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  • Germany: Rise in crimes against asylum seekers

    The numbers of reported crimes committed against asylum seekers in the first three months of this year is higher than it was in the same period in 2022.

    German authorities have confirmed that the number of attacks committed against asylum seekers rose in the first quarter of 2023, compared with the same quarter last year.

    The majority of the crimes had a far-right-wing motive, reported the German protestant news agency EPD, citing the regional newspaper Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung.

    In total, in the first three months of 2023, there were 45 attacks on asylum seeker accommodation registered (https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/46836/german-authorities-investigate-fatal-fire-at-refugee-accommodation), and 42 of these had a far-right motive. In the same time period in the previous year, 19 such attacks were registered, and 16 of them had far-right motives.

    The majority of the crimes related to property damage or anti-migrant “propaganda” reported EPD. A few cases related to fires being started or grievous bodily harm and injury. During the course of the whole of 2022, 123 crimes were recorded against asylum seekers or their accommodation. That means that around a third all crimes committed last year have already been committed in the first quarter of 2023.
    Rising trend started at the end of 2022

    An increase in attacks had already begun in the last quarter of 2022. In that period 48 attacks on asylum seekers were recorded, an even bigger number than was recorded in the first quarter of 2023.

    The attacks were not just directed at accommodation housing asylum seekers, but also at migrants, asylum seekers and refugees themselves. In the first quarter of 2023, government figures show that there were 408 attacks on people, 350 of those were reported to have a far-right motive. Again, this accounts for about a third of the crimes committed throughout the course of 2022. In the first quarter of 2022, as a comparison, 243 attacks were registered, of which 223 were recorded as having a far-right motive.

    The German Left party’s migration policy expert, Clara Bünger, who raised the question in parliament, thinks that the attacks are increasing partly in line with the asylum debates underway in Germany. Bünger told the Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung that she believes rhetoric from the political right regarding asylum is fanning the flames of dissatisfaction in society and is making people believe that there is no room for anyone else to come to Germany.
    Asylum debate fuels attacks, thinks Left party politician

    Bünger warned that rhetoric like this was “preparing the ground for racist mobilization on the streets and more violent attacks against those who have fled their countries for Germany.” On Thursday, Germany’s state interior ministers are meeting to talk about migration.

    The newspaper underlines that, although the trend of attacks appears to be on the rise again in Germany, it is far lower than the peak in 2015. In that year, 1,047 attacks against asylum seeker accommodation were registered, states the paper.

    In 2022, states the Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung, 218,000 people applied for asylum in Germany, similar numbers were last seen in 2016. In addition, around a million Ukrainians fled to Germany.
    Asylum in Germany

    According to the latest figures from Germany’s Federal Migration Bureau (BAMF) last updated in May 2023, 135,961 people are currently applying for asylum in Germany. The majority come from Syria, followed by people from Afghanistan, Turkey, Iran and Iraq.

    From January to May 2023, reports BAMF, 125,566 people applied for asylum for the first time in Germany. In the same time period last year, 71,122 submitted a first application.

    The number of people applying from Syria rose by 75.1% and from Afghanistan by 81.4%. Applications from Turkish nationals increased by 226%.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/49693/germany-rise-in-crimes-against-asylum-seekers

    #Allemagne #anti-réfugiés #anti-migrants #racisme #xénophobie #migrations #asile #réfugiés

  • Grèce : au moins 78 morts dans un naufrage, le plus meurtrier de l’année dans le pays

    Au moins 78 migrants se sont noyés mercredi dans le naufrage de leur embarcation en mer méditerranée, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce, tandis que 104 ont pu être secourus par les garde-côtes grecs. Selon des médias locaux, le bateau transportait au moins 600 personnes. Les recherches se poursuivaient mercredi pour tenter de retrouver d’autres survivants. Il s’agit du naufrage le plus meurtrier de l’année en Grèce.

    Au moins 78 personnes ont trouvé la mort dans un naufrage dans la nuit de mardi 13 à mercredi 14 juin au large de la Grèce. Quelques 104 naufragés ont pu être secourus par les garde-côtes grecs et transférés vers la ville de Kalamata, un port situé au sud ouest du pays.

    Les chaînes de télévision grecques ont montré les images de rescapés, couvertures grises sur les épaules et masques hygiéniques sur le visage, descendre d’un yacht portant l’inscription Georgetown, la capitale des îles Caïmans. D’autres étaient évacués sur des civières. Quatre d’entre eux ont été conduits à l’hôpital de Kalamata en raison de symptômes d’hypothermie.

    D’après les informations délivrées par les autorités grecques, les exilés sont majoritairement originaires d’Égypte, de Syrie et du Pakistan. Selon les premières informations, le bateau aurait quitté Tobrouk, à l’est de la Libye, en direction de l’Italie, vendredi 9 juin.

    600 migrants à bord du bateau

    Le nombre de passagers présents sur le bateau n’a pas été confirmé par les autorités grecques. Mais des médias locaux parlent d’au moins 600 personnes, ce qui laisse craindre la disparition de centaines de naufragés.

    L’opération de sauvetage se poursuivait mercredi après-midi dans les eaux internationales situées au large de la ville grecque de Pylos. Elle implique six navires des garde-côtes, un avion et un hélicoptère militaires ainsi qu’un drone de Frontex, l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières.

    https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1668913096667144193

    La Grèce a connu de nombreux naufrages d’embarcations de migrants, souvent vétustes et surchargées, mais il s’agit jusqu’ici du bilan humain le plus lourd depuis un précédent le 3 juin 2016 au cours duquel au moins 320 personnes avaient péri ou disparu.

    L’embarcation avait été repérée une première fois mardi par les garde-côtes italiens, qui ont alerté leurs homologues grecs et européens. Les migrants à bord « ont refusé toute aide », selon les autorités grecques. La plateforme d’aide aux migrants en mer, Alarm Phone, a signalé sur Twitter avoir été alertée le même jour par des exilés en détresse, non loin du lieu du naufrage.

    Selon une journaliste basée en Grèce, chaque passager avait payé 4 500 dollars (environ 4 000 euros) la traversée.

    Une année particulièrement meurtrière

    Depuis un an, on observe de plus en plus de départs de bateaux de migrants depuis l’est de la Libye. « Ce n’est pas inhabituel que des bateaux fassent cette route. Les départs depuis l’est de la Libye sont plus fréquents » depuis l’été dernier, expliquait l’an dernier à InfoMigrants Frederico Soda, chef de mission Libye auprès de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Les exilés prennent désormais la mer depuis cette zone, afin d’éviter les interceptions des garde-côtes libyens, qui se concentrent à l’ouest du pays.

    Mais la traversée n’est pas sans risque. L’est de la Libye est considérablement plus éloigné de l’Italie que la partie ouest, d’où embarquent la majorité des migrants. À titre d’exemple, 1 200 km séparent les deux villes côtières de Tobrouk (à l’Est) et Tripoli (à l’Ouest), situé en-dessous de la Sicile. Un trajet démarré depuis l’est de la Libye est ainsi « beaucoup plus long », précisait encore Federico Soda.

    La route méditerranéenne reste la plus meurtrière au monde. En 2022, 2 406 migrants ont péri dans cette zone maritime, soit une augmentation de 16% sur un an, selon le dernier rapport de l’OIM. Et l’année 2023 risque d’établir un nouveau record : depuis janvier, ce sont déjà 1 166 personnes qui ont péri ou ont disparu dans ces eaux, dont 1030 en Méditerranée centrale. Un tel nombre n’avait pas été observé depuis 2017.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49667/grece--au-moins-78-morts-dans-un-naufrage-le-plus-meurtrier-de-lannee-
    #Pylos #Grèce #naufrage #asile #migrations #décès #morts #tragédie #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #14_juin_2023 #Méditerranée #Mer_Méditerranée #13_juin_2023

    • Après le naufrage en Grèce, les autorités grecques et européennes sous le feu des critiques

      À la suite de l’annonce de la disparition de plusieurs centaines de personnes dans un naufrage survenu mercredi au large de la Grèce, des dirigeants européens ont fait part de leurs condoléances. Ils ont reçu de nombreuses critiques condamnant les politiques migratoires européennes.

      C’est sans doute le naufrage le plus meurtrier depuis 2013. Mercredi 14 juin, vers 2h du matin, un bateau surchargé de migrants a fait naufrage au large de Pylos, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce. Au moins 78 personnes sont mortes dans le drame et des centaines d’autres sont toujours portées disparues. Selon les témoignages des rescapés, qui ont donné des chiffres différents, entre 400 et 750 exilés se trouvaient sur le bateau parti de Tobrouk, dans l’est de la Libye.

      À la suite de ce drame, de nombreuses personnalités politiques grecques et européennes ont exprimé leur émotion sur les réseaux sociaux. La présidente de la Commission européenne Ursula von der Leyen s’est dit « profondément attristée par la nouvelle du naufrage au large des côtes grecques et par les nombreux décès signalés ». « Nous devons continuer à travailler ensemble, avec les États membres et les pays tiers, pour éviter de telles tragédies », a-t-elle ajouté.

      Ylva Johansson, commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, s’est quant à elle dit « profondément affectée par cette tragédie meurtrière au large des côtes grecques ». « Nous avons le devoir moral collectif de démanteler les réseaux criminels. La meilleure façon d’assurer la sécurité des migrants est d’empêcher ces voyages catastrophiques... », a également indiqué la responsable.

      Les messages de soutien des deux dirigeantes ont entraîné de très nombreuses critiques d’internautes. Des défenseurs des droits des migrants, avocats et journalistes ont notamment dénoncé le « cynisme » des autorités européennes, les accusant de promouvoir une politique migratoire européenne dure.

      « Vies innocentes »

      La classe politique grecque a également réagi au drame. En campagne électorale en vue des législatives du 25 juin, l’ancien Premier ministre conservateur, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, a décidé d’annuler un rassemblement électoral prévu pour la fin de journée à Patras, le grand port de cette région du Péloponnèse, a annoncé son parti Nouvelle Démocratie (ND).

      « Nous sommes tous choqués par le tragique naufrage survenu aujourd’hui dans les eaux internationales de la Méditerranée, au sud-ouest du Péloponnèse. Je suis attristé par la perte de tant de vies innocentes », a-t-il déclaré sur Twitter.

      Ce responsable politique s’est par ailleurs entretenu au téléphone avec le Premier ministre par intérim, Ioannis Sarmas. Il a également décrété trois jours de deuil dans le pays.

      Sur les réseaux sociaux, l’ancien Premier ministre n’a pas non plus été épargné par des internautes l’accusant d’hypocrisie face au drame de Pylos. Le dirigeant a mené une politique très dure envers les exilés durant ses quatre années à la tête du gouvernement. Athènes a été à de très nombreuses reprises accusée de pratiquer des refoulements illégaux de migrants en mer Égée et dans la région de l’Evros.
      Des bateaux escortés hors des SAR zones

      De nombreux membres d’organisations internationales ont également réagi au drame de Pylos. Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-commissariat des nations unies aux réfugiés (HCR), en charge de la Méditerranée de l’ouest et centrale s’est dit « très attristé par cette nouvelle tragédie ». Le responsable a également confié son inquiétude « de voir ces derniers mois certains États côtiers escorter des bateaux en mauvais état en dehors de leur zone SAR pour s’assurer qu’ils atteignent d’autres zones SAR ».

      De son côté, Federico Soda, directeur du département des urgences à l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), a plaidé pour la mise en place de « mesures concrètes pour donner la priorité à la recherche et au sauvetage » et de « voies d’accès sûres pour les migrants ».

      L’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières (Frontex) s’est, quant à elle, déclarée « profondément touchée » par le drame. Dans le même message posté sur Twitter, l’agence assure que son avion de surveillance a repéré le bateau le mardi 13 juin au matin et affirme avoir « immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes ».

      Selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait effectivement vu le bateau mardi mais il n’est pas intervenu car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ».

      Les ONG actives dans l’aide aux exilés ont également fait part de leur effroi face au drame de Pylos. Interrogé par Libération, le président de SOS Méditerranée France, François Thomas, a condamné une « nouvelle tragédie insupportable ». « Il n’existe aucune solidarité européenne. Les moyens de sauvetage sont de moins en moins importants, alors que l’Europe a des moyens. Quand est-ce que tout cela va s’arrêter ? », a-t-il dénoncé.

      Médecins sans frontières (MSF), qui intervient en Méditerranée centrale avec son navire humanitaire le Geo barents , a déclaré être « attristé et choqué » par le drame survenu mercredi. L’ONG précise que ses équipes en Grèce se tiennent prêtes à intervenir pour aider autant que possible les rescapés.

      Enquête ouverte

      Enfin, le pape François, très sensible à la thématique migratoire, est « profondément consterné » par le naufrage, a rapporté jeudi le Vatican dans un communiqué.

      « Sa sainteté le pape François envoie ses prières sincères pour les nombreux migrants qui sont morts, leurs proches et tous ceux qui ont été traumatisés par cette tragédie », peut-on lire dans un télégramme signé par le N.2 du Saint-Siège, le cardinal Pietro Parolin, et publié par le Vatican.

      Les opérations de secours se poursuivaient jeudi matin pour tenter de retrouver des survivants. Des moyens aériens et maritimes sont déployés mais les espoirs s’amenuisent à mesure que le temps passe. Jusqu’à présent, 104 personnes ont pu être secourues mais Athènes redoute que des centaines d’autres ne soient portées disparues, d’après les témoignages des survivants.

      Une enquête a été ouverte par la justice grecque sur le sauvetage de l’embarcation. La Cour suprême grecque a également ordonné une enquête pour définir les causes du drame qui a choqué le pays.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49698/apres-le-naufrage-en-grece-les-autorites-grecques-et-europeennes-sous-

    • “They are urgently asking for help”: the SOS that was ignored

      The Hellenic Coast Guard attributed its failure to proceed to a rescue mission of the migrants before their trawler sunk to their refusal to receive assistance. International law experts, as well as active and former Coast Guard officials, refute the argument. And emails sent by the Alarm Phone group to authorities which are in Solomon’s possession, prove that the passengers of the vessel had sent out an SOS – one that was ignored.

      The first recovered bodies of the people who lost their lives 80 km southwest of Pylos between the 13th and 14th of June are transferred to the cemetery of Schisto. At least 78 dead and hundreds remain missing. 104 people have been rescued so far, while the search for survivors continues.

      But critical questions about possible mishandling by the Hellenic Coast Guard of the tragedy that led to the deadliest shipwreck recorded in recent years in the Mediterranean remain.

      The same goes for the responsibilities of Greece and Europe, whose policies have diverted asylum seekers to the deadly Calabria route, which bypasses Greece (for obvious reasons), while also failing to establish legal and safe routes.
      “Denied assistance“

      In the briefings and timeline of the events leading up to the tragedy, the HCG attributes the failure to rescue the migrants before the sinking of the fishing boat to their repeated “refusal to receive assistance” in their communications with the vessel.

      The HCG had been aware of the vessel since the early morning hours of Tuesday, 13/6, and was, according to its own log, in contact with the vessel from as early as 14:00 local time. But no rescue action was undertaken, because “the trawler did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or Greece,” the HCG reported.

      The same argument is repeated at 18:00: “Repeatedly the fishing boat was asked by the merchant ship if it required additional assistance, was in danger or wanted anything else from Greece. They replied, “we want nothing more than to continue to Italy”.

      But does this absolve the Coast Guard of responsibility?

      International law experts as well as former and active members of the Coast Guard question the legal and humanitarian basis of this argument, even if there was indeed a “refusal of assistance”. And they point out to Solomon that the rescue operation should have begun immediately upon detection of the fishing vessel. For the following reasons, among others:

      - The vessel was obviously overloaded and unseaworthy, with the lives of the peopled on board, who did not even have life-saving equipment, being in constant danger.

      – Accepting a denial of rescue or other intervention by the HCG could make sense only if the vessel carried a state flag, had proper documents, had a proper captain and was safe. None of these applies in the case of the sunk trawler.

      - Coast Guard officials had to objectively assess the situation and take the necessary actions regardless of how the passengers of the trawler – or, to be precise, whoever the Coast Guard was in contact with- themselves assessed their own situation.

      - The fishing vessel was undoubtedly in a state of distress that mandated its rescue at the latest from the moment the Coast Guard received, through Alarm Phone, an SOS message, which was transmitted to the group by the passengers. This SOS call is not mentioned anywhere in the Coast Guard’s communications.

      Proof the Coast Guard knew of the danger

      In its own chronology of events, Watch the Med-Alarm Phone says it contacted the authorities at 17:53 local GR time.

      The email to the competent authorities, which is available to Solomon, indicates the coordinates where the overloaded vessel was located. It states that there are 750 people on board, including many women and children, and includes a telephone number for contacting the passengers themselves.

      “They are urgently asking for help,” the email reads.

      From this message, it follows also that FRONTEX, the HQ of the Greek Police and the Ministry of Citizen Protection, as well as the Coast Guard in Kalamata, were also informed.

      The message was also communicated to the UNCHR in Greece and Turkey, to NATO, as well as to Greece’s Ombudsman.

      Listen to the interview given to Solomon by Maro, an Alarm Phone member:

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV4SptggF2U&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwearesolomon.com%2F

      Solomon contacted the Hellenic Coast Guard, asking detailed questions: why was there no rescue operation after the migrants’ distress signal via Alarm Phone? Does a refusal to rescue exculpate the HCG? Why was the vessel (for security and identification purposes) not even checked, given it was not flying a flag? Why was the operation launched only after the vessel sank?

      A spokesman for the HCG did not answer the specific questions but instead referred to the Coast Guard’s press release.

      Solomon also contacted UNHCR, which confirmed receipt of the email.

      “Our Office was indeed notified yesterday (ed. note: 13/06) afternoon in correspondence received from Watch The Med – Alarm Phone, which referred to a vessel in distress southwest of the Peloponnese with a large number of passengers. We immediately informed the competent Greek authorities requesting urgent information about the coordination of a search and rescue operation to bring the people to safety”.

      “Please be informed that Frontex has immediately relayed the message to the Greek authorities,” Frontex responded to Alarm Phone’s message, in an email seen by Solomon.

      “Duty of rescue, not stand by and watch”

      The Coast Guard had to treat the incident as a vessel in distress from the very first moment and take all measures to rescue the people, explains Nora Markard, Professor of International Public Law and International Human Rights at the University of Münster.

      “As soon as the distress call was received via Alarm Phone, there was clearly distress. But when a ship is so evidently overloaded, it is in distress as soon as it leaves port, because it is unseaworthy. Even if the ship is still moving. And when there is distress, there is a duty to rescue, not to stand by and watch.

      International law defines distress as a situation where there is a reasonable certainty that a vessel or a person is threatened by grave and imminent danger and requires immediate assistance.

      “That requires an objective assessment. If a captain completely misjudges the situation and says the ship is fine, the ship is still in distress if the passengers are in grave danger by the condition of the ship,” Dr. Markard explains.

      International law unambiguously states that, on receiving information ‘from any source’ that persons are in distress at sea, the master of a ship that is in a position to render assistance must ‘proceed with all speed to their assistance’.

      In this particular case, the fishing vessel was not flying a flag, so the incident does not even fall under the category of respect for the sovereignty of the flag state.

      “When a ship doesn’t fly a flag at all, as it appears to be the case here, the law of the sea gives other states a right to visit the ship. This includes the right to board the ship to check it out,” says Markard.

      Apart from the distress call itself, the Hellenic Coast Guard, therefore, had the additional authority to examine the situation.

      “All ships and authorities alerted of the distress have an obligation to rescue, even if the ship in distress is not in their territorial waters but at high sea. Search and rescue zones often include waters that belong to the high sea,” explains Markard.

      “If the distress occurs in a state’s search and rescue zone, that state also has an obligation to coordinate the rescue. For example, it can requisition merchant ships to render assistance.”
      Coast Guard officer: “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”

      A former senior officer of the Greek Coast Guard with vast relevant experience seconds this and raises additional questions.

      Speaking to Solomon on condition of anonymity, he explained that the vessel was manifestly unseaworthy and the people on board in danger. Even a refusal to accept assistance was not a reason to leave it to its fate.

      The same official also points out there were delays in the response of the HCG (“valuable time was lost”) and an inadequate force of assets. He confirmed that refusal of assistance would only make sense in the case of a legal, documented, seaworthy and flagged vessel. “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”.

      Similar statements regarding the claims of the Greek Coast Guard were made by retired admiral of the Coast Guard and international expert, Nikos Spanos, to Greece’s public broadcaster ERT:

      “It’s like saying I can just watch you drown and do nothing. We don’t ask the crew on a boat in distress if they need help. They absolutely need help, from the moment the boat is adrift.”

      https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/they-are-urgently-asking-for-help-the-sos-that-was-ignored

    • Chi c’era a bordo della barca naufragata al largo della Grecia

      Moshin Shazad, 32 anni, era un uomo con l’espressione seria, due figli piccoli, la moglie e la madre da mantenere. Per questo aveva deciso di partire da Lalamusa, una città nel Punjab, in Pakistan. Non riusciva a trovare un lavoro stabile e le bocche da sfamare erano diventate troppe, dopo la nascita del secondo figlio. Voleva raggiungere il cugino, Waheed Ali, che dal 2019 vive in Norvegia.

      È partito con altri quattro ragazzi, quattro amici, tra cui Abdul Khaliq e Sami Ullah. Ha telefonato al cugino poco dopo essere salito sul peschereccio stracarico che è partito da Tobruk, in Libia, ed è naufragato il 14 giugno, a 47 miglia da Pylos, in Grecia. “Diceva che sarebbe arrivato in Italia”, racconta Waheed Ali, che ora sta cercando il cugino tra i 108 sopravvissuti, di cui molti sono stati sistemati in un magazzino abbandonato di Kalamata, in Grecia, mentre una trentina sono stati trasferiti in ospedale. Molti erano in ipotermia. Ma Shazad potrebbe anche essere tra i dispersi.

      Shawq Muhammad al Ghazali, 22 anni, era uno studente originario di Daraa, in Siria, ed era rifugiato in Giordania, dove al momento vivono la sua famiglia e suo zio Ibhraim al Ghazali. Il ragazzo era partito da Amman per la Libia, e da lì, da Tobruk, si era imbarcato per raggiungere l’Europa. “Non ho sue notizie dall’8 giugno, il giorno della partenza dalla Libia”, dice lo zio. Secondo molti familiari, le autorità greche non stanno aiutando le famiglie ad avere notizie dei parenti o a capire se sono tra i vivi o tra i dispersi.

      I superstiti sono per lo più siriani (47) ed egiziani (43), poi ci sono dodici pachistani e due palestinesi, secondo le autorità greche. Tutti uomini. “Non riesco a sapere se è sopravvissuto, sono io che sto dando notizie alla famiglia in Pakistan, ma sono disperato, non riesco a capire e a sapere nulla. Del naufragio ho saputo dalla televisione”, afferma Waheed Ali.

      L’imbarcazione su cui viaggiavano Moshin Shazad e gli altri era partita da Tobruk l’8 giugno, era diretta in Italia, lungo una rotta da cui sono arrivati nel 2023 la metà dei migranti partiti dalla Libia.

      “Secondo le prime testimonianze sarebbe corretta la stima di 700-750 persone a bordo, tra cui almeno quaranta bambini, che probabilmente erano nella stiva. Se questi numeri fossero confermati, si tratterebbe del secondo naufragio più grave avvenuto nel Mediterraneo dopo quello dell’aprile 2015”, racconta Flavio Di Giacomo, dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim). Settantotto corpi sono stati recuperati finora in mare al largo della penisola del Peloponneso. Ma l’Oim ha affermato di “temere che altre centinaia di persone” siano annegate. Il portavoce della guardia costiera greca Nikos Alexiou ha detto che l’imbarcazione è naufragata, dopo che le persone si sono spostate bruscamente su un lato. L’imbarcazione è affondata in quindici minuti.

      Frontex li aveva avvistati
      Secondo le autorità greche, un aereo di sorveglianza dell’agenzia europea Frontex aveva avvistato la barca il 13 giugno. In un comunicato Frontex ha confermato di avere visto l’imbarcazione in mattinata, alle 9.47 del giorno precedente al naufragio e di averlo comunicato alle autorità preposte al soccorso, cioè alla guardia costiera greca. Anche la guardia costiera italiana e due mercantili avevano segnalato alle autorità greche l’imbarcazione in difficoltà. Ma secondo la guardia costiera greca, i passeggeri dell’imbarcazione “hanno rifiutato qualsiasi aiuto”, perché i migranti si stavano dirigendo verso l’Italia.

      “Nel pomeriggio, una nave mercantile si è avvicinata alla barca e le ha fornito cibo e rifornimenti, mentre i (passeggeri) hanno rifiutato ogni ulteriore assistenza”, ha detto la guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. Una seconda nave mercantile in seguito ha offerto più rifornimenti e assistenza. Ma anche questa volta sono stati rifiutati, secondo i greci.

      In serata, una motovedetta della guardia costiera ha raggiunto la nave “e ha confermato la presenza di un gran numero di migranti sul ponte”, è scritto nel comunicato delle autorità greche. “Ma hanno rifiutato qualsiasi assistenza e hanno detto che volevano continuare in Italia”. Tuttavia le leggi internazionali sul soccorso in mare avrebbero imposto in ogni caso ai greci di intervenire per le condizioni in cui l’imbarcazione stava navigando. Diverse testimonianze contestano la versione delle autorità greche.

      Il motore della barca si è rotto poco prima delle 23 (gmt) del 13 giugno, da quel momento la barca è andata alla deriva. I naufraghi hanno chiesto aiuto, telefonando alla rete di volontari Alarmphone, già dal 13 giugno, dicendo di avere contattato anche “la polizia”. L’attivista Nawal Soufi, che vive in Italia, ha raccontato che i migranti con cui era in contatto telefonico le hanno detto che alcune imbarcazioni si sono avvicinate, distribuendo delle bottigliette di acqua.

      “Il 13 giugno 2023, nelle prime ore del mattino, i migranti a bordo di una barca carica di 750 persone mi hanno contattata comunicandomi la loro difficile situazione. Dopo cinque giorni di viaggio, l’acqua era finita, il conducente dell’imbarcazione li aveva abbandonati in mare aperto e c’erano anche sei cadaveri a bordo. Non sapevano esattamente dove si trovassero, ma grazie alla posizione istantanea del telefono Turaya (telefono satellitare, ndr), ho potuto ottenere la loro posizione esatta e ho allertato le autorità competenti”, scrive Soufi, condividendo la sua ricostruzione su Facebook.

      “La situazione si è complicata quando una nave si è avvicinata all’imbarcazione, legandola con delle corde su due punti della barca e iniziando a buttare bottiglie d’acqua. I migranti si sono sentiti in forte pericolo, poiché temevano che le corde potessero far capovolgere la barca e che le risse a bordo per ottenere l’acqua potessero causare il naufragio. Per questo motivo, si sono leggermente allontanati dalla nave per evitare un naufragio sicuro”, continua l’attivista nel suo post.

      “Durante la notte, la situazione a bordo dell’imbarcazione è diventata ancora più drammatica. Io sono rimasta in contatto con loro fino alle 23 ore greche, cercando di rassicurarli e di aiutarli a trovare una soluzione”. Fino all’ultima chiamata in cui “l’uomo con cui parlavo mi ha espressamente detto: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte in vita’”, conclude. Il parlamentare greco Kriton Arsenis, che ha parlato con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, ha confermato la versione dell’attivista Soufi e ha dichiarato che l’imbarcazione si è ribaltata dopo essere stata trainata con delle corde dai greci. Secondo Arsenis, i greci volevano spingere l’imbarcazione di migranti nelle acque di ricerca e soccorso italiane.

      https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/annalisa-camilli/2023/06/15/naufragio-grecia
      #Frontex

    • Grecia, strage di Pylos. «Nessuna pace per gli assassini»

      Mentre il mare inghiotte i corpi e lo Stato rinchiude i sopravvissuti si riempiono le strade delle città greche

      Da tempo, definiamo la politica migratoria europea “necropolitica”, ovvero – seguendo Achille Mbembe – una politica che crea le condizioni strutturali per produrre la morte di un gruppo di persone.

      Un’architettura di morte, che vediamo ogni giorno nel regime europeo del confine, sempre più legale, sofisticata, diffusa. Ci accorgiamo ora che ci hanno tolto anche la morte, nel senso che personalmente e collettivamente – noi “vivi” – le diamo, facendo esperienza di quella degli altri, vicini e lontani. Ci hanno tolto anche la morte perché hanno tolto il lutto a chi ha perso una persona cara, la possibilità di piangere un corpo morto, la possibilità di conoscerne il nome, di sapere chi, dove, quando, quanti.

      Probabilmente non sapremo mai quante persone sono affogate nella strage avvenuta tra martedì 13 e mercoledì 14 giugno ad 80 chilometri al largo del porto di Pylos. Gli stessi migranti, al telefono con l’attivista Nawal Soufi, parlavano di 750 persone a bordo, di cui molti bambini. La Guardia costiera ellenica dice 646. Le foto e le informazioni disponibili fino ad ora confermano quest’ordine di grandezza, ma le cifre sono destinate a rimanere indicative. Il naufragio è avvenuto nella zona con il mare più profondo di tutto il Mediterraneo: circa 60 km a sud-ovest di Pylos si trova la Fossa di Calipso, una depressione che supera i 5.000 metri di profondità. Gli esperti dicono che il recupero dei corpi sarà quindi particolarmente difficoltoso, il mare li inghiottirà per sempre. Ad oggi, sono solo 104 i superstiti, difficilmente questo numero aumenterà.

      Oltre la produzione della morte si situa forse l’annullamento, l’annientamento della persona (della vita). Sono parole che, chiaramente, richiamano il nazismo. Non sapere chi, non sapere quanti, non poter riavere i corpi – massivamente e sistematicamente – è qualcosa che, credo, si avvicina all’annientamento.

      I dettagli che iniziano a trapelare dipingono un quadro dei fatti che non solo seppellisce ogni retorica della “tragica fatalità”, ma svela le responsabilità dirette della HCG (Hellenic Coast Guard) nel causare il “capovolgimento” della barca. Come ricostruito dall’attivista Iasonas Apostolopoulos, sulla base delle dichiarazioni del parlamentare Kriton Arsenis, che ha potuto parlare con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, la HCG avrebbe legato il peschereccio con delle corde e provato a trascinarlo. Sarebbe stato proprio questo tentativo di rimorchio a far ribaltare la barca. Queste ricostruzioni si allineano con i primi racconti di Nawal Soufi.

      https://twitter.com/ABoatReport/status/1669301668259741696/history

      Evidentemente, la differenza – se esiste – tra uccidere e lasciar morire sfuma: non è “solo” indifferenza complice, non è “semplicemente” girarsi dall’altra parte. L’omissione di soccorso è la punta dell’iceberg di un sistema complesso – quello dei confini europei – progettato per annientare la vita. Sistema di cui la guardia costiera è solo un tassello. Non è l’Europa che finge di non vedere, è l’Europa che, strutturalmente, con delle politiche precise e radicate nel tempo, produce morte.

      La versione ufficiale della HCG descrive invece il capovolgimento come frutto di una maldestra manovra – in mare piatto – del peschereccio stesso. Dall’altra parte, puntano tutto sulla colpevolizzazione delle vittime: “Ripetevano costantemente di voler salpare per l’Italia e di non volere alcun aiuto dalla Grecia”, si ribadisce ossessivamente nel comunicato. Ma è assodato che questo improbabile “non volevano essere aiutati”, secondo il diritto del mare, non giustifica il mancato soccorso, come chiarito dall’ordine degli avvocati di Kalamata – che si è offerto di supportare gratuitamente i sopravvissuti. Così come è assodato che la HCG sapeva tutto dalla mattina di martedì 13 giugno, alla luce dell’avvistamento da parte del velivolo di Frontex e degli SOS diffusi da Alarm Phone – pubblicati da wearesolomon – e inoltrati anche ad UNCHR, NATO, e al difensore civico greco.

      Ma non lasciamo non detti: probabilmente l’HCG voleva trascinare il peschereccio in zona SAR maltese o italiana. Questa volontà è stata più forte di quella di salvare 750 vite umane in evidente pericolo. Forse anche per questo, ai giornalisti è stato impedito di parlare con i sopravvissuti. Dopo delle pressioni, è stato permesso solo ai parlamentari.

      Come da copione, nove di loro, egiziani, sono stati arrestati accusati di traffico di esseri umani ed omicidio 1, mentre la maggior parte (71 persone) è stata trasferita nel campo di Malakasa 2, nel “centro di accoglienza e identificazione”: una struttura chiusa, controllata, isolata, priva di supporto psicologico e assistenza medica adeguata. Sono siriani, egiziani, pakistani e palestinesi. Non devono poter raccontare, devono capire che non c’è pietà, che nulla gli sarà concesso.

      Nel porto di Kalamata, sembra di rivivere i giorni di Cutro: arrivano i familiari da tutta Europa e non solo. Alcuni trovano i propri cari, molti non li troveranno. Nessun aiuto da parte dello Stato, nessuna informazione, dicono. Non c’è pace per i vivi, non c’è pace per i morti. Finora sono stati recuperati ed identificati 78 corpi, saranno trasportati con dei camion frigorifero al cimitero di Schisto.

      Intanto, si riempiono le strade della Grecia. Dal porto di Pylos ad Atene, Salonicco, Patrasso, Karditsa, Kalamata, migliaia di persone si sono messe in marcia. Ad Atene, giovedì sera, una marea umana si è scontrata con i soliti gangster in divisa.

      La risposta dello Stato è sempre la stessa, anche con i solidali. Sono piazze commosse ma piene di rabbia. Una rabbia degna. Puntano chiaramente il dito verso gli assassini: non solo la guardia costiera, ma lo Stato greco, l’Unione Europea, Frontex, questo sistema coloniale e razzista.

      Domenica 18 giugno nel pomeriggio un altro corteo, chiamato dalla Open Assembly Against Pushbacks and Border Violence, si muoverà dal Pireo verso gli uffici di Frontex: l’agenzia europea non potrà giocare la parte dei “buoni” che avevano segnalato per tempo la barca in pericolo.

      Dalle strade, si leva una promessa: non dimentichiamo, non perdoniamo.

    • Did migrants reject help before deadly Greek wreck, or beg for it? Coast guard, activists disagree

      This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)
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      This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)

      This much is clear: On June 9, an old steel fishing trawler left eastern Libya for Italy, carrying far too many people.

      As many as 750 men, women and children from Syria, Egypt, the Palestinian territories and Pakistan were on board, fleeing hopelessness in their home countries and trying to reach relatives in Europe.

      Five days later, the trawler sank off the coast of Greece in one of the deepest parts of the Mediterranean Sea. Only 104 people, all men, survived. The remains of 78 people were recovered.

      There are still more questions than answers about what led up to one of the worst shipwrecks in recent Mediterranean history.

