• Up the line to death: #covid-19 has revealed a mortal betrayal of the world’s healthcare workers - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2021/01/29/up-the-line-to-death-covid-19-has-revealed-a-mortal-betrayal-of-the-world

    In July 2020, I called for an immediate end in Australia to the rhetoric of “healthcare workers as heroes,” identifying it as a damaging distraction from the legal and moral imperative to accord healthcare workers the same standards of occupational safety enjoyed by workers in other industries, such as construction or mining.

    […]

    As long as the implication is generally accepted that healthcare workers have an unequivocal moral obligation to treat patients, irrespective of any risk to themselves, then governments are conveniently released from the obligation to provide a safe workplace. In law, however, employees are not compelled to work in an unsafe workplace. Neither are they ethically obliged to do so. [15-17] That they widely believe they are, is another success for the year-long gaslighting campaign against healthcare workers.

    #santé #soignants #dirigeants #assassins

    • Over 850 UK healthcare workers are thought to have died of covid between March and December 2020; at least 3000 have died in the US. [2-3] Worldwide, the death toll and the impact on the physical and mental health of healthcare workers are staggering. The long term costs are yet to be counted. But, a number of countries, mainly in Asia, have been able to manage covid outbreaks without sustaining any healthcare worker infections at all. [4-6] The means to do so are now widely recognised. They are costly and inconvenient to implement and require an acceptance of the predominance of aerosol transmission of this virus and its application in a rigorous, safety-conscious infection control system. [7] But it can be done.

  • #Covid-19 and the new merchants of doubt - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2021/09/13/covid-19-and-the-new-merchants-of-doubt

    Oxford University professor Sunetra Gupta, a critic of public health measures to curb covid-19 and a proponent of “natural herd immunity,” had “received almost £90,000 from the Georg and Emily von Opel Foundation.” The foundation was named after its founder, Georg von Opel who is the great-grandson of Adam Opel, founder of the German car manufacturer. Georg von Opel is a Conservative party donor with a net worth of $2 billion. “[…]

    This is not the first time billionaires aligned with industry have funded proponents of “herd immunity.” Gupta, along with Harvard University’s Martin Kulldorff and Stanford University’s Jay Bhattacharya, wrote the Great Barrington Declaration (GBD), which, in essence, argues that covid-19 should be allowed to spread unchecked through the young and healthy, while keeping those at high risk safe through “focused protection,” which is never clearly defined. This declaration was sponsored by the American Institute for Economic Research (AIER), a libertarian, climate-denialist, free market think tank that receives “a large bulk of its funding from its own investment activities, not least in fossil fuels, energy utilities, tobacco, technology and consumer goods.”

    The AIER’s American Investment Services Inc. runs a private fund that is valued at $284,492,000, with holdings in a wide range of fossil fuel companies (e.g. Chevron, ExxonMobil) and in the tobacco giant Philip Morris International. The AIER is also part of “a network of organizations funded by Charles Koch—a right-wing billionaire known for promoting climate change denial and opposing regulations on business” and who opposes public health measures to curb the spread of covid-19.

    #corruption

  • Time to assume that health research is fraudulent until proven otherwise? - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2021/07/05/time-to-assume-that-health-research-is-fraudulent-until-proved-otherwise

    Research misconduct is a systems problem—the system provides incentives to publish fraudulent research and does not have adequate regulatory processes. Researchers progress by publishing research, and because the publication system is built on trust and peer review is not designed to detect fraud it is easy to publish fraudulent research. The business model of journals and publishers depends on publishing, preferably lots of studies as cheaply as possible. They have little incentive to check for fraud and a positive disincentive to experience reputational damage—and possibly legal risk—from retracting studies. Funders, universities, and other research institutions similarly have incentives to fund and publish studies and disincentives to make a fuss about fraudulent research they may have funded or had undertaken in their institution—perhaps by one of their star researchers. Regulators often lack the legal standing and the resources to respond to what is clearly extensive fraud, recognising that proving a study to be fraudulent (as opposed to suspecting it of being fraudulent) is a skilled, complex, and time consuming process. Another problem is that research is increasingly international with participants from many institutions in many countries: who then takes on the unenviable task of investigating fraud? Science really needs global governance.

