivate and harvest 400,000 tonnes of strawberries expected to be exported from the region this year to supermarkets in the UK, France and Germany. Spain is by far the largest exporter of strawberries in Europe, and this booming €580m export industry is now so important to the fragile Spanish economy that it has been dubbed the country’s “red gold”.

      Over the past few years, reports of widespread sexual and physical abuse and exploitation of Moroccan seasonal workers have surfaced in the local and international media.

      Both governments have downplayed the allegations, denying that the problem is widespread. Although numerous allegations of abuse and rape were reported in the media, last year the Moroccan ministry of employment, the body responsible for recruiting and issuing visas to migrant workers, denied any formal complaints had been made.

      Yet Alicia Navascues, from women’s rights group Mujeres 24, said that Moroccan women were being deliberately targeted because of their vulnerability. “Morocco women working as temporary workers in the field have described to us dehumanising and harsh working conditions they must endure, working in permanently crouched positions with a single break of 30 minutes a day in temperatures of 40 degrees under the plastic of the greenhouses,” she said. “In Morocco they are deliberately looking for those who are cheap and vulnerable to do this work, namely rural women with young children who only understand Arabic, cannot understand their contracts written in Spanish or claim their rights. It is a rigged system.”

      Ahmad said she had heard rumours of what happened to women who went to Spain before she left her home. “But I ignored them,” she said. “I didn’t think that such stories could be true in a rich country like this.”

      Yet she and the nine other Moroccan women who travelled to Spain on seasonal visas last year told the Observer that they had experienced serious and sustained sexual violence and labour exploitation on the farm where they were working.

      They claimed they were forced to live in cramped and dirty shipping containers, with hundreds of female workers sharing a few showers and faulty toilets.

      During the day they were racially abused and forced to work for 12-hour shifts without pay. They were denied food and water and penalised for taking toilet breaks or not working hard enough.

      ”The farm was very far away from the nearest town, we were totally isolated,” says Samira. “We didn’t speak Spanish and were desperate to send money home to our children. We had no power at all. The other women working on the farm who had been to Spain before said that it was always harder for new recruits but that we would get used to it.”The women also alleged that they were sexually assaulted and harassed; some said they were raped and others pressured into having sex in exchange for food and water. They said that some women were also ordered to work as prostitutes for local men who waited outside the farm in their cars every night.

      Aicha Jaber*, who worked on the same farm as Ahmad, was pregnant when she arrived in Spain last April. “I saw a job advert looking for women between 20 and 45 to work for a few months in the field,” she says. “I asked if my husband could get a job too but I was told they wanted women. Now I realise it was because they knew they could exploit us easily.”

      She says that as soon as she arrived at the farm she was sexually harassed and assaulted. She escaped being raped only through the intervention of other women working on the farm. “For us, this abuse was a kind of death because we had been shamed and we were so angry but also scared that our families would find out,” she says.

      After about six weeks on the farm, Jaber, Ahmad and eight other women went to Guardia Civil police officers to report that they had been exploited, raped and sexually assaulted.

      “We thought that when we went to the police we would get justice,” says Ahmad. “That we would get our wages, and the harassment stopped. But instead we have been abandoned and left to starve.”

      They are not the first Moroccan migrant workers to report cases of exploitation and sexual violence in Spain’s agricultural industry. A BuzzFeed Germany investigation last year led to several women coming forward with allegations and at least one other case of labour exploitation is going through the courts in Andalusia.

      Yet 10 months after they went to the local police, Ahmad and Jaber and all of the other women have yet to be interviewed by the Guardia Civil or the national police. Belén Luján Sáez, a Spanish attorney who is representing the group, said the national police had a legal obligation to investigate the women’s claims but had refused to activate the national anti-trafficking protocols that would have offered them support and assistance while their claims were investigated.