      Activists, migration experts and opposition politicians have criticized Greek authorities for not acting earlier to rescue the migrants, even though a coast guard vessel escorted the trawler for hours and watched helplessly as it sank.

      Below is a timeline of events based on reports from Greek authorities, a commercial ship, and activists who said they were in touch with passengers. They describe sequences of events that at times converge, but also differ in key ways.

      The Greek Coast Guard said that the overcrowded trawler was moving steadily toward Italy, refusing almost all assistance, until minutes before it sank. This is in part supported by the account of a merchant tanker that was nearby.

      But activists said that people on board were in danger and made repeated pleas for help more than 15 hours before the vessel sank.

      International maritime law and coast guard experts said that conditions on the trawler clearly showed it was at risk, and should have prompted an immediate rescue operation, regardless of what people on board may have said.

      Much of these accounts could not immediately be independently verified.

      Missing from this timeline is the testimony of survivors, who have been transferred to a closed camp and kept away from journalists.

      All times are given in Greece’s time zone.

      FIRST CONTACT

      Around 11 a.m. on Tuesday, Italian authorities informed Greece that a fishing trawler packed with migrants was in international waters southwest of the Peloponnese. Greece said the Italian authorities were alerted by an activist.

      Around the same time, human rights activist Nawal Soufi wrote on social media that she had been contacted by a woman on a boat that had left Libya four days earlier.

      The migrants had run out of water, Soufi wrote, and shared GPS coordinates through a satellite phone showing they were approximately 100 km (62 miles) from Greece.

      “Dramatic situation on board. They need immediate rescue,” she wrote Tuesday morning.

      Over the course of the day, Soufi described some 20 calls with people on the trawler in a series of social media posts and a later audio recording. The Associated Press could not reach Soufi.

      A surveillance aircraft from the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex spotted the overcrowded trawler at 11:47 p.m. and notified Greek authorities, the agency told AP. On Saturday, Frontex told AP its plane had to leave the scene after 10 minutes due to a fuel shortage but that it had also shared with Greece details and photos of the “heavily overcrowded” trawler.

      DIFFERING ACCOUNTS OF CONDITIONS ON BOARD

      At 2 p.m., Greek authorities established contact with someone on the trawler. The vessel “did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or from Greece,” according to a statement.

      But activists said that people on the boat were already in desperate need by Tuesday afternoon.

      At 3:11 p.m., Soufi wrote, passengers told her that seven people were unconscious.

      Around the same time, Alarm Phone, a network of activists with no connection to Soufi who run a hotline for migrants in need of rescue, said they received a call from a person on the trawler.

      “They say they cannot survive the night, that they are in heavy distress,” Alarm Phone wrote.

      At 3:35 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter located the trawler. An aerial photo released showed it packed, with people covering almost every inch of the deck.

      From then until 9 p.m., Greek authorities said, they were in contact with people on the trawler via satellite phone, radio, and shouted conversations conducted by merchant vessels and a Coast Guard boat that arrived at night. They added that people on the trawler repeatedly said they wanted to continue to Italy and refused rescue.

      MERCHANT SHIPS BRING SUPPLIES

      At 5:10 p.m., Greek authorities asked a Maltese-flagged tanker called the Lucky Sailor to bring the trawler food and water.

      According to the company that manages the Lucky Sailor, people on the trawler “were very hesitant to receive any assistance,” and shouted that “they want to go to Italy.” Eventually, Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Limited wrote in a statement, the trawler was persuaded to accept supplies.

      Around 6 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter reported that the trawler was “sailing on a steady course and heading.”

      But at 6:20 p.m., Alarm Phone said that people on board reported that they were not moving, and that the “captain” had abandoned the trawler in a small boat.

      “Please any solution,” someone on board told Alarm Phone.

      The Greek authorities’ account suggested the trawler stopped around that time to receive supplies from the Lucky Sailor.

      At 6:55 p.m., Soufi wrote, migrants on board told her that six people had died and another two were very sick. No other account so far has mentioned deaths prior to the shipwreck, and the AP has not been able to verify this.

      Around 9 p.m., Greek authorities asked a second, Greek-flagged, merchant vessel to deliver water, and allowed the Lucky Sailor to leave.

      Then, at around 10:40 p.m., a Coast Guard boat from Crete reached the trawler, and remained nearby until it sank. According to the Coast Guard, the vessel “discreetly observed” the trawler from a distance. Once again, the Coast Guard said, the trawler did not appear to have any problems and was moving “at a steady course and speed.”

      THE FINAL HOURS

      According to Soufi’s account, attempts to deliver supplies may have contributed to the trawler’s troubles.

      Shortly after 11 p.m., she wrote that the trawler began rocking as its passengers tried to catch water bottles from another vessel. According to people on board, ropes were tied to the ship, destabilizing it and causing a “state of panic,” she said.

      The report from the Lucky Sailor said no lines were tied to the trawler, and supplies were delivered in watertight barrels tied to a rope.

      “Those on board the boat caught the line and pulled,” the company managing the Lucky Sailor told the AP.

      The other merchant vessel did not immediately reply to the AP’s questions.

      A spokesman for the Greek Coast Guard said late Friday that its vessel had briefly attached a light rope to the trawler at around 11 p.m. He stressed that none of the vessels had attempted to tow the trawler.

      Commander Nikos Alexiou told Greek channel Ant1 TV that the Coast Guard wanted to check on the trawler’s condition, but people on board again refused help and untied the rope before continuing course.

      Soufi’s last contact with the trawler was at 11 p.m. She said later in a voice memo that “they never expressed the will to continue sailing to Italy,” or refused assistance from Greece. “They were in danger and needed help.”

      THE WRECK

      According to authorities, the trawler kept moving until 1:40 a.m. Wednesday, when its engine stopped. The Coast Guard vessel then got closer to “determine the problem.”

      A few minutes later, Alarm Phone had a final exchange with people on the trawler. The activists were able to make out only: “Hello my friend … The ship you send is …” before the call cut off.

      At 2:04 a.m., more than 15 hours after Greek authorities first heard of the case, the Coast Guard reported that the trawler began rocking violently from side to side, and then capsized.

      People on deck were thrown into the sea, while others held onto the boat as it flipped. Many others, including women and children, were trapped below deck.

      Fifteen minutes later, the trawler vanished underwater.

      In the darkness of night, 104 people were rescued, and brought to shore on the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht that was sailing in the vicinity of the shipwreck. Greek authorities retrieved 78 bodies. No other people have been found since Wednesday.

      As many as 500 people are missing.

      https://apnews.com/article/migrants-shipwreck-rescue-greece-coast-guard-c160027a00d1ad2f859b97e3e8e7643

    • Après le naufrage, des survivants dénoncent les gardes-côtes grecs et Frontex

      La version officielle grecque sur l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée est mise à mal par les témoignages de survivants. Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également pointé du doigt. Une enquête a été ouverte.

      Plus de quatre jours après le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche en provenance de Libye, où s’étaient embarquées jusqu’à 750 personnes – notamment des ressortissantes et ressortissants égyptiens, syriens et pakistanais –, l’espoir est mince de retrouver des survivant·es au large des côtes sud de la Grèce.

      Les questions sont nombreuses en particulier sur l’action des gardes-côtes grecs, accusés par certains témoignages d’avoir provoqué l’accident. La Cour suprême grecque a ordonné une enquête sur les circonstances du drame, l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée avec des centaines de morts. Pour l’heure, 104 personnes ont été rescapées et 78 corps récupérés.

      Jeudi après-midi, Kriton Arsenis, ancien eurodéputé, a rencontré des survivants dans le port de Kalamata, sur la péninsule du Péloponnèse, en tant que membre de la délégation de Mera25, le parti de Yánis Varoufákis. « Les réfugiés nous ont dit que l’embarcation a chaviré pendant qu’elle était tirée par le bateau des gardes-côtes », a-t-il raconté.

      « Les survivants nous disent que le bateau a basculé alors qu’il faisait l’objet d’une manœuvre où il était tiré par les gardes-côtes helléniques, a déclaré de son côté Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut Commissariat aux réfugiés pour la Méditerranée occidentale et centrale. Ils nous disent qu’il était tiré non pas vers les côtes grecques, mais en dehors de la zone de secours en mer grecque. »

      Ces témoignages vont à l’encontre de la version officielle, qui, jusqu’à vendredi, expliquait que les gardes-côtes n’étaient pas intervenus.

      La Grèce est régulièrement accusée de refouler des migrant·es en mer, provoquant la crainte, derrière une aide supposée, d’être en réalité éloigné·es du territoire – une pratique illégale au regard du droit international maritime et de la Convention de Genève, qui doivent permettre à toute personne en situation de détresse d’être secourue et acheminée vers un port dit « sûr » et de pouvoir, si elle le souhaite, déposer une demande d’asile dans le pays qu’elle tentait de rallier.

      En mai dernier, des révélations du New York Times ont mis en lumière cette pratique, grâce à une vidéo d’un « push-back » prise sur le fait. Mediapart avait documenté un cas semblable en 2022, qui avait provoqué la mort de deux demandeurs d’asile.
      Le patron de Frontex sur place

      Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également mis en question, car selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait repéré le bateau mardi après-midi mais les secours ne sont pas intervenus car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ». Son patron Hans Leijtens s’est rendu à Kalamata pour établir les faits et « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans ce naufrage « horrible ».

      « On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […], il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a affirmé pour sa part à la télévision grecque ERT Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes. D’après Alexis Tsipras, le chef de l’opposition grecque de gauche, qui s’est entretenu avec des rescapés, « il y a eu un appel à l’aide ».

      Le HCR et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), deux agences des Nations unies, se sont félicités des enquêtes « qui ont été ordonnées en Grèce sur les circonstances qui ont conduit au chavirement du bateau et à la perte de tant de vies », tout en rappelant que « le devoir de secourir sans délai les personnes en détresse en mer est une règle fondamentale du droit maritime international ».

      Le HCR et l’OIM ont rappelé vendredi que depuis le début de l’année, au moins 72 778 migrants sont arrivés en Europe (dont 54 205 en Italie), par les routes migratoires en Méditerranée orientale, centrale, et occidentale ou par le nord-ouest de l’Afrique. Dans le même temps, au moins 1 037 migrants sont morts ou portés disparus.

      Neuf Égyptiens ont été arrêtés dans le port de Kalamata. Ils sont âgés de 20 à 40 ans et soupçonnés de « trafic illégal » d’êtres humains. Parmi les suspects, qui devraient comparaître lundi devant le juge d’instruction, figure le capitaine de l’embarcation qui a chaviré, d’après une source portuaire à l’AFP.

      Areti Glezou, travailleuse sociale au sein de l’ONG grecque Thalpo était en première ligne aux côtés des rescapés. Manifestement choquée, elle se souviendra longtemps de certains détails à glacer le sang. « Un homme me racontait qu’il a nagé pendant deux heures au côté de corps d’enfants avant d’être secouru. » Elle s’arrête, reprend son souffle et, les larmes aux yeux, elle poursuit : « Oui, ça, ils me l’ont tous dit, les cales étaient remplies de femmes et d’enfants. » Aucun n’aura été retrouvé vivant.

      Plus de 120 Syriens se trouvaient à bord et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont indiqué vendredi à l’AFP des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud du pays. Berceau du soulèvement antirégime déclenché en 2011, elle est revenue sous le contrôle des forces gouvernementales en juillet 2018. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie saoudite.

      Vendredi matin, on a cependant vu des larmes de joie sur le port de Kalamata. Des deux côtés des barrières qui entourent le hangar où logent les rescapés, deux frères se sont aperçus. Fardi a retrouvé Mohamed vivant. Le grand a retrouvé le petit. Autour d’eux les sourires fleurissent sur les visages. Pour quelques brefs instants, journalistes, humanitaires et hommes en uniformes redeviennent d’abord des êtres humains. Comme un rayon de lumière qui illumine soudain un océan de tristesse.

      Une demi-heure plus tard, des bus viennent chercher les rescapés pour les emmener au camp de Malakasa dans la région d’Athènes. Le hangar est désormais vide.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/170623/apres-le-naufrage-des-survivants-denoncent-les-gardes-cotes-grecs-et-front

    • Naufrage de migrants en Méditerranée : ce que l’on sait sur les responsabilités des garde-côtes grecs

      Depuis le naufrage dramatique qui a fait 78 morts et possiblement plusieurs centaines d’autres mercredi 14 juin, les critiques ciblent l’absence d’intervention préalable des gardes-côtes grecs. Ces derniers rejettent la faute sur les passagers du navire.

      Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants mercredi 14 juin avec des centaines de personnes à bord, au large de la Grèce, a soulevé de nombreuses questions sur les responsabilités des autorités. Voici ce que l’on sait depuis que ce chalutier vétuste a chaviré et coulé dans les eaux internationales, faisant au moins 78 morts.
      L’opération de sauvetage

      Les garde-côtes grecs ont affirmé mercredi matin « avoir été prévenus mardi par les autorités italiennes concernant un bateau avec à bord un grand nombre d’étrangers ». Des patrouilleurs grecs ont été mobilisés pour le repérer. « C’est un appareil aérien de Frontex [la décriée agence européenne de gardes-frontières, ndlr] qui a le premier repéré le bateau mardi après-midi, puis deux bateaux qui naviguaient dans la zone », selon les garde-côtes.

      Nawal Soufi, une bénévole travaillant pour la ligne téléphonique d’assistance à des migrants en danger Alarm Phone, assure sur son compte Facebook avoir reçu un SOS d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord en provenance de Libye.

      A 22 h 40 mardi, le chalutier notifie une panne du moteur. Le patrouilleur à proximité « a immédiatement tenté d’approcher le chalutier pour déterminer le problème », ont noté les garde-côtes. Vingt-quatre minutes plus tard, le patron du patrouilleur a annoncé par radio que le bateau avait chaviré. Il a coulé en quinze minutes.
      La défausse grecque contre les migrants

      Selon les garde-côtes grecs, « il n’y a pas eu de demande d’aide » des personnes à bord du bateau de pêche. « Après de nombreux appels du centre opérationnel des garde-côtes grecs pour les secourir, la réponse du bateau de pêche a été négative », selon le communiqué. « La salle des opérations […] a été en contact répété avec le bateau de pêche. Ils ont constamment répété qu’ils souhaitaient naviguer vers l’Italie », selon la même source.

      Le porte-parole du gouvernement a également expliqué vendredi que « les garde-côtes se sont rapprochés du bateau, ils ont jeté une corde pour le stabiliser, mais les migrants ont refusé l’aide ». « Ils disaient ‘‘No help, Go Italy’’ [’’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’’, ndlr] », a-t-il ajouté.

      Pour sa part, le porte-parole de la police portuaire Nikolaos Alexiou a souligné qu’on ne pouvait « pas remorquer un bateau avec un si grand nombre de gens à bord par la force, il faut qu’ils coopèrent ».

      Selon un réfugié syrien en Allemagne, Reber Hebun, arrivé en Grèce pour retrouver son frère de 24 ans, survivant du naufrage, « les garde-côtes grecs n’ont rien fait pour les aider au début alors qu’ils étaient près d’eux », a-t-il dit après avoir parlé avec son frère. « Un bateau commercial a donné de l’eau et de la nourriture et tout le monde s’est précipité, le bateau a été déstabilisé à ce moment », selon lui.
      Les critiques envers les garde-côtes grecs

      Des experts et des ONG ont mis en cause les garde-côtes grecs qui auraient dû intervenir quoi qu’il arrive, selon eux. Pour Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) pour la Méditerranée centrale et occidentale, « l’argument grec selon lequel les personnes ne voulaient pas être secourues pour poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie ne tient pas ». « C’est aux autorités grecques qu’il incombait de procéder ou, au moins, de coordonner une opération de sauvetage, en utilisant soit leurs propres navires de sauvetage soit en faisant appel à tout autre bateau sur zone, y compris à des navires marchands », a-t-il jugé. « Selon le droit maritime international, les autorités grecques auraient dû coordonner plus tôt cette opération de sauvetage, dès lors que Frontex avait repéré ce bateau en détresse », a-t-il poursuivi.

      « On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […] il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a critiqué pour sa part Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes.

      Hans Leijtens, le patron de Frontex, s’est rendu jeudi à Kalamata pour chercher à « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans cet « horrible » naufrage.

      Vendredi, l’ONU a demandé des investigations rapides et des mesures « urgentes et décisives » pour éviter de nouveaux drames. « Il doit avoir une enquête approfondie sur les événements qui se sont déroulés au cours de cette tragédie. Et j’espère que nous pourrons trouver des réponses et apprendre de l’expérience », a souligné Jeremy Laurence, porte-parole du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme.
      Des centaines de personnes à bord

      78 corps ont jusqu’ici été retrouvés en mer au large des côtes de la péninsule du Péloponnèse, selon les garde-côtes grecs, et 104 personnes ont pu être secourues à temps. Mais le bilan serait en réalité bien plus lourd. Le porte-parole du gouvernement grec, Ilias Siakantaris, avait assuré mercredi que des informations non confirmées faisaient état de 750 personnes à bord du chalutier. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) « redoute que des centaines de personnes supplémentaires » se soient noyées « dans l’une des tragédies les plus dévastatrices en Méditerranée en une décennie ».

      Parmi les personnes qui se trouvaient à bord, figuraient notamment plus 120 Syriens, et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont déploré vendredi des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart de ces migrants sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie Saoudite, selon les mêmes sources.

      Les recherches se poursuivent mais les espoirs de retrouver des survivants s’amenuisent, trois jours après le drame. De nombreuses femmes et enfants auraient voyagé dans la cale du navire, qui a sombré dans une zone de la Méditerranée de plusieurs milliers de mètres de profondeur, la fosse Calypso.

      Par ailleurs, 9 personnes de nationalité égyptienne soupçonnées d’être des passeurs ont été arrêtées à la suite du drame.

      https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/naufrage-de-migrants-en-mediterranee-ce-que-lon-sait-sur-les-responsabili

    • Message de Vicky Skoumbi envoyé sur la mailing-list de Migreurop, le 18 juin 2023 :

      une vidéo glaçante avec un #témoignage de survivants qui fait état de la #responsabilité criminelle des #garde-côtes_grecs, avec la traduction d’un post d’Iasonas Apostolopoulos

      https://www.facebook.com/519820384/videos/5877893008981441

      « Les garde-côtes grecs se sont approchés de nous et nous ont lancé une corde bleue. Ils ont commencé à nous remorquer. La façon dont ils nous tiraient n’était pas correcte. Nous criions. Le navire a alors commencé à prendre de la gîte sur la gauche, les garde-côtes se sont tournés vers le côté opposé et notre navire a commencé à prendre de la gîte sur le côté et à couler.

      Nous essayions de grimper sur le bateau, nous voulions survivre.

      Les garde-côtes ont détaché la corde. Nous criions à l’aide. Ils ont fait tourner leur navire, créant une grosse vague, et notre bateau a complètement chaviré. Les personnes qui se trouvaient sur le côté du bateau se sont retrouvées en dessous. Nous pouvions entendre les gens dans la cale frapper sur la tôle en fer.

      Le bateau a complètement coulé ».

      –—

      Le journaliste Fallah Elias de la chaîne allemande WDR a partagé sur Twitter le témoignage absolument choquant et horrifiant d’un naufragé secouru.

      https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432

      Dans la vidéo, d’autres survivants pakistanais confirment que les garde-côtes grecs ont fait couler le bateau en le remorquant.

      Ni une, ni deux, ni trois, de nombreux témoignages désignent le gouvernement grec et les garde-côtes comme les seuls responsables du naufrage et de la noyade de centaines de personnes à Pylos. Au lieu de les secourir, ils ont tiré le bateau avec une corde jusqu’à ce qu’il chavire. Probablement pour les faire sortir de la zone de sauvetage grecque.

      Selon certaines informations, une centaine d’enfants figureraient parmi les morts.

      Si tout cela est vrai, il s’agit du plus grand homicide de l’histoire de l’Europe d’après-guerre.

      NE LAISSONS PAS L’AFFAIRE ÊTRE ÉTOUFFÉE !

      https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432?s=46&t=0dqDdxigZeccg_TvNxhfAA

    • Möglicherweise waren Push-Backs der Küstenwache Schuld am Bootsunglück in Griechenland

      Es gibt Vorwürfe, dass das Boot mit Geflüchteten vor Griechenland wegen Push-Backs der griechischen Küstenwache gesunken ist. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili berichtet im Interview, was Überlebende des Unglücks erzählen.

      Nach dem Bootsunglück vor Griechenland mit hunderten Toten gibt es schwere Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache, das Unglück verursacht zu haben. Die Rede ist von so genannten Push-Backs. Darunter versteht man Maßnahmen, mit denen flüchtende Menschen daran gehindert werden, die Grenze zu übertreten und einen Asylantrag zu stellen. In der EU-Grundrechte-Charta wird das Recht auf Asyl gemäß der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention allerdings garantiert.

      Die Küstenwache weist den Vorwurf von Push-Backs zurück - jetzt soll die europäische Polizeibehörde Europol ermitteln. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili ist in Griechenland und hat mit seinem Team mit Überlebenden sprechen können.

      WDR: Es gibt Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache. Worum geht es da?

      Bamdad Esmaili: Es geht darum, dass es Vorwürfe gibt, dass die griechische Küstenwache dieses Boot in die Richtung von italienischem Gewässer gezogen hat - dass sie es sozusagen gepushbackt hat. Diesen Vorwurf hatten wir bislang nur gehört, gestern Abend gelang es meinem Kollegen, der arabisch spricht, dann mit ungefähr zehn überlebenden Geflüchteten zu sprechen. Sie haben unabhängig voneinander berichtet, dass dieses Boot tatsächlich gezogen wurde - nicht nur einmal, nicht nur zweimal, sondern insgesamt dreimal. Und dabei ist das Schiff dann ins Wanken gekommen und ist gesunken.

      WDR: Das heißt, das Ziehen dieses Bootes, der Versuch es nach Italien zu ziehen und damit aus der Zuständigkeit Griechenlands herauszuholen, ist für dieses Unglück - so scheint es zumindest im Moment - verantwortlich?

      Esmaili: Das ist der Vorwurf, der im Raum steht. Das muss natürlich erstmal bewiesen werden. Die Griechen lehnen das vehement ab und dementieren das. Sie sagen nach wie vor immer noch, dass sie Hilfe angeboten haben und das Schiff habe diese Hilfe nicht gewollt, weil sie demnach nach Italien wollten.

      WDR: Wir können davon ausgehen, dass es jetzt eine größere Untersuchung geben wird. Wie wird in Griechenland darüber diskutiert, was hören Sie da?

      Esmaili: Das ist zum Politikum geworden, weil nächste Woche Parlamentswahlen in Griechenland sind. Vor allem die Opposition nutzt dieses Thema jetzt aus und kritisiert die Regierung. Und es ist für drei Tage eine Staatstrauer angeordnet worden. Es gibt auch Proteste, Kundgebungen, es gab einen Trauermarsch in Athen, also das ist ein Riesenthema hier in Griechenland.

      WDR: Sie haben erwähnt, dass Sie mit Überlebenden sprechen konnten. Wie haben diese denn die Situation auf dem Schiff beschrieben? Abgesehen von der Frage, ob sie gezogen wurden und damit das Unglück ausgelöst wurde.

      Esmaili: Man muss sich das so vorstellen: Ein Schiff, das 30 Meter lang ist, war völlig überfüllt. Die Überlebenden erzählen uns, dass sie von den Schleppern gehört haben, dass 747 Personen auf diesem Schiff waren. Deswegen ist auch immer von knapp 750 Personen die Rede und die waren überall: Unten, oben auf dem Deck, seit Tagen unterwegs, ohne Nahrung, ohne Wasser. Da kann man sich vorstellen, wie die Stimmung auf dem Schiff war.

      WDR: Das heißt, man muss davon ausgehen, dass das Unglück zu hunderten Toten geführt hat. Was geschieht jetzt mit den Menschen, die gerettet wurden - auch mit denen, mit denen Sie gesprochen haben?

      Esmaili: Wir sind jetzt in Malakasa in der Nähe von Athen und dort sind 71 Personen untergebracht, die kommen ganz normal ins Asylverfahren. Knapp 30 Personen sind noch in Kalamata im Krankenhaus, die werden behandelt und dann kommen sie vermutlich auch ins ganz normale Asylverfahren.

      WDR: Ganz normale Asylverfahren nach dem, was sie erlebt haben, das ist sicherlich auch eine schwierige Situation. Wurde die Suche nach Überlebenden denn inzwischen eingestellt?

      Esmaili: Das kann ich so nicht bestätigen. Wir haben gestern Abend noch gehört, dass noch weiter gesucht wird, aber natürlich kann man nach so vielen Tagen und bei so vielen Menschen davon ausgehen, dass man kaum noch Überlebende aus dem Meer retten kann. Rund 100 Kinder sollen auch mit an Bord gewesen sein.

      https://www1.wdr.de/nachrichten/bootsunglueck-mittelmeer-interview-bamdad-esmaili-100.html

    • Frontex statement following tragic shipwreck off Pylos

      We are shocked and saddened by the tragic events that unfolded off the coast of Greece. The Frontex Executive Director, who travelled to Greece after learning about the tragedy, has offered any support the authorities may need.

      People smugglers have once again trifled with human lives by forcing several hundred migrants on a fishing boat not designed to fit such a number of people. Many were trapped underneath the deck. Our thoughts go out to the families of the victims.

      On 13 June before noon, a Frontex plane spotted the fishing vessel inside the Greek search and rescue region in international waters. The ship was heavily overcrowded and was navigating at slow speed (6 knots) direction north-east.

      Frontex immediately informed the Greek and Italian authorities about the sighting, providing them with information about the condition of the vessel, speed and photos.

      The plane kept monitoring the vessel, constantly providing updates to all relevant national authorities until it ran out of fuel and had to return to base.

      As a Frontex drone was to patrol the Aegean on the same day, the agency offered to provide additional assistance ahead of the planned and scheduled flight. The Greek authorities asked the agency to send the drone to another search and rescue incident south off Crete with 80 people in danger.

      The drone, after attending to the incident south off Crete, flew to the last known position of the fishing vessel. The drone arrived at the scene four hours later at 04:05 (UTC) in the morning, when a large-scale search and rescue operation by Greek authorities was ongoing and there was no sign of the fishing boat. No Frontex plane or boat was present at the time of the tragedy.

      https://frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/frontex-statement-following-tragic-shipwreck-off-pylos-dJ5l9p

      –-
      Commentaire de Lena K. sur twitter :

      This might be important. According to Frontex, they offered a drone to fly over the location of the Pylos shipwreck in the evening of 13th, but the Greek authorities decided to send it to another distress incident south of Crete. Convenient (for both).

      https://twitter.com/lk2015r/status/1670143075040088068

    • Naufrage en Grèce : le bateau dérivait, contrairement à la version des garde-côtes

      Que s’est-il passé dans les heures précédant le terrible naufrage au large du Péloponnèse ? Les garde-côtes grecs affirment que le chalutier bondé faisait route vers l’Italie à une vitesse régulière et n’avait pas besoin d’être secouru. Une enquête de la BBC affirme le contraire : le chalutier était à l’arrêt et nécessitait une aide urgente.

      Version contre version. Depuis le terrible naufrage du mercredi 13 juin au large de la Grèce, qui a coûté la vie à au moins 500 personnes (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49759/au-moins-200-pakistanais-parmi-les-victimes-du-naufrage-en-grece), les autorités grecques campent sur leurs positions : le chalutier, qui comptait au moins 700 exilés à bord, n’était pas en danger imminent. Du moins, pas dans les heures précédant le naufrage.

      Selon le communiqué officiel du Premier ministre grec (https://www.primeminister.gr/2023/06/14/32002), Kyriakos Mitsotakis, le bateau, parti de Tobrouk en Libye, naviguait en direction de l’Italie. « À 15h35, le navire de pêche a été repéré par l’hélicoptère de la Garde côtière [grecque] naviguant à vitesse régulière », peut-on lire sur le communiqué. Il avait été repéré pour la première fois vers 11h du matin, et depuis, les autorités grecques le surveillait à distance. Pourquoi ne pas le secourir immédiatement ? Parce qu’il ne semblait pas en difficulté, se défendent les Grecs. « Le navire navigu[ait] avec un cap et une vitesse constantes », écrivent-ils dans leur rapport.

      Cette ligne de défense sera la même tout au long de la journée. À partir de 15h30 jusqu’à 21h, les autorités helléniques affirment avoir été à de nombreuses reprises en communication avec le bateau via téléphone satellite. À chaque fois, les garde-côtes notent que le chalutier navigue à vitesse régulière. Et que les exilés ne réclament aucune aide. « Les migrants criaient : ’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’ », expliquait déjà vendredi 16 juin le porte-parole des garde-côtes grecs, Nikos Alexiou.

      Dans un autre communiqué publié le 19 juin (https://www.hcg.gr/el/drasthriothtes/dieykriniseis-anaforika-me-eyreia-epixeirhsh-ereynas-kai-diaswshs-allodapwn-se-d), Athènes maintient sa position et affirme que le bateau a parcouru une distance de 24 nautiques marins - soit 44 km - depuis le moment où il a été repéré jusqu’à son naufrage.

      « Le navire ne bouge pas »

      Seulement, l’enquête menée par la BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) contredit la version grecque. Grâce aux coordonnées GPS des autres navires présents dans la zone méditerranéenne, la BBC est arrivée à la conclusion que le bateau n’a pas bougé entre 18h et 21h, mardi 13 juin. Un premier chalutier – le Lucky sailor – s’en est approché, sur ordre des garde-côtes grecs, à 18h pour lui fournir des vivres et de l’eau. Trois heures plus tard, c’est au même point de coordonnées maritimes qu’un second navire – le Faithfull Warrior - s’est rendu pour un autre ravitaillement.

      Et la BBC de continuer. « Une vidéo – qui aurait été tournée depuis le Faithful Warrior – prétend montrer des vivres livrés au navire via une corde dans l’eau. La BBC a vérifié ces images et a découvert que le navire - qui ne bouge pas – correspond à la forme du navire de migrants en détresse. Les conditions météorologiques correspondent à celles signalées à l’époque. »

      Pourtant, dans le dernier communiqué du 19 juin, les Grecs ne parlent pas d’immobilisation du navire. « Dans la soirée, le navire de patrouille côtière [...] est arrivé dans la région et a repéré [le chalutier] se déplaçant par ses propres moyens, à faible vitesse », maintiennent-ils.

      Et d’insister. Lors des deux ravitaillements, le navire a dans un premier temps poursuivi sa route avant de finalement s’arrêter. « Une fois le processus [de ravitaillement] terminé, les occupants du bateau ont commencé à jeter les fournitures à la mer », notent-ils encore dans leur document.

      « Navire secoué par le vent et les vagues »

      Enfin, à 22h40, les garde-côtes affirment s’être approché du chalutier tout en restant « à distance ». Là encore, ils ne détectent aucun problème de navigation. Et proposent de l’aide au navire en difficulté. « [Le chalutier] s’est de nouveau arrêté quelques minutes à l’approche [de la garde-côtière] puis a continué son chemin ».

      Entre le dernier ravitaillement et l’immobilisation du chalutier - à cause d’une panne mécanique -, une distance d’environ 6 mille nautiques (11 km) a été parcouru. À aucun moment, selon Athènes, le navire n’a donc été immobile.

      À l’échelle de la Méditerranée, ces dizaines de mille nautiques parcourus par le chalutier ne signifie pas qu’il naviguait de plein gré, insiste la BBC. Mais plutôt qu’il se déplaçait à peine « ce que l’on peut attendre d’un navire en détresse secoué par le vent et les vagues dans la partie la plus profonde de la mer Méditerranée », explique la BBC. Selon le média, les garde-côtes auraient donc dû procéder au sauvetage.

      Vers 2h du matin, dans la nuit du mardi à mercredi, le bateau fera naufrage. Le bilan provisoire fait toujours état de 78 morts, et des centaines de disparus.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49764/naufrage-en-grece--le-bateau-derivait-contrairement-a-la-version-des-g

    • Il video di Frontex e quel barcone stracarico in balia del mare

      Nel video di Frontex il barcone stracarico di migranti in navigazione tra la Libia, da dove era partito quattro giorni prima, e l’Europa. Le immagini sono state registrate il 13 giugno alle ore 9.48 Utc. Il naufragio è avvenuto la notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=Drz5OVIkWi0&embeds_referring_origin=https%3A%2F%2Fw

      Salgono a 80 le vittime accertate del tragico naufragio avvenuto a sud del Peloponneso, in Grecia, la settimana scorsa. I soccorsi hanno recuperato i corpi di altri due uomini a largo di Pylos. Le persone tratte in salvo sono ancora 104, mentre mancano all’appello almeno 600 persone, tra cui 100 bambini che al momento del naufragio si trovavano nella stiva. I corpi sono stati trasportati nel porto di Kalamata. Proseguono intanto le ricerche della Guardia costiera.

      Il racconto di un sopravvissuto

      «La Guardia costiera greca ci ha detto che ci avrebbe portato in acque italiane, che ci stavano spingendo. Era una nave da guerra. Poi la nostra barca si è ribaltata. Sono finito in mare, urlavo, non hanno fatto nulla per salvarci. Ho cercato di rimanere a galla per mezz’ora poi quando sono arrivate le barche della Guardia costiera mi sono allontanato perchè avevo paura. Ho visto la luce di una nave commerciale in lontananza e l’ho raggiunta». E’ la testimonianza-choc che sta circolando in queste ore su twitter. Si Tratta di un sopravvissuto siriano che racconta cosa è successo quella notte, fra martedì e mercoledì di una settimana fa, quando il barcone, partito dalla Libia, si è inabissando portandosi dietro almeno 600 persone (fra cui 100 bambini).

      La ricostruzione della Guardia costiera greca
      «In totale, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 30 miglia nautiche dal momento del rilevamento al momento dell’affondamento» ha dichiarato la Guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. «Il chiarimento», precisa la nota, arriva a seguito delle «pubblicazioni della stampa internazionale e nazionale» secondo cui il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno 7 ore prima di capovolgersi. «Nelle ore pomeridiane» di martedì 13 giugno, l’imbarcazione dei migranti «è stata avvicinata da una nave cisterna per fornire assistenza», continua il comunicato della Guardia costiera costiera sul naufragio del peschereccio a largo di Pylos. Nel testo si specifica nuovamente che i migranti a bordo avevano fatto resistenza e che poi il peschereccio si è fermato ed «è iniziato il rifornimento di viveri». Dalle ricostruzioni delle autorità elleniche si legge anche che una seconda nave cisterna si è impegnata ad avvicinarsi all’imbarcazione dei migranti per fornire provviste, ma il peschereccio avrebbe fatto resistenza e si sarebbe spostato verso ovest. Alla fine, la nave cisterna ha iniziato la procedura di rifornimento ma al termine di questa i migranti «hanno iniziato a gettare le provviste in mare». «L’intero processo di rifornimento di provviste agli occupanti del peschereccio da parte delle due navi commerciali è durato in totale più di quattro ore e trenta minuti», aggiunge la Guardia costiera, specificando che «nelle ore serali» è arrivata nella zona una loro motovedetta e «ha avvistato il peschereccio che si muoveva autonomamente, a bassa velocità». Secondo la ricostruzione delle autorità elleniche, la motovedetta «ha avviato una procedura di avvicinamento all’imbarcazione per accertarsi delle condizioni attuali del natante e dei suoi occupanti», mentre «la nave si è fermata di nuovo per alcuni minuti durante l’avvicinamento da parte della motovedetta e poi ha continuato la sua rotta».
      «Dal momento in cui è stato completato il processo di rifornimento fino all’immobilizzazione del peschereccio a causa di un guasto meccanico, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 6 miglia nautiche» conclude la Guardia costiera greca.