    Everybody gains from the publication game, concluded Roberts, apart from the patients who suffer from being given treatments based on fraudulent data.

  • Arrêtez de l’appeler « le #variant sud-africain » ! - Sciences et Avenir
    https://www.sciencesetavenir.fr/sante/revue-de-presse-afrique-arretez-de-l-appeler-le-variant-sud-africai

    Le professeur Tulio de Oliveira, directeur du Kwazulu-Natal Research Innovation and Sequencing Platform (Krisp) explique que ce variant aurait pu être découvert n’importe où, dans n’importe quel pays, mais c’est “grâce à [son] excellente surveillance génomique” que l’Afrique du Sud l’a repéré et étudié. Comme le souligne l’éditorial de la revue médicale The Lancet de ce début février : le #SARS-Co-V2 ne connaît pas de #frontières. La revue insiste sur la nécessité d’augmenter cette surveillance génomique qui permet de suivre les mutations du virus pour anticiper la progression de la pandémie. Dans le même édito, on apprend par exemple que trois pays africains, la Gambie, la Guinée équatoriale et le Sierra Leone séquencent beaucoup plus par nombre de cas recensés que la France, l’Italie ou les États-Unis.

  • Those with the least have suffered the most during the covid-19 pandemic - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2021/01/22/those-with-the-least-have-suffered-the-most-during-the-covid-19-pandemic

    We already know that people from ethnic minority communities have been disproportionately affected by covid-19 both in terms of infection and mortality. The JRF report also found racial disparities in the pandemic’s economic toll, as ethnic minority individuals were 14% more likely to lose their employment. Compared to white people, they were also more likely to cut back on essential spending such as food, be behind with paying bills, and to have been forced to resort to borrowing money. The report doesn’t just provide information about how poverty has affected people during the pandemic, it also offers four specific recommendations. Firstly, looking ahead, two important forms of state intervention are due to end in April: the furlough scheme and the additional £20 for those in receipt of universal credit. Pressure has been building on the government to extend the £20 addition to universal credit beyond March. Dame Louise Casey, former government adviser on homelessness, described the extra £20 as a “lifeline” to those living in poverty and said ending the payment would be “too punitive a policy right now.” This is also recommended in the JRF report, as is extending the furlough scheme, but these are merely temporary measures; it is the longer term structural aspects of poverty that the JRF are keen to resolve. These include encouraging the government to provide adults with training in skills that would lead to higher paid and more secure employment. Bringing forward the employment bill would also provide additional job security for the lowest paid employees who are on temporary or zero hour contracts.
    In addition to recommending improvements to the benefit system, the report calls for a change in how we conceive of our country’s social safety nets. The system needs to be viewed as an essential public service and consequently have the necessary investment to match. Lastly, given the high proportion of income that the poorest people pay on private rent, an increase in social housing should be a priority if we want to reduce individual spend on rent and provide greater security of tenancy. Without these changes, not only will the current unequal impact of covid-19 be felt by the poorest people in society, they will also be the last group to recover once the pandemic abates. Changing this requires all of us to demand an end to poverty. This is not a fantasy; it is achievable in a wealthy Western economy where there is sufficient resource to be shared. It’s a question of will, not possibility.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#grandebretagne#sante#inegalite#minorite#stsemesante#pandemie#precarite#economie

  • Michael Marmot: Post covid-19, we must build back fairer - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2020/12/15/michael-marmot-post-covid-19-we-must-build-back-fairer

    As we emerge from the pandemic finding the money, respecting the science, recognising the role of government and public services, and committing to social justice will all be needed if health, and health equity, are once again to flourish. That is what we mean by build back fairer.