      Saez also claims that the provincial courts in Andalucía have been obstructive, failing to launch a proper investigation, not allowing the women enough time to travel to a courtroom in Huelva to give evidence in front of a judge last June and then leaving them in legal limbo for a further eight months. The charges of rape and sexual assault have also been downgraded to sexual harassment, with the courts citing a lack of evidence.

      The court in Huelva disputed these claims, saying that that women failed to attend two court dates – one last June and one in February – and blaming their lawyers for the lack of progress in the case.

      The national police said that it would not interview the women as potential human trafficking victims because they had already filed charges in a provincial court.

      “All we are asking is that these women’s reports of labour trafficking, rape and sexual assault are taken seriously and investigated properly,” said Luján Sáez, who is representing the women through her law firm Luján and Lerma Abogados.

      “Our clients should should have been offered protection and support as potential victims of trafficking as soon as they reported this abuse. They have been treated with disdain and negligence by our judicial system,” she said.

      Since they went to the local police to report their allegations last year, the women have been homeless and destitute. After their three-month visas expired they have not been able to work. All 10 women, plus Jaber’s baby, have been sleeping on the floor of Saez’s small apartment and surviving on handouts of food.

      Most say they have also been divorced by their husbands and disowned by their parents in Morocco after their families learnt of the allegations of rape and sexual assault and were sent messages saying that they were working in prostitutes in Spain.Unable to return home and unwilling to leave Spain before they get their case resolved, they say clearing their name is the only way they will see their children again.“We knew we couldn’t go home because we still hadn’t been paid and we had to prove that the things that we had told the police were true,” said Aicha, whose baby is now nine months old. Like all the other women, she suffers from panic attacks and depression and is too scared to leave the apartment.

      “Since we went to the police our life has been unbearable,” she said. “My baby has never even met her father. Sometimes I think it would have been better to have endured the abuse and to be back home with my family now.”

      This year the Spanish government has made efforts to mitigate the criticism of the treatment of Moroccan women in its export fruit industry. It has announced it will increase controls and inspections of farms and will also use cultural mediators – other Moroccan women – to try and resolve disputes and report any incidents of mistreatment.

      The courts say that the women’s case are still being considered and last week the government granted the women temporary work visas on humanitarian grounds, which will allow them to find work to support themselves. Yet Saez says that all efforts to get the government to take swift action to resolve their case continues to be thwarted.

      “They were given the permits on humanitarian grounds not because they are being taken seriously as potential victims of human trafficking and rape,” said Saez. “We will continue to pursue this through the courts, even if we have to go to the European court to get this heard.”Ahmad and Jaber said they were losing hope that they would get the justice they say they deserve and said that their experiences in Spain’s strawberry fields had changed them for everd. “I didn’t have much before, but everything I had has now gone,” said Ahmad. “I say to the women coming now, please don’t come. If bad things happen nobody will help you. Turn around and go home to your families.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/apr/14/rape-abuse-claims-spains-strawberry-industry?CMP=share_btn_tw
      #viol #viols #abus_sexuels

    • Exploitation des femmes, viols… Voici le véritable coût des fraises importées d’Espagne

      Le 14 avril 2019, le Guardian publiait une enquête alarmante sur les conditions de récoltes des fraises d’Espagne, assurées par des femmes marocaines exploitées. Une forme d’esclavage moderne, pour un produit que nous trouvons dans tous nos supermarchés.

      https://www.glamourparis.com/societe/phenomene/articles/exploitation-des-femmes-viols-voici-le-veritable-cout-des-fraises-importees-despagne/74005

    • Harcèlement.Viol et abus sont le lot des saisonnières marocaines en Espagne

      Au printemps 2018, une jeune mère a laissé ses enfants à son mari au Maroc pour aller travailler dans une exploitation de fraises près d’Almonte, une ville espagnole proche de la côte sud-ouest.