      Islamabad: 300 cittadini pachistani annegati a Pylos
      Più di 300 pachistani sono annegati nel naufragio del peschereccio al largo delle coste greche del Peloponneso: il numero delle vittime è stato reso noto dal presidente del Senato di Islamabad Muhammad Sadiq Sanjrani inviando le condoglianze alle famiglie. Lo scrive la Cnn. «I nostri pensieri e le nostre preghiere sono con voi e preghiamo che le anime defunte trovino la pace eterna», ha detto Sanjrani. «Questo devastante incidente sottolinea l’urgenza di affrontare e condannare l’esecrabile traffico illegale di esseri umani». Le autorità greche non hanno ancora confermato il bilancio delle vittime pakistane.

      https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/naufragio-in-grecia-la-versione-dei-greci

    • A survivor of #Pylos shipwreck shared harrowing details:

      ➡️Two people died from thirst and hunger on the 4th and 5th days of the journey
      ➡️On the 4th day, people started drinking from the boat engine’s water. On the 5th day, a state of “slow death” was announced

      ➡️On 16 June, they started calling for any coastguard as they didn’t know they were in the Greek waters.
      ➡️A luxury yacht provided 4 boxes of water for almost 750 people & this created tension between people due to thirst.

      ➡️A giant Greek ship threw ropes to people & towed the boat. Then, they started throwing water bottles at them leading to an imbalance in the boat
      ➡️The boat started sinking. We started to beg to be rescued and showed them the dead bodies but the ship wasn’t qualified for rescue

      ➡️Around sunset, a Greek military ship with masked people wearing black approached, towed them with only one blue robe & increased their ship’s speed
      ➡️That was when the ship capsized. People started shouting as they sink. People on the Greek military ship were just watching
      Full testimony here:
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

      https://twitter.com/ecre/status/1670739249417560064

    • I superstiti del naufragio di Pylos accusano la Guardia costiera greca

      Nella notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno le autorità greche avrebbero tentato di trainare il peschereccio partito dalla Libia con a bordo oltre 700 persone, provocandone l’inabissamento. Le testimonianze dei sopravvissuti, confinati subito dopo aver toccato terra, smontano la versione di Atene. Le vittime sarebbero almeno 643

      Secondo diverse testimonianze dei sopravvissuti il peschereccio con oltre 700 persone a bordo è affondato al largo delle coste greche, nelle prime ore di mercoledì 21 giugno, durante un tentativo fallito di rimorchio da parte della Guardia costiera greca. L’accusa è contenuta nelle dichiarazioni rilasciate da alcuni naufraghi all’autorità giudiziaria di Kalamata, città meridionale greca –visionate dall’Ap news (https://apnews.com/article/greece-migrant-shipwreck-smugglers-9daf86915e8bd89a1697dd1ee75504ac) e dal quotidiano ellenico Kathimerini- che smentiscono la versione delle autorità greche secondo cui la barca non sarebbe stata scortata nelle sue ultime ore di navigazione e non ci sarebbe stato alcun tentativo di abbordarla.

      “La nave greca ha gettato una corda ed è stata legata alla nostra prua -ha spiegato Abdul Rahman Alhaz, 24 anni, palestinese che è riuscito a salvarsi-. Dopo hanno iniziato a muoversi e a tirare, per poco più di due minuti. Noi gridavamo ‘Stop, stop’ perché la barca era sovraccarica. Poi ha cominciato a inclinarsi”.

      L’inabissamento del peschereccio partito dalla Libia avrebbe provocato almeno 643 vittime, secondo quanto è stato possibile ricostruire dalle testimonianze dei 104 sopravvissuti. Sarebbero 100 i bambini, sempre secondo i racconti di chi si è salvato dal naufragio, che con le donne erano stipati nella stiva della nave. Sulle dinamiche dell’incidente, però, fin da subito erano emersi versioni contrastanti.

      Un’inchiesta realizzata dalla BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) mostra che il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno sette ore prima di capovolgersi mentre la guardia costiera, invece, nel comunicato stampa rilasciato successivamente al naufragio sottolinea che dalle 15.30 all’1.40 la navigazione è proseguita a “velocità e rotta costante”. La versione della BBC si basa sui dati di Marin traffic, che traccia i movimenti delle imbarcazioni nel Mediterraneo, e che confermerebbe che le navi inviate dalle autorità greche per fornire supporto all’imbarcazione carica di naufraghi siano intervenute tutte nella stessa zona e che quindi la nave avrebbe percorso “meno di poche miglia nautiche, come ci si può aspettare da una nave colpita dal vento o dalle onde nella parte più profonda del Mar Mediterraneo”. Inoltre, sempre secondo la testata inglese, la foto dell’imbarcazione pubblicata dai guardacoste ellenici giovedì 15 giugno, riferita a poche ore prima del capovolgimento, dimostra che la nave era ferma e soprattutto smentisce la versione secondo cui le stesse autorità “avevano osservato da una distanza discreta il susseguirsi dei fatti”.

      “Abbiamo lanciato una richiesta di soccorso il giorno prima del naufragio verso le 8 del mattino -ha raccontato un sopravvissuto alla Ong Consolidated rescue group- (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

      ). Non sapevamo neanche che fossimo in Grecia”. Alle 9.47 del mattino Frontex, l’Agenzia che sorveglia le frontiere europee, ha comunicato alle autorità italiane e greche la presenza di un peschereccio sovraffollato e la Centrale operativa di Roma intorno alle 11 ha comunicato la posizione della nave, nel Sud del Peloponneso, al centro operativo di Atene. Alle 13.50 da Mitilini si è alzato un elicottero della Guardia costiera greca diretto verso il peschereccio, raggiunto verso le 15.35. Le stesse autorità greche, intanto, stavano chiedendo alle imbarcazioni che navigavano nell’area di cambiare rotta. “Una barca ci ha rifornito di quattro boxes d’acqua da sei bottiglie l’una: le persone si colpivano per prenderla -continua il sopravvissuto-. Questa nave ci ha lanciato una corda per avvicinarci ma ci ha detto che non era loro compito salvarci e che presto sarebbe arrivata la Guardia costiera”. La situazione a bordo era tesa, racconta sempre l’uomo intervistato dal Consolidated rescue group, al quarto giorno di navigazione non c’era né acqua né cibo, due persone erano morte e giacevano sul vascello: al quinto giorno, quello precedente al naufragio, qualcuno beveva dal motore perché l’acqua era finita. Ma anche nel racconto dell’uomo quello che succede al calar del sole di martedì scorso, dopo l’intervento delle navi civili, ripercorre le testimonianze di decine di altri naufraghi. “La Guardia costiera, una volta arrivata, ci ha detto di seguirli così l’Italia ci avrebbe salvato. Lo abbiamo fatto per mezz’ora, poi il motore si è rotto. Erano vestiti di nero e mascherati, senza segni militari. Ci hanno tirati con una corta e poi sono ripartiti, la nave ha perso stabilità e poco dopo è affondata”.

      Da Atene le autorità hanno dichiarato che i naufraghi hanno più volte rifiutato il loro intervento perché volevano proseguire verso l’Italia. Diverse testimonianze dei naufraghi smentiscono questa versione. Nawal Soufi, attivista rifugiata indipendente che quel giorno ha lanciato per prima l’Sos per la barca in avaria, ha dichiarato di essere stata in contatto con le persone sulla barca fino alle 23 di martedì. “L’uomo con cui stavo parlando mi ha detto espressamente: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte viva’”, ha scritto. Poco prima di mezzanotte il motore si è spento.

      El Pais (https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-06-20/greece-imposes-silence-around-shipwreck-of-overcrowded-migrant-boat.) ha accusato le autorità greche di “imporre il silenzio” ai sopravvissuti al naufragio. Durante la loro permanenza nel porto di Kalamata, i 104 naufraghi avevano infatti mobilità limitata e scarso accesso alle comunicazioni: la Guardia costiera, secondo quanto ricostruito dal quotidiano spagnolo, li avrebbe confinati all’interno di un complesso recintato da cui non è stato permesso loro di uscire. Successivamente, venerdì 16 giugno, sono stati trasferiti a Malakasa, un campo per richiedenti asilo vicino ad Atene. Ma anche in questa nuova sistemazione la possibilità di uscire e avere contatti con l’esterno è risultata limitata

      Intanto martedì 20 giugno il tribunale di Kalamata ha convalidato l’arresto di nove uomini di origine egiziana accusati di essere i membri dell’equipaggio: omicidio colposo, naufragio e partecipazione a un’organizzazione criminale sono i capi d’accusa. L’avvocato Athanassios Iliopoulos, che rappresenta un presunto trafficante di 22 anni, ha dichiarato all’Associated Press che tutti e nove i sospettati hanno negato le accuse in tribunale affermando di essere essi stessi naufraghi. Iliopoulos ha detto che il suo cliente ha riferito di aver venduto il suo camion preso in prestito dai suoi genitori per raccogliere 4.500 euro per il viaggio. Anche in Pakistan, dove è stato proclamato il lutto nazionale per le vittime del naufragio, l’ufficio del primo ministro Shehbaz Sharif ha annunciato che sono state arrestate dieci persone accusate di far parte dell’organizzazione. “Intensificheremo gli sforzi nella lotta contro le persone coinvolte nell’atroce crimine della tratta di esseri umani”, ha dichiarato il capo del governo. Per la presidente della Commissione europea Ursula von der Leyen “è urgente agire”, sottolineando che l’Ue dovrebbe aiutare i Paesi africani come la Tunisia, da cui molte persone partono, a stabilizzare le loro economie. Non ha in questo caso menzionato la Libia, luogo da cui il peschereccio del naufragio è partito.

      La Grecia è stata più volte accusata di violare sui propri confini le norme sul salvataggio in mare e i diritti delle persone in transito. A maggio 2023 un’inchiesta del New York Times ha mostrato, con tanto di video ad alta definizione, le autorità greche riportare indietro verso le coste turche decine di profughi già arrivati sul territorio, tra cui anche bambini, lasciando alla deriva l’imbarcazione. Altro che attività di search and rescue. Il portale di inchiesta Solomon (https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/just-007-of-819m-border-budget-to-greece-earmarked-for-search-and-resc) ha ricostruito come degli 819 milioni di euro forniti ad Atene all’interno del “Fondo di gestione delle frontiere europee” appena lo 0,07% (neanche 600mila euro) sarà destinato allo sviluppo delle attività di ricerca e soccorso in mare. La maggior parte del denaro riguarda invece l’approvvigionamento di attrezzature di deterrenza come droni, veicoli di ogni tipo, termocamere, elicotteri e sistemi di sorveglianza automatizzati. Tutto ciò che non è servito per salvare 640 persone.

      https://altreconomia.it/i-superstiti-del-naufragio-di-pylos-accusano-la-guardia-costiera-greca

    • Greece shipwreck survivors were ’abandoned for 10 minutes’

      Survivors of the June 14 shipwreck off Greece have made serious accusations against the country’s Coast Guard in witness statements.

      Statements gathered from some of the 104 survivors of a recent shipwreck off Greece contain serious accusations against the Greek Coast Guard.

      Search operations for more corpses continue after the fishing vessel, which is believed to have been carrying up to 800 migrants, capsized last week south of Greece’s Peloponnese.
      Survivors blame Greek Coast Guard

      “When the ship capsized, the Coast Guard cut the rope and continued on its way. It went farther away as we were all screaming. After 10 minutes, they came back with small boats to pick up people but they did not go as far as the ship itself. They only picked up those who managed to swim away,” one survivor told the Greek newspaper Kathimerini, recounting the last minutes of shipwreck that left at least 82 dead and hundreds missing.

      Surviving witnesses have been questioned by the Kalamata port authority.

      Every person interviewed confirmed — with slight variations in their reconstructions — that the shipwreck had been caused by a Greek Coast Guard patrol boat.

      One of the survivors said the Coast Guard’s attempt to tow the overcrowded fishing vessel created turbulence in the water that eventually caused the ship to capsize.

      “They tried to pull it using force for two or three minutes and everyone whistled to try to make them stop, since they were pulling it strongly and creating waves,” one said.

      Another added that, “for the first few minutes we went forward, but then the Coast Guard turned to the right and the ship overturned.”
      Polemics inflame political conflict prior to vote

      These witness statements run counter to the Coast Guard’s official version. Captains aboard the patrol boat say they only hooked up to the vessel for a few minutes to check the situation onboard before the ship wrecked.

      The situation has inflamed political conflict ahead of Greece’s government elections, which will be held Sunday.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/49846/greece-shipwreck-survivors-were-abandoned-for-10-minutes

    • They knew the boat could sink. Boarding it didn’t feel like a choice.

      The story of how as many as 750 migrants came to board a rickety blue fishing trawler and end up in one of the Mediterranean’s deadliest shipwrecks is bigger than any one of the victims. But for everyone, it started somewhere, and for #Thaer_Khalid_al-Rahal it started with cancer.

      The leukemia diagnosis for his youngest son, 4-year-old Khalid, came early last year. The family had been living in a Jordanian refugee camp for a decade, waiting for official resettlement after fleeing Syria’s bitter war, and doctors said the United Nations’ refugee agency could help cover treatment costs. But agency funds dwindled and the child’s case worsened. When doctors said Khalid needed a bone-marrow transplant, the father confided in relatives that waiting to relocate through official channels was no longer an option. He needed to get to Europe to earn money and save his son.

      “Thaer thought he didn’t have a choice,” said his cousin, Abdulrahman Yousif al-Rahal, reached by phone in the Jordanian refugee camp of Zaatari.

      In Egypt, the journey for #Mohamed_Abdelnasser, 27, started with a creeping realization that his carpentry work could not earn enough to support his wife and two sons.

      For #Matloob_Hussain, 42, it began the day his Greek residency renewal was rejected, sending him back to Pakistan, where his salary helped put food on the table for 20 extended family members amid a crippling economic crisis.

      “Europe doesn’t understand,” said his brother Adiil Hussain, interviewed in Greece where they had lived together. “We don’t leave because we want to. There is simply nothing for us in Pakistan.”

      On Matloob’s earlier journey to Europe, he had been so scared of the water that he kept his eyes closed the whole time. This time, the smugglers promised him they would take him to Italy. They said they would use “a good boat.”

      The trawler left from the Libyan port city of #Tobruk on June 8. Just 104 survivors have reached the Greek mainland. Eighty-two bodies have been recovered, and hundreds more have been swallowed by the sea.

      As the Mediterranean became a stage for tragedy on June 14, a billionaire and several businessmen were preparing for their own voyage in the North Atlantic. The disappearance of their submersible as it dove toward the wreckage of the Titanic sparked a no-expenses-spared search-and-rescue mission and rolling headlines. The ship packed with refugees and migrants did not.

      About half the passengers are believed to have been from Pakistan. The country’s interior minister said Friday that an estimated 350 Pakistanis were on board, and that many may have died. Of the survivors from the boat, 47 are Syrian, 43 Egyptian, 12 Pakistani and two Palestinian.

      Some of the people on the trawler were escaping war. Many were family breadwinners, putting their own lives on the line to help others back home. Some were children. A list of the missing from two towns in the Nile Delta carries 43 names. Almost half of them are under 18 years old.

      This account of what pushed them to risk a notoriously dangerous crossing is based on interviews with survivors in Greece and relatives of the dead in Pakistan, Jordan and Egypt, as the news sent ripples of distress throughout communities from North Africa to South Asia. Some people spoke on the condition of anonymity, because they feared being drawn into government crackdowns on human smuggling networks.

      Rahal’s family said they do not know how he contacted the smugglers in Libya, but remember watching as he creased under the fatigue and shame of having to ask anyone he could for the thousands of dollars they were requesting for safe passage to Italy.

      Thirteen men left from El Na’amna village, south of the Egyptian capital, Cairo, in the hope of achieving the same. Ten miles away in Ibrash, another village, Abdelnasser left the house as he usually did for his 2 a.m. factory shift but joined a packed car to Libya instead, along with 29 other young men and boys. “He told us nothing,” said his father, Amr. “We would have stopped him.”

      Many of the families said the departures caught them by surprise and that local intermediaries working for the smugglers later communicated with relatives in Egypt to gather the requested funds.

      In El Na’amna, several people said the figure was $4,500 per person — a sum impossibly high for most rural Egyptians. In Ibrash, Abdelnasser’s uncle said, two of the delegates who arrived to collect the money were disguised in women’s dress. Another woman did the talking. She collected the money, photographed receipts, and then told the family that the deal was done.

      ‘He said the boat was very bad’

      The time spent waiting in Libya was harder than the migrants expected, said family members who spoke with them throughout that period. The port city of Tobruk had become a transit hub for people, and the migrants reported that the smugglers treated them like goods to be traded. The lucky ones rented cramped apartments where they could wait near the bright blue sea.

      Travelers who had arranged to meet their intermediaries in the city of Benghazi were transported in large refrigerator trucks to the desert. One survivor described a house there “with a big yard and big walls and people at the door with guns.” It was so busy that people slept in the yard outside. Inside, a 24-year-old Pakistani migrant, Bilal Hassan, tried to lighten the mood by reciting Punjabi poetry. He is smiling in the video he sent his family, but other men in the room look tense.

      Some migrants told their families they were getting anxious and didn’t trust their smugglers. Others sent brief messages to reassure and say that they were fine.

      Rahal spoke to his wife, Nermin, every day. A month passed with no news of onward passage and his mood darkened. He worried about Khalid. In Jordan, the boy kept asking when he would see his father again. “I don’t know,” Rahal texted in reply. When one smuggler’s offer fell through, he found another who promised to get the job done faster. In voice messages to his cousin, he sounded tired.

      “I’ll manage to get the money,” he said.

      His last call to his wife was June 8. Men from the smuggling network were yelling at the migrants to pack together as closely as possible in rubber dinghies that would take them to the trawler. Up ahead, the blue fishing boat looked like it was already full.

      Matloob Hussein, the Pakistani who had lived in Greece, called his brother from the trawler. “He said the boat was very bad,” Adiil recounted. “He said they had loaded people on the boat like cattle. He said he was below deck and that he preferred it so he didn’t have to see that he was surrounded by water.”

      When Adiil asked why his brother hadn’t refused to board, Matloob said the smugglers had guns and knives. As the boat pulled out of Tobruk’s concrete port, he told Adiil he was turning his phone off — he did not expect to have a signal again until they arrived.

      After the calls to loved ones stopped, from the foothills of Kashmir to the villages of the Nile Delta, families held their breath.

      It felt, said one relative, like a film that had just stopped halfway through.

      In hometowns and villages, waiting for news

      News of the blue trawler’s capsize trickled out on the morning of June 14. The coast guard’s initial report said that at least 17 people had drowned while noting that more than 100 had been saved. On the Greek mainland, relatives waited for updates in the baking sun outside a migrant reception center. Back in hometowns and villages, some people kept their cellphones plugged into the power sockets so they did not risk missing a call.

      The residents of El Na’amna and Ibrash didn’t know what to do. Police arrested a local smuggler but provided no updates on the whereabouts of the missing. Rumors swirled that most were dead. The mother of 23-year-old Amr Elsayed described a grief so full that she felt as if she were burning.

      A Pakistani community leader in Greece, Javed Aslam, said he was in direct contact with more than 200 families asking for news. Accounts from survivors suggested that almost all the Pakistani passengers, along with many women and children, had been stuck on the lower levels of the boat as it went down.

      Adiil came looking for his brother. He was turned away from the hospital where survivors had been treated, but left his details anyway. Outside the Malakasa reception center, where the survivors were staying, 15 miles north of Athens, several Pakistanis seemed to know Matloob as “the man in the yellow T-shirt.” No one had seen him since the wreck.

      Perhaps it was crazy, Adiil said Thursday, but somehow he still had hope. He had registered his DNA with the local authorities and he had spoken to other families there every day. Now he didn’t know what to do with himself. His eyes were red from crying. He carried creased photographs of his brother in his pocket.

      In one image, Matloob is standing with his dark-eyed daughter, 10-year-old Arfa. Adiil had told the girl that her father was in the hospital, but that fiction was weighing more on him by the day as she kept asking why they couldn’t speak.

      Khalid had been asking for his father, too, but no one knew how to make a 4-year-old understand something they barely understood themselves.

      Nermin, relatives said, was “in bad shape.” She had a funeral to organize without a body. But first she had to take Khalid to the hospital for his biopsy, to learn how far the cancer had spread.

      https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/06/24/greek-migrant-boat-victims

    • ‘If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned:’ CNN investigation raises questions about Greek coast guard’s account of shipwreck tragedy

      The hull of the fishing trawler lifted out of the water as it sank, catapulting people from the top deck into the black sea below. In the darkness, they grabbed onto whatever they could to stay afloat, pushing each other underwater in a frantic fight for survival. Some were screaming, many began to recite their final prayers.

      “I can still hear the voice of a woman calling out for help,” one survivor of the migrant boat disaster off the coast of Greece told CNN. “You’d swim and move floating bodies out of your way.”

      With hundreds of people still missing after the overloaded vessel capsized in the Mediterranean on June 14, the testimonies of those who were onboard paint a picture of chaos and desperation. They also call into question the Greek coast guard’s version of events, suggesting more lives could have been saved, and may even point to fault on the part of Greek authorities.

      Rights groups allege the tragedy is both further evidence and a result of a new pattern in illegal pushbacks of migrant boats to other nations’ waters, with deadly consequences.

      This boat was carrying up to 750 Pakistani, Syrian, Egyptian and Palestinian refugees and migrants. Only 104 people have been rescued alive.

      CNN has interviewed multiple survivors of the shipwreck and their relatives, all of whom have wished to remain anonymous for security reasons and the fear of retribution from authorities in both Greece and at home.

      One survivor from Syria, whom CNN is identifying as Rami, described how a Greek coast guard vessel approached the trawler multiple times to try to attach a rope to tow the ship, with disastrous results.

      “The third time they towed us, the boat swayed to the right and everyone was screaming, people began falling into the sea, and the boat capsized and no one saw anyone anymore,” he said. “Brothers were separated, cousins were separated.”

      Another Syrian man, identified as Mostafa, also believes it was the maneuver by the coast guard that caused the disaster. “The Greek captain pulled us too fast, it was extremely fast, this caused our boat to sink,” he said.

      The Hellenic Coast Guard has repeatedly denied attempting to tow the vessel. An official investigation into the cause of the tragedy is still ongoing.

      Coast guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou told CNN over the phone last week: “When the boat capsized, we were not even next to (the) boat. How could we be towing it?” Instead, he insisted they had only been “observing at a close distance” and that “a shift in weight probably caused by panic” had caused the boat to tip.

      The Hellenic Coast Guard has declined to answer CNN’s specific requests for response to the survivor testimonies.

      Direct accounts from those who survived the wreck have been limited, due to their concerns about speaking out and the media having little access to the survivors. CNN interviewed Rami and Mostafa outside the Malakasa migrant camp near Athens, where journalists are not permitted entry.

      The Syrian men said the conditions on board the migrant boat deteriorated fast in the more than five days after it set off from Tobruk, Libya, in route to Italy. They had run out of water and had resorted to drinking from storage bottles that people had urinated in.

      “People were dying. People were fainting. We used a rope to dip clothes into the sea and use that to squeeze water on people who had lost consciousness,” Rami said.

      CNN’s analysis of marine traffic data, combined with information from NGOs, merchant vessels and the European Union border patrol agency, Frontex, suggests that Greek authorities were aware of the distressed vessel for at least 13 hours before it eventually sank early on June 14.

      The Greek coast guard has maintained that people onboard the trawler had refused rescue and insisted they wanted to continue their journey to Italy. But survivors, relatives and activists say they had asked for help multiple times.

      Earlier in the day, other ships tried to help the trawler. Directed by the Greek coast guard, two merchant vessels – Lucky Sailor and Faithful Warrior – approached the boat between 6 and 9 p.m. on June 13 to offer supplies, according to marine traffic data and the logs of those ships. But according to survivors this only caused more havoc onboard.

      “Fights broke out over food and water, people were screaming and shouting,” Mostafa said. “If it wasn’t for people trying to calm the situation down, the boat was on the verge of sinking several times.”

      By early evening, six people had already died onboard, according to an audio recording reviewed by CNN from Italian activist Nawal Soufi, who took a distress call from the migrant boat at around 7 p.m. Soufi’s communication with the vessel also corroborated Mostafa’s account that people moved from one side of the boat to the other after water bottles were passed from the cargo ships, causing it to sway dangerously.

      The haunting final words sent from the migrant boat came just minutes before it capsized. According to a timeline published by NGO Alarm Phone they received a call, at around 1:45 a.m., with the words “Hello my friend… The ship you send is…” Then the call cuts out.

      The coast guard says the vessel began to sink at around 2 a.m.

      The next known activity in the area, according to marine traffic data, was the arrival of a cluster of vessels starting around 3 a.m. The Mayan Queen superyacht was the first on the scene for what soon became a mass rescue operation.

      A responsibility to rescue

      Human rights groups say the authorities had a duty to act to save lives, regardless of what people on board were saying to the coast guard before the migrant boat capsized.

      “The boat was overcrowded, was unseaworthy and should have been rescued and people taken to safety, that’s quite clear,” UNHCR Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean Vincent Cochetel told CNN in an interview. “There was a responsibility for the Greek authorities to coordinate a rescue to bring those people safely to land.”

      Cochetel also pointed to a growing trend by countries, including Greece, to assist migrant boats in leaving their waters. “That’s a practice we’ve seen in recent months. Some coastal states provide food, provide water, sometimes life jackets, sometimes even fuel to allow such boats to continue to only one destination: Italy. And that’s not fair, Italy cannot cope with that responsibility alone.”

      Survivors who say the coast guard tried to tow their boat say they don’t know what the aim was.

      There have been multiple documented examples in recent years of Greek patrol boats engaging in so-called “pushbacks” of migrant vessels from Greek waters in recent years, including in a CNN investigation in 2020.

      “It looks like what the Greeks have been doing since March 2020 as a matter of policy, which is pushbacks and trying to tow a boat to another country’s water in order to avoid the legal responsibility to rescue,” Omer Shatz, legal director of NGO Front-LEX, told CNN. “Because rescue means disembarkation and disembarkation means processing of asylum requests.”

      Pushbacks are state measures aimed at forcing refugees and migrants out of their territory, while impeding access to legal and procedural frameworks, according to the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). They are a violation of international law, as well as European regulations.

      And such measures do not appear to have deterred human traffickers whose businesses prey on vulnerable and desperate migrants.

      In an interview with CNN last month, then Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis denied that his country engaged in intentional pushbacks and described them as a “completely unacceptable practice.” Mitsotakis is widely expected to win a second term in office in Sunday’s election, after failing to get an outright majority in a vote last month.

      A series of Greek governments have been criticized for their handling of migration policy, including conditions in migrant camps, particularly following the 2015-16 refugee crisis, when more than 1 million people entered Europe through the country.

      For those who lived through last week’s sinking, the harrowing experience will never be forgotten.

      Mostafa and Rami both say they wish they had never made the journey, despite the fact they are now in Europe and are able to claim asylum.

      Most of all, Mostafa says, he wishes the Greek coast guard had never approached their boat: “If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned.”

      https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/23/europe/greece-migrant-boat-disaster-investigation-intl-cmd/index.html
      #témoignage

    • Greece shipwreck survivors faced ’unacceptable’ conditions on arrival in country

      NGOs say survivors of sinking are being held in a closed centre with limited access to psychological support

      Survivors of the Pylos shipwreck, which has left an estimated 500 people missing, faced an “unacceptable” reception in Greece and continue to be held in conditions unsuitable for vulnerable people, NGO workers say.

      The overloaded fishing trawler carrying an estimated 750 people capsized and sank in front of the Greek coastguard last week, following an allegedly botched attempt by the coastguard to tow the vessel.

      The survivors, put at 104 and all men - as no women or children are said to have survived the wreck - were taken to Kalamata, a city on the Peloponnese peninsula, where they were kept in a storage warehouse for two to three days before being transferred to an asylum registration facility at Malakasa, north of Athens.

      “We witnessed an unacceptable reception of extremely vulnerable people in Kalamata,” Eleni Spathanaa, a volunteer lawyer for Refugee Support Aegean, an organisation providing legal advice for the survivors of the wreck, told Middle East Eye.

      Survivors slept on mattresses on the warehouse floor, and the area around it was ringed with fencing. A video posted on Twitter showed a Syrian teenager attempting to embrace his brother through the bars.

      According to Spathanaa, in the first few days no concerted effort was made by authorities to facilitate contact with the survivors’ families, although the Greek Red Cross was providing some access to mobile phones.

      A suffocating experience

      The survivors were transported to a registration facility in Malakasa on 16 and 17 June.

      According to Spathanaa, conditions at #Malakasa are not much of an improvement on those at Kalamata. Survivors are housed in shared shipping containers, and, as at #Kalamata, the facility is ring-fenced, with access severely restricted.

      The prison-like conditions came as a shock.

      “We witnessed... people devastated [and in] shock. They could not even understand where they were,” said Spathanaa. "I could not understand why they were put in a closed centre. Of course, these conditions are not suitable for people who have just survived a shipwreck.

      “These people were [contained], after such a suffocating experience - all of them have lost friends, some of them close relatives... they cannot even conceive what has happened.”

      According to Spathanaa, some of the survivors’ basic needs are not being met at the facility, with some reporting that requests for extra clothing to keep warm at night have been refused. Requests for tea, coffee and cigarettes were also reportedly denied.

      Spathanaa and her colleagues also found that, despite suffering from acute distress, the survivors were being “fast-tracked” through the process of registration for asylum applications.

      “This was quite problematic because most of the people [we met] had not even seen a lawyer before passing through this process,” she said.

      Emergency psychological and medical aid at the facility is being provided by the NGO Doctors Without Borders (MSF). “We saw a lot of distress,” MSF head of mission Sonia Balleron told MEE. “The medical team is clear that [the survivors] are all potentially at risk of PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder].”

      The team have reported treating chemical burns, injuries from exposure to the sun and sea water, as well as hypo-glycaemic shock (the effect of low blood sugar), due to the people aboard the boat being deprived of food for up to six days.

      According to Balleron, many of the survivors are suffering from sleep disorders and night terrors in the wake of the disaster.

      “What we hear mostly... is people [recalling] seeing their friends dying in front of their eyes,” said Balleron. “They also talk about not knowing who survived and who died, which is causing a lot of stress. Families are calling a lot to try to understand if their relatives are among the survivors or not.”
      A political choice

      For Spathanaa, the conditions experienced by the survivors of the wreck on arrival in Kalamata and Malakasa are no accident, but a “political choice”.

      At the end of 2022, the ESTIA accommodation scheme, an EU funded housing programme for vulnerable asylum seekers, was terminated. The programme, which was started in 2015, was intended to assist families with children, people with disabilities and survivors of torture with suitable housing and medical care.

      When it closed on 16 December, vulnerable asylum seekers were transferred from ESTIA accommodation to remote camps with as little as 24 hours’ notice. Human rights groups warned that the curtailment of the scheme could exacerbate isolation of asylum seekers and “re-traumatise” survivors of violence and torture.

      “We have these vulnerable survivors, and we don’t have the option of sheltering them in dignified and suitable conditions,” said Spathanaa. “I don’t think if the shipwreck’s passengers were tourists, that they would treat them like that. They wouldn’t put them in a warehouse.”

      This is not lost on the international community. Social media posts in the wake of the disaster have highlighted the discrepancy in the efforts by the Greek coastguard to prevent last week’s wreck with the resources expended on recovering the missing Titan submarine in the Atlantic Ocean.

      Widespread protests in Greece over the authorities’ inaction to the disaster have also highlighted the inequities that play out in the waters of the Mediterranean: on 18 June, two cruise ships were greeted at Thessaloniki port with a banner reading: “Tourists enjoy your cruise in Europe’s biggest migrants cemetery.”

      https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/greece-shipwreck-survivors-unacceptable-conditions-upon-arrival
      #emprisonnement #survivants

    • On the night of June 14, Captain Richard Kirkby is piloting the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht belonging to a Mexican multibillionaire, through the calm, black waters of the Mediterranean when he receives an emergency call. “Ship sinking. Large number of people. Vessels in the vicinity are requested to initiate search and rescue operations.” The crew hears the screams from people drowning before they can see them.

      The shipwreck that takes place that night would turn out to be the deadliest in the Mediterranean in many years. Around 750 people are thought to have been on board the fishing boat that went down off the coast of the Peloponnese. When the Mayan Queen IV reaches the site at 2:55 a.m., only the lights of another ship can be seen. They belong to the Greek Coast Guard, vessel LS 920 – according to investigation files that DER SPIEGEL and its partners have acquired.

      But the Greeks cannot be reached via radio. So three crew members from the Mayan Queen IV climb into a life boat and start searching for survivors, constantly heading toward the cries for help. They stay as quiet as they can so as not to miss a single voice. Ultimately, they will pull 15 people out of the water.

      Early in the morning, the Greek Coast Guard requests permission to bring additional survivors on board. The Greek vessel is too small to safely bring all the survivors to shore. But the Mayan Queen IV – a ship with four decks, tinted windows and a helicopter landing pad – is large enough. At 7:20 a.m., the yacht sets course for Kalamata. On board are 100 of a total of 104 survivors – migrants wrapped in silver emergency blankets cowering where the super-rich are normally sunning themselves.
      Survivors if the shipwreck in the port of Kalamata: “Ship sinking. Large number of people.”

      Hundreds of refugees don’t survive this night – despite the fact that the Greek Coast Guard arrived at the site several hours before the accident. As early as the morning of the previous day, an Italian agency had sent them a warning and a non-governmental organization had forwarded an SOS from the fishing boat. Even the European Union border control agency Frontex had identified the ship’s plight and offered additional assistance. How can it be that hundreds of migrants died anyway? It is a question that has plagued the Greek Coast Guard for the last two weeks.

      The accusations that survivors have leveled at the Greeks are serious: Did the Coast Guard leave the people to their fate for too long? Were they trying to pull the ship into Italian waters – as some testimony seems to indicate? Perhaps to keep hundreds of migrants from landing in Greece?