  • Jabeer Butt: Racism and covid-19—a matter of life and death - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2020/10/28/jabeer-butt-racism-and-covid-19-a-matter-of-life-and-death

    The omission of racism from the government’s new report on covid-19’s health inequalities marks its latest failure to tackle this important issue, says Jabeer Butt. Last week the UK government’s Race Disparity Unit published its first quarterly report on covid-19 health inequalities. Much of the interviews and reporting that accompanied the report’s publication have focused on comments made at the launch of the report, suggesting that racism does not explain the disproportionate impact of covid-19 on Britain’s Black, Asian, and minority ethnic (BAME) communities. This conclusion does not appear in the 62 pages of the report, where neither racism nor racial inequality is mentioned at all, but is rather how Raghib Ali, one of the government’s new expert advisers, chose to present the findings at the media launch.
    Some might say that the report’s focus on “ethnic disparities” means I am being churlish in suggesting the government’s report has not investigated the impact of racism. But the report’s failure to address at all whether racism has played a part in the pandemic is telling, as are the remarks of government adviser Raghib Ali that structural racism does not seem to explain ethnic disparities in the burden of covid-19 on communities. The report concludes that “a range of socioeconomic and geographical factors such as occupational exposure, population density, household composition, and pre-existing health conditions may contribute to the higher infection and mortality rates for ethnic minority groups.” Using the data from this report, a strong argument can be made that all these factors demonstrate the impact of structural racism.
    The report uses multiple datasets to show that there is a higher risk of infection and higher risk of death as a result of infection among BAME communities. While it suggests that the “relative risk” of dying for “Black and South Asian” groups is reduced “when taking into account socioeconomic and geographical factors,” it is silent as to why these communities are at greater risk of experiencing the “deprivation” that is “a good marker of many of these factors.” It is worth here reminding ourselves of the findings of Sir Michael Marmot’s 2020 review of health inequalities over the past 10 years. Marmot’s review noted the toll of austerity, from “…a rise in homelessness, to people with insufficient money to lead a healthy life and resorting to foodbanks in large numbers, to ignored communities with poor conditions and little reason for hope. And these outcomes, on the whole, are even worse for minority ethnic population groups…”

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#grandebretagne#sante#systemesante#inegalite#minorite#diaspora#race#BAME

  • Covid-19 and ethnicity: how the information gap exacerbates inequality - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2020/10/08/covid-19-and-ethnicity-how-the-information-gap-exacerbates-inequality

    The covid-19 pandemic has shone a light on the health and social inequalities that have historically plagued black and minority ethnic (BAME) groups in the UK. The reasons for this are many, however there are numerous examples of ongoing patterns of miscommunication, misinformation, and disinformation that have created an information gap among these groups. This acts as a key factor in differential health seeking behaviour, experiences of healthcare, and ultimately health outcomes. These are all exacerbated by a historical context in which people from BAME groups have experienced greater levels of socioeconomic disadvantage, been ignored or abused by medical science, and received poorer quality of care from the healthcare system.
    As we move on to the next phase of the pandemic, incorporating the lessons we have learnt so far will be essential in preventing and managing the effects of a second wave of covid-19 on BAME groups. Using a more localised approach to outbreak management, which works in partnership with local BAME networks, would allow us to deliver an effective, culturally competent campaign that bridges information gaps. The success of these approaches is entirely dependent on the trust of local populations—particularly when it comes to systems that rely on the individual to self-refer, such as the test and trace system. Disparities in information provision are complex, however, and it is vital to approach any solution with an understanding of the social, political, and structural drivers of this phenomenon.
    UK policy makers have relied on behavioural science to determine communication strategies around the covid-19 response. However, behavioural science has tended to overlook the role of cultural differences in how people make decisions and navigate choice architecture. BAME groups are not a homogenous monolith, and if we want to continue to apply behavioural science to inform the covid-19 response, then we need to ensure that behavioural insights generated from within BAME communities are included.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#grandebretagne#BAME#inegalite#sante#minorite#ethnicite#race#communaute

  • Covid-19 en Suède : pourquoi le pays scandinave s’en sort-il mieux ?
    https://seenthis.net/messages/870376#message876733

    Le contre-pied suédois semble-t-il donc aujourd’hui payer ? Selon le Centre européen de prévention et de contrôle des maladies (ECDC), le total cumulé des nouveaux cas sur 14 jours en Suède était, mardi 15 septembre, de 22,2 pour 100.000 habitants, contre 279 en Espagne, 158,5 en France, 118 en République tchèque, 77 en Belgique et 59 au Royaume-Uni. Des pays qui ont tous, sans exception, imposé des mesures de confinements.