      Enceinte de son troisième enfant, elle avait besoin d’argent, et on lui a fait croire qu’elle pourrait gagner plusieurs milliers d’euros en quelques mois, soit un an de revenus au Maroc. Aujourd’hui, elle est pourtant bloquée en Espagne, où elle attend la tenue d’un procès : dix femmes qui travaillaient pour la même entreprise – Doñaña 1998 d’Almonte – ont entamé des procédures judiciaires liées à des faits s’étant produits sur cette exploitation. Il s’agit notamment d’accusations de harcèlement et d’agression sexuels, de viol, de traite d’êtres humains et d’infractions au droit du travail.

      Comme d’autres femmes interviewées dans le cadre de cet article, la jeune mère a demandé à n’être identifiée que par ses initiales, L. H. Toutes craignent les réactions de leur mari, de leur famille et d’autres personnes au moment de la publication de cette enquête en arabe (ce qui est le cas de la majorité des papiers du New York Times sur le Maroc). Les maris de certaines de ces femmes, dont L. H., ont déjà demandé le divorce.
      Elles attendent le début du procès

      Ces dix femmes affirment que, souvent, elles n’avaient d’autre choix que de supporter les maltraitances, et les spécialistes corroborent cette version des faits. “Elles sont placées dans une situation où elles sont privées de ressources, et leur sexualité devient un moyen pour elles de survivre, affirme Emmanuelle Hellio, une sociologue qui étudie les conditions de travail sur ce type d’exploitation agricole. Le sexisme et le racisme créent des situations où elles ne peuvent pas se plaindre. Les rapports de forces font qu’il est particulièrement difficile pour elles de dénoncer les problèmes.”

      L. H. raconte que son patron s’est rendu coupable de harcèlement sexuel à son égard très peu de temps après son arrivée. Il a voulu la forcer à avoir des rapports sexuels, lui promettant une vie meilleure et de meilleures conditions de travail. Quand elle a refusé ses avances, “il m’a forcée à travailler plus dur”, raconte-t-elle en berçant sa petite fille, née en Espagne. “Les autres filles m’aidaient quand ça devenait trop dur pour moi dans les champs.” L. H. vit maintenant avec les neuf autres femmes dans un lieu qui reste secret. Elles attendent le début du procès. “Je suis déprimée et j’ai peur de chercher du travail”, confie-t-elle.

      Les fraises sont surnommées “l’or rouge” en Espagne, premier exportateur de ce fruit en Europe, où cette culture pèse environ 580 millions d’euros. L’Andalousie, où les femmes travaillaient, produit 80 % des fraises d’Espagne. Au titre d’un accord bilatéral signé en 2001, des milliers de Marocaines travaillent d’avril à juin dans de gigantesques serres en plastique pour cultiver puis récolter les fraises. Le texte précise que les ouvrières saisonnières doivent être originaires des campagnes, où la pauvreté et le chômage sont généralisés, et doivent être mères, pour avoir envie de rentrer ensuite dans leur pays (ce qu’elles font en majorité).
      Au Maroc, elles sont mises au pilori

      Cet accord se voulait avantageux pour tout le monde : une chance de gagner de l’argent pour des Marocaines pauvres et une main-d’œuvre bon marché pour les agriculteurs espagnols, qui en ont bien besoin. Depuis des années, des chercheurs et des militants dénoncent les conditions de travail en vigueur dans ces exploitations agricoles isolées, mais les autorités espagnoles et marocaines n’ont rien fait, ou presque, selon les syndicalistes locaux.

      Mais en 2018, dix femmes ont décidé de parler, sachant pertinemment qu’elles risquaient de tout perdre, en particulier le respect et le soutien de leurs familles conservatrices. Ces craintes se sont aujourd’hui matérialisées, et elles auraient été anéanties depuis longtemps si elles n’avaient pas eu l’appui de syndicats, de militants et de collectes de fonds sur Internet.