      A team of reporters from DER SPIEGEL joined forces with the nonprofit newsroom Lighthouse Reports, investigative journalism consortium Reporters United, the Spanish newspaper El País, the Syrian investigative reporting outlet Siraj and the German public broadcaster ARD to explore these questions. The reporters interviewed survivors, many of whom had already turned to the aid organization Consolidated Rescue Group. They examined leaked investigative reports, videos and geodata and spoke with sources inside Frontex.

      The reporting indicates that, at the very least, the Greek Coast Guard may have made grave errors. Sixteen refugees have accused the Greeks, for example, of causing the fishing boat to capsize, while seven are convinced that Greek rescue attempts were hesitant at best – which would mean they were willing to accept the deaths of hundreds of people. There are also serious doubts about the willingness of Greek authorities to thoroughly investigate the disaster. The leaked investigation reports raise questions as to whether Greek officials may have altered testimony in their favor.

      One of those who survived, we’ll call him Manhal Abdulkareem, tells his story in mid-June from the Greek camp Malakasa. He requests that we not use his real name or even describe him out of fear of how the Greek authorities might react. What he has to say does not paint them in a positive light.

      The Syrian once worked as a stonemason in Jordan. Last spring, he decided to risk the crossing to Italy. He traveled to Libya and boarded the vessel in the port city of Tobruk on June 9. Abdulkareem is one of hundreds of people who crowded onto the vessel, and he was one of the lucky ones: He was able to buy himself a place on deck. Later, it would save his life.

      Other refugees crowded into the boat’s cold storage room. According to survivors, women and children were below decks, many of them from Pakistan. For them, the belly of the ship would turn into a coffin.

      Abdulkareem’s account of the initial days onboard the ship is consistent with the stories told by other survivors. He says that they began running out of water on the third of five days onboard, that the motor cut out on several occasions and that the captain seemed to have lost his orientation. The goal of reaching Italy was more distant than ever.

      The Greek Coast Guard was also aware of the dire situation onboard the fishing boat. On the morning of June 13, they received the first warning from the Italian Coast Guard. Frontex agents filmed the ship from the air at midday. At 5:13 p.m. local time, the non-governmental organization Alarmphone wrote an email to the Greek authorities. The email noted that there were 750 people on the ship. “They are requesting urgent assistance.”

      At the time of the call for help, the fishing vessel was around 80 kilometers (50 miles) off the coast of the Peloponnese. Nevertheless, the Greek Coast Guard sent a ship that was anchored in far-away Crete.

      At least two freighters supplied the fishing vessel with water, but they didn’t take anyone onboard. Abdulkareem and other survivors say that by this point, two passengers on the boat had already died. The Greek Coast Guard ship only arrived at 10:40 p.m.

      There are two versions for what then took place.

      Manhal Abdulkareem reports that the Greek Coast Guard escorted their ship for a time, until the fishing boat’s engine again cut out. Then, he says, the Coast Guard attached a rope to the vessel. “We thought they knew what they were doing,” says Abdulkareem.

      The Coast Guard, he says, towed the vessel at a rapid speed, first to the right, then the left, and then back to the right – and then it capsized. Fifteen additional survivors tell a similar story. Some believe the behavior of the Coast Guard was accidental. Others think it was intentional.

      When the vessel capsized, there were people trapped inside its hull. One survivor says he heard them knocking. Those who were on deck jumped into the water. “People were falling on us,” says one man from Egypt. Some clung to the sinking vessel, while others grabbed in a panic for anything that was floating, including other people.

      “I know how to swim, but that wasn’t enough,” Abdulkareem would later say. He says he had to avoid others so that he wouldn’t be pulled down into the depths. Four survivors say that the Coast Guard put those in the water in even greater danger by maneuvering in such a way that created large waves.

      While still in the water, Abdulkareem began searching for his brother, but was unable to find him. As the vessel was sinking, say survivors, the Greek Coast Guard ship pulled back to a distance of hundreds of meters.

      Abdulkareem and six others accuse the Greeks of delayed rescue efforts and only launching inflatable dinghies after significant time had passed. Some estimate that several minutes passed before they took any action at all. Others say the delay was fully half an hour. “They could have saved many people,” says a survivor from Syria. Abdulkareem’s brother still hasn’t been found.

      The Greek Coast Guard has a competing account for what took place. According to an official log from June 14, their ship reported on the evening prior to the disaster that the refugees were “on a stable course” – a claim that video evidence and tracking data refute. The people on board, according to the official account, rejected assistance because they “wanted nothing more than to continue onward to Italy.” If the Greek Coast Guard is to be believed, the fishing boat capsized shortly after 2 a.m. The first official log provides no cause for the accident.

      Later, the Greek government spokesman said that the Coast Guard had attached a rope to the boat. But only to “stabilize” the vessel. By the time of the accident, the rope had already been cast off, the spokesman said, and the fishing vessel had never been towed. The rope, he insists, was not the cause of the shipwreck. In an interview with CNN, a Coast Guard spokesman speculated that panic may have broken out onboard, leading to the boat listing to one side.

      There is no proof for either version. But doubts about the Greek account are significant, even within Frontex. At the agency’s headquarters in Warsaw, EU border guards can follow in real time what is taking place on the EU’s external borders. In this case, the agents must have realized early on the danger that the migrants were in.

      On two occasions – at 6:35 p.m. and at 9:34 p.m. – they offered to send the airplane back to the ship that the migrants had already seen at midday. It was refueled and ready to take off, according to an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. But the Greek Rescue Coordination Center in Piraeus, Frontex says, ignored the offer. The plane remained on the ground.

      The only other available aircraft, a Frontex drone, was initially sent to another distress call, according to Frontex. It only arrived at the scene after the fishing vessel had sunk. In Brussels, hardly anyone believes that the rebuff of Frontex was an accident. Many see a pattern: Greek authorities systematically send away Frontex units, says one Brussels official. That happens particularly often, the official says, in situations that later turn out to be controversial.

      The mistrust with which Athens now finds itself confronted – even from EU institutions – has a lot to do with previous violations of international law on the Aegean. The Greek Coast Guard has repeatedly towed groups of refugees back into Turkish waters – before then abandoning them on life rafts with no means of propulsion.

      Proof for such pushbacks has become so overwhelming that the Frontex fundamental rights officer recently recommended that the organization suspend cooperation with the Greek Coast Guard. The “strongest possible measures” are necessary to ensure that the Greeks once again begin complying with applicable law, reads an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. Joint missions can only be resumed once a new basis for trust has been established, the memo continues.

      The skepticism has become so great that Frontex has even sent a team to Greece to question survivors itself. Two Frontex officials say that the results of investigations conducted thus far seem to contradict the Greek version of events. One Greek lawyer is even demanding an official state investigation of the Coast Guard for manslaughter through failure to render aid.

      Most survivors, though, don’t believe that the Greek state will investigate the role played by its own Coast Guard. The treatment they received in the days following the catastrophe was too poor for such optimism.

      Sami Al Yafi, a young Syrian, is one of them. He, too, has asked that his real name not be printed out of fear of the Greek authorities. He accuses the Coast Guard of manipulating his statement. He claims to have clearly testified that the Coast Guard had caused the ship to capsize, but he was unable to find that statement in the transcript of his interview. An additional survivor says that he had a similar experience.

      There are also corresponding inconsistencies in the investigation file. In six instances, according to the file, survivors said nothing about a tow rope in their first interview with the Coast Guard – or at least there is no mention of such in the minutes taken by the Coast Guard. Later, in interviews with public prosecutors, they then accused the Coast Guard of causing the capsizing by towing the vessel.

      Moreover, the minutes taken by the Greek Coast Guard frequently include the exact same formulations. According to those minutes, four survivors used exactly the same words in describing the events – despite the fact that the interviews were led by different interpreters. In one case, a member of the Coast Guard apparently acted as an interpreter.

      When approached for comment, Greek officials said they were unable to comment on the accusations. The accounts, they said, are part of a confidential investigation. They said they were also unable to comment on the actions of the Coast Guard.

      Manhal Abdulkareem, the man who lost his brother, isn’t satisfied. “We are a group of 104 survivors,” he says. All of them know, he says, who caused the boat to capsize.

      On at least one occasion, Greek officials have been found guilty of accusations similar to those that have now been lodged by Abdulkareem and other survivors. It was left up to the European Court of Human Rights to pass that verdict. Last year, the court found that the Greek Coast Guard in 2014 towed a refugee boat until it capsized. Three women and eight children died in that incident. Then, too, the Coast Guard claimed that panic had broken out onboard the vessel and that the refugees themselves had caused the boat to capsize. It is the exact same story they are currently telling.

      https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/new-accusations-against-the-greek-coast-guard-we-thought-they-knew-what-they

    • Everyone Knew the Migrant Ship Was Doomed. No One Helped.

      Satellite imagery, sealed court documents and interviews with survivors suggest that hundreds of deaths were preventable.

      From air and by sea, using radar, telephone and radio, officials watched and listened for 13 hours as the migrant ship Adriana lost power, then drifted aimlessly off the coast of Greece in a slowly unfolding humanitarian disaster.

      As terrified passengers telephoned for help, humanitarian workers assured them that a rescue team was coming. European border officials, watching aerial footage, prepared to witness what was certain to be a heroic operation.

      Yet the Adriana capsized and sank in the presence of a single Greek Coast Guard ship last month, killing more than 600 migrants in a maritime tragedy that was shocking even for the world’s deadliest migrant route.

      Satellite imagery, sealed court documents, more than 20 interviews with survivors and officials, and a flurry of radio signals transmitted in the final hours suggest that the scale of death was preventable.

      Dozens of officials and coast guard crews monitored the ship, yet the Greek government treated the situation like a law enforcement operation, not a rescue. Rather than send a navy hospital ship or rescue specialists, the authorities sent a team that included four masked, armed men from a coast guard special operations unit.

      The Greek authorities have repeatedly said that the Adriana was sailing to Italy, and that the migrants did not want to be rescued. But satellite imagery and tracking data obtained by The New York Times show definitively that the Adriana was drifting in a loop for its last six and a half hours. And in sworn testimony, survivors described passengers on the ship’s upper decks calling for help and even trying to jump aboard a commercial tanker that had stopped to provide drinking water.

      On board the Adriana, the roughly 750 passengers descended into violence and desperation. Every movement threatened to capsize the ship. Survivors described beatings and panic as they waited for a rescue that would never come.

      The sinking of the Adriana is an extreme example of a longtime standoff in the Mediterranean. Ruthless smugglers in North Africa cram people onto shoddy vessels, and passengers hope that, if things go wrong, they will be taken to safety. But European coast guards often postpone rescues out of fear that helping will embolden smugglers to send more people on ever-flimsier ships. And as European politics have swung to the right, each new arriving ship is a potential political flashpoint.

      So even as passengers on the Adriana called for help, the authorities chose to listen to the boat’s captain, a 22-year-old Egyptian man who said he wanted to continue to Italy. Smuggling captains are typically paid only when they reach their destinations.

      The Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs said it would not respond to detailed questions because the shipwreck was under criminal investigation.

      Despite many hours of on-and-off surveillance, the only eyewitnesses to the Adriana’s final moments were the survivors and 13 crew members aboard the coast guard ship, known as the 920. A Maritime Ministry spokesman has said that the ship’s night-vision camera was switched off at the time. Court documents show that the coast guard captain gave the authorities a CD-ROM containing video recordings, but the source of the recordings is unclear, and they have not been made public.

      Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece defended the coast guard during comments in Brussels this past week, calling its critics “profoundly unfair.” The sinking has brought rare public criticism from officials in the European Union, which has remained silent as the Greek government has hardened its stance toward migrants.

      In Greece, nine Egyptian survivors from the Adriana were arrested and charged with smuggling and causing the shipwreck. In sworn testimonies and interviews, survivors said that many of the nine brutalized and extorted passengers. But interviews with relatives of those accused paint a more complicated picture. At least one of the men charged with being a smuggler had himself paid a full fee of more than $4,000 to be on the ship.

      Collectively paying as much as $3.5 million to be smuggled to Italy, migrants crammed into the Adriana in what survivors recalled was a hellish class system: Pakistanis at the bottom; women and children in the middle; and Syrians, Palestinians and Egyptians at the top.

      An extra $50 or so could earn someone a spot on the deck. For some, that turned out to be the difference between life and death.

      Many of the passengers, at least 350, came from Pakistan, the Pakistani government said. Most were in the lower decks and the ship’s hold. Of them, 12 survived.

      The women and young children went down with the ship.
      Setting Sail

      Kamiran Ahmad, a Syrian teenager, a month shy of his 18th birthday, had arrived in Tobruk, Libya, with hopes for a new life. He had worked with his father, a tailor, after school. His parents sold land to pay smugglers to take him to Italy, praying that he would make it to Germany to study, work and maybe send some money home.
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      “We had no choice but to send him by sea,” his father said in an interview.

      But as the Adriana set sail at dawn on June 9, Kamiran was worried. His cousin, Roghaayan Adil Ehmed, 24, who went with him, could not swim. And the boat was overcrowded, with nearly twice as many passengers as he had been told.

      No life vests were available, so Roghaayan paid $600 to get himself, Kamiran and a friend to an upper deck.

      They were part of a group of 11 young men and boys from Kobani, a mainly Kurdish city in Syria devastated by more than decade of war. The group stayed in dingy, rented rooms in Beirut, Lebanon, then flew to Egypt and on to Libya.

      The youngest, Waleed Mohammad Qasem, 14, wanted to be a doctor. When he heard that his uncle Mohammad Fawzi Sheikhi was going to Europe, he begged to go. On the flight to Egypt, the two smiled for a selfie.

      Haseeb ur-Rehman, 20, a motorcycle mechanic from the Pakistan-administrated Kashmir, felt he had to leave home to help his family survive. Together with three friends, he paid $8,000 and left for Libya.

      He was one of the few Pakistanis who managed to snatch a spot on deck.

      The journey, if all went well, would take three days.

      As early as the second day, survivors recalled, the engine started breaking down.
      Lost

      By Day 3, food and clean drinking water had run out. Some migrants put dried prunes in seawater, hoping the sweetness would mellow the saltiness. Others paid young men $20 for dirty water.

      Unrest spread as it became clear that the captain, who was spending most of his time on a satellite phone, had lost his way.

      When Pakistanis pushed toward the upper deck, Egyptian men working with the captain beat them, often with a belt, according to testimony. Those men, some of whom are among the nine arrested in Greece, emerged as enforcers of discipline.

      Ahmed Ezzat, 26, from the Nile Delta, was among them. He is accused of smuggling people and causing the shipwreck. In an interview, his brother, Islam Ezzat, said that Ahmed disappeared from their village in mid-May and re-emerged in Libya weeks later. He said a smuggler had sent someone to the family home to collect 140,000 Egyptian pounds, or $4,500, the standard fee for a spot on the Adriana.

      Islam said he did not believe Ahmed had been involved in the smuggling because he had paid the fee. He said the family was cooperating with the Egyptian authorities. Ahmed, like the others who have been charged, has pleaded not guilty.
      ‘They Will Rescue You’

      By Day 4, according to testimonies and interviews, six people in the hold of the ship, including at least one child, had died.

      The next day, June 13, as the Adriana lurched toward Italy between engine breakdowns, migrants on deck persuaded the captain to send a distress call to the Italian authorities.

      The Adriana was in international waters then, and the captain was focused on getting to Italy. Experts who study this migratory route say that captains are typically paid on arrival. That is supported by some survivors who said their fees were held by middlemen, to be paid once they had arrived safely in Italy.

      The captain, some survivors recalled, said the Italian authorities would rescue the ship and take people to shore.

      Just before 1 p.m., a glimmer of hope appeared in the sky. A plane.

      Frontex, the European Union border agency, had been alerted by the Italian authorities that the Adriana was in trouble and rushed to its coordinates. There was no doubt the ship was perilously overloaded, E.U. officials said, and unlikely to make it to any port without help.

      Images of the rusty blue fishing boat appeared in the Frontex command center in Warsaw, where two German journalists happened to be touring, a Frontex spokesman said. The Adriana was a chance to showcase the agency’s ability to detect ships in distress and save lives.

      Now that Frontex had seen the ship, which was in Greece’s search-and-rescue area of international waters, the Greek authorities would surely rush to help.

      Two hours later, a Greek Coast Guard helicopter flew past. Its aerial photographs show the ship’s upper decks crammed with people waving their hands.

      Nawal Soufi, an Italian activist, fielded calls from frantic migrants.

      “I’m sure that they will rescue you,” she told them. “But be patient. It won’t be immediate.”
      Mayday

      Around 7 p.m. on June 13, almost seven hours after Frontex spotted the Adriana, the Greek authorities asked two nearby commercial tankers to bring the migrants water, food and diesel to continue their journey, according to video recordings and court documents.

      A crucial part of the Greek authorities’ explanation for not rescuing the Adriana is their claim that it was actively sailing toward Italy. When the BBC, using data from neighboring vessels, reported that the Adriana had been practically idle for several hours before it sank, the Greek government noted that the ship had covered 30 nautical miles toward Italy since its detection by Frontex.

      But satellite imagery and data from the ship-tracking platform MarineTraffic show that the Adriana was adrift for its final seven hours or so. Radar satellite imagery from the European Space Agency shows that by the time the Greeks summoned the commercial ships, the Adriana had already reached its closest point to Italy.

      From then on, it was drifting backward.

      The first tanker, the Lucky Sailor, arrived within minutes. The second, the Faithful Warrior, arrived in about two and a half hours. The captain of the Faithful Warrior reported that some passengers had thrown back supplies and screamed that they wanted to continue to Italy. How many people actually rejected help is unclear, but they included the Adriana’s captain and the handful of men who terrorized the passengers, according to survivors’ testimonies and interviews.

      Others were placing distress calls. Alarm Phone, a nonprofit group that fields migrant mayday calls, immediately and repeatedly told the Greek authorities, Frontex and the United Nations refugee agency that people on the Adriana were desperate to be rescued. Several passengers testified that they had tried to jump aboard the Faithful Warrior. But the migrants said that the frenzy only destabilized the Adriana, so the Faithful Warrior withdrew.

      As night fell, the Faithful Warrior’s captain told the Greek control center that the Adriana was “rocking dangerously.”

      Radio transmission records show that, over five hours, the Greek control center transmitted five messages across the Mediterranean using a channel reserved for safety and distress calls.

      Henrik Flornaes, a Danish father of two on a yacht far from the area, said he heard two mayday relay signals that night. They provided coordinates near the location of the Adriana, he said.

      A mayday relay directs nearby ships to begin a search and rescue.

      But the Greek Coast Guard itself mounted no such mission at this point.
      An End Foretold

      As midnight of June 14 approached, the Greek Coast Guard vessel 920, the only government ship dispatched to the scene, arrived alongside the Adriana.

      The presence of the 920 did not reassure the migrants. Several said in interviews that they were unsettled by the masked men. In the past, the Greek government has used the coast guard to deter migration. In May, The Times published video footage showing officers rounding up migrants and ditching them on a raft in the Aegean Sea.

      The mission of the 920 is unclear, as is what happened after it arrived and floated nearby for three hours. Some survivors say it tried to tow the Adriana, capsizing it. The coast guard denied that at first, then acknowledged throwing a rope to the trawler, but said that was hours before it sank.

      To be sure, attempts to remove passengers might have backfired. Sudden changes in weight distribution on an overcrowded, swaying ship could have capsized it. And while the 920 was larger was than the Adriana, it was not clear if had space to accommodate the migrant passengers.

      But Greece, one of the world’s foremost maritime nations, was equipped to carry out a rescue. Navy ships, including those with medical resources, could have arrived in the 13 hours after the Frontex alert.

      Exactly what capsized the ship is unclear. The coast guard blames a commotion on the ship. But everyone agrees that it swayed once to the left, then to the right, and then flipped.

      Those on deck were tossed into the sea. Panicking people stepped on each other in the dark, desperately using each other to come up for air, to stay alive.

      At the water’s surface, some clung to pieces of wood, surrounded by drowned friends, relatives and strangers. Others climbed onto the ship’s sinking hull. Coast guard crew members pulled dozens of people from the sea. One person testified that he had initially swum away from the 920, fearing that the crew would drown him.

      Waleed Mohammad Qasem, the 14-year-old who wanted to be a doctor, drowned. So did his uncle, who had posed with him for a selfie. The ship’s captain also died.

      Hundreds of people, including the women and young children, inside the Adriana stood no chance. They would have been flipped upside down, hurled together against the ship as the sea poured in. The ship took them down within a minute.

      Haseeb ur-Rehman, the Pakistani motorcycle mechanic on the top deck, survived. “It was in my destiny,” he said from a migrant camp near Athens. “Otherwise, my body would have been lost, like the other people in the boat.”

      Near the end, Kamiran Ahmad, the teenager who had hoped to study in Germany, turned to his cousin Roghaayan. From the migrant center in Greece, the older cousin remembered his words: “Didn’t I tell you we were going to die? Didn’t I tell you we were already dead?”

      Both went into the water. Kamiran’s body has not been recovered.

      https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/01/world/europe/greece-migrant-ship.html

  • France sending unaccompanied minors back to Italy, MSF

    France is pushing back even unaccompanied minor migrants at the Italian border at Ventimiglia, the head of the Doctors Without Borders (MSF) mobile clinic assisting migrants in transit between the two countries told ANSA in an interview. This kind of pushback is a violation of regulations in place, Sergio Di Dato noted.

    In recent days, even unaccompanied minors are among the foreigners pushed back to the Italian border town of Ventimiglia by French gendarme, ANSA was told in an interview last week with Sergio Di Dato, the head of the Doctors Without Borders (MSF) mobile clinic assisting migrants in transit between Italy and France.

    French authorities, Di Dato said, “are no longer able to absorb unaccompanied minors into their reception system and so have started to send them back to Italy, something they should not do according to the regulations in place. ... They are obliged to take care of them.”
    Pushbacks may rise after 150 more police sent to borders

    “On average,” MSF’s Di Dato , “there are 20-25 pushbacks of people from France to Italy every day. There is concern that this number may rise after 150 additional border police were sent to the borders.”

    The activities of the mobile clinic were started in the second half of February and, Di Dato said, “unlike in the past, when in the winter months there was a slowdown in pushbacks at the Menton border by the French police, this year a steady stream has been seen.”

    Di Dato underscored that there had been a “reduction at the same time as protests against pension reform, which probably led to a drop in the number of police deployed for border control.However, afterwards the number returned to about 20-25 [pushbacks] per day.”

    The MSF mobile clinic provides assistance to those pushed back from Menton with a “refusal of entry” document and transferred to containers while waiting to be handed over to the Italian police.

    The vulnerable face risks and deprivation

    “Some have told us that they were left without water for several hours. It also happened that young girls are left in containers alone with several men. These are situations that can be difficult,” Di Dato said, adding that the situation is complicated “also in Ventimiglia, where some of the migrants pushed back — women, children and the vulnerable — are taken care of by associations focusing on these things, while others end up under the Roia Bridge in camps without washing facilities and amid rats.”

    The crackdown by French authorities has now raised concern among humanitarian aid workers in the Italian-French border area.

    “If the unaccompanied minors are sent back systematically and in an arbitrary manner, there is the issue of how to protect these individuals - who are the weakest - in an effective manner, especially since [migrant] facilities in Italy are full,” Di Dato said.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48774/france-sending-unaccompanied-minors-back-to-italy-msf
    #refoulements #push-backs #mineurs #MNA #France #Italie #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #France #asile #Italie #Vintimille #Alpes_Maritimes #refus_d'entrée

    –—

    Sur l’annonce du renforcement des contrôles frontaliers dans les Alpes Maritimes :

    Immigration : 150 policiers et gendarmes supplémentaires dès la semaine prochaine à la frontière de #Menton

    https://seenthis.net/messages/1002209#message1002211

    • Migrants : des associations dénoncent les « traitements inadmissibles » des mineurs dans les Alpes-Maritimes

      Une dizaine d’associations co-signent un communiqué ce samedi pour dénoncer « les refoulements, enfermement, et l’absence de prise en charge » des mineurs non-accompagnés à Menton et Nice. Selon elles, la situation se dégrade dans les Alpes-Maritimes.

      Alors que le président du Département des Alpes-Maritimes écrit au gouvernement pour demander des mesures « face à une situation migratoire explosive » à la frontière franco-italienne, les associations dénoncent une dégradation de la situation. Plus de quinze associations co-signent un communiqué ce samedi, pour pointer du doigt les « enfermements, refoulements illégaux et absences de prises en charge » des mineurs non-accompagnés, en particulier à Nice et Menton.

      Selon les signataires, dont Roya citoyenne, et le Secours catholique, de « nombreux·ses jeunes subissent des traitements inadmissibles ». Ces associations demandent « la prise en charge effective de tous les Mineur·es Non Accompagné·es, l’arrêt immédiat des refoulements en Italie sans évaluation préalable et réglementaire par l’ASE, et l’arrêt des enfermements abusifs au poste frontière (...) le respect intégral de la convention internationale des droits de l’enfant dans le département des Alpes-Maritimes ».
      À Menton, « 68 mineurs enfermés » dans les locaux de la PAF

      Selon le communique de presse interassociatif, à Menton "de nombreux·ses jeunes se déclarant mineur·es sont refoulé·es en Italie de façon totalement illégale alors qu’ils et elles doivent être admis·es systématiquement et sans délai sur le territoire français. C’est à l’Aide Sociale à l’Enfance (ASE), service du Département 06, de procéder ensuite à leur évaluation de minorité, et non aux forces de l’ordre. Or ces jeunes sont refoulé·es par la police sans évaluation préalable par l’ASE. De nombreux témoignages font état de fausses dates de naissance enregistrées par les policiers pour justifier ces refoulements. De plus, des mineur·es sont refoulé·es avec une obligation de quitter le territoire français et une interdiction de retour sur le territoire français sans être informé·es de leurs droits, ce qui rend toute contestation très difficile et constitue une atteinte grave à leurs droits.

      « Comme en avril dernier, des mineur·es sont enfermé·es dans les locaux de la police aux frontières (PAF) dans l’attente que le Département 06 vienne les chercher, poursuit le communiqué. 68 mineur·es étaient enfermé·s ce lundi 21 août, dans des locaux totalement inadaptés et dans des conditions sanitaires déplorables : en pleine canicule, entassé·es, dormant à même le sol avec uniquement un lavabo et un WC. Ils et elles étaient jusqu’à 78 le 23 août ! Plusieur·es mineur·es ont été privé·es de liberté durant 3 à 5 jours ce qui constitue une violation manifeste de la convention internationale des droits de l’enfant, dont la France est signataire. »

      « Actuellement de nombreux·ses jeunes seraient encore détenu·es en toute illégalité dans les locaux de la PAF, sans avoir accès ni à un·e avocat·e, ni à un·e traducteur·ice. D’autres sont évacué·es et livré·es à eux·elles-mêmes, sans aucune prise en charge », conclut le communiqué.
      À Nice, les associations pointent du doigt le « traitement des mineurs non accompagnés par les forces de l’ordre »

      À Nice, les associations parlent de mineurs "contraint·es de se rendre au Commissariat Auvare pour demander la protection de l’ASE. Les temps d’attente pour certain·es jeunes au service du « Quart » d’Auvare se sont prolongés jusqu’à 25h sans manger, avant qu’un·e éducateur·ice ne vienne les chercher. Désormais, le commissariat ne laisse même plus entrer les mineur·es : sous prétexte d’être saturé et de ne pouvoir ouvrir de nouveaux locaux, les jeunes sont priés d’attendre dans le jardin public voisin, et de revenir le soir ou le lendemain. Le 23 août, une dizaine d’entre eux·elles attendaient leur prise en charge, certain·es dormant dehors depuis plusieurs jours. Beaucoup partent sans pouvoir faire valoir leur droit à la protection de l’enfance."

      "À Nice, c’est désormais la police qui empêche les mineurs non accompagnés d’être placé·es : en ne les laissant pas entrer, les signalements de « mineur·es en danger » ne sont pas envoyés au procureur et à l’ASE qui ne sont même pas informés de leurs situations. Le traitement des MNA par les forces de l’ordre dans les Alpes-Maritimes est inadmissible. La police manque à ses obligations légales envers ces personnes vulnérables, tout comme le Département 06 qui ne vient pas les chercher dans les locaux de la police dans des délais suffisamment rapides pour une mise à l’abri. Les délaissements de mineur·es et la non-assistance à personne en danger sont manifestes."

      https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/societe/immigration-des-associations-denoncent-des-traitement-inadmissibles-de-mi

  • “Like We Were Just Animals”. Pushbacks of People Seeking Protection from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina

    Laila R. fled Afghanistan with her parents and her two brothers in 2016, when she was 11 or 12 years old. They sought international protection in Iran, then Turkey, and then Greece. Increasingly desperate for stability, they travelled through North Macedonia and arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina in early 2021. When Laila first spoke to Human Rights Watch in November 2021, she and her family had tried to enter Croatia dozens of times. Croatian police apprehended her and her family each time, ignored their repeated requests for asylum, drove them to the border, and forced them to return to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    When Croatian police carry out such pushbacks—broadly meaning official operations intended to physically prevent people from reaching, entering, or remaining in a territory and which either lack any screening for protection needs or employ summary screening—they do not contact authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to arrange for people’s formal return. Instead, Croatian police simply order people to wade across one of the rivers that mark the international border.

    Laila and many others interviewed by Human Rights Watch said Croatian authorities frequently pushed them back to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the middle of the night. She and others told Human Rights Watch Croatian police sometimes pushed them back near Velika Kladuša or other towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina. But on many occasions, the Croatian police took them somewhere far from populated areas.

    Describing the first pushback she experienced, Laila said, “We had no idea where we were. It was the middle of the night, and the police ordered us to go straight ahead until we crossed the river to Bosnia. We spent that night in the forest.”

    Croatian police had destroyed the family’s phones, so they had no easy way of navigating to safety. The next morning, she and her family eventually came across a road. They walked some 30 kilometers to reach Velika Kladuša.

    As with Laila and her family, many of the people who spoke to Human Rights Watch told us they had first sought asylum in Greece as well as in countries outside the European Union before they attempted to enter Croatia. Laila and her family spent one month in Iran, six months in Turkey, and more than three years in Greece, leaving each country after concluding that authorities in each did not intend to respond to their requests for international protection. They did not seek international protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina because they had heard that the country’s authorities rarely granted asylum.

    Croatia became an increasingly important point of entry to the European Union in 2016, after Hungary effectively closed its borders to people seeking asylum. Croatian police have responded to the increase in the number of people entering Croatia irregularly—without visas and at points other than official border crossings—by pushing them back without considering international protection needs or other individual circumstances. In April 2023, for instance, Farooz D. and Hadi A., both 15 years old, told Human Rights Watch Croatian police had apprehended them the night before, driven them to the border, and ordered them to walk into Bosnia and Herzegovina, disregarding their request for protection and their statements that they were under the age of 18.

    Pushbacks from Croatia to the non-European Union countries it borders are now common. Between January 2020 and December 2022, the Danish Refugee Council recorded nearly 30,000 pushbacks from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina, almost certainly an underestimate. Approximately 13 percent of pushbacks recorded in 2022 were of children, alone or with families. Human rights groups have also recorded pushbacks from Croatia to Serbia and to Montenegro.

    Croatian pushbacks have often included violent police responses, including physical harm and deliberate humiliation. Video images captured by Lighthouse Reports, an investigative journalism group, for a 2021 investigation it conducted in collaboration with Der Spiegel, the Guardian, Libération, and other news outlets showed a group of men in balaclavas forcing a group of people into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the men did not wear name tags or police badges, the investigation identified them as Croatian police based on characteristic clothing items, the gear they carried, and the corroboration of other police officers. Der Spiegel recounted, “One of the masked men repeatedly lashes out with his baton, letting it fly at the people’s legs so that they stumble into the border river, where the water is chest-high. Finally, he raises his arm threateningly and shouts, ‘Go! Go to Bosnia!’”[1]

    In most of the accounts Human Rights Watch heard, Croatian police wore uniforms, drove marked police vans, and identified themselves as police, leaving no doubt that they were operating in an official capacity.

    Men and teenage boys have told Human Rights Watch and other groups that Croatian police made them walk back to Bosnia and Herzegovina barefoot and shirtless. In some cases, Croatian police forced them to strip down to their underwear or, in a few cases, to remove their clothing completely. In one particularly egregious case documented by the Danish Refugee Council, a group of men arrived at a refugee camp in Bosnia and Herzegovina with orange crosses spray-painted on their heads by Croatian police, an instance of humiliating and degrading treatment the Croatian ombudswoman concluded was an act of religious hatred.

    Younger children have seen their fathers, older brothers, and other relatives punched, struck with batons, kicked, and shoved. Croatian border police have also discharged firearms close to children or pointed firearms at children. In some cases, Croatian police have also shoved or struck children as young as six.

    Croatian police commonly take or destroy mobile phones. Human Rights Watch also heard frequent reports that Croatian police had burned, scattered, or otherwise disposed of people’s backpacks and their contents. In some cases, people reported that police had taken money from them. “The last time we went to Croatia, the police took everyone’s money and all our telephones. Why are they like this?” asked Amira H., a 29-year-old Kurdish woman from Iraq travelling with her husband and 9-year-old son.[2]

    Pushbacks inflict abuse on everyone. In particular, many people said pushbacks took a toll on their mental well-being. Hakim F., a 35-year-old Algerian man who said Croatian police had pushed him back four times between December 2022 and January 2023, commented, “These pushbacks are so stressful, so very, very stressful.”[3] Stephanie M., a 35-year-old Cameroonian woman, told Human Rights Watch in May 2022, “These pushbacks have been so traumatizing. I find I cannot sleep. I am always thinking of the things that have happened, replaying them in my head. There are days I cry, when I ask myself why I am even living. I find myself thinking, ‘Let everything just end. Let the world just end.’”[4]

    For children and their families, who frequently cannot travel as fast on foot as single adults can, pushbacks may add considerably to the time spent in difficult, often squalid, and potentially unsafe conditions before they are able to make a claim for asylum in an EU country. They increase the time children spend without access to formal schooling. For unaccompanied children in particular, pushbacks can increase the risk that they will be subject to trafficking. Family separation may also result from pushbacks: the nongovernmental organization Are You Syrious has reported cases of women allowed to seek asylum in Croatia with their children while their husbands are pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    Croatian police continued to carry out pushbacks throughout 2022, although in the second half of the year police increasingly employed an alternative tactic of issuing summary expulsion orders directing people to leave the European Economic Area within seven days. These summary expulsion orders did not consider protection needs and did not afford due process protections. By late March 2023, Croatian police appeared to have abandoned this practice and resumed their reliance on pushbacks.

    Croatian authorities regularly deny the overwhelming evidence that Croatian police have regularly carried out pushbacks, sometimes inflicting serious injuries, frequently destroying or seizing phones, and nearly always subjecting people to humiliating treatment in the process. The Croatian government did not respond to Human Rights Watch’s request for comment on this report.