    Où l’on te fait comprendre que le confinement, ça fait repartir les cas à la hausse, alors que sans confinement, comme en Suède, ben c’est trop cool, le virus, il ne se propage tout simplement plus.

    Toi aussi, milite pour l’immunité de groupe sans le dire.
    Et le jour où ça repartira en Suède, tu n’en entendras plus parler.
    Et le jour où on t’expliquera que là bas, ils respectent volontiers les gestes barrières depuis bien plus longtemps que chez nous, que la densité de population est moindre, qu’il y a un certain nombre de différences avec les pays voisins, ce jour-là, il pleuvra des grenouilles.

  • Eleanor Draeger: We have reached the point where we should consider compulsory vaccination - The BMJ
    https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2019/05/17/eleanor-draeger-we-have-reached-the-point-where-we-should-consider-compul

    The time for gently nudging parents to vaccinate their children is over. A groundswell of antivaccine opinion and fake news from a highly influential and malicious antivax lobby is managing to harness social media for its own ends. As a result, in the UK, uptake of measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine has fallen to below the level needed to create herd immunity. Vaccination coverage is currently 91% across the UK, which falls short of the 95% that is needed for herd immunity. This is putting the most vulnerable children in our society at risk. For there are some children who cannot have the MMR vaccine—either because they are too young or because they have a medical condition that means that it is not safe for them to have a live vaccine. This includes children with cancer, who cannot have the vaccine while they are being treated with chemotherapy because they are immunosuppressed.

    #vaccination #vaccins #santé

  • Why the language we use to talk about refugees matters so much
    –-> cet article date de juin 2015... je le remets sur seenthis car je l’ai lu plus attentivement, et du coup, je mets en évidence certains passages (et mots-clé).

    In an interview with British news station ITV on Thursday, David Cameron told viewers that the French port of Calais was safe and secure, despite a “#swarm” of migrants trying to gain access to Britain. Rival politicians soon rushed to criticize the British prime minister’s language: Even Nigel Farage, leader of the anti-immigration UKIP party, jumped in to say he was not “seeking to use language like that” (though he has in the past).
    Cameron clearly chose his words poorly. As Lisa Doyle, head of advocacy for the Refugee Council puts it, the use of the word swarm was “dehumanizing” – migrants are not insects. It was also badly timed, coming as France deployed riot police to Calais after a Sudanese man became the ninth person in less than two months to die while trying to enter the Channel Tunnel, an underground train line that runs from France to Britain.

    The way we talk about migrants in turn influences the way we deal with them, with sometimes worrying consequences.

    When considering the 60 million or so people currently displaced from their home around the world, certain words rankle experts more than others. “It makes no more sense to call someone an ’illegal migrant’ than an ’illegal person,’” Human Rights Watch’s Bill Frelick wrote last year. The repeated use of the word “boat people” to describe people using boats to migrate over the Mediterranean or across South East Asian waters presents similar issues.
    “We don’t call middle-class Europeans who take regular holidays abroad ’#EasyJet_people,’ or the super-rich of Monaco ’#yacht_people,’” Daniel Trilling, editor of the New Humanist, told me.

    How people are labelled has important implications. Whether people should be called economic migrants or asylum seekers matters a great deal in the country they arrive in, where it could affect their legal status as they try to stay in the country. It also matters in the countries where these people originated from. Eritrea, for example, has repeatedly denied that the thousands of people leaving the country are leaving because of political pressure, instead insisting that they have headed abroad in search of higher wages. Other countries make similar arguments: In May, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said that the migrants leaving her country were “fortune-seekers” and “mentally sick.” The message behind such a message was clear: It’s their fault, not ours.

    There are worries that even “migrant,” perhaps the broadest and most neutral term we have, could become politicized.

    Those living in the migrant camps near #Calais, nicknamed “the #jungle,” seem to understand this well themselves. “It’s easier to leave us living like this if you say we are bad people, not human," Adil, a 24-year-old from Sudan, told the Guardian.