      Outre les divorces, de nombreuses femmes expliquent que certains de leurs proches et voisins au Maroc les ont mises au pilori. Beaucoup affirment qu’elles souffrent de graves crises de panique. Lors des interviews, certaines ont pleuré et d’autres hurlé de rage. La première à parler a été H. H., 37 ans, qui a décidé qu’elle ne pouvait plus endurer en silence ses conditions de travail épouvantables, pas plus que le harcèlement sexuel généralisé, voire les viols, commis sur l’exploitation. “J’avais l’impression d’être une esclave, un animal”, m’a-t-elle dit pendant un entretien.

      Ils nous ont fait venir pour nous exploiter puis pour nous renvoyer chez nous. J’aurais voulu me noyer dans la mer et mourir avant d’arriver en Espagne.”

      Mère de deux enfants, elle était coach sportive au Maroc et elle est devenue ouvrière saisonnière après avoir vu des femmes rentrer d’Espagne avec 3 500 dollars en poche – soit plus d’un an de revenus dans ce pays. Elle explique que de nombreuses promesses lui ont été faites ainsi qu’aux autres femmes, comme vivre à quatre seulement dans une chambre, avec une cuisine et un lave-linge.
      Trimer toute la journée sans pause pour aller aux toilettes

      Au lieu de ça, elle s’est retrouvée dans une pièce exiguë et poussiéreuse avec cinq autres femmes, où elle devait cacher sa nourriture et ses vêtements sous son matelas, et couvrir les fenêtres avec des cartons pour empêcher les moustiques d’entrer. N’ayant pas eu la formation promise, elle était lente les premiers temps, et d’autres femmes ont dû l’aider à rattraper son retard pour qu’elle puisse garder son travail.

      Au fil du temps, elle en a eu assez de trimer à longueur de journée sans pause pour aller aux toilettes. Il lui est devenu insupportable de devoir rester dans les bonnes grâces des managers pour qu’ils lui confient assez de travail et qu’elle puisse acheter à manger, sans même parler d’économiser. Elle n’a pas été agressée, mais elle a été choquée d’apprendre ce que d’autres avaient vécu. Elle raconte que les avortements étaient courants et qu’ils étaient souvent pratiqués après des rapports sexuels sous la contrainte.

      Selon H. H., les femmes s’étaient habituées aux maltraitances. Sur place, les militants ajoutent que toute personne qui se plaignait était immédiatement renvoyée au Maroc. C’est précisément ce qui s’est passé quand H. H. a sollicité l’aide d’un syndicat local et d’avocats. Lorsque ces derniers sont arrivés à l’exploitation le 31 mai 2018, plusieurs femmes ont commencé à raconter leurs problèmes en parlant toutes en même temps, en arabe.

      Les militants leur ont demandé de mettre par écrit une liste de noms et de doléances. H. H.est partie avec les avocats, mais trois jours plus tard, elle raconte que les autres femmes mentionnées sur la liste – plus de 100 – ont été forcées à monter dans des cars et renvoyées au Maroc, certaines sans le salaire qui leur était dû. Neuf femmes ont réussi à s’échapper en passant au-dessus ou en dessous de grillages, non sans déchirer leurs vêtements, car le portail principal était fermé. Après avoir couru dans la forêt, elles sont arrivées à Almonte, à quelques kilomètres de là. “J’avais entendu des histoires, mais on pensait toutes que c’était des mensonges avant de vivre la même chose”, avoue l’une d’elles.

      Nous avons compris que quand certaines parlent, ils trouvent des moyens de les faire taire.”

      Les neuf femmes se sont alliées à l’action en justice lancée par H. H. Les poursuites judiciaires sont rares, mais il existe des précédents. En 2014, un tribunal de Huelva, non loin d’Almonte, a déclaré trois hommes “coupables d’atteinte à l’intégrité morale et de harcèlement sexuel”. Les victimes étaient des Marocaines qui avaient travaillé pour eux en 2009. Un article d’El País, paru en 2010 et intitulé “Victimes de l’or rouge”, a décrit une série d’abus sexuels dénoncés par des ouvrières polonaises et marocaines.
      Maintenir le moral