    On the initiative of and with funding from the European Union, Croatia has established a border monitoring mechanism, with the ostensible purpose of preventing and addressing pushbacks and other abuses at the border. The mechanism’s parameters and track record have so far not been promising. Its members cannot make unannounced visits and cannot go to unofficial border crossing points. It is not clear how the members are appointed and how the mechanism’s priorities are defined. It has had its reports revised to remove criticism of Croatian police and the Croatian Ministry of the Interior.

    Croatia’s consistent and persistent use of pushbacks violates several international legal norms, including the prohibitions of torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, collective expulsion, and refoulement—the sending of people to places where they would face ill-treatment or other irreparable harm or would be at risk of return to harm. Pushbacks of children violate the international norm that states take children’s best interests into account, including by taking particular care to ensure that returns of children are in their best interests. Excessive force, other ill-treatment, family separation, and other rights violations may also accompany pushback operations.

    Slovenia and other European Union member states are also implicated in the human rights violations committed by Croatian authorities against people transferred to Croatia under “readmission agreements”—arrangements under which states return people to the neighbouring countries through which they have transited, with few, if any, procedural safeguards. For instance, under Slovenia’s readmission agreement with Croatia, Slovenian police summarily transferred irregular migrants to Croatia if they have entered Slovenia from Croatia, regardless of whether they requested asylum in Slovenia. In turn, Croatian authorities generally immediately pushed them on to Bosnia and Herzegovina or to Serbia.

    EU institutions have effectively disregarded the human rights violations committed by Croatian border authorities. The European Union has contributed substantial funds to Croatian border management without securing meaningful guarantees that Croatia’s border management practices will adhere to international human rights norms and comply with EU law.

    Moreover, the European Union’s decision in December 2022 to permit Croatia to join the Schengen area, the 27-country zone where internal border controls have generally been removed, sends a strong signal that it tolerates pushbacks and other abusive practices.

    Croatia should immediately end pushbacks to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to Serbia and instead afford everybody who expresses an intention to seek international protection the opportunity to do so. Croatia should also reform its border monitoring mechanism to ensure that it is a robust and independent safeguard against pushbacks and other official abuse.

    Until such time as Croatia definitively ends pushbacks and other collective expulsions, ensures that people in need of international protection are given access to asylum, and protects the rights of children, Slovenia should not seek to carry out returns under its readmission agreement with Croatia. Austria, Italy, and Switzerland, in turn, should not send people to Slovenia under their readmission agreements as long as Slovenia continues to apply its readmission agreement with Croatia.

    Through enforcement of EU law and as a condition of funding, the European Commission should require Croatian authorities to end pushbacks and other human rights violations at the border and provide concrete, verifiable information on steps taken to investigate reports of pushbacks and other human rights violations against migrants and asylum seekers.

    The European Union and its member states should also fundamentally reorient their migration policy to create pathways for safe, orderly, and regular migration.

    https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/05/03/we-were-just-animals/pushbacks-people-seeking-protection-croatia-bosnia-and
    #renvois #expulsions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #frontières #push-backs #refoulements #expulsions_de_masse #Croatie #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine

    • Migrants’ Mass Expulsions from Croatia Raise Legal Doubts

      Croatia and Bosnia say the expulsion of hundreds of migrants and refugees from the first to the second country are regulated by a bilateral agreement – but NGOs, rights groups and a legal expert question its legality.

      Since the end of March 2023, hundreds of migrants and refugees have been returned from Croatia back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Differently from the illegal pushbacks that saw thousands of people being violently sent back from Croatia to Bosnia between 2018 and 2022, these recent operations are happening with cooperation between the two countries and with the open approval of European institutions.

      NGOs and rights groups were the first to condemn this new phenomenon, referring to it as “mass expulsions” implemented by Croatia. With information gathered by direct testimonies and documents collected from the expelled people, they have voiced concerns regarding alleged degrading treatments and human rights violations by Croatian police.

      Besides such abuses, experts also say the procedure could be illegal. “There are some doubts over the legality of what we are seeing happening between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of European law,” Italian jurist and migration expert Gianfranco Schiavone told BIRN.
      Not allowed to seek asylum

      A few weeks after the first migrants and refugees were returned to Bosnia’s northwest Una-Sana Canton, Mustafa Ruznic, the canton’s Prime Minister, sent an open letter to Bosnia’s state security and foreign ministers, as well as to the head of the Foreigners Affairs Service, SPS, demanding an explanation for the increased number of migrants and refugees reportedly returned from Croatia to Bosnia based on a bilateral readmission agreement.

      Ruznic said a significant number of them were unknown to the authorities and might present security risks, and complained of not being informed about the ongoing construction of a detention centre in the Lipa Temporary Reception Centre, situated in the Canton’s administrative centre, Bihac.

      Croatian and Bosnian authorities later explained that the mass returns were taking place on the basis of a bilateral agreement between the two states signed in 2002 and annexed again in September 2011 with a specific plan for its implementation, but never actually put into use.

      Nenad Nesic, Bosnia’s Minister of Security, denied a new possible crisis in Bosnia’s parliament on April 19, a day after he met Ruznic in Bihac.

      Presenting data for the first three months of 2023, he stated that a total of 768 foreign citizens had been accepted back under the Readmission Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.

      He added that, during the same period, 1,816 requests for the admission of foreigners under readmission were rejected because Croatian authorities couldn’t prove they came from Bosnia.

      “This clearly shows that our Foreigners Service is responsibly doing its job and there is no influx of migrants into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Migrants are evenly distributed and currently most of them are in the Sarajevo Canton, where 630 migrants are accommodated,” Nesic stated.

      Sara Kekus, from the Zagreb-based Center for Peace Studies, CMS, who has been monitoring the situation with migrants, told BIRN that they do not have specific data on readmissions, but that the number is clearly increasing.

      “According to the testimonies of our associates, organisations, volunteers, and activists who are present in BiH, the persons returned from Croatia testified that they tried to seek asylum [there], but they were not allowed to do so, or they did not even know who to ask for asylum,” Kekus said.

      According to Kekus, people reported not having access to translators and that they were issued documents mostly in Croatian, which they signed without knowing what they were signing.

      “Complaints are that persons were kept in detention for several days and that the meals were rather meagre, one a day, bread and cheese and water,” he said.

      Among the expelled people, Kekus notes, there were not only adults but also unaccompanied children and families with small children, which is “especially problematic”.

      The Border Violence Monitoring Network, a grassroot watchdog network of NGOs and rights groups, collected testimonies from people subjected to the pushbacks and denounced the lack of translations and the fact that the internationally guaranteed right to ask for asylum was not respected by the Croatian authorities.

      “The police there [in Croatia] asked us to pay for accommodation, food and transport to the border, as if we were in a hotel and not in a prison. We didn’t ask to be taken there. We feel as if we were robbed,” one of the men expelled from Croatia told them. Documents collected by BVMN support this last claim.

      In a written response to BIRN’s inquiry, the Croatian Ministry of Interior, MUP, said that “the BVMN report is not based on information about actual treatment”.

      It said that “every illegal migrant caught by the Croatian police has the right and is adequately informed about the possibility of expressing an intention to seek international protection. If he/she expresses such an intention, an appropriate procedure is initiated.”
      Expulsions or ‘returns’?

      In the same letter, the Croatian MUP stated that implementation of the bilateral agreement had been discussed at several meetings prior to this, and that at the Joint EU-BiH Readmission Committee meeting on March 28 in Brussels, the European Commission reminded Bosnia’s authorities of their obligation to implement the agreement.

      The MUP also said these procedures cannot be called expulsions, but are instead returns of persons as regulated by the bilateral agreement.

      Italian jurist and migration expert Gianfranco Schiavone has a different opinion. “This type of procedure needs to be verified carefully because the notion of readmission applies currently in light of a directive, 115 of 2008, that regulates readmissions, but only among member countries of the European Union.”

      That is not the case for the two countries in question. Croatia is a European Union member since 2015, and it joined the visa-free Schengen zone at the start of 2023. Bosnia, on the other hand, has only recently been granted the status of EU candidate country.

      “This is de facto an expulsion of an alien citizen who irregularly arrived in a European country and should happen under the guarantee of the same European directive,” stated Schiavone.

      Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch published a report on May 3, saying “Croatian police regularly and often violently push back refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants to Bosnia and Herzegovina without assessing their asylum requests or protection needs”. The 94-page report, titled “‘Like We Were Just Animals’: Pushbacks of People Seeking Protection from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina,” finds that Croatian authorities engage in pushbacks, including of unaccompanied children and families with young children.

      “The practice is ongoing despite official denials, purported monitoring efforts, and repeated – and unfulfilled – commitments to respect the right to seek asylum and other human rights norms. Border police frequently steal or destroy phones, money, identity documents, and other personal property, and often subject children and adults to humiliating and degrading treatment, sometimes in ways that are explicitly racist,” the report says.

      “Pushbacks have long been standard operating procedure for Croatia’s border police, and the Croatian government has bamboozled European Union institutions through deflection and empty promises,” said Michael Garcia Bochenek, senior children’s rights counsel at Human Rights Watch and the author of the report. “These abhorrent abuses – and the official duplicity that facilitates them – should end.”

      Croatian authorities have mostly disclaimed responsibility for pushbacks, and the Croatian Ministry of the Interior did not respond to Human Rights Watch’s requests for a meeting or for comment on its findings, it says in the report.

      https://balkaninsight.com/2023/05/05/migrants-mass-expulsions-from-croatia-raise-legal-doubts

    • Croatia accused of new mass expulsions of migrants to Bosnia

      The investigative journalism project BIRN reports that Croatia has been carrying out mass expulsions of migrants to its neighbor, Bosnia. The two countries claim the returns are lawful under a bilateral agreement.

      Migrants are being expelled from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina under a formal agreement between the two countries, rights groups say. Their claims are based on testimonies from migrants who said they were pushed back over the border by Croatian police, sometimes violently.

      In a recent report, the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) says these alleged pushbacks are a “new phonemenon” and are not the same as the expulsions that took place from Croatia to Bosnia between 2018 and 2022, which have already been documented.

      According to the BIRN report, Croatian authorities have been sending migrants back across the border to Bosnia, which is outside EU territory, under a revived bilateral agreement between the two countries. This was only discovered by the premier of the canton of Una-Sana, in Bosnia’s northwest, after more than 760 migrants returned under the deal had already arrived in his canton.

      Bosnia’s security minister, Nenad Nesic, has denied that there is an influx of migrants into the country. But Sara Kekus, from the Center for Peace Studies in Zagreb, told BIRN that the number is increasing. He also said that those returned from Croatia had testified that they had tried to seek asylum there but had not been allowed to do so, or had not known who to ask. In some cases they had been given documents mostly in Croatian which they signed without understanding what they were.

      According to Kekus, some of the migrants, who included unaccompanied minors and families with young children, said they had been mistreated by Croatian authorities: “Complaints are that persons were kept in detention for several days and that the meals were rather meagre, one a day, bread and cheese and water,” he is quoted as saying.
      ’Illegal practice’

      The pushbacks were also confirmed by the Border Violence Monitoring Networ (BVMN), another NGO, which condemned the fact that Croatian authorities had acted in breach of the internationally guaranteed right to request asylum.

      The Croatian interior ministry denied this, telling BIRN, “every illegal migrant caught by the Croatian police has the right and is adequately informed about the possibility of expressing an intention to seek international protection.” The ministry also said its operations were not “expulsions” but returns, carried out under the bilateral agreement.

      But all returns of migrants from EU countries to ’third countries’ outside the bloc have to happen according to an EU law, Directive 2008/115. As Bosnia is not yet in the EU, these procedures need to be followed for returns from Croatia, as Italian lawyer and migration expert Gianfranco Schiavone told BIRN. “This is de facto an expulsion of an alien citizen who irregularly arrived in a European country and should happen under the guarantee of the same European directive.”

      Migrants ’treated like animals’

      The BIRN investigation into illegal practices being carried out by an EU member state at the bloc’s external border follows a report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), which includes very recent testimonies of migrants who were pushed back from Croatia. In April, 2023, according to the report, two 15-year-old boys, Farooz D. and Hadi A., said Croatian police had caught them, driven them to the border and ordered them to walk into Bosnia, “disregarding their request for protection and their statements that they were under the age of 18.”

      HRW claims that in continuing to expel migrants, often using violent tactics, Croatia is acting in violation of international laws, including the prohibition against torture and inhuman or degrading treatment, and against refoulement – sending people to places where they would face harm. The Croatian government did not respond to HRW’s request for comment.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48806/croatia-accused-of-new-mass-expulsions-of-migrants-to-bosnia

    • Croazia: manganelli anche contro i bambini migranti

      La Croazia respinge i migranti, tra i quali molti minori non accompagnati e famiglie con bambini, e rende impossibile l’accesso all’asilo. È ciò che emerge dall’ultimo rapporto di Human Rights Watch, mentre il ministro dell’Interno Božinović continua a smentire.

      A distanza di meno di un mese dalla conferenza stampa in cui il ministro dell’Interno croato Davor Božinović – cercando di giustificare se stesso e i suoi sottoposti di fronte alle prove di violazioni della polizia croata nei confronti dei migranti emerse nell’ambito di un’inchiesta giornalistica – ha dichiarato che la Croazia rispetta i diritti umani e che la polizia croata non effettuai respingimenti di migranti, il titolare del dicastero dell’Interno per l’ennesima volta è stato smentito dalla realtà, nella fattispecie da un rapporto di Human Rights Watch (HRW) che riporta le testimonianze dei migranti e dei rifugiati respinti dalla Croazia verso la Bosnia Erzegovina.

      Il rapporto intitolato “Come se fossimo animali: respingimenti di persone in cerca di protezione”, pubblicato lo scorso 3 maggio, conferma che negli ultimi anni le autorità croate hanno partecipato a respingimenti violenti dei migranti, compresi i minori non accompagnati e intere famiglie con bambini piccoli. Dal rapporto emerge chiaramente che i respingimenti continuano, nonostante le costanti smentite da parte degli alti funzionari dello stato e le ripetute promesse (mai mantenute) di voler garantire l’accesso all’asilo.

      “Da tempo ormai i respingimenti sono diventati una prassi consueta della polizia di frontiera croata, e il governo croato continua a ingannare le istituzioni europee distogliendo l’attenzione dalla questione e facendo vane promesse. Questi deplorevoli abusi, così come l’ambiguità istituzionale che li facilita, devono cessare”, ha dichiarato Michael Garcia Bochenek, consulente senior di Human Rights Watch per i diritti dei bambini e autore del rapporto.

      Nel periodo compreso tra novembre 2021 e aprile 2023 i ricercatori di HRW hanno intervistato oltre cento rifugiati e richiedenti asilo perlopiù provenienti da Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran e Pakistan. La maggior parte delle persone intervistate sostiene di aver subito respingimenti violenti – anche decine di volte – da parte della polizia croata, che ha sempre ignorato le loro richieste di asilo. Ad esempio, il diciassettenne Rozad N., proveniente dal Kurdistan iracheno, racconta che negli ultimi due anni lui e la sua famiglia, compreso suo fratello di sette anni e sua sorella di nove anni, sono stati respinti 45-50 volte. Un ragazzo iraniano, Darius M., oggi diciottenne, tra il 2020 e il 2021, quindi quando era ancora minorenne, è stato rimandato dalla Croazia verso la Bosnia Erzegovina ben 33 volte, mentre un suo connazionale, Farhad K., ventuno anni, insieme ai genitori e alla sorella di quattordici anni, è stato respinto dalla polizia croata più di 20 volte.

      Il Danish Refugee Council solo nel periodo tra gennaio 2020 e dicembre 2022 ha registrato quasi trentamila respingimenti dalla Croazia verso la Bosnia Erzegovina. In molti casi (12% nel 2020, 13% nel 2021) tra i bersagli della polizia croata c’erano anche bambini.

      Nel rapporto di HRW si sottolinea che il numero effettivo di persone respinte dalla Croazia è indubbiamente superiore a quello stimato, soprattutto considerando che gli agenti croati, con il sostegno dell’agenzia Frontex, pattugliano anche il confine con la Serbia e quello con il Montenegro.

      Il copione è quasi sempre lo stesso: quando intercetta i migranti la polizia croata li riporta verso luoghi difficilmente raggiungibili lungo il confine, ordinando loro di allontanarsi dal territorio croato. Nel loro ritorno verso i paesi confinanti, i migranti respinti spesso si trovano costretti ad attraversare fiumi e torrenti, a inerpicarsi sulle rocce e camminare tra fitti boschi. Gli agenti croati non di rado costringono i migranti a ritornare in Bosnia Erzegovina scalzi, indossando solo biancheria intima, o persino completamente spogliati. Secondo la stragrande maggioranza delle testimonianze, ad effettuare i respingimenti sono persone in divisa che guidano veicoli della polizia e si identificano come agenti, lasciando così chiaramente intendere di agire in veste di pubblici ufficiali.

      Quasi tutti i migranti respinti affermano di essere stati picchiati almeno una volta dagli agenti croati o di aver assistito a scene di violenza perpetrate dalla polizia croata. “Ti guardano come se non fossi un essere umano, la violenza semplicemente è parte integrante della procedura”, racconta Zafran R., ventotto anni, descrivendo le percosse che gli sono state inflitte dagli agenti croati. “La prima volta che la mia famiglia ha cercato di attraversare il confine, nell’ottobre 2020, la polizia ci ha catturati, prendendo a botte me e mio padre. Ho detto agli agenti che mia madre era molto malata e che doveva andare in ospedale. Uno di loro ha risposto duramente: ‘Siamo poliziotti, non medici. Vattene in Bosnia, pezzo di merda! Perché siete venuti in Croazia?!’”, racconta un altro giovane migrante. “Alcune persone sono state brutalmente picchiate. La polizia croata si è impossessata dei loro cellulari, per poi distruggerli. Hanno bruciato i nostri effetti personali davanti ai nostri occhi, gridando: ‘Non vi vogliamo nel nostro paese, ritornate in Bosnia!’”, ricorda Laila, sedici anni, fuggita dall’Afghanistan.

      I racconti dei migranti respinti sono corroborati da testimonianze di molti operatori umanitari. Un volontario dell’associazione italiana Strada SiCura spiega che nella primavera del 2022, durante una visita in Bosnia Erzegovina, ha visto molte ferite che corrispondevano ai racconti che aveva sentito in precedenza. “Ho visto costole fratturate, diverse ferite alle gambe, lividi sul viso e altre parti della testa corrispondenti alle testimonianze delle vittime. Una persona riportava un’ustione sul petto che sembrava essere stata causata da un dispositivo elettrico”.

      I ricercatori di HRW hanno raccolto anche numerose testimonianze dei migranti che sono finiti in ospedale dopo essere stati picchiati dalla polizia croata affrontando poi un lungo periodo di convalescenza. Così il diciannovenne Ibrahim F., proveniente dal Camerun, ha spiegato che alla fine del 2021 gli agenti croati lo avevano picchiato così fortemente che non poteva camminare per due mesi.

      “Abbiamo sentito anche alcune testimonianze secondo cui le donne migranti avrebbero subito molestie e abusi sessuali da parte degli agenti croati. Così ad esempio un migrante ghanese, Emmanuel J., ha raccontato che quando, nel maggio 2022, la polizia croata aveva intercettato un grande gruppo di migranti con cui lui viaggiava e tra i quali c’erano anche otto donne, alcuni agenti avevano ‘molestato le donne’ palpeggiandole nelle parti intime”, scrive HRW, ricordando che anche in precedenza alcuni rifugiati avevano riferito di essere stati stuprati con rami e costretti dalla polizia croata a spogliarsi completamente e sdraiarsi l’uno sopra l’altro.

      I ricercatori sono venuti a conoscenza anche di diversi episodi di violenza nei confronti dei bambini. “Molti bambini piccoli sono stati costretti ad assistere a scene in cui i loro padri, fratelli maggiori e cugini venivano pestati a pugni e calci e presi a manganellate. Gli agenti della polizia di frontiera croata più volte hanno sparato vicino ai bambini e puntato le armi contro di loro. Sono stati registrati anche alcuni episodi che hanno visto gli agenti croati spintonare e picchiare bambini di sei anni”.

      Nel suo rapporto, HRW riporta anche la testimonianza di una donna proveniente dall’Afghanistan che nel febbraio del 2021 è stata respinta dalla Croazia insieme alla sua famiglia. “Ad un certo punto [gli agenti croati] hanno iniziato a prendere a schiaffi e picchiare i bambini. Poi hanno ordinato loro di addentrarsi in un bosco. Quando poi li ho raggiunti, i bambini erano sdraiati a terra. Un agente ha detto loro di alzarsi e togliersi i vestiti. La polizia li picchiava con manganelli mentre si spogliavano”, ha raccontato la donna, spiegando che dopo le prime violenze e umiliazioni gli agenti hanno ordinato alla sua famiglia di ritornare a piedi in Bosnia Erzegovina. “Per tutto il percorso ci colpivano con bastoni alla schiena e alle gambe, scagliandosi in particolare contro i bambini”.

      Lorena Fornasir, medico in pensione e una delle fondatrici dell’organizzazione umanitaria Linea d’Ombra di Trieste, conferma che simili violenze comportano conseguenze psicologiche incommensurabili per le vittime, conseguenze che di solito si manifestano come disturbo da stress post-traumatico. Le osservazioni di Lorena Fornasir corroborano i dati emersi da una recente ricerca sulla situazione dei rifugiati in Serbia, secondo cui le persone respinte dalla Croazia mostrano sintomi più pronunciati di depressione, ansia e stress post-traumatico rispetto ad altri migranti.

      Nel frattempo, come si sottolinea anche nel rapporto di HRW, le autorità croate continuano a negare qualsiasi responsabilità dei respingimenti alle frontiere, sforzandosi di confutare le prove, ormai indiscutibili, di violenze della polizia che spesso infligge gravi lesioni ai migranti, confisca e distrugge i loro effetti personali e li sottopone a trattamenti umilianti e degradanti. Michael Garcia Bochenek ha confermato a Novosti, che il governo croato non ha voluto commentare i dati emersi dal rapporto, né tanto meno ha voluto rispondere alle domande di HRW che ha chiesto un incontro con i rappresentanti del governo per discutere anche del controverso meccanismo indipendente di monitoraggio dell’operato della polizia.

      Si tratta di uno strumento creato su iniziativa della Commissione europea nell’ambito del nuovo Patto sulla migrazione e l’asilo. Pur trattandosi formalmente di un meccanismo indipendente, è stato il ministero dell’Interno croato a decidere a chi affidare il monitoraggio e quali metodi utilizzare. Il primo rapporto, pubblicato nel 2022, ha confermato i dubbi sull’effettiva indipendenza del meccanismo creato dal governo croato. È infatti emerso che l’unico scopo di questo strumento, peraltro finanziato con risorse europee, è quello di legittimare l’attuale stato delle cose alle frontiere esterne dell’UE, completamente ignorando le violenze nei confronti dei migranti.

      Che anche l’UE continui a chiudere un occhio di fronte alle violazioni dei diritti umani alle sue frontiere esterne, lo conferma il fatto che nel dicembre 2022 gli stati membri hanno dato il via libera all’ingresso di Zagabria nell’area Schengen, inviando così un forte messaggio che l’Europa tollera respingimenti e altri abusi. C’è però ancora tempo per invertire la tendenza. HRW ritiene infatti che la Commissione europea debba sollecitare le autorità croate affinché pongano fine ai respingimenti e forniscano informazioni attendibili sulle azioni intraprese per indagare sulle violazioni dei diritti dei migranti.

      “I respingimenti non devono diventare una consuetudine. Le istituzioni europee devono dimostrare fermezza nel chiedere alla Croazia di assumersi la propria responsabilità delle sistematiche violazioni del diritto dell’UE e delle norme internazionali”, conclude HRW.

      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Croazia/Croazia-manganelli-anche-contro-i-bambini-migranti-225073

      aussi ici:
      https://seenthis.net/messages/1002500

  • At the Evros border, the bodies mount up

    Migrants continue to risk their lives trying to cross the Evros River separating Turkey and Greece. Many of them die in the attempt to enter the EU – last year more bodies than ever were recovered, a documentary film by the German broadcaster ARD has revealed.

    Along the Evros river, at the border between Greece and Turkey, a 5-meter-high steel wall has been increasing in length since construction began in 2020. The barrier, designed to keep migrants out of the EU, is now at least 38 kilometers long. But thousands of people continue to risk their lives attempting to cross into Greece. It’s not known exactly how many die in the process, but on the Greek side of the river alone, more than 60 people lost their lives last year.

    Identifying the dead remains a difficult challenge, according to forensic pathologist Pavlos Pavlidis, whose job is to conduct autopsies on the bodies found in the water and surrounding forest. Most of the dead do not carry any form of ID. In an interview in October 2021, Pavlidis told InfoMigrants how the deceased body is altered by being in the water for a long time.

    More bodies than ever

    More than a year later, the pathologist is still carrying out autopsies – in a recent short documentary shown on Germany’s state broadcaster ARD, he said that over the past 22 years he had seen around 600 bodies on the Greek side alone. He assumes that there is roughly the same number on the Turkish side. “So we’re talking about 1,200 to 1,500 people, but we receive a lot more search requests than that from relatives.”

    The bodies are often recovered from the forest by the local undertakers. ARD films two of them, one armed with a simple shovel, finding what looks like a blanket and human remains in a shallow grave, possibly dug by other migrants. “Didn’t he have any shoes?,” one of the men asks as they wrap the partly decomposed remains in plastic. “No, the other migrants often take them,” the other replies.

    The chief undertaker tells ARD that recovering dead bodies from the border makes up a large part of his work. On one occasion he brought 35 of them to the morgue after they drowned in the Evros.

    If it is possible to identify the dead, he says that the families often come from Europe to pay their last respects. “It’s very hard, they’re all crying,” he explains. “Can you imagine, they travel so far to either pick up the body of a dead relative or to bury them here.” Sometimes, he takes the bodies of migrants to Turkey to be transported home from there.

    Some families cannot afford to have the body of their loved one repatriated, so the migrants are buried in a local Greek cemetery for Muslims. Their names and their countries of origin – Somalia, Afghanistan, Syria – are inscribed on their graves. There are people of all ages and it appears that a lot of the graves are fresh.

    But many more bodies are simply never identified, leaving family members in limbo. These are buried in a graveyard for unidentified migrants, their tombstones marked only with numbers.

    ’It would be better than not knowing’

    In the Germany city of Hanover, Kurdish refugee Sivar Qassim is living with this horrible uncertainty. Qassim fled to Germany in 2015 after war broke out in Syria. The rest of his family escaped to Iraq, along with his younger brother, Mohammed.

    “He was very good in school, and we wanted to offer him a better life. That was also what I wanted,” Qassim told ARD. “I have a lot of friends but still it’s nothing like being brothers. No matter who you’re friends with, family is always number one. I was really looking forward to him coming, but…” Qassim doesn’t continue.

    Life was difficult for the family in Iraq, so in Autumn, 2021, they decided to send 14-year-old Mohammed to Germany, via the Evros route: “just like everyone else, with a people smuggler […] and illegally, because it’s not possible to do it legally. We didn’t have any documents in Syria anyway,” his older brother explains.

    In October 2021 a call came from the people smugglers. “They said that something had happened and that Mohammed had fallen into the water. They said they waited but couldn’t find him. That was a lie. We found out that they hadn’t waited and simply carried on. They were frightened because what they were doing was illegal.”

    From Germany, a desperate Qassim flew to Greece to look for his brother, but despite having his DNA registered, he found nothing. He had even sent a photo of Mohammed to Pavlos Pavlidis, the pathologist. But Pavlidis says he would have remembered a child of that age.

    Back at home Qassim also looks for his brother on Facebook and search platforms for missing migrants, but in vain. He says he would almost prefer to hear that Mohammed’s body had been found. “Of course it wouldn’t be easy but it would be better than not knowing. If we knew that he had died and could bury him then it would be clear, it is something we’d have to accept, but this uncertainty, I find that really, really awful.”

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48783/at-the-evros-border-the-bodies-mount-up

    #Evros #Thrace #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #morts_aux_frontières #décès #mourir_aux_frontières #Grèce #Turquie #identification #cimetière #Pavlos_Pavlidis

  • Segregare e punire: il disegno politico brutale dentro il “decreto Cutro”

    Nonostante la pletora di emendamenti il quadro del provvedimento governativo appare definito: centri informali chiusi, procedure accelerate, smantellamento della protezione speciale, ostacoli alla conversione dei permessi di soggiorno in permessi per attività lavorativa. “Una strategia illegale e sconsiderata”, osserva Michele Rossi

    Per comprendere il testo del decreto legge 10 marzo 2023 (https://www.senato.it/japp/bgt/showdoc/frame.jsp?tipodoc=Resaula&leg=19&id=1375360&part=doc_dc-allegatoa_aa), il cosiddetto “decreto Cutro”, occorre applicare con grande concentrazione le parole d’ordine gramsciane circa il pessimismo dell’intelligenza e l’ottimismo della volontà (A. Gramsci, Quaderni dal carcere, Einaudi, 2014). Pessimismo dell’intelligenza perché siamo certamente di fronte al più violento e invasivo tentativo di sovvertimento di alcuni fondamentali istituti costituzionali, democratici e sociali della recente storia repubblicana.

    Non deve in tal senso ingannare il fatto il decreto legge riguardi “solo” migranti e “solo” norme che disciplinano l’immigrazione. È evidente che sottesa a tale disciplina risulta ben visibile un’idea di società e pur producendo un certo accanimento su uno specifico gruppo sociale -i migranti-, l’intento, nemmeno troppo malcelato, è di intervenire sui rapporti tra gruppi sociali: un’operazione di “ortopedia sociale” (M. Focault, Sorvegliare e Punire, Einaudi, 2014) volta a separare, segmentare, disgiungere le comunità, annichilirne la tensione, individuale e collettiva all’integrazione, alla coesione, allo stesso contatto interculturale. Il decreto opera -purtroppo con conseguenze drammatiche- innanzitutto sulle persone migranti, ma colpendo loro, frammenta il corpo sociale intero, con pesanti ripercussioni su tutti. Non si tratta nemmeno più di modelli di accoglienza, addirittura il paradigma securitario credo non basti a interpretarne la ratio e la filosofia di fondo, vedremo, ma di produrre condizioni di tale aleatorietà da rendere ordinario l’arbitrio, la deterrenza sistematica sino all’avveramento della profezia: non è possibile nessuna integrazione, solo marginalità e segregazione.

    Del resto, come proveremo ad argomentare, per immaginare un tale impianto andava raccolto e finalizzato un lungo periodo di semina culturale e nei fatti, la nuova costruzione normativa non poteva che ergersi su fondamenta feroci, una de-soggettivazione del migrante e la criminalizzazione della solidarietà sociale. Nonostante la pletora di emendamenti, frutto di una ben organizzata e accurata strategia, il quadro normativo e anche simbolico e culturale appare definito e spaventoso: centri informali chiusi, procedure accelerate, smantellamento della protezione speciale, ostacoli alla conversione dei permessi di soggiorno in permessi per attività lavorativa. In poche parole: segregare e punire. Una strategia illegale e sconsiderata, che ha chiaramente una pesantissima ricaduta sociale su persone, territori e comunità.

    Impotenza e aggressività
    Il “decreto Cutro” emendato, con le sue novazioni normative, non è infatti preciso ma piuttosto confuso e lo è forse, volutamente. Vuole, questo è chiaro, rendere non più esigibili che quei diritti che non può permettersi di negare apertamente, come (forse) vorrebbe. Per questo sembra più orientato a creare caos, paura e incertezza che a prescrivere e normare un qualsivoglia governo del fenomeno. La lettura consegna abbastanza nitido il tentativo di rendere organico un sistema di deterrenza: non puoi arrivare, se arrivi non puoi stare, se stai verrai recluso, non avrai il permesso di soggiorno e non potrai muoverti, se e quando potrai muoverti non troverai accoglienza, se la troverai avrai pochi servizi e sconterai il tempo che avrai passato ad attendere, non potrai lavorare regolarmente e renderti autonomo, se anche lavori non potrai convertire il permesso in lavoro: preparati ad essere sempre marginale e per te oltre allo sfruttamento, nessuna garanzia e nessun futuro.

    In estrema sintesi, e semplificando (ma nemmeno troppo) questo è il suo contenuto: si rivolge allo straniero e -con l’aggressività dell’impotenza (i promessi blocchi navali non sono stati in effetti realizzati)- promette sofferenza, spaventa, annichilisce il diritto ma anche la speranza. In questo senso la sua banalità non deve ingannare: è tanto più pericoloso quanto studiato frutto di una meticolosa applicazione.

    Dove possiamo colpire siccome non possiamo fermare? Dove possiamo ostacolare siccome non possiamo negare? Stupisce però che il governo abbia applicato la sua logica senza nessuna remora circa le conseguenze, in termini di sofferenza, illegalità, marginalità e quindi del prezzo di un tale impianto sulle vite individuali e sulla società tutta che questa operazione comporterà. Il messaggio sociale, culturale e simbolico è tanto più nascosto nelle pieghe di mille emendamenti quanto più è forte anche in questo senso, e suona come un monito: “Attenzione, siamo disposti a tutto”. Un monito che traduce un senso del potere sulla vita delle persone incondizionato e feroce.

    La “banalità” degli emendamenti
    In tal senso non deve nemmeno ingannare che una ipotesi così invasiva e violenta avvenga attraverso decine e decine di singoli emendamenti, che con il loro aspetto tecnico e procedurale parrebbero offrire una qualche forma di rassicurazione: “Non si può operare un tale sovvertimento attraverso emendamenti”; ossia cancellazioni e aggiunte di commi, frasi, parole. Lo strumento garantisce una operazione meno organica e meno frontale -come fu nel 2018 con i “decreti sicurezza”- e rischia di attenuare l’attenzione pubblica, di distrarla, specie i non addetti ai lavori. È piuttosto da ritenersi che anche questa sia una precisa strategia, già peraltro testata nei mesi scorsi nel processo di conversione del cosiddetto “decreto sbarchi”, in cui una serie di emendamenti che reintroducevano aspetti salienti dei “decreti sicurezza” del 2018 furono presentati in commissione Affari costituzionali dal parlamentare leghista Igor Iezzi, per poi essere dichiarati inammissibili per estraneità di materia e senza i requisiti di necessità e urgenza. Calare attraverso un’azione ordinaria contenuti che ordinari non sono, prevenire una reazione nella società civile, anticiparla sul tempo, farlo senza essere (troppo) visibili, lasciare conseguenze irreparabili.