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/07/30/why-the-language-we-use-to-talk-about-refugees-matters-so-much
    #langage #vocabulaire #terminologie #mots #réfugiés #asile #migrations #essaim #invasion #afflux #déshumanisation #insectes #expatriés #expats #illégal #migrant_illégal #boat_people #migrants_économiques

    cc @sinehebdo

    • The words we use matter—why we shouldn’t use the term ”illegal migrant”

      Words have consequences, especially in situations where strong emotions as well as social and political conflicts are endemic. Raj Bhopal’s rapid response in The BMJ, in which he objected to the use of the phrase “illegal migrant” on the grounds that only actions, not persons, can be deemed “illegal”, merits further reflection and dissection.

      Some people think that those who protest against this phrase are taking sides with migrants in conflict with the law, in a futile attempt to cover up what is going on. On the contrary: the very idea that a person can be illegal is incompatible with the rule of law, which is founded on the idea that everyone has the right to due process and is equal in the eyes of the law. Labelling a person as “illegal” insinuates that their very existence is unlawful. For this reason, bodies including the United Nations General Assembly, International Organization for Migration, Council of Europe, and European Commission have all deemed the phrase unacceptable, recommending instead the terms “irregular” or “undocumented”. It would be more than appropriate for the medical profession, given its social standing and influence, to do the same.

      While people cannot be illegal, actions can: but here too, words have to be chosen carefully. For example, the overwhelming majority of irregular migrants have not entered the country clandestinely; they have either had their asylum application turned down, or have “overstayed” a visa, or breached its conditions. Moreover, it is never correct to label someone’s actions “illegal” before the appropriate legal authority has determined that they are. Until then, the presumption of innocence should apply. Due process must have been followed, including the right to legal advice, representation, and appeal—rights that the UK government, especially where migrants are concerned, has been only too willing to sacrifice on the altar of cost-cutting.

      Even after an official determination that a person is residing unlawfully, we must have confidence in the fairness of the procedures followed before it is safe to assume that the decision was correct. This confidence has been badly shaken by the recent finding that almost half of the UK Home Office’s immigration decisions that go to appeal are overturned. In their zeal to implement the government’s policy of creating a “hostile environment” for people residing unlawfully, some Home Office officials appear to have forgotten that the rule of law still applies in Britain. People who had lived legally in the UK for decades have been suddenly branded as “illegally resident” and denied healthcare because they couldn’t provide four pieces of evidence for each year of residence since they arrived—even when some of the evidence had been destroyed by the Home Office itself. Hundreds of highly skilled migrants including doctors have been denied the right to remain in the UK because minor tax or income discrepancies were taken as evidence of their undesirability under the new Immigration Rules. A recent case in which the Home Office separated a 3-year-old girl from her only available parent, in contravention of its own policies, led to an award for damages of £50,000.

      What of the medical profession’s own involvement? The 2014 Immigration Act links a person’s healthcare entitlement to their residency status. Health professionals in the UK are now required to satisfy themselves that an individual is eligible for NHS care by virtue of being “ordinarily resident in the UK,” the definition of which has been narrowed. In practice, this has meant that people who do not fit certain stereotypes are more likely to be questioned—a potential route to an institutionally racist system. They can instantly be denied not only healthcare, but also the ability to work, hold a bank account or driver’s licence, or rent accommodation. It is unprecedented, and unacceptable, for UK health professionals to be conscripted as agents of state control in this way.

      Given the unrelenting vendetta of sections of the British press against people who may be residing unlawfully, it should also be borne in mind that such migrants cannot “sponge off the welfare state”, since there are virtually no benefits they can claim. They are routinely exposed to exploitation and abuse by employers, while “free choice” has often played a minimal role in creating their situation. (Consider, for example, migrants who lose their right of residence as a result of losing their job, or asylum seekers whose claim has been rejected but cannot return to their country because it is unsafe or refuses to accept them).

      To sum up: abolishing the dehumanising term “illegal migrant” is an important first step, but the responsibility of health professionals goes even further. In the UK they are obliged to collaborate in the implementation of current immigration policy. To be able to do this with a clear conscience, they need to know that rights to residence in the UK are administered justly and humanely. Regrettably, as can be seen from the above examples, this is not always the case.

      https://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2018/10/02/the-words-we-use-matter-why-we-shouldnt-use-the-term-illegal-migrant