      En réponse aux critiques dans la presse à l’automne 2018, le gouvernement espagnol a promis d’appliquer des mesures de protection pour la saison 2019. De son côté, le ministère marocain du Travail s’est engagé à améliorer les conditions de travail. Mais les ouvrières comme les syndicats rétorquent que rien ou presque n’a changé. Des responsables marocains, notamment le ministre du Travail et l’ambassadeur à Madrid, des responsables espagnols et plusieurs représentants d’associations professionnelles agricoles n’ont pas souhaité s’exprimer dans le cadre de cet article, tout comme le propriétaire de l’exploitation Doñaña 1998 d’Almonte.

      “Notre travail ne va pas au-delà de Tanger, après quoi c’est l’affaire des Espagnols”, a déclaré en 2018 Noureddine Benkhalil, un directeur chez Anapec, l’agence qui recrute les femmes au Maroc. Dans un courriel, une porte-parole de la Commission européenne a fait savoir que l’UEne tolérait pas l’exploitation de la main-d’œuvre, mais qu’il incombait à l’Espagne de remédier à ce problème.

      Les femmes affirment qu’elles sont déterminées à se battre jusqu’au bout. La première lanceuse d’alerte, H. H., fait de son mieux pour maintenir le moral des troupes. Quand l’une des femmes craque, elle lui rappelle qu’il était de son devoir de parler pour que d’autres puissent signer ce type de contrat sans crainte.

      “Je ne lâcherai rien, résume H.H. Je suis déjà démunie, je n’ai plus rien à perdre. Je me battrai jusqu’à la mort.”

      https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/harcelement-viol-et-abus-sont-le-lot-des-saisonnieres-marocai

    • 6.500 mujeres reclutadas en tres días: así se selecciona en Marruecos a las jornaleras que recogen la fresa en España

      Una delegación de la patronal de la fresa en Huelva se desplaza a Marruecos en busca de «mujeres» de «entre 25 y 45 años» y «con hijos»
      Los empresarios buscan en la pobreza marroquí mano de obra barata ante la falta de jornaleros españoles dispuestos a trabajar bajo las condiciones ofertadas
      Aicha tiene 47 años y cinco hijos. Recogió fresas en 2017 y 2018, pero ya el año pasado no la llamaron. Vuelve a estar en la cola

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/espanolas-Marruecos-contratar-jornaleras-Espana_0_976053083.html

    • De l’usage de la sexualité dans le management de la migration de travail

      La sexualité est ici analysée dans un contexte de migration de travail, à partir d’une enquête portant sur un dispositif de gestion d’une main d’œuvre d’ouvrières agricoles marocaines recrutées dans le cadre de la contractualisation en origine dans la province de Huelva (Espagne). Ce type de contractualisation est l’illustration du phénomène de migration circulaire, temporaire et sélective. Depuis 2001, des milliers de Marocaines se rendent chaque année dans la province de Huelva pour travailler en majorité dans la récolte des fraises. À l’issue de la saison, les ouvrières doivent impérativement rentrer au Maroc. Pour les encadrer, la ville de Cartaya a mis en place un dispositif de gestion de la main d’œuvre. Au cœur de ce management dont les objectifs sont à la fois économiques et politiques, la sexualité joue un rôle significatif. Elle est un outil de tri, de discipline et un vecteur de catégorisation des migrantes marocaines.

      https://journals.openedition.org/espacepolitique/1858

    • Dames de fraises, doigts de fée, les invisibles de la migration saisonnière marocaine en Espagne

      À la fin des années 2000, des milliers de Marocaines sont parties travailler à la cueillette des fraises dans la province de Huelva, en Espagne. Recrutées directement au Maroc par des contrats saisonniers, ces Dames de fraises sont choisies pour la précarité de leur situation et parce qu’elles laissent des enfants qui les contraindront à revenir.

      https://etlettres.com/livre/dames-de-fraises-doigts-de-fee-les-invisibles-de-la-migration-saisonniere

      #livre