    Deterrenza e paura reali
    Infine va osservato come il decreto legge che si avvia a essere convertito in legge dello Stato e a sfidarne l’ordinamento, rechi il nome della località dove si è consumata l’ennesima tragedia del mare: Cutro. È sintomatico e paradossale al tempo. Sintomatico perché, riferendosi al luogo di una strage sulla quale il governo ha una responsabilità per l’assenza dei soccorsi, rende manifesta, plastica, l’assenza di ogni limite alla politica di deterrenza imbracciata. In questo senso il nome suona sinistro perché riporta alla mente il mancato soccorso, i morti, lo spostamento delle bare senza interloquire con i familiari, il mancato omaggio della presidente del Consiglio alle vittime, i superstiti lasciati e abbandonati nel Cara di Sant’Anna, piantonati dalle forze dell’ordine. La stessa località è stata però anche -ed in questo senso che il decreto si intitoli Cutro appare invece paradossale- di una grande, continua e spontanea manifestazione di accoglienza dei cutresi e di tante comunità, paesi, amministrazioni della Calabria: dalla veglia delle vittime alla solidarietà ai superstiti, al blocco stradale per impedire il trasferimento coatto delle bare, alla manifestazione nazionale dell’11 marzo e a uno striscione, che, rivolto ai migranti tutti, vittime e superstiti, recitava: “La vostra speranza è la nostra speranza”. Quella speranza che il decreto vuole colpire e che i cittadini di Cutro e della Calabria hanno invece scelto per riconoscere nei migranti ciò che ci unisce. Ed è questo che il decreto, in ultima istanza, vuole intaccare.

    Carichi residuali
    Molto diverse da queste parole, sulla spiaggia di Steccato di Cutro, mentre ancora erano in corso le operazioni di recupero dei corpi delle vittime, quelle del ministro dell’Interno Matteo Piantedosi, che non riconosce “speranza” nei migranti ma una mancanza, precisamente di responsabilità. Lui non si rivolge direttamente ai migranti come invece faranno i cutresi, parla in prima persona, ma traccia un distinguo, morale, un solco incolmabile tra chi come lui, il ministro dice,“educato alla responsabilità” non avrebbe messo in mare, nelle mani degli scafisti i figli e chi lo ha fatto. Questa affermazione ben rappresenta a mio parere, lo spirito che informa il decreto che sopra abbiamo provato a interpretare. La strage, si intende, è colpa di chi, irresponsabile e non educato alla responsabilità, ha messo i figli in mare. La frase ha provocato, per la violenza e brutalità che esprime, forti reazioni; ma non è evidentemente un’esternazione sconsiderata. Le parole del ministro “disumanizzano” i migranti, che lo faccia a fronte dei corpi delle vittime, le rende solo più odiose, ma a ben vedere che cosa vuole trasmettere il ministro? Che non c’è società comune possibile senza “educazione”, senza il rispetto dei figli, senza responsabilità, non c’è futuro possibile “con” i rifugiati, essi non sono persone ma una categoria indistinta, non “educata” alla responsabilità, una minaccia quindi che va contenuta con ogni mezzo. Pochi mesi prima si era infatti rivolto a loro definendoli “carico residuale”. Ci siamo “noi”, categoria morale, e “loro” categoria immorale, che non hanno i medesimi attributi di umanità, che hanno la colpa della strage. Altri esponenti del governo avrebbero infatti parlato in quei giorni di mancato “rispetto di sé e della vita”. E come si può costruire una comunità con chi non ha rispetto “per sé e per la vita”, “responsabilità verso i figli” che appaiono essere i presupposti necessari per una convivenza civile?

    Privare
    Forse più queste affermazioni che singoli emendamenti riescono a restituire, perché ne sono coerente espressione, il disegno complessivo del decreto. Ma appunto vi è coerenza e continuità, le esternazioni pubbliche rompono la patina burocratica e banale del lavoro tecnico di scrittura di commi, articoli e rimandi. Tuttavia quegli emendamenti non potrebbero essere stati scritti se non avendo in mente “carichi residuali”, “non-persone” cui attribuire vigliaccamente la colpa della loro stessa morte per mancanze strutturali che li rendono definitivamente e senza appello, “altro” da noi, corpi estranei, da espellere, impossibilitati a vivere in comunità. Sironi, in un importantissimo saggio sulla tortura (Sironi, Françoise, Psychopathologie des violences collectives, Odile Jacob, 2007), scrive “privare i migranti del riconoscimento dei fattori storici e politici in cui prende corpo la migrazione, significa negare ai migranti quelle dimensioni cruciali nelle negoziazioni identitarie e nelle più ampie trasformazioni sociali che li implicheranno in qualità di nuovi cittadini”. È esattamente questo il punto. Esternazioni e decreti concordano invece su questa linea: negare i fattori storici e politici in cui la migrazione prende corpo. Per prima cosa infatti dobbiamo affermare che il decreto del 10 marzo 2023 lascia invariate due premesse: non sono possibili arrivi legali e canali sicuri e il solo modo di regolarizzarsi resta, nei fatti, l’asilo politico. Però non ci sono “veri” rifugiati e le liste dei Paesi sicuri aumentano irragionevolmente. Una scelta che nega la realtà attuale: guerre, persecuzioni, regioni non più abitabili, più di 100 milioni di rifugiati globali, il trionfo delle organizzazioni del traffico che prosperano sulla chiusura dei confini europei, i sanguinosi patti con Libia e Turchia.

    Segregare: l’assalto alla libertà dei richiedenti asilo
    Costretti a una migrazione forzatamente illegale, quindi a manifestarsi come presenza indesiderata e minacciosa dell’equilibrio sociale, economico, finanche “etnico” del Paese di approdo, il migrante è anche costretto a chiedere asilo, costituendo questa l’unica via -per poi dover sottostare a una complessa procedura burocratica di legittimazione della propria presenza e a un esito assai incerto rispetto il riconoscimento di una forma di protezione-.

    Il quadro che si sta delineando appare infatti molto peggiore anche di quello tracciato nel 2018 dai famigerati “decreti sicurezza”, perché entra in gioco oggi -ancor più violentemente- il tema della limitazione della libertà personale dei richiedenti asilo. Se, ad esempio, nel 2018 la riforma sovvertiva il sistema di accoglienza affermando la centralità dei Centri di accoglienza straordinaria (Cas), ridotti a mero parcheggio, senza servizi di integrazione e senza nemmeno il rispetto degli standard minimi europei; essi oggi rischiano di essere “superflui”, perché comunque aperti, ovvero senza limitazione della libertà personale dei richiedenti. Oggi il Governo Meloni preconizza, con la nozione vaga di “punti caldi/punti di crisi” (hotspot), centri di detenzione informale in cui condurre sia le procedure di identificazione sia l’esame, accelerato, delle domande di asilo. Non più quindi luoghi di transito ma di detenzione informale. Come osserva Gianfranco Schiavone va infatti ricordato che “l’ordinamento italiano continua a non prevedere alcun intervento dell’autorità giudiziaria sul presupposto della detenzione negli hotspot e sulla condizione della stessa”. Il governo sceglie la direzione opposta, intendendo sfruttare al massimo questa mancanza di garanzia, gli hotspot divengono da luoghi di identificazione e transito, centri informali di detenzione, utili sia all’identificazione sia all’esame, accelerato, della domanda d’asilo.

    Segregare: l’estensione indebita della frontiera
    È attraverso questa risignificazione dei vaghi e opachi “punti di crisi/punti caldi” che il governo, ignorando il dettato costituzionale sul trasferimento delle funzioni amministrative ai Comuni, si appresta a estendere indebitamente la nozione di “frontiera” sin dentro città e paesi, anche molto lontano da porti e confini terrestri e, in questo spazio sospeso e indefinito, a tracciare il solco e innalzare i muri che separeranno italiani e stranieri, presenze legali e “illegali”, dentro e fuori. Gli emendamenti al “decreto Cutro” prevedono un ampiamento delle casistiche cui applicare la procedura accelerata di esame della domanda di asilo (o procedura “di frontiera”) tale da ricomprendere nei fatti ogni casistica possibile. Il decreto prevede anche la moltiplicazione degli hotspot sul territorio nazionale. Sino ad oggi le procedure di esame accelerato, in frontiere erano limitate a pochissime fattispecie. È un cambio di paradigma: negli hotspot non solo la procedura di identificazione ma anche l’esame della domanda d’asilo, con la possibilità di estenderne -evidentemente- i tempi di permanenza. È la genesi di un nuovo sistema concentrazionario. Infatti ritorna anche, dal testo dei “decreti sicurezza”, l’impossibilità per i richiedenti asilo di accedere al sistema pubblico di accoglienza integrata e diffusa (Sai, già Sprar). Tale sistema ritorna quindi in versione Siproimi, a essere esclusivo per i soli, pochi, cui verrà riconosciuta la protezione internazionale. Tramonta l’idea di costruire la protezione e l’integrazione sin da subito, attraverso la prossimità relazionale del contatto nelle comunità e attraverso la libertà di movimento dei richiedenti asilo.

    Punire: la spietata logica dei grandi centri chiusi
    Una recente e fondamentale inchiesta di Altreconomia, condotta da Luca Rondi e Lorenzo Figoni, ha squarciato il velo sulle condizioni di vita dentro i Centri di permanenza per il rimpatrio (Cpr). L’articolo s’intitola significativamente “Rinchiusi e sedati: l’abuso quotidiano di psicofarmaci nei Cpr italiani”. I Cpr, pur teatro di un crescente numero di gesti autolesivi, suicidi, violenze e danneggiamento delle strutture, sono stati recentemente oggetto di uno stanziamento economico imponente (quasi 46 milioni di euro) per potenziarne -sempre seguendo la logica della paura e della deterrenza percorsa dal governo- il funzionamento e anche in questo caso, la diffusione sul territorio nazionale. Si intravede un’ipotesi: segregare il migrante sin dal suo arrivo e in caso di diniego passare direttamente da hotspot a Cpr. L’inchiesta di Altreconomia, dati alla mano, mostra l’abuso di psicofarmaci dentro le strutture, utilizzati sistematicamente per disciplinare migranti costretti all’inattività forzata, senza personale cui rivolgersi e nessuna attività da svolgere.

    In un’intervista rilasciata al giornalista Franz Baraggino e pubblicata su ilfattoquotidiano.it, il Garante nazionale dei diritti delle persone private della libertà personale, Mauro Palma, ha commentato: “Avere più Cpr non serve a niente, se non a dare il messaggio simbolico del ‘li teniamo chiusi qui’, nient’altro”. Lo stesso Garante ha aggiunto che “in quei posti le persone cambiano e quando ritornano nelle nostre comunità, come il più delle volte accade, sono peggiorate […] i comportamenti di insofferenza acuta sono il prodotto di uno spazio dove non sei nulla, non fai nulla e nulla avviene, salvo rimuginare sul proprio destino, che è un destino di fallimento, quello del rimpatrio”. Complessivamente nei Cpr transitano circa 10mila persone all’anno, il 2% del totale degli irregolari, e contribuiscono per il solo 50% (circa 3.000) ai complessivi 6.000 rimpatri che avvengono in media ogni anno. Senza accordi bilaterali, il rimpatrio è per molti più una minaccia che una realtà. A fronte dell’inefficacia dello strumento, a fronte dei suoi costi e della sofferenza che genera, il governo invece investe su questa forma di detenzione per le persone “espulse”, per un’irregolarità appositamente creata.

    Sin dagli anni 90 del secolo scorso la letteratura scientifica è concorde sull’individuare nei centri di detenzione amministrativa, siano strutture adibite al rimpatrio come i nostri Cpr o le strutture di confinamento e segregazione dei richiedenti asilo come gli hotspot, luoghi con alta incidenza di problemi psichiatrici psicologici, di perdita della salute organica e delle risorse psico-sociali per affrontare la vita lavorativa e sociale una volta usciti dal centro (Loutan, Louis, et al. “Impact of trauma and torture on asylum-seekers.” The European Journal of Public Health 9.2 (1999): 93-96.). Allora perché farne sistema? La domanda è chiaramente retorica.

    Punire: lo smantellamento della protezione speciale
    Largamente anticipati da un sinistro rumore di fondo che ha ricordato il precedente assalto alla protezione umanitaria (2018), un rumore di fondo sorretto dalla mistificazione che affermava essere la protezione speciale una anomalia solo italiana; gli emendamenti al “decreto Cutro” hanno infine smantellato anche tale protezione. Non potendo privarla dei riferimenti a convenzioni e norme internazionali (Cedu), il governo -altro esempio di logica deliberatamente punitiva- ha scelto di confondere le competenze per il rilascio, ostacolandone l’ottenimento, che rimane sulla carta possibile ma nei fatti arduo. Se sino a oggi il percorso di ottenimento appariva ragionevole e chiaro, ora non lo è più, precipitato nel conflitto di competenze tra questure e commissioni territoriali. Preme sottolineare che questa ennesima e antieconomica previsione colpirà in special modo coloro che per varie ragioni stanno compiendo passi decisivi per un percorso di integrazione sociale e lavorativa, cui ha dato principio nonostante gli ostacoli precedenti.

    Conclusione
    Abbiamo provato a ricostruire il messaggio culturale, simbolico e -almeno per alcune misure- le conseguenze concrete, di quanto previsto dal decreto legge del 10 marzo 2023 e dei suoi numerosissimi emendamenti che ne definiranno la conversione in legge, prevista entro i primi dieci giorni di maggio. Per quanto molti dei suoi contenuti siano di difficile applicazione ed è prevedibile un’imponente mole di controversie legali, abbiamo creduto importante analizzarne gli intenti, cercando di osservarne il disegno per comprendere quale intenzioni ed obiettivi hanno mosso il legislatore in una così radicale sfida all’ordinamento giuridico, ai diritti, a istituti sociali e conquiste culturali.

    Tra queste, certamente colpisce, a 45 anni dalla “Legge Basaglia”, il ritorno a strutture concentrazionarie per segregare un determinato gruppo sociale, oggi i migranti, privati della loro libertà per la colpa di sfidare con determinazione, disperazione o -come riconosciuto dai cutresi- speranza, il divieto imposto dall’Europa e dall’Italia a poter vivere in pace e sicurezza. Per articolare in legge questo che è un discorso politico e culturale “estremo” che nega sia ai migranti il riconoscimento delle cause in cui si è prodotta la migrazione, sia alla società italiana la propria storia e le sue conquiste democratiche e sociali (tra esse ricordiamo solo la chiusura dei manicomi, delle classi speciali), il governo investe su un decisivo salto di qualità in strumenti e pratiche di segregazione, confinamento e marginalizzazione dei migranti, sino al punto di limitare la libertà personale. Un salto di qualità atto a impedire il contatto, la solidarietà e orientato a impedire l’integrazione sociale e lavorativa, la convivenza interculturale basata sui diritti.

    Vincolato da Costituzione, trattati internazionali, norme superiori, il governo propone allora un disegno “banalmente” tecnico nella forma (gli emendamenti) quanto feroce nella sostanza. Tanto più feroce quanto più impotente a fronte dei cambiamenti epocali che stiamo collettivamente attraversando, cercando nella deterrenza e nella minaccia ai gruppi sociali più fragili, la misura della propria forza e assumendo una postura punitiva, inutile se non a produrre evitabili sofferenze individuali, tensioni sociali improduttive e costi economici e sociali per le generazioni future.

    L’iniziale citazione di Antonio Gramsci è stata trattata solo per metà, quella relativa al pessimismo dell’intelligenza. In conclusione è il tempo invece della seconda parte, l’ottimismo della volontà. C’è ragione di credere che un disegno -quello tracciato dal decreto- così povero di futuro e così meschinamente abbarbicato sulla deumanizzazione dei migranti, sia rigettato dalla società, sia reso inapplicabile nella quotidianità, nelle relazioni interpersonali e sociali, prima ancora che nelle aule dei tribunali, iniziando una grande stagione dove italiani e migranti insieme affermino uniti l’inviolabilità dei diritti di tutti e tutte e la libertà di costruire insieme il futuro che ci attende.

    https://altreconomia.it/segregare-e-punire-il-disegno-politico-brutale-dentro-il-decreto-cutro
    #décret #décret_Cutro #decreto_Cutro #Italie #migrations #asile #réfugiés #loi

    • Italy: New law curtails migrants’ rights

      For migrants in Italy getting special protection status can be life-changing. But lawmakers have now approved a law severely restricting access.

      Italy’s parliament recently greenlighted a controversial decree to crack down on irregular migration. Known as the Cutro decree — in reference to the southern town in Calabria where more than 90 people died in a shipwreck last February — the legislation severely limits a special protection status Italian authorities can grant to migrants who do not qualify for asylum.

      Italy has recorded more than 42,000 irregular arrivals since the beginning of 2023, almost four times as many as in the same period last year and the Italian government claims special protection incentivizes migrants to start dangerous trips to the country.

      “Special protection creates attractive conditions for immigration and we will eliminate it,” said Nicola Molteni of the right-wing League party, whose currently serving as the undersecretary at the Interior Ministry.

      Agriculture Minister Francesco Lollobrigida, from Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy party, recently sparked controversy, warning against the “ethnic replacement” of Italians by migrants, a notion widely regarded as racist.

      Before the decree, people offered special protection status could live in Italy for two years, renew their residence permit and convert it into a working permit. It was granted to asylum seekers who risked being persecuted in their country of origin, those fleeing war and natural disasters, as well as those with family ties or high levels of economic integration in Italy.
      What changes with the new migration rules

      Now, all that has changed. While special protection remains available for those at risk of torture, inhumane treatment or systematic rights violations in their home nation, the new law narrows access by scrapping criteria based on family links or economic integration.

      “If a person is not at terrible risk in their home country, but in the meantime has started a family or had children in Italy, the commission [assessing residence status] will not take this into account,” explains Paolo De Stefani, a professor in international law at the University of Padova.

      People fleeing natural disasters or seeking treatment for severe medical conditions will also see their access to special protection restricted. Most importantly, however, it will not be possible for them to convert it into a work permit.

      Language courses and legal advice will also be scrapped in reception centers.

      Things will change, too, for unaccompanied minors. They are still entitled to special protection permits until they turn 18; they can extend it for one more year, but cannot convert it into a work permit.

      “This means killing the prospects of integration for people arriving in Italy at a very young age,” said De Stefani. “What type of educational path will be imagined for those with such prospects?”

      In contrast with the otherwise restrictive nature of the law, the law offers a new possibility for victims of forced marriage to apply for special protection.

      Migrants fear for their future

      While those who already benefit or who have already requested special protection will not be affected by the new legislation, many agree the climate towards migrants has become more harsh.

      Sarja Kubally, a Gambian national currently under special protection, says Italy has not been the same since a new government headed by the far right came to power.

      “I am thinking of leaving, I am happy here, but now I am afraid of staying with this situation,” he told DW.

      Although Kubally is confident he himself will get a work permit, he fears others will miss out on opportunities he benefited from.

      “Special protection really changes your life. It allows you to work, to study. You can do many things and give back,” Kubally said. “If someone needs help, you need to help them, not make it even harder for them. We should put humanity first.”

      The uncertainty for Ali, who asked not to use his real name for security reasons, is far greater. The Pakistani national, who spent four years in Greece where he maintains local authorities did not accept his asylum claim, has been living in Italy since 2021. He now has a three-year work contract and is learning Italian, but his asylum request was recently rejected. He is now appealing the decision. Should his bid be turned down again, Ali will not be able to apply for special protection under the new rules.

      “I lost four years of my life in Greece, but here in Italy I am well integrated, I have a job, I want to stay here,” Ali told DW. “Well-integrated people should be allowed to stay. I haven’t thought about [what I would do if I couldn’t access special protection]. Going back to Pakistan is unthinkable.”

      Less special protection, more precariousness

      Italy has always provided special protection, except from 2018-2020 when former Interior Minister Matteo Salvini scrapped it temporarily . Though Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni claims otherwise, Italy is not the only country which offers this type of protection. Though different terminology is used, 18 other states in Europe provide similar special protections.

      Critics warn restricting access to special protection will push more migrants into an undocumented life outside the law and rob vulnerable people of fundamental rights — especially as the move follows another decree which limits the work of nonprofit rescue ships operating in the Mediterranean, and Italy last month declaring a six-month state of emergency to curb migration flows.

      Valeria Carlini, a spokesperson for the Italian Council for Refugees, says the law will not only harm people seeking protection but also local societies, where migrants have begun building a life and contributing to the socioeconomic fabric.

      Law professor De Stefani believes the legislation ultimately undermines integration — especially for irregular migrants — and aims to put an emergency band-aid on migration flows. “People will have poorer conditions in Italy and eventually seek better protection and living standards in other European countries,” he said.

      Like many of her predecessor governments, Meloni has been demanding more solidarity and better coordination among EU countries to tackle migration flows.

      “This law might be seen as the latest maneuver to pressure Europe into seriously tackling migration issues, but it is betting with someone else’s life,” said De Stefani.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48834/italy-new-law-curtails-migrants-rights

    • La doppia morte dei naufraghi di #Cutro

      1.

      In un documento redatto dall’associazione di magistrati Area sul “#decreto_Cutro” appena prima dell’esame della Camera dei Deputati, si legge questo interrogativo: «cosa spinge il legislatore a credere che blocchi navali o i finanziamenti di regimi autoritari possano fermare persone che hanno attraversato il deserto per fuggire a guerre, violenza insopportabile, distruzione, persecuzione, ripetute discriminazioni e che cercano protezione in quei Paesi che hanno fatto della protezione internazionale e del rispetto della dignità una regola fondamentale e immutabile della loro civiltà?» (https://www.areadg.it/comunicato/non-chiamiamolo-decreto-cutro). Nel frattempo il decreto legge è stato convertito, senza alcuna modifica da parte della Camera ove il Governo ha posto la fiducia, nella legge 5 maggio 2023 n. 50.

      Dopo la tragedia di Cutro (94 morti di cui 36 bambini, ma vi sono altri dispersi) chiunque si sarebbe aspettato che il Governo, seppure dalla sua posizione di chiusura, mettesse mano alla legislazione vigente focalizzandosi su due questioni generali irrisolte: la prima questione riguarda come riformare la normativa in materia di ingressi per lavoro in modo da aprire canali di ingresso regolare, come lo stesso Governo ha più volte annunciato di voler fare; la seconda riguarda la possibilità di introdurre procedure di ingresso protette/sicure, finora non esistenti, per consentire a una parte dei rifugiati che intendono arrivare in Italia di poterlo fare attraverso canali appunto protetti. In entrambi i casi le due diverse auspicate normative, oltre a salvare vite umane, avrebbero avuto il non secondario effetto di sottrarre alla criminalità organizzata delle quote di merce umana. Eppure la legge n. 50/2023 non è intervenuta su nessuna di queste due questioni fondamentali: né sugli ingressi per lavoro, né sugli ingressi per asilo.

      Sulla materia degli ingressi per lavoro il decreto legge n. 20/2023, poi convertito in legge, è intervenuto su due aspetti: la programmazione generale degli ingressi e la formazione all’estero. Sul primo punto la nuova disciplina prevede «la predisposizione ogni tre anni – salva la necessità di un termine più breve – del documento programmatico relativo alla politica dell’immigrazione» e «la definizione con dPCM annuale delle quote di ingresso, con possibilità di adottare ulteriori decreti in corso d’anno, sulla base dei criteri generali adottati nel documento programmatico». Ciò, peraltro, era già contemplato, con minime differenze, dalla normativa e l’unica modesta innovazione riguarda la modifica all’art. 21 del TU Immigrazione secondo cui «può essere autorizzato l’ingresso e il soggiorno per lavoro subordinato, anche a carattere stagionale, di stranieri cittadini di Paesi con i quali l’Italia ha sottoscritto intese o accordi in materia di rimpatrio». Nulla viene modificato in relazione al problema di fondo che produce da oltre vent’anni l’irregolarità in Italia, ovvero l’impossibile incontro a distanza tra offerta e domanda di lavoro che costringe i lavoratori stranieri a entrare in Italia irregolarmente, o a entrarvi regolarmente – se provenienti da paesi per i quali non è richiesto il possesso di un visto – e poi rimanere a soggiornare irregolarmente e lavorare in nero in attesa che un provvedimento di emersione o un decreto flussi, come quello emanato dal Governo il 26 gennaio 2023 per 82.705 posti di lavoro (a fronte di 240.000 domande presentate) permetta loro di regolarizzare ex post la loro posizione di soggiorno. Paradossalmente la nuova norma non prevede neppure l’abrogazione della preventiva verifica dell’indisponibilità di lavoratori italiani o stranieri già presenti in Italia prevista quale condizione per il rilascio dei nulla-osta al lavoro richiesti da datori di lavoro per l’assunzione dei persone chiamate a svolgere le prestazioni indicate nel decreto sulle quote: si genera così ancora una volta una palese contraddizione in quanto la programmazione è (o meglio dovrebbe essere) fondata sull’analisi del fabbisogno del mercato del lavoro effettuata dal Ministero del Lavoro e delle politiche sociali previo confronto con le organizzazioni dei datori di lavoro e dei lavoratori. È quindi irragionevole che l’assunzione dall’estero per la medesima mansione sia condizionata da un’ulteriore verifica da parte del centro per l’impiego della indisponibilità di altri lavoratori che siano già in Italia. La mancanza di modifiche sostanziali, coperta da modificazioni solo linguistiche, è visibile in modo evidente nell’art. 23 TU immigrazione che prevede la possibilità di realizzare attività di istruzione e di formazione professionale e civico-linguistica nei Paesi di origine finalizzata all’inserimento lavorativo mirato nei settori produttivi italiani. Si tratta anche in questo caso, di una previsione che esisteva già, solo con diversa epigrafe. L’unica modifica significativa riguarda la possibilità che il Ministero del lavoro promuova «la stipula di accordi di collaborazione e intese tecniche con soggetti pubblici e privati operanti nel campo della formazione e dei servizi per il lavoro nei Paesi terzi di interesse per la promozione di percorsi di qualificazione professionale e la selezione dei lavoratori direttamente nei Paesi di origine» (art. 23 comma 4 bis); l’ingresso dei lavoratori che hanno effettuato i corsi avverrebbe in tal caso in deroga ai limiti quantitativi previsti dalla programmazione delle quote di ingresso. Si apre così la possibilità di una selezione delle braccia da parte di grandi agenzie che decideranno di organizzare corsi di formazione per reperire la propria mano d’opera all’estero, ma non la possibilità per i lavoratori stranieri che hanno effettuato con successo dei corsi di formazione all’estero (magari nell’ambito di programmi di cooperazione allo sviluppo, del tutto esclusi) di ottenere un visto di ingresso per ricerca di lavoro in presenza dei requisiti economici, posseduti dagli stessi lavoratori o forniti da terzi, necessari a mantenersi in Italia per un primo periodo. Se così fosse stato la legge avrebbe dato avvio a una pagina nuova che non si è voluto in alcun modo aprire. Il messaggio è chiaro: nessuna riforma del sistema degli ingressi doveva essere effettuata.

      Se sul versante degli ingressi per lavoro il Governo ha finto di aumentare i canali di ingresso regolari, per ciò che riguarda gli ingressi per asilo non ha neppure finto: nulla infatti è stato proposto se non dichiarazioni di elogio all’esperienza dei corridoi umanitari, realizzati però non dal Governo ma da enti umanitari. Le persone morte nella strage di Cutro, come in molte altre tragedie, erano in larga parte stranieri che fuggivano da situazioni di persecuzione e violenze in Afghanistan, Siria, Iraq e altri paesi e che cercavano asilo in Europa. La loro partenza dalla Turchia e la scelta della rotta marittima erano legate alla necessità di evitare, almeno per i soggetti più deboli (quali donne e minori), la via terrestre, ovvero la famigerata rotta balcanica segnata da continue violenze e respingimenti, dalla Grecia fino alla Slovenia. Sotto questo profilo la strage di Cutro rappresenta una tragica sintesi dell’ecatombe in atto lungo le rotte migratorie, sia via mare che via terra. Un decreto legge che nasce quale risposta a quella strage, come detto in premessa, avrebbe dovuto affrontare il nodo di come introdurre procedure e criteri in base ai quali i cittadini stranieri con bisogno di protezione internazionale possano entrare in Italia in modo regolare e protetto, autonomamente o usufruendo di programmi pubblici. Anche su questo versante erano state avanzate diverse interessanti proposte, ma sono state tutte rigettate.

      C’è una terza questione che la legge n. 50/2023 non affronta: la materia dei soccorsi in mare considerata la tardività e inefficacia dimostrata nel caso specifico e, in particolare, la non chiarita ragione per cui, pur informate dei fatti, le autorità competenti sono intervenute agendo attraverso modalità riconducibili a un’operazione di polizia e non a quelle di un operazione di ricerca e soccorso, come richiesto dalla normativa internazionale (https://www.asgi.it/notizie/naufragio-cutro-associazioni-depositano-esposto-collettivo-in-procura). A ben guardare però la materia del soccorso in mare è già regolata da precise norme di diritto internazionale recepite dall’Italia e non c’è bisogno di alcuna nuova disciplina per evitare le tragedie come quella di Cutro, che, semmai, avvengono a causa di prassi e forzature finalizzate e eludere o indebolire gli obblighi di soccorso. Di fronte a una tragedia avvenuta in un’area geografica non presidiata dall’intervento di ONG il Governo italiano non ha potuto coprire le proprie carenze gettando la colpa sulle odiate organizzazioni umanitarie. Alla caccia di qualcosa di roboante da dare in pasto all’opinione pubblica ha scelto, dunque, di introdurre nuove disposizioni penali eccezionalmente severe nel caso di morte o lesioni come conseguenza dei delitti di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione irregolare. La premier Meloni ha scenograficamente annunciato ai media «la volontà di colpire gli scafisti non solo quando li troviamo sulle barche, ma andandoli a cercare lungo tutto il globo terracqueo» (la Repubblica 10 marzo 2023) dimenticando che coloro che guidano le imbarcazioni spesso hanno poco a che fare con le organizzazioni criminali e che in ogni caso, anche quando vi sono connessi, sono gli ultimi anelli della catena (Dal mare al carcere: la criminalizzazione dei cosiddetti scafisti).

      2.

      Se non interviene né sui nodi scoperti degli ingressi regolari per lavoro, né sugli ingressi protetti, quali sono dunque le materie affrontate dal decreto legge n. 20/2023 e, poi, dalla legge di conversione n. 50/2023?

      Gli aspetti essenziali, la nuova norma interviene sono tre: a) il ridimensionamento della protezione speciale; b) la destrutturazione del sistema di accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo con smembramento del SAI (sistema di accoglienza ed integrazione), a cui – analogamente a quanto era avvenuto per lo SPRAR con la legge n. 173/2020 – viene sottratta la possibilità di accogliere i richiedenti asilo; c) l’ampliamento delle ipotesi di trattenimento dei richiedenti asilo nei CPR e soprattutto negli hotspot e una parallela estensione delle procedure di frontiera o procedure accelerate, con una generale contrazione delle garanzie procedurali in sede di esame delle domande di asilo.

      Mi limito, per ragioni di spazio, a un breve approfondimento della problematica della protezione speciale. Il ridimensionamento della terza forma di protezione prevista dall’ordinamento, la cosiddetta protezione speciale, introdotta con la legge n. 132/2018 ma novellata in senso estensivo con la legge n. 173/2020, è stato il tema che maggiormente è emerso nel dibattito pubblico. Il testo del decreto legge n. 20/2023 sembrava mirare solo a restringere l’ambito di applicazione della previgente normativa cassando il paragrafo dell’art. 19 comma 1.1 secondo cui «non sono altresì ammessi il respingimento o l’espulsione di una persona verso uno Stato qualora esistano fondati motivi di ritenere che l’allontanamento dal territorio nazionale comporti una violazione del diritto al rispetto della sua vita privata e familiare, a meno che esso sia necessario per ragioni di sicurezza nazionale, di ordine e sicurezza pubblica nonché di protezione della salute nel rispetto della Convenzione relativa allo statuto dei rifugiati. Ai fini della valutazione del rischio di violazione di cui al periodo precedente, si tiene conto della natura e della effettività dei vincoli familiari dell’interessato, del suo effettivo inserimento sociale in Italia, della durata del suo soggiorno nel territorio nazionale nonché dell’esistenza di legami familiari, culturali o sociali con il suo Paese d’origine». In sede di conversione in legge al Senato è emersa una volontà della maggioranza ancor più aggressiva finalizzata a cancellare pressoché in toto questo istituto e ad eliminare la possibilità di esaminare la domanda di riconoscimento della protezione speciale attraverso il canale costituito dall’istanza alla questura e dal parere vincolante della commissione senza audizione, ovvero fuori dalla procedura di esame di una domanda di asilo. Alla fine dell’iter parlamentare alcune delle proposte più estreme sono state ritirate (pur se tutto è stato incanalato nella sola procedura di asilo) ed è rimasto l’obbligo per le Commissioni territoriali che esaminano le domande di asilo di riconoscere una protezione speciale qualora «esistano fondati motivi di ritenere che [la persona interessata] rischi di essere sottoposta a tortura o a trattamenti inumani o degradanti o qualora ricorrano gli obblighi di cui all’articolo 5, comma 6 [del TU Immigrazione]». Il nuovo articolo prevede che «il rifiuto o la revoca del permesso di soggiorno possono essere altresì adottati sulla base di convenzioni o accordi internazionali, resi esecutivi in Italia, quando lo straniero non soddisfi le condizioni di soggiorno applicabili in uno degli Stati contraenti, fatto salvo il rispetto degli obblighi costituzionali o internazionali dello Stato italiano».

      In questa situazione pochi dubbi possano esserci in relazione all’obbligo per le Commissioni territoriali di valutare la sussistenza dei requisiti per il riconoscimento della protezione speciale per rispetto di uno degli obblighi costituzionali o connessi all’ordinamento internazionale cui l’Italia è vincolata. Tra tali obblighi v’è il rispetto della vita privata e familiare sancito dall’art. 8 CEDU (Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo) come interpretato dalla giurisprudenza della Corte EDU e da una rilevante giurisprudenza interna. Si è invece diffusa una fallace informazione secondo cui la protezione speciale è stata cancellata. In particolare si è sostenuto che è stato cancellato il riconoscimento di tale protezione per riconoscimento del diritto alla vita privata e famigliare. Persino nella relazione illustrativa del decreto legge alla Camera dei Deputati si possono leggere affermazioni quali la seguente: «l’articolo 7, modificato al Senato, elimina il divieto di respingimento ed espulsione di una persona previsto nel caso vi sia fondato motivo di ritenere che l’allontanamento dal territorio nazionale comporti una violazione del diritto al rispetto della vita privata e familiare». In tale frase si sostiene che è legittimo espellere colui che… ha il diritto a non essere espulso. Ha dell’incredibile leggere tali corbellerie in un atto parlamentare e ciò illumina il livello di tensione politica che ha avvolto l’intera vicenda e soprattutto svela l’intenzione dell’Esecutivo: il diritto in questione non può essere cancellato, ma non deve potere essere esercitato.

      È agevole prevedere, sulla base di chiare evidenze, che il Governo farà enormi pressioni affinché le Commissioni territoriali per il riconoscimento del diritto d’asilo (che non sono per nulla indipendenti e soggette solamente alla legge e su cui si esercita una pervasiva influenza politica) restringano al massimo l’ambito di applicazione della protezione speciale rigettando il maggior numero possibile di domande anche in presenza dei presupposti per il riconoscimento. Che lo straniero denegato faccia pure ricorso alla magistratura sapendo che essa deciderà sui ricorsi dopo anni a causa della lentezza dei procedimenti, che diverranno ancor più lenti a causa dell’aumento dei contenziosi. Intanto ciò che conta è portare subito a casa il risultato di una diminuzione del numero dei riconoscimenti di protezione, anche se ciò aumenterà l’irregolarità e la precarietà di vita di migliaia di persone la cui vita è ritenuta irrilevante.

      Con il decreto legge n. 20/2023 e la conseguente legge di conversione i morti del naufragio di Cutro sono morti una seconda volta.

      https://volerelaluna.it/in-primo-piano/2023/05/16/la-doppia-morte-dei-naufraghi-di-cutro
      #naufrage #mourir_en_mer #décès #Gianfranco_Schiavone #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Méditerranée #Italie

    • Naufragio di Cutro, ritardi e omissioni della Guardia di finanza. Avvisi di garanzia per tre ufficiali

      Il giallo degli audio spariti e le bugie sulla vedetta di salvataggio. Perquisizioni e sequestri di tablet e cellulari. L’ipotesi di reato: omicidio colposo. Alti tre indagati coperti da omissis. Il legale delle vittime
      “Lo Stato ha responsabilità chiare”

      Alle 23.49 del 25 febbraio il capoturno della sala operativa della Guardia costiera di Reggio Calabria era relativamente tranquillo. Da Vibo Valentia, la Guardia di finanza assicurava che una loro motovedetta, la potente “5006” era già uscita alla ricerca di quel caicco, verosimilmente carico di migranti, segnalato un paio d’ore prima da un aereo di Frontex a tutti i comandi operativi europei ed italiani a cominciare da quello della Finanza a Pratica di mare.

      (#paywall)
      https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2023/06/01/news/naufragio_cutro_indagati_sequestro-402763465

      #justice

    • The Crotone Cover Up

      Italy lied about their role in a shipwreck that killed 94 people – including 35 children – and the EU border agency Frontex helped cover it up

      During the early hours of February 26, 2023 a wooden pleasure boat crashed close to the shore in Cutro, Italy. On board were nearly 200 people, mostly refugees from Afghanistan. At least 94 of them died, including 35 children. Yet the overloaded boat had been spotted by Europe’s border agency Frontex six hours before the wreck, struggling in bad weather. The deaths, which took place so close to the shore, shocked Italy and Europe. But Frontex and the Italian authorities deflected blame onto each other.

      Frontex said that the boat showed “no signs of distress” and that it was up to Italy to decide whether to launch a rescue operation. Italy’s prime minister claimed that they didn’t know the boat “risked sinking” and didn’t intervene because Frontex didn’t send them an ‘emergency communication’. “Do any of you think that the Italian government could have saved the lives of 60 people, including a child of about three years whose body was just found today, and it didn’t?” Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said shortly after the tragedy.

      A joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners reveals that both the Italian authorities and the Frontex leadership were aware that the boat was showing signs of distress when the ship was first spotted six hours before the wreck, but nevertheless decided not to intervene – and later tried to conceal how much they knew.
      METHODS

      When images of boat debris on an Italian beach were broadcast around the world, it was hard to imagine that they came from a vessel carrying 200 people. The Summer Love, a wooden boat approximately 25 metres long, was crammed with women, children and men fleeing wars, hoping for a better life. With little video footage available, we decided to make a 3D model of the vessel to better understand and explain the risks people were prepared to take. Crowded below decks, they had little chance of survival when the boat sank as their only exit was one narrow staircase.

      Over time, our reporters won the trust of some of the survivors by spending time with them in the centres they’re now living in. They shared their stories from departing Turkey to the harrowing losses they suffered in the sea. Some shared videos which revealed additional details about the shipwreck, including a tablet with navigation software which confirmed the vessel’s location and direction of travel.

      Crucially, we obtained leaked confidential Frontex mission reports which revealed that a plane operated by the border agency had reported signs of distress to both the agency and Italian authorities. Hours before the flight, operators warned about “strong winds” in the Ionian Sea. Frontex then detected the vessel by tracking multiple satellite phone calls made throughout the day by people on board. A detailed account of the pilot’s calls show that Frontex knew it was a “possible migrant vessel,” with no visible safety jackets and a “significant thermal response” from below deck. According to Frontex’s press office, this is an indication of the presence of an “unusual” number of people on board.

      Bad weather, a lack of life vests and overcrowding constitute signs of distress under Frontex’s and Italy’s own maritime rules; still the maritime authorities did not launch a search and rescue operation. After the wreck, the European border agency concealed the fact that their pilot had signalled strong winds to their control room during the surveillance flight.
      STORIES

      Assad Almulqi was a child when war broke out in Syria. His family fled their city after it was attacked with poisonous gas in 2013. This year, the 22 year-old paid 8,000 euros for a place on the boat from Turkey. His six-year-old brother Sultan was allowed to travel for free.

      He recalls the moment everything went wrong. “It was dark. The ship leaned to one side and half of it went underwater. It sank in seconds.”

      “I got scared, held my brother in my arms and told my uncle that we needed to go upstairs because something not normal was happening. The waves started hitting the windows and water entered the ship.”

      He jumped out when the water reached his knees, holding his brother tightly.

      Assad tried desperately to keep Sultan above the waves as he attempted to signal to rescuers. “We were drowning ourselves to keep his head above the water, but it wasn’t enough to save him.”

      They clung to pieces of the ship, fighting to stay afloat as people around them drowned.

      Also onboard was 23-year old Nigeena who was travelling with her husband Seyar, following their wedding just four months earlier. She clutched his hand as they fought to stay above water. They were almost ashore when a huge wave swept Seyar away. Their boat broke apart 200 metres off the coast of Italy.

      “The wreck is Italy’s fault because they knew from the start that a boat had arrived,” said Nigeena. “Usually when they see an unfamiliar ship it’s their job to check it out. But they didn’t.”

      Lawyers for some of the families of the victims are planning to take a case to the European Court of Human Rights, arguing Italy should be held responsible for the “irremediable violation of migrants’ right to life.”

      https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/the-crotone-cover-up

      –---

      En italien (résumé):
      L’insabbiamento sulla strage di Steccato di Cutro

      Un’inchiesta internazionale di #Lighthouse_Reports dimostra il rimpallo delle responsabilità tra Frontex, guardia di finanza e guardia costiera italiana

      https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/06/linsabbiamento-sulla-strage-di-steccato-di-cutro

    • Omissione di soccorso: la vera storia del naufragio di Cutro

      Un’inchiesta internazionale – a cui Domani ha collaborato insieme a Lighthouse Reports, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, El Pais e Sky News – mostra attraverso documenti inediti, fonti confidenziali, immagini satellitari, modelli 3d e decine di testimonianze cosa è accaduto quella sera e il rimpallo delle responsabilità tra le tre autorità coinvolte: Frontex, guardia di finanza e guardia costiera. Intanto l’indagine giudiziaria della procura di Crotone va avanti: il primo giugno le prime perquisizioni hanno riguardato tre ufficiali della guardia di finanza. L’obiettivo è individuare le falle nella catena di comando

      (#paywall)
      https://www.editorialedomani.it/fatti/naufragio-cutro-inchiesta-internazionale-wqa2rkss

  • Mission accomplie ? Les effets mortels du contrôle des frontières au #Niger

    Résumé

    Le 26 mai 2015, le Parlement du Niger a adopté la #loi n° #2015-36 sur le #trafic_illégal_de_migrants, qui a donné lieu à une approche répressive et sécuritaire de la gestion des migrations. La loi a été rédigée sous l’égide de l’Office des Nations unies contre la drogue et le crime (ONUDC), et le soutien financier de l’Italie et du Danemark.

    Les prestataires de services aux migrants (tels que transporteurs, hôtes, courtiers, etc.) qui, jusqu’alors, opéraient au grand jour dans le contexte d’une infrastructure de mobilité transsaharienne socialement et économiquement cruciale, se sont retrouvés soudainement criminalisés et exposés à des sanctions sévères ainsi qu’à des peines d’emprisonnement.

    De nouvelles formes de contrôle des frontières ont été mises en place, avec le soutien technique r et financier des institutions de l’UE et des États membres désireux de contenir la migration à travers le Sahara. Au cours années suivantes i, des milliers de décès et de disparitions de migrants ont été enregistrés dans le nord du Niger. Le gouvernement nigérien, les médias et les agences de l’UE telles que Frontex ont imputés la responsabilité de l’augmentation du nombre de décès et de disparitions aux transporteurs , désormais considérés comme des passeurs négligents et cupides. Grâce à sa fermeté, le Niger a été érigé en modèle en matière de “lutte contre le trafic illicite de migrants”. Le gouvernement nigérien et ses partenaires internationaux ont ainsi développé un discours de “mission accomplie”, se vantant d’avoir réussi à réduire le nombre de “migrants” transitant par le Niger et soulignant la protection des migrants contre les passeurs.

    Ce récit a été remise a été contesté par de nombreux journalistes, activistes et chercheurs , soutenant au contraire, que cette loi n’a fait qu’exacerber les dangers de mort auxquels sont confrontés les migrants i. Ils ont mis en évidence le rôle du Niger en tant que lieu stratégique clé du contrôle de la mobilité dans le cadre des politiques d’externalisation des frontières de l’UE, à travers lesquelles l’UE a étendu le contrôle de ses frontières au-delà de son périmètre, y compris toujours plus au sud dans la bande Saharo-sahélienne. Leurs analyses ont montré que les effets de la loi, ainsi que les nombreuses formes de contrôle aux frontières qui se sont développées ces dernières années, ont contraint les trajectoires les transporteurs dans des zones plus reculées du désert, créant ainsi des situations dangereuses et souvent fatales lorsqu’un véhicule tombe en panne ou que les transporteurs abandonnent leurs passagers et s’enfuient afin d’éviter d’être appréhendés. Des activistes, des journalistes et des chercheurs travaillent sans relâche depuis des années pour attirer l’attention sur la façon dont la mise en œuvre de la loi a conduit à un désastre humanitaire pour les migrants et les Nigériens, ainsi qu’à une précarité économique et à la crainte d’amendes sévères et d’emprisonnement parmi les locaux, en particulier pour ceux qui vivent dans la région d’Agadez.

    En dépit de ces efforts, le nombre réel de décès de migrants dans le reste inconnu. En effet, les sanctions sévères prévues par la loi ont contraint les mouvements transsahariens à l’intérieur du Niger à se poursuivre dans la clandestinité et dans les zones les plus reculées du désert, où les incidents peuvent facilement passer inaperçus. Par conséquent, il est devenu encore plus difficile de recueillir des données fiables sur les décès.

    Dans ce rapport, l’enquête de Border Forensics mobilise des méthodologies nouvelles et uniques d’analyse géospatiale et de télédétection pour contribuer à une meilleure analyse empirique des effets mortels de la loi 2015-36 et du renforcement des contrôles aux frontières qui en découle. Nous détaillons d’abord le contexte sous-jacent aux changements spectaculaires obervées dans l’approche de la migration au niveau national au Niger, et le rôle des acteurs européens dans le développement des contrôles frontaliers au Niger à partir de 2015 pour contenir la migration vers l’Europe. Puis, nous discutons des défis liés à la collecte de données et limitant la disponibilité de preuves empiriques pour documenter les effets de la loi 2015-36. Ensuite, nous décrivons les méthodologies uniques que nous avons développées et les sources de données auxquelles nous avons eu accès, avant de les appliquer à une étude de cas multi-sites le long d’une section de la route Agadez-Sabha qui s’étend de la ville civile de Séguédine au poste frontalier de Toummo à la frontière nigéro-libyenne, en passant par le poste militaire de Madama. Après une brêve description de chacun des sites, nous décrivons les analyses géospations et de télédétection que nous avons déployées sur chacun d’eux. Enfin, nous discutons des implications de ces résultats pour déterminer les responsabilités des dangers accrus des traversées transsahariens au Niger dans le sillage de la loi 2015-036.

    Bien que nos analyses de chaque site révèlent des dynamiques variées de pratiques frontalières et d’éclatement des trajectoires, un modèle récurrent émerge, indiquant une corrélation claire entre le renforcement des contrôles frontaliers et la dispersion des trajectoires des migrants. Nous démontrons ensuite comment cette dispersion voit les trajectoires des migrants s’enfoncer dans le désert, où les chances de survie sont considérablement réduites dans les cas d’incidents récurrents tels que les pannes de véhicule, d’abandon, ou de passagers à court d’eau. Nous rendons ainsi visible et mesurable l’un des plus grands risques encourus lors de cette traversée du désert du Sahara : un état de déshydratation potentiellement mortel dans les zones moins fréquentées et moins surveillées.

    Les méthodologies innovantes présentées dans ce rapport sont destinées à servir de base à l’élargissement de la base de preuves sur les effets de l’externalisation des frontières. Ces éléments de preuves peuvent soutenir les appels à une plus grande responsabilisation de tous les acteurs engagés dans la gestion des frontières, notamment le gouvernement nigérien, l’UE et ses États membres, ainsi que les agences de l’ONU.

    https://www.borderforensics.org/fr/investigations/niger-investigation

    #frontières #externalisation #migrations #réfugiés #asile #répression #morts_aux_frontières #létalité #décès #mourir_aux_frontières #criminalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #passeurs #transporteurs #Agadez #déshydratation #désert #responsabilité #Border_forensics

    a contribué à l’enquête @rhoumour

    • ’Migrants abandoned in the Sahara Desert have no chance of surviving’ — Border Forensics

      A new report released by Border Forensics concludes that migrants have almost no chance of surviving when crossing the desert from Niger to Libya. Ever since the introduction of border control laws in 2015, migrants have been forced to take more remote and deadly paths, according to Border Forensics.

      Border Forensics, an agency that uses spatial analysis to investigate practices of border violence, recently published an investigation on the consequences of new border control mechanisms between Niger and Libya. The collective, composed of researchers and geographers, has shown how crossing the desert to reach Libya has become increasingly deadly since 2015.

      That year, Niamey adopted a law making transporting and hosting migrants illegal. Consequently, traffickers had to find new routes that were further away from the main roads and less visible to the authorities.

      According to the Border Forensics report, the death toll in the Sahara Desert has never been higher than it is today.

      InfoMigrants interviewed Rhoumour Ahmet Tchilouta, a member of Border Forensics and a PhD student in political geography at the University of Grenoble.

      InfoMigrants: What techniques did you use for this investigation?

      Rhoumour Ahmet Tchilouta: We used geospatial data. The aim was to measure the effect of the Nigerien law of 2015 on the routes taken by migrants through the Sahara desert.

      We focused on the route linking Agadez, in northern Niger, to Sabha, in Libya.

      We analyzed high-resolution satellite images to understand the new paths that migrants take in order to avoid the authorities. With satellite data, it is possible to obtain very clear images and see the smallest details very precisely. For example, you can see a wrecked vehicle or streams of people.

      We also analyzed the risks associated with dehydration using a technique which is also used by researchers working on the route from Mexico to the United States.

      We conducted interviews with drivers [members of an irregular immigration network responsible for transporting migrants in vehicles through Niger, editor’s note] who detailed the new zones of trajectories to us.

      We compared these trajectories with the main routes and then we considered several factors — like elevation, heat or the wind. We also analyzed how much a person sweats, specifically how many liters of water a migrant will lose as they try to reach the main road after being abandoned in the desert.

      With the accumulated factors, we can now say that the migrants abandoned in the Sahara Desert have no chance of surviving.

      The migrants are too far away from main roads to be spotted and helped in the case of an accident. The human body cannot last that long.

      In addition, by analyzing the field of vision, meaning the visibility or invisibility of the routes, we show the correlation between invisibility and the dangers that migrants face. The less visible the routes, the more deadly the situation becomes for migrants. The main cause of death is always the same: lack of water.

      IM: In the report, you state that the “Sahara is an open tomb”. You write that bodies can be found months or even years after death.

      Rhoumour Ahmet Tchilouta: In the Sahara desert, sandstorms and windstorms are frequent. Vehicle tracks disappear quickly. If you put an object in the sand, it quickly disappears.

      The same rule applies to cadavers. Some remain buried forever.

      Windstorms can also unearth bodies. There are very regular reports of macabre discoveries in the desert. We find dried up bodies, suddenly exposed by the movements of sand.

      IM: Why do you carry out this type of research work and for what purpose?

      Rhoumour Ahmet Tchilouta : The purpose of this investigation is to provide evidence. For years, journalists, researchers and organizations have said the 2015 law has caused a lot of suffering by making the road to Libya much more dangerous. Except there was no proof.

      This report shows how border policies have accentuated the dangers faced by migrants on the road between Niger and Libya.

      New empirical data of the mechanisms through which border controls have led to increased danger for migrants now exists.

      There is also another objective: to highlight the violence of the migration policies implemented in Niger.

      IM: Who is accountable for the increased death and suffering of migrants?

      Rhoumour Ahmet Tchilouta: There have always been deaths in the desert but never as many as now.

      The 2015 law in Niger has had devastating effects and the main actor responsible for the migratory dramas is Niger. Yet, without European and UN funding, Niger would never have been able to implement its policy.

      One of the main partners in migration control in Niger is the International Organization for Migration (IOM): it is involved in the construction of border posts and the strengthening of Niger’s defense and security forces.

      The UN agency is Niamey’s main partner. The EU funds the partnership.

      European players therefore play an important role. The EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa has provided about €300 million to Niger.

      All actors operating in Niger believe the mission of stopping migratory flows has been partially accomplished. This is false, the policy has simply forced migrants to take increasingly distant and dangerous paths.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48858/migrants-abandoned-in-the-sahara-desert-have-no-chance-of-surviving--b

    • Europas Wüste

      Die EU möchte Migration verhindern – und das bereits außerhalb ihrer eigentlichen Grenzen. Welche Auswirkungen das hat, zeigt ein Blick auf die Situation im Niger.

      Die Bundesregierung hat sich kürzlich auf eine gemeinsame Strategie zur Reform des europäischen Asylrechts geeinigt. In Auffanglagern an den EU-Außengrenzen soll das Schicksal tausender Geflüchteter im Schnellverfahren entschieden werden. Dabei gibt sich die europäische Gemeinschaft größte Mühe, Migrant:innen proaktiv von ihren eigenen Grenzen fernzuhalten.

      Ein Beispiel: Die Bundeswehr wird sich an der »EU Military Partnership Mission In Niger« beteiligen. Im Sinne der Friedensstiftung in der Sahelzone sollen Maßnahmen getroffen werden, um die Geflüchteten möglichst schon mitten in Afrika an der Weiterreise zu hindern. So wird die Sahara-Wüste zum großen und tödlichen Hindernis – und zur ersten Grenze der EU mitten in Afrika – wie es Menschenrechtsaktivist:innen vor Ort nennen.

      In dieser Folge von Global Trouble sprechen wir mit Kerem Schamberger über die Situation im Niger. Er ist in der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von medico international für den Bereich Flucht und Migration zuständig und hat das westafrikanische Land besucht. Gemeinsam mit den medico-Partnerorganisationen „Alarmphone Sahara“ und „Border Forensics“ blicken wir auf die Folgen von Europas Externalisierung des Grenzregimes.

      https://www.medico.de/europas-wueste-19081
      #podcast

    • Sahara : La collaboration entre le Niger et l’UE pour renforcer les contrôles aux frontières met en danger la vie des migrants

      Border Forensics a développé de nouvelles méthodes d’analyse géospatiale pour mesurer l’impact du renforcement des contrôles sur les risques encourus par les migrants lors de la traversée du désert du Sahara nigérien.

      Une loi sur le “trafic illicite de migrants” adoptée par le Niger en 2015 et mise en oeuvre avec le soutien décisif des États, institutions et agences européens, a provoqué une crise humanitaire tant pour les migrants que pour les Nigériens empruntant les routes transsahariennes du Niger. L’enquête publiée par Border Forensics s’appuie sur des méthodes innovantes d’analyse géospatiale pour apporter de nouvelles preuves sur la manière dont ces politiques et pratiques ont accentué les risques de perte de vies humaines.
      Afin de prévenir la migration à travers le nord du Niger vers la Libye, le Gouvernement nigérien, Dans le but de contrecarrer la migration à travers le nord du Niger vers la Libye, les autorités européennes ont criminalisé les prestataires de services aux migrants (transporteurs, hôtes, courtiers, etc.), qui constituaient jusqu’alors une infrastructure vitale de la mobilité transsaharienne. Ils ont établi de nouvelles formes de contrôle aux frontières. Celles-ci n’ont pas mis fin à la mobilité dans la région, au contraire, elles ont forcé les trajectoires des transporteurs vers des zones encore plus reculées du désert, créant ainsi des conditions dangereuses et souvent fatales lorsqu’un véhicule tombe en panne ou que les transporteurs abandonnent leurs passagers en fuyant d’être appréhendés.
      -------
      “En raison des sanctions sévères prévues par la loi et du renforcement des contrôles aux frontières, les mouvements transsahariens à l’intérieur du Niger ont été contraints à la clandestinité. Ce faisant, on ignore l’ampleur réelle des décès de migrants dans le désert. Pour pallier ce manque de données fiables et contribuer à une meilleure analyse empirique des effets meurtriers de la loi de 2015-36, nous avons dû développer de nouvelles méthodes d’analyse géospatiale, en nous appuyant notamment sur le travail des activistes et des chercheurs qui ont documenté les décès de migrants dans le désert de Sonora, à la frontière entre les États-Unis et le Mexique.” – Tara Plath.
      -------
      L’enquête de Border Forensics mobilise ces méthodologies géospatiales et de télédétection novatrices pour analyser la relation entre les pratiques frontalières, les changements spatiaux dans les trajectoires des migrants et les dangers accrus de la traversée du desert du Sahara nigérien.
      Le rapport a déployé ces méthodes pour une étude de cas sur plusieurs sites le long d’une section de la route reliant Agadez, dans le nord du Niger, à Sabha, en Libye : la ville civile de Séguédine, le poste militaire avancé de Madama et le poste de contrôle de Toumo à la frontière nigéro-libyenne. Les analyses menées par Border Forensics sur chaque site révèlent un schéma clair établissant un lien entre le renforcement des contrôles aux frontières et les changements de trajectoire des migrants, qui s’enfoncent dans le désert, où les chances de survie sont considérablement réduites en cas d’incidents récurrents tels que la panne du véhicule, d’abandon ou de pénurie d’eau. L’enquête permet ainsi de rendre visible et mesurable les dangers accrus rencontrés par les migrants à travers l’un des plus grands risques encourus dans ces voyages transsahariens : un état de déshydratation potentiellement mortel dans les zones les moins fréquentées et les moins visibles. La corrélation observée entre le niveau d’invisibilité des pistes alternatives utilisées par les migrants pour éviter les contrôles aux frontières et le niveau de danger potentiel rencontré le long de ces pistes post-2015 suggère une relation de cause à effet.

      Au-delà des pertes tragiques en vies humaines, la loi 2015-36 a eu aussi d’autres effets néfastes. Elle a contribué à saper le tissu social, économique et politique des communautés affectées au Niger et au-delà. Elle a eu un impact sur les moyens de subsistance des populations locales mettant ainsi en péril leur stabilité économique et leur bien-être, tout en restreignant la mobilité au Niger des citoyens de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest qui, conformément aux accords régionaux, devraient pourtant bénéficier de la liberté de circulation et du droit de résider et de s’installer au Niger. Ces éléments peuvent appuyer les appels à une plus grande responsabilisation de tous les acteurs engagés dans la gestion des frontières, en particulier le gouvernement nigérien, l’UE et ses États membres, ainsi que les agences de l’ONU.
      ­------
      “Tous les acteurs – qu’ils soient nigériens, européens, des agences de l’ONU ou autres – impliqués dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de cette loi devraient être tenus responsables de l’augmentation des décès et des souffrances des migrants qu’elle a entraînée. Le gouvernement du Niger devrait mettre fin à la criminalisation des nombreux acteurs qui transportent ou interagissent avec les migrants, tandis que l’Union européenne, ses agences et ses États membres devraient immédiatement cesser de soutenir des politiques migratoires néfastes au Niger et au-delà par le biais de l’externalisation de leur dispositifs de contrôle des frontières.”

      https://airinfoagadez.com/2023/05/14/sahara-la-collaboration-entre-le-niger-et-lue-pour-renforcer-les-cont

  • UK signs contract with US startup to identify migrants in small-boat crossings

    The UK government has turned a US-based startup specialized in artificial intelligence as part of its pledge to stop small-boat crossings. Experts have already pointed out the legal and logistical challenges of the plan.

    In a new effort to address the high number of Channel crossings, the UK Home Office is working with the US defense startup #Anduril, specialized in the use of artificial intelligence (AI).

    A surveillance tower has already been installed at Dover, and other technologies might be rolled out with the onset of warmer temperatures and renewed attempts by migrants to reach the UK. Some experts already point out the risks and practical loopholes involved in using AI to identify migrants.

    “This is obviously the next step of the illegal migration bill,” said Olivier Cahn, a researcher specialized in penal law.

    “The goal is to retrieve images that were taken at sea and use AI to show they entered UK territory illegally even if people vanish into thin air upon arrival in the UK.”

    The “illegal migration bill” was passed by the UK last month barring anyone from entering the country irregularly from filing an asylum claim and imposing a “legal duty” to remove them to a third country.
    Who is behind Anduril?

    Founded in 2017 by its CEO #Palmer_Luckey, Anduril is backed by #Peter_Thiel, a Silicon Valley investor and supporter of Donald Trump. The company has supplied autonomous surveillance technology to the US Department of Defense (DOD) to detect and track migrants trying to cross the US-Mexico border.

    In 2021, the UK Ministry of Defence awarded Anduril with a £3.8-million contract to trial an advanced base defence system. Anduril eventually opened a branch in London where it states its mission: “combining the latest in artificial intelligence with commercial-of-the-shelf sensor technology (EO, IR, Radar, Lidar, UGS, sUAS) to enhance national security through automated detection, identification and tracking of objects of interest.”

    According to Cahn, the advantage of Brexit is that the UK government is no longer required to submit to the General Data Protection Regulation (RGPDP), a component of data protection that also addresses the transfer of personal data outside the EU and EEA areas.

    “Even so, the UK has data protection laws of its own which the government cannot breach. Where will the servers with the incoming data be kept? What are the rights of appeal for UK citizens whose data is being processed by the servers?”, he asked.

    ’Smugglers will provide migrants with balaclavas for an extra 15 euros’

    Cahn also pointed out the technical difficulties of identifying migrants at sea. “The weather conditions are often not ideal, and many small-boat crossings happen at night. How will facial recognition technology operate in this context?”

    The ability of migrants and smugglers to adapt is yet another factor. “People are going to cover their faces, and anyone would think the smugglers will respond by providing migrants with balaclavas for an extra 15 euros.”

    If the UK has solicited the services of a US startup to detect and identify migrants, the reason may lie in AI’s principle of self-learning. “A machine accumulates data and recognizes what it has already seen. The US is a country with a significantly more racially and ethnically diverse population than the UK. Its artificial intelligence might contain data from populations which are more ethnically comparable to the populations that are crossing the Channel, like Somalia for example, thus facilitating the process of facial recognition.”

    For Cahn, it is not capturing the images which will be the most difficult but the legal challenges that will arise out of their usage. “People are going to be identified and there are going to be errors. If a file exists, there needs to be the possibility for individuals to appear before justice and have access to a judge.”

    A societal uproar

    In a research paper titled “Refugee protection in the artificial intelligence Era”, Chatham House notes “the most common ethical and legal challenges associated with the use of AI in asylum and related border and immigration systems involve issues of opacity and unpredictability, the potential for bias and unlawful discrimination, and how such factors affect the ability of individuals to obtain a remedy in the event of erroneous or unfair decisions.”

    For Cahn, the UK government’s usage of AI can only be used to justify and reinforce its hardline position against migrants. “For a government that doesn’t respect the Geneva Convention [whose core principle is non-refoulement, editor’s note] and which passed an illegal migration law, it is out of the question that migrants have entered the territory legally.”

    Identifying migrants crossing the Channel is not going to be the hardest part for the UK government. Cahn imagines a societal backlash with, “the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom being solicited, refugees seeking remedies to legal decisions through lawyers and associations attacking”.

    He added there would be due process concerning the storage of the data, with judges issuing disclosure orders. “There is going to be a whole series of questions which the government will have to elucidate. The rights of refugees are often used as a laboratory. If these technologies are ’successful’, they will soon be applied to the rest of the population."

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48326/uk-signs-contract-with-us-startup-to-identify-migrants-in-smallboat-cr

    #UK #Angleterre #migrations #asile #réfugiés #militarisation_des_frontières #frontières #start-up #complexe_militaro-industriel #IA #intelligence_artificielle #surveillance #technologie #channel #Manche

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste sur la Bibby Stockholm:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1016683

    • Huge barge set to house 500 asylum seekers arrives in the UK

      The #Bibby_Stockholm is being refitted in #Falmouth to increase its capacity from 222 to 506 people.

      A barge set to house 500 asylum seekers has arrived in the UK as the government struggles with efforts to move migrants out of hotels.

      The Independent understands that people will not be transferred onto the Bibby Stockholm until July, following refurbishment to increase its capacity and safety checks.

      The barge has been towed from its former berth in Italy to the port of Falmouth, in Cornwall.

      It will remain there while works are carried out, before being moved onto its final destination in #Portland, Dorset.

      The private operators of the port struck an agreement to host the barge with the Home Office without formal public consultation, angering the local council and residents.

      Conservative MP Richard Drax previously told The Independent legal action was still being considered to stop the government’s plans for what he labelled a “quasi-prison”.

      He accused ministers and Home Office officials of being “unable to answer” practical questions on how the barge will operate, such as how asylum seekers will be able to come and go safely through the port, what activities they will be provided with and how sufficient healthcare will be ensured.

      “The question is how do we cope?” Mr Drax said. “Every organisation has its own raft of questions: ‘Where’s the money coming from? Who’s going to do what if this all happens?’ There are not sufficient answers, which is very worrying.”

      The Independent previously revealed that asylum seekers will have less living space than an average parking bay on the Bibby Stockholm, which saw at least one person die and reports of rape and abuse on board when it was used by the Dutch government to detain migrants in the 2000s.

      An official brochure released by owner Bibby Marine shows there are only 222 “single en-suite bedrooms” on board, meaning that at least two people must be crammed into every cabin for the government to achieve its aim of holding 500 people.

      Dorset Council has said it still had “serious reservations about the appropriateness of Portland Port in this scenario and remains opposed to the proposals”.

      The Conservative police and crime commissioner for Dorset is demanding extra government funding for the local force to “meet the extra policing needs that this project will entail”.

      A multi-agency forum including representatives from national, regional and local public sector agencies has been looking at plans for the provision of health services, the safety and security of both asylum seekers and local residents and charity involvement.

      Portland Port said it had been working with the Home Office and local agencies to ensure the safe arrival and operation of the Bibby Stockholm, and to minimise its impact locally.

      The barge is part of a wider government push to move migrants out of hotels, which are currently housing more than 47,000 asylum seekers at a cost of £6m a day.

      But the use of ships as accommodation was previously ruled out on cost grounds by the Treasury, when Rishi Sunak was chancellor, and the government has not confirmed how much it will be spending on the scheme.

      Ministers have also identified several former military and government sites, including two defunct airbases and an empty prison, that they want to transform into asylum accommodation.

      But a court battle with Braintree District Council over former RAF Wethersfield is ongoing, and legal action has also been threatened over similar plans for RAF Scampton in Lancashire.

      Last month, a barrister representing home secretary Suella Braverman told the High Court that 56,000 people were expected to arrive on small boats in 2023 and that some could be made homeless if hotel places are not found.

      A record backlog of asylum applications, driven by the increase in Channel crossings and a collapse in Home Office decision-making, mean the government is having to provide accommodation for longer while claims are considered.

      https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/barge-falmouth-cornwall-migrants-bibby-b2333313.html
      #barge #bateau

    • ‘Performative cruelty’ : the hostile architecture of the UK government’s migrant barge

      The arrival of the Bibby Stockholm barge at Portland Port, in Dorset, on July 18 2023, marks a new low in the UK government’s hostile immigration environment. The vessel is set to accommodate over 500 asylum seekers. This, the Home Office argues, will benefit British taxpayers and local residents.

      The barge, however, was immediately rejected by the local population and Dorset council. Several British charities and church groups have condemned the barge, and the illegal migration bill it accompanies, as “an affront to human dignity”.

      Anti-immigration groups have also protested against the barge, with some adopting offensive language, referring to the asylum seekers who will be hosted there as “bargies”. Conservative MP for South Dorset Richard Drax has claimed that hosting migrants at sea would exacerbate tenfold the issues that have arisen in hotels to date, namely sexual assaults, children disappearing and local residents protesting.

      My research shows that facilities built to house irregular migrants in Europe and beyond create a temporary infrastructure designed to be hostile. Governments thereby effectively make asylum seekers more displaceable while ignoring their everyday spatial and social needs.
      Precarious space

      The official brochure plans for the Bibby Stockholm show 222 single bedrooms over three stories, built around two small internal courtyards. It has now been retrofitted with bunk beds to host more than 500 single men – more than double the number it was designed to host.

      Journalists Lizzie Dearden and Martha McHardy have shown this means the asylum seekers housed there – for up to nine months – will have “less living space than an average parking bay”. This stands in contravention of international standards of a minimum 4.5m² of covered living space per person in cold climates, where more time is spent indoors.

      In an open letter, dated June 15 2023 and addressed to home secretary Suella Braverman, over 700 people and nearly 100 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) voiced concerns that this will only add to the trauma migrants have already experienced:

      Housing people on a sea barge – which we argue is equal to a floating prison – is morally indefensible, and threatens to retraumatise a group of already vulnerable people.

      Locals are concerned already overstretched services in Portland, including GP practices, will not be able to cope with further pressure. West Dorset MP Chris Lode has questioned whether the barge itself is safe “to cope with double the weight that it was designed to bear”. A caller to the LBC radio station, meanwhile, has voiced concerns over the vessel’s very narrow and low fire escape routes, saying: “What they [the government] are effectively doing here is creating a potential Grenfell on water, a floating coffin.”

      Such fears are not unfounded. There have been several cases of fires destroying migrant camps in Europe, from the Grand-Synthe camp near Dunkirk in France, in 2017, to the 2020 fire at the Moria camp in Greece. The difficulty of escaping a vessel at sea could turn it into a death trap.

      Performative hostility

      Research on migrant accommodation shows that being able to inhabit a place – even temporarily – and develop feelings of attachment and belonging, is crucial to a person’s wellbeing. Even amid ever tighter border controls, migrants in Europe, who can be described as “stuck on the move”, nonetheless still attempt to inhabit their temporary spaces and form such connections.

      However, designs can hamper such efforts when they concentrate asylum seekers in inhospitable, cut-off spaces. In 2015, Berlin officials began temporarily housing refugees in the former Tempelhof airport, a noisy, alienating industrial space, lacking in privacy and disconnected from the city. Many people ended up staying there for the better part of a year.

      French authorities, meanwhile, opened the Centre Humanitaire Paris-Nord in Paris in 2016, temporary migrant housing in a disused train depot. Nicknamed la Bulle (the bubble) for its bulbous inflatable covering, this facility was noisy and claustrophobic, lacking in basic comforts.

      Like the barge in Portland Port, these facilities, placed in industrial sites, sit uncomfortably between hospitality and hostility. The barge will be fenced off, since the port is a secured zone, and access will be heavily restricted and controlled. The Home Office insists that the barge is not a floating prison, yet it is an unmistakably hostile space.

      Infrastructure for water and electricity will physically link the barge to shore. However, Dorset council has no jurisdiction at sea.

      The commercial agreement on the barge was signed between the Home Office and Portland Port, not the council. Since the vessel is positioned below the mean low water mark, it did not require planning permission.

      This makes the barge an island of sorts, where other rules apply, much like those islands in the Aegean sea and in the Pacific, on which Greece and Australia have respectively housed migrants.

      I have shown how facilities are often designed in this way not to give displaced people any agency, but, on the contrary, to objectify them. They heighten the instability migrants face, keeping them detached from local communities and constantly on the move.

      The government has presented the barge as a cheaper solution than the £6.8 million it is currently spending, daily, on housing asylum seekers in hotels. A recent report by two NGOs, Reclaim the Seas and One Life to Live, concludes, however, that it will save less than £10 a person a day. It could even prove more expensive than the hotel model.

      Sarah Teather, director of the Jesuit Refugee Service UK charity, has described the illegal migration bill as “performative cruelty”. Images of the barge which have flooded the news certainly meet that description too.

      However threatening these images might be, though, they will not stop desperate people from attempting to come to the UK to seek safety. Rather than deterring asylum seekers, the Bibby Stockholm is potentially creating another hazard to them and to their hosting communities.

      https://theconversation.com/performative-cruelty-the-hostile-architecture-of-the-uk-governments

      –---

      Point intéressant, lié à l’aménagement du territoire :

      “Since the vessel is positioned below the mean low water mark, it did not require planning permission”

      C’est un peu comme les #zones_frontalières qui ont été créées un peu partout en Europe (et pas que) pour que les Etats se débarassent des règles en vigueur (notamment le principe du non-refoulement). Voir cette métaliste, à laquelle j’ajoute aussi cet exemple :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/795053

      voir aussi :

      The circumstances at Portland Port are very different because where the barge is to be positioned is below the mean low water mark. This means that the barge is outside of our planning control and there is no requirement for planning permission from the council.

      https://news.dorsetcouncil.gov.uk/2023/07/18/leaders-comments-on-the-home-office-barge

      #hostile_architecture #architecture_hostile #dignité #espace #Portland #hostilité #hostilité_performative #île #infrastructure #extraterritorialité #extra-territorialité #prix #coût

    • Sur l’#histoire (notamment liées au commerce d’ #esclaves) de la Bibby Stockholm :

      Bibby Line, shipowners

      Information
      From Guide to the Records of Merseyside Maritime Museum, volume 1: Bibby Line. In 1807 John Bibby and John Highfield, Liverpool shipbrokers, began taking shares in ships, mainly Parkgate Dublin packets. By 1821 (the end of the partnership) they had vessels sailing to the Mediterranean and South America. In 1850 they expanded their Mediterranean and Black Sea interests by buying two steamers and by 1865 their fleet had increased to twenty three. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 severely affected their business and Frederick Leyland, their general manager, failed to persuade the family partners to diversify onto the Atlantic. Eventually, he bought them out in 1873. In 1889 the Bibby family revived its shipowning interests with a successful passenger cargo service to Burma. From 1893 it also began to carry British troops to overseas postings which remained a Bibby staple until 1962. The Burma service ended in 1971 and the company moved to new areas of shipowning including bulkers, gas tankers and accommodation barges. It still has its head office in Liverpool where most management records are held. The museum holds models of the Staffordshire (1929) and Oxfordshire (1955). For further details see the attached catalogue or contact The Archives Centre for a copy of the catalogue.

      The earliest records within the collection, the ships’ logs at B/BIBBY/1/1/1 - 1/1/3 show company vessels travelling between Europe and South America carrying cargoes that would have been produced on plantations using the labour of enslaved peoples or used within plantation and slave based economies. For example the vessel Thomas (B/BIBBY/1/1/1) carries a cargo of iron hoops for barrels to Brazil in 1812. The Mary Bibby on a voyage in 1825-1826 loads a cargo of sugar in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil to carry to Rotterdam. The log (B/BIBBY/1/1/3) records the use of ’negroes’ to work with the ship’s carpenter while the vessel is in port.

      In September 1980 the latest Bibby vessel to hold the name Derbyshire was lost with all hands in the South China Sea. This collection does not include records relating to that vessel or its sinking, apart from a copy ’Motor vessel ’Derbyshire’, 1976-80: in memoriam’ at reference B/BIBBY/3/2/1 (a copy is also available in The Archives Centre library collection at 340.DER). Information about the sinking and subsequent campaigning by the victims’ family can be found on the NML website and in the Life On Board gallery. The Archives Centre holds papers of Captain David Ramwell who assisted the Derbyshire Family Association at D/RAM and other smaller collections of related documents within the DX collection.

      https://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/artifact/bibby-line-shipowners

      –—
      An Open Letter to #Bibby_Marine

      Links between your parent company #Bibby_Line_Group (#BLG) and the slave trade have repeatedly been made. If true, we appeal to you to consider what actions you might take in recompense.

      Bibby Marine’s modern slavery statement says that one of the company’s values is to “do the right thing”, and that you “strongly support the eradication of slavery, as well as the eradication of servitude, forced or compulsory labour and human trafficking”. These are admirable words.

      Meanwhile, your parent company’s website says that it is “family owned with a rich history”. Please will you clarify whether this rich history includes slaving voyages where ships were owned, and cargoes transported, by BLG’s founder John Bibby, six generations ago. The BLG website says that in 1807 (which is when slavery was abolished in Britain), “John Bibby began trading as a shipowner in Liverpool with his partner John Highfield”. John Bibby is listed as co-owner of three slaving ships, of which John Highfield co-owned two:

      In 1805, the Harmonie (co-owned by #John_Bibby and three others, including John Highfield) left Liverpool for a voyage which carried 250 captives purchased in West Central Africa and St Helena, delivering them to Cumingsberg in 1806 (see the SlaveVoyages database using Voyage ID 81732).
      In 1806, the Sally (co-owned by John Bibby and two others) left Liverpool for a voyage which transported 250 captives purchased in Bassa and delivered them to Barbados (see the SlaveVoyages database using Voyage ID 83481).
      In 1806, the Eagle (co-owned by John Bibby and four others, including John Highfield) left Liverpool for a voyage which transported 237 captives purchased in Cameroon and delivered them to Kingston in 1807 (see the SlaveVoyages database using Voyage ID 81106).

      The same and related claims were recently mentioned by Private Eye. They also appear in the story of Liverpool’s Calderstones Park [PDF] and on the website of National Museums Liverpool and in this blog post “Shenanigans in Shipping” (a detailed history of the BLG). They are also mentioned by Laurence Westgaph, a TV presenter specialising in Black British history and slavery and the author of Read The Signs: Street Names with a Connection to the Transatlantic Slave Trade and Abolition in Liverpool [PDF], published with the support of English Heritage, The City of Liverpool, Northwest Regional Development Agency, National Museums Liverpool and Liverpool Vision.

      While of course your public pledges on slavery underline that there is no possibility of there being any link between the activities of John Bibby and John Highfield in the early 1800s and your activities in 2023, we do believe that it is in the public interest to raise this connection, and to ask for a public expression of your categorical renunciation of the reported slave trade activities of Mr Bibby and Mr Highfield.

      https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/latest/news/an-open-letter-to-bibby-marine

      –-

      Très peu d’info sur John Bibby sur wikipedia :

      John Bibby (19 February 1775 – 17 July 1840) was the founder of the British Bibby Line shipping company. He was born in Eccleston, near Ormskirk, Lancashire. He was murdered on 17 July 1840 on his way home from dinner at a friend’s house in Kirkdale.[1]


      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Bibby_(businessman)

    • ‘Floating Prisons’: The 200-year-old family #business behind the Bibby Stockholm

      #Bibby_Line_Group_Limited is a UK company offering financial, marine and construction services to clients in at least 16 countries around the world. It recently made headlines after the government announced one of the firm’s vessels, Bibby Stockholm, would be used to accommodate asylum seekers on the Dorset coast.

      In tandem with plans to house migrants at surplus military sites, the move was heralded by Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Home Secretary Suella Braverman as a way of mitigating the £6m-a-day cost of hotel accommodation amid the massive ongoing backlog of asylum claims, as well as deterring refugees from making the dangerous channel crossing to the UK. Several protests have been organised against the project already, while over ninety migrants’ rights groups and hundreds of individual campaigners have signed an open letter to the Home Secretary calling for the plans to be scrapped, describing the barge as a “floating prison.”

      Corporate Watch has researched into the Bibby Line Group’s operations and financial interests. We found that:

      - The Bibby Stockholm vessel was previously used as a floating detention centre in the Netherlands, where undercover reporting revealed violence, sexual exploitation and poor sanitation.

      – Bibby Line Group is more than 90% owned by members of the Bibby family, primarily through trusts. Its pre-tax profits for 2021 stood at almost £31m, which they upped to £35.5m by claiming generous tax credits and deferring a fair amount to the following year.

      - Management aboard the vessel will be overseen by an Australian business travel services company, Corporate Travel Management, who have previously had aspersions cast over the financial health of their operations and the integrity of their business practices.

      - Another beneficiary of the initiative is Langham Industries, a maritime and engineering company whose owners, the Langham family, have longstanding ties to right wing parties.

      Key Issues

      According to the Home Office, the Bibby Stockholm barge will be operational for at least 18 months, housing approximately 500 single adult men while their claims are processed, with “24/7 security in place on board, to minimise the disruption to local communities.” These measures appear to have been to dissuade opposition from the local Conservative council, who pushed for background checks on detainees and were reportedly even weighing legal action out of concern for a perceived threat of physical attacks from those housed onboard, as well as potential attacks from the far right against migrants held there.

      Local campaigners have taken aim at the initiative, noting in the open letter:

      “For many people seeking asylum arriving in the UK, the sea represents a site of significant trauma as they have been forced to cross it on one or more occasions. Housing people on a sea barge – which we argue is equal to a floating prison – is morally indefensible, and threatens to re-traumatise a group of already vulnerable people.”

      Technically, migrants on the barge will be able to leave the site. However, in reality they will be under significant levels of surveillance and cordoned off behind fences in the high security port area.

      If they leave, there is an expectation they will return by 11pm, and departure will be controlled by the authorities. According to the Home Office:

      “In order to ensure that migrants come and go in an orderly manner with as little impact as possible, buses will be provided to take those accommodated on the vessel from the port to local drop off points”.

      These drop off points are to be determined by the government, while being sited off the coast of Dorset means they will be isolated from centres of support and solidarity.

      Meanwhile, the government’s new Illegal Migration Bill is designed to provide a legal justification for the automatic detention of refugees crossing the Channel. If it passes, there’s a chance this might set the stage for a change in regime on the Bibby Stockholm – from that of an “accommodation centre” to a full-blown migrant prison.

      An initial release from the Home Office suggested the local voluntary sector would be engaged “to organise activities that keep occupied those being accommodated, potentially involved in local volunteering activity,” though they seemed to have changed the wording after critics said this would mean detainees could be effectively exploited for unpaid labour. It’s also been reported the vessel required modifications in order to increase capacity to the needed level, raising further concerns over cramped living conditions and a lack of privacy.

      Bibby Line Group has prior form in border profiteering. From 1994 to 1998, the Bibby Stockholm was used to house the homeless, some of whom were asylum seekers, in Hamburg, Germany. In 2005, it was used to detain asylum seekers in the Netherlands, which proved a cause of controversy at the time. Undercover reporting revealed a number of cases abuse on board, such as beatings and sexual exploitation, as well suicide attempts, routine strip searches, scabies and the death of an Algerian man who failed to receive timely medical care for a deteriorating heart condition. As the undercover security guard wrote:

      “The longer I work on the Bibby Stockholm, the more I worry about safety on the boat. Between exclusion and containment I encounter so many defects and feel so much tension among the prisoners that it no longer seems to be a question of whether things will get completely out of hand here, but when.”

      He went on:

      “I couldn’t stand the way prisoners were treated […] The staff become like that, because the whole culture there is like that. Inhuman. They do not see the residents as people with a history, but as numbers.”

      Discussions were also held in August 2017 over the possibility of using the vessel as accommodation for some 400 students in Galway, Ireland, amid the country’s housing crisis. Though the idea was eventually dropped for lack of mooring space and planning permission requirements, local students had voiced safety concerns over the “bizarre” and “unconventional” solution to a lack of rental opportunities.
      Corporate Travel Management & Langham Industries

      Although leased from Bibby Line Group, management aboard the Bibby Stockholm itself will be handled by #Corporate_Travel_Management (#CTM), a global travel company specialising in business travel services. The Australian-headquartered company also recently received a £100m contract for the provision of accommodation, travel, venue and ancillary booking services for the housing of Ukrainian refugees at local hotels and aboard cruise ships M/S Victoria and M/S Ambition. The British Red Cross warned earlier in May against continuing to house refugees on ships with “isolated” and “windowless” cabins, and said the scheme had left many “living in limbo.”

      Founded by CEO #Jamie_Pherous, CTM was targeted in 2018 by #VGI_Partners, a group of short-sellers, who identified more than 20 red flags concerning the company’s business interests. Most strikingly, the short-sellers said they’d attended CTM’s offices in Glasgow, Paris, Amsterdam, Stockholm and Switzerland. Finding no signs of business activity there, they said it was possible the firm had significantly overstated the scale of its operations. VGI Partners also claimed CTM’s cash flows didn’t seem to add up when set against the company’s reported growth, and that CTM hadn’t fully disclosed revisions they’d made to their annual revenue figures.

      Two years later, the short-sellers released a follow-up report, questioning how CTM had managed to report a drop in rewards granted for high sales numbers to travel agencies, when in fact their transaction turnover had grown during the same period. They also accused CTM of dressing up their debt balance to make their accounts look healthier.

      CTM denied VGI Partners’ allegations. In their response, they paraphrased a report by auditors EY, supposedly confirming there were no question marks over their business practices, though the report itself was never actually made public. They further claim VGI Partners, as short-sellers, had only released the reports in the hope of benefitting from uncertainty over CTM’s operations.

      Despite these troubles, CTM’s market standing improved drastically earlier this year, when it was announced the firm had secured contracts for the provision of travel services to the UK Home Office worth in excess of $3bn AUD (£1.6bn). These have been accompanied by further tenders with, among others, the National Audit Office, HS2, Cafcass, Serious Fraud Office, Office of National Statistics, HM Revenue & Customs, National Health Service, Ministry of Justice, Department of Education, Foreign Office, and the Equality and Human Rights Commission.

      The Home Office has not released any figures on the cost of either leasing or management services aboard Bibby Stockholm, though press reports have put the estimated price tag at more than £20,000 a day for charter and berthing alone. If accurate, this would put the overall expenditure for the 18-month period in which the vessel will operate as a detention centre at almost £11m, exclusive of actual detention centre management costs such as security, food and healthcare.

      Another beneficiary of the project are Portland Port’s owners, #Langham_Industries, a maritime and engineering company owned by the #Langham family. The family has long-running ties to right-wing parties. Langham Industries donated over £70,000 to the UK Independence Party from 2003 up until the 2016 Brexit referendum. In 2014, Langham Industries donated money to support the re-election campaign of former Clacton MP for UKIP Douglas Carswell, shortly after his defection from the Conservatives. #Catherine_Langham, a Tory parish councillor for Hilton in Dorset, has described herself as a Langham Industries director (although she is not listed on Companies House). In 2016 she was actively involved in local efforts to support the campaign to leave the European Union. The family holds a large estate in Dorset which it uses for its other line of business, winemaking.

      At present, there is no publicly available information on who will be providing security services aboard the Bibby Stockholm.

      Business Basics

      Bibby Line Group describes itself as “one of the UK’s oldest family owned businesses,” operating in “multiple countries, employing around 1,300 colleagues, and managing over £1 billion of funds.” Its head office is registered in Liverpool, with other headquarters in Scotland, Hong Kong, India, Singapore, Malaysia, France, Slovakia, Czechia, the Netherlands, Germany, Poland and Nigeria (see the appendix for more). The company’s primary sectors correspond to its three main UK subsidiaries:

      #Bibby_Financial_Services. A global provider of financial services. The firm provides loans to small- and medium-sized businesses engaged in business services, construction, manufacturing, transportation, export, recruitment and wholesale markets. This includes invoice financing, export and trade finance, and foreign exchanges. Overall, the subsidiary manages more than £6bn each year on behalf of some 9,000 clients across 300 different industry sectors, and in 2021 it brought in more than 50% of the group’s annual turnover.

      - #Bibby_Marine_Limited. Owner and operator of the Bibby WaveMaster fleet, a group of vessels specialising in the transport and accommodation of workers employed at remote locations, such as offshore oil and gas sites in the North Sea. Sometimes, as in the case of Chevron’s Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) project in Nigeria, the vessels are used as an alternative to hotels owing to a “a volatile project environment.” The fleet consists of 40 accommodation vessels similar in size to the Bibby Stockholm and a smaller number of service vessels, though the share of annual turnover pales compared to the group’s financial services operations, standing at just under 10% for 2021.

      - #Garic Ltd. Confined to construction, quarrying, airport, agriculture and transport sectors in the UK, the firm designs, manufactures and purchases plant equipment and machinery for sale or hire. Garic brought in around 14% of Bibby Line Group’s turnover in 2021.

      Prior to February 2021, Bibby Line Group also owned #Costcutter_Supermarkets_Group, before it was sold to #Bestway_Wholesale to maintain liquidity amid the Covid-19 pandemic. In their report for that year, the company’s directors also suggested grant funding from #MarRI-UK, an organisation facilitating innovation in maritime technologies and systems, had been important in preserving the firm’s position during the crisis.
      History

      The Bibby Line Group’s story begins in 1807, when Lancashire-born shipowner John Bibby began trading out of Liverpool with partner John Highfield. By the time of his death in 1840, murdered while returning home from dinner with a friend in Kirkdale, Bibby had struck out on his own and come to manage a fleet of more than 18 ships. The mysterious case of his death has never been solved, and the business was left to his sons John and James.

      Between 1891 and 1989, the company operated under the name #Bibby_Line_Limited. Its ships served as hospital and transport vessels during the First World War, as well as merchant cruisers, and the company’s entire fleet of 11 ships was requisitioned by the state in 1939.

      By 1970, the company had tripled its overseas earnings, branching into ‘factoring’, or invoice financing (converting unpaid invoices into cash for immediate use via short-term loans) in the early 1980s, before this aspect of the business was eventually spun off into Bibby Financial Services. The group acquired Garic Ltd in 2008, which currently operates four sites across the UK.

      People

      #Jonathan_Lewis has served as Bibby Line Group’s Managing and Executive Director since January 2021, prior to which he acted as the company’s Chief Financial and Strategy Officer since joining in 2019. Previously, Lewis worked as CFO for Imagination Technologies, a tech company specialising in semiconductors, and as head of supermarket Tesco’s mergers and acquisitions team. He was also a member of McKinsey’s European corporate finance practice, as well as an investment banker at Lazard. During his first year at the helm of Bibby’s operations, he was paid £748,000. Assuming his role at the head of the group’s operations, he replaced Paul Drescher, CBE, then a board member of the UK International Chamber of Commerce and a former president of the Confederation of British Industry.

      Bibby Line Group’s board also includes two immediate members of the Bibby family, Sir #Michael_James_Bibby, 3rd Bt. and his younger brother #Geoffrey_Bibby. Michael has acted as company chairman since 2020, before which he had occupied senior management roles in the company for 20 years. He also has external experience, including time at Unilever’s acquisitions, disposals and joint venture divisions, and now acts as president of the UK Chamber of Shipping, chairman of the Charities Trust, and chairman of the Institute of Family Business Research Foundation.

      Geoffrey has served as a non-executive director of the company since 2015, having previously worked as a managing director of Vast Visibility Ltd, a digital marketing and technology company. In 2021, the Bibby brothers received salaries of £125,000 and £56,000 respectively.

      The final member of the firm’s board is #David_Anderson, who has acted as non-executive director since 2012. A financier with 35 years experience in investment banking, he’s founder and CEO of EPL Advisory – which advises company boards on requirements and disclosure obligations of public markets – and chair of Creative Education Trust, a multi-academy trust comprising 17 schools. Anderson is also chairman at multinational ship broker Howe Robinson Partners, which recently auctioned off a superyacht seized from Dmitry Pumpyansky, after the sanctioned Russian businessman reneged on a €20.5m loan from JP Morgan. In 2021, Anderson’s salary stood at £55,000.

      Ownership

      Bibby Line Group’s annual report and accounts for 2021 state that more than 90% of the company is owned by members of the Bibby family, primarily through family trusts. These ownership structures, effectively entities allowing people to benefit from assets without being their registered legal owners, have long attracted staunch criticism from transparency advocates given the obscurity they afford means they often feature extensively in corruption, money laundering and tax abuse schemes.

      According to Companies House, the UK corporate registry, between 50% and 75% of Bibby Line Group’s shares and voting rights are owned by #Bibby_Family_Company_Limited, which also retains the right to appoint and remove members of the board. Directors of Bibby Family Company Limited include both the Bibby brothers, as well as a third sibling, #Peter_John_Bibby, who’s formally listed as the firm’s ‘ultimate beneficial owner’ (i.e. the person who ultimately profits from the company’s assets).

      Other people with comparable shares in Bibby Family Company Limited are #Mark_Rupert_Feeny, #Philip_Charles_Okell, and Lady #Christine_Maud_Bibby. Feeny’s occupation is listed as solicitor, with other interests in real estate management and a position on the board of the University of Liverpool Pension Fund Trustees Limited. Okell meanwhile appears as director of Okell Money Management Limited, a wealth management firm, while Lady Bibby, Michael and Geoffrey’s mother, appears as “retired playground supervisor.”

      Key Relationships

      Bibby Line Group runs an internal ‘Donate a Day’ volunteer program, enabling employees to take paid leave in order to “help causes they care about.” Specific charities colleagues have volunteered with, listed in the company’s Annual Review for 2021 to 2022, include:

      - The Hive Youth Zone. An award-winning charity for young people with disabilities, based in the Wirral.

      – The Whitechapel Centre. A leading homeless and housing charity in the Liverpool region, working with people sleeping rough, living in hostels, or struggling with their accommodation.

      - Let’s Play Project. Another charity specialising in after-school and holiday activities for young people with additional needs in the Banbury area.

      - Whitdale House. A care home for the elderly, based in Whitburn, West Lothian and run by the local council.

      – DEBRA. An Irish charity set up in 1988 for individuals living with a rare, painful skin condition called epidermolysis bullosa, as well as their families.

      – Reaching Out Homeless Outreach. A non-profit providing resources and support to the homeless in Ireland.

      Various senior executives and associated actors at Bibby Line Group and its subsidiaries also have current and former ties to the following organisations:

      - UK Chamber of Shipping

      - Charities Trust

      - Institute of Family Business Research Foundation

      - Indefatigable Old Boys Association

      - Howe Robinson Partners

      - hibu Ltd

      - EPL Advisory

      - Creative Education Trust

      - Capita Health and Wellbeing Limited

      - The Ambassador Theatre Group Limited

      – Pilkington Plc

      – UK International Chamber of Commerce

      – Confederation of British Industry

      – Arkley Finance Limited (Weatherby’s Banking Group)

      – FastMarkets Ltd, Multiple Sclerosis Society

      – Early Music as Education

      – Liverpool Pension Fund Trustees Limited

      – Okell Money Management Limited

      Finances

      For the period ending 2021, Bibby Line Group’s total turnover stood at just under £260m, with a pre-tax profit of almost £31m – fairly healthy for a company providing maritime services during a global pandemic. Their post-tax profits in fact stood at £35.5m, an increase they would appear to have secured by claiming generous tax credits (£4.6m) and deferring a fair amount (£8.4m) to the following year.

      Judging by their last available statement on the firm’s profitability, Bibby’s directors seem fairly confident the company has adequate financing and resources to continue operations for the foreseeable future. They stress their February 2021 sale of Costcutter was an important step in securing this, given it provided additional liquidity during the pandemic, as well as the funding secured for R&D on fuel consumption by Bibby Marine’s fleet.
      Scandal Sheet

      Bibby Line Group and its subsidiaries have featured in a number of UK legal proceedings over the years, sometimes as defendants. One notable case is Godfrey v Bibby Line, a lawsuit brought against the company in 2019 after one of their former employees died as the result of an asbestos-related disease.

      In their claim, the executors of Alan Peter Godfrey’s estate maintained that between 1965 and 1972, he was repeatedly exposed to large amounts of asbestos while working on board various Bibby vessels. Although the link between the material and fatal lung conditions was established as early as 1930, they claimed that Bibby Line, among other things:

      “Failed to warn the deceased of the risk of contracting asbestos related disease or of the precautions to be taken in relation thereto;

      “Failed to heed or act upon the expert evidence available to them as to the best means of protecting their workers from danger from asbestos dust; [and]

      “Failed to take all reasonably practicable measures, either by securing adequate ventilation or by the provision and use of suitable respirators or otherwise, to prevent inhalation of dust.”

      The lawsuit, which claimed “unlimited damage”’ against the group, also stated that Mr Godfrey’s “condition deteriorated rapidly with worsening pain and debility,” and that he was “completely dependent upon others for his needs by the last weeks of his life.” There is no publicly available information on how the matter was concluded.

      In 2017, Bibby Line Limited also featured in a leak of more than 13.4 million financial records known as the Paradise Papers, specifically as a client of Appleby, which provided “offshore corporate services” such as legal and accountancy work. According to the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, a global network of investigative media outlets, leaked Appleby documents revealed, among other things, “the ties between Russia and [Trump’s] billionaire commerce secretary, the secret dealings of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s chief fundraiser and the offshore interests of the Queen of England and more than 120 politicians around the world.”

      This would not appear to be the Bibby group’s only link to the shady world of offshore finance. Michael Bibby pops up as a treasurer for two shell companies registered in Panama, Minimar Transport S.A. and Vista Equities Inc.
      Looking Forward

      Much about the Bibby Stockholm saga remains to be seen. The exact cost of the initiative and who will be providing security services on board, are open questions. What’s clear however is that activists will continue to oppose the plans, with efforts to prevent the vessel sailing from Falmouth to its final docking in Portland scheduled to take place on 30th June.

      Appendix: Company Addresses

      HQ and general inquiries: 3rd Floor Walker House, Exchange Flags, Liverpool, United Kingdom, L2 3YL

      Tel: +44 (0) 151 708 8000

      Other offices, as of 2021:

      6, Shenton Way, #18-08A Oue Downtown 068809, Singapore

      1/1, The Exchange Building, 142 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow, G2 5LA, United Kingdom

      4th Floor Heather House, Heather Road, Sandyford, Dublin 18, Ireland

      Unit 2302, 23/F Jubilee Centre, 18 Fenwick Street, Wanchai, Hong Kong

      Unit 508, Fifth Floor, Metropolis Mall, MG Road, Gurugram, Haryana, 122002 India

      Suite 7E, Level 7, Menara Ansar, 65 Jalan Trus, 8000 Johor Bahru, Johor, Malaysia

      160 Avenue Jean Jaures, CS 90404, 69364 Lyon Cedex, France

      Prievozská 4D, Block E, 13th Floor, Bratislava 821 09, Slovak Republic

      Hlinky 118, Brno, 603 00, Czech Republic

      Laan Van Diepenvoorde 5, 5582 LA, Waalre, Netherlands

      Hansaallee 249, 40549 Düsseldorf, Germany

      Poland Eurocentrum, Al. Jerozolimskie 134, 02-305 Warsaw, Poland

      1/2 Atarbekova str, 350062, Krasnodar, Krasnodar

      1 St Peter’s Square, Manchester, M2 3AE, United Kingdom

      25 Adeyemo Alakija Street, Victoria Island, Lagos, Nigeria

      10 Anson Road, #09-17 International Plaza, 079903 Singapore

      https://corporatewatch.org/floating-prisons-the-200-year-old-family-business-behind-the-bibby-s

      signalé ici aussi par @rezo:
      https://seenthis.net/messages/1010504

    • The Langham family seem quite happy to support right-wing political parties that are against immigration, while at the same time profiting handsomely from the misery of refugees who are forced to claim sanctuary here.


      https://twitter.com/PositiveActionH/status/1687817910364884992

      –---

      Family firm ’profiteering from misery’ by providing migrant barges donated £70k to #UKIP

      The Langham family, owners of Langham Industries, is now set to profit from an 18-month contract with the Home Office to let the Bibby Stockholm berth at Portland, Dorset

      A family firm that donated more than £70,000 to UKIP is “profiteering from misery” by hosting the Government’s controversial migrant barge. Langham Industries owns Portland Port, where the Bibby Stockholm is docked in a deal reported to be worth some £2.5million.

      The Langham family owns luxurious properties and has links to high-profile politicians, including Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Deputy Prime Minister Oliver Dowden. And we can reveal that their business made 19 donations to pro-Brexit party UKIP between 2003 and 2016.

      Late founder John Langham was described as an “avid supporter” of UKIP in an obituary in 2017. Now his children, John, Jill and Justin – all directors of the family firm – are set to profit from an 18-month contract with the Home Office to let the Bibby Stockholm berth at Portland, Dorset.

      While Portland Port refuses to reveal how much the Home Office is paying, its website cites berthing fees for a ship the size of the Bibby Stockholm at more than £4,000 a day. In 2011, Portland Port chairman John, 71, invested £3.7million in Grade II* listed country pile Steeple Manor at Wareham, Dorset. Dating to around 1600, it has a pond, tennis court and extensive gardens designed by the landscape architect Brenda Colvin.

      The arrangement to host the “prison-like” barge for housing migrants has led some locals to blast the Langhams, who have owned the port since 1997. Portland mayor Carralyn Parkes, 61, said: “I don’t know how John Langham will sleep at night in his luxurious home, with his tennis court and his fluffy bed, when asylum seekers are sleeping in tiny beds on the barge.

      “I went on the boat and measured the rooms with a tape measure. On average they are about 10ft by 12ft. The bunk bed mattresses are about 6ft long. If you’re taller than 6ft you’re stuffed. The Langham family need to have more humanity. They are only interested in making money. It’s shocking.”

      (#paywall)
      https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/family-firm-profiteering-misery-providing-30584405.amp

      #UK_Independence_Party

    • ‘This is a prison’: men tell of distressing conditions on Bibby Stockholm

      Asylum seekers share fears about Dorset barge becoming even more crowded, saying they already ‘despair and wish for death’

      Asylum seekers brought back to the Bibby Stockholm barge in Portland, Dorset, have said they are being treated in such a way that “we despair and wish for death”.

      The Guardian spoke to two men in their first interview since their return to the barge on 19 October after the vessel lay empty for more than two months. The presence of deadly legionella bacteria was confirmed on board on 7 August, the same day the first group of asylum seekers arrived. The barge was evacuated four days later.

      The new warning comes after it emerged that one asylum seeker attempted to kill himself and is in hospital after finding out he is due to be taken to the barge on Tuesday.

      A man currently on the barge told the Guardian: “Government decisions are turning healthy and normal refugees into mental patients whom they then hand over to society. Here, many people were healthy and coping with OK spirits, but as a result of the dysfunctional strategies of the government, they have suffered – and continue to suffer – from various forms of serious mental distress. We are treated in such a way that we despair and wish for death.”

      He said that although the asylum seekers were not detained on the barge and could leave to visit the nearby town, in practice, doing so was not easy.

      He added: “In the barge, we have exactly the feeling of being in prison. It is true that they say that this is not a prison and you can go outside at any time, but you can only go to specific stops at certain times by bus, and this does not give me a good feeling.

      “Even to use the fresh air, you have to go through the inspection every time and go to the small yard with high fences and go through the X-ray machine again. And this is not good for our health.

      “In short, this is a prison whose prisoners are not criminals, they are people who have fled their country just to save their lives and have taken shelter here to live.”

      The asylum seekers raised concerns about what conditions on the barge would be like if the Home Office did fill it with about 500 asylum seekers, as officials say is the plan. Those on board said it already felt quite full with about 70 people living there.

      The second asylum seeker said: “The space inside the barge is very small. It feels crowded in the dining hall and the small entertainment room. It is absolutely clear to me that there will be chaos here soon.

      “According to my estimate, as I look at the spaces around us, the capacity of this barge is maximum 120 people, including personnel and crew. The strategy of ​​transferring refugees from hotels to barges or ships or military installations is bound to fail.

      “The situation here on the barge is getting worse. Does the government have a plan for shipwrecked residents? Everyone here is going mad with anxiety. It is not just the barge that floats on the water, but the plans of the government that are radically adrift.”

      Maddie Harris of the NGO Humans For Rights Network, which supports asylum seekers in hotels, said: “Home Office policies directly contribute to the significant deterioration of the wellbeing and mental health of so many asylum seekers in their ‘care’, with a dehumanising environment, violent anti-migrant rhetoric and isolated accommodations away from community and lacking in support.”

      A Home Office spokesperson said: “The Bibby Stockholm is part of the government’s pledge to reduce the use of expensive hotels and bring forward alternative accommodation options which provide a more cost-effective, sustainable and manageable system for the UK taxpayer and local communities.

      “The health and welfare of asylum seekers remains the utmost priority. We work continually to ensure the needs and vulnerabilities of those residing in asylum accommodation are identified and considered, including those related to mental health and trauma.”

      Nadia Whittome and Lloyd Russell-Moyle, the Labour MPs for Nottingham East and Brighton Kemptown respectively, will travel to Portland on Monday to meet asylum seekers accommodated on the Bibby Stockholm barge and local community members.

      The visit follows the home secretary, Suella Braverman, not approving a visit from the MPs to assess living conditions as they requested through parliamentary channels.

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/29/this-is-a-prison-men-tell-of-distressing-conditions-on-bibby-stockholm
      #prison #conditions_de_vie

  • Il #Friuli_Venezia_Giulia vuole usare le “fototrappole” per i migranti al confine

    Sono fotocamere che scattano quando rilevano un movimento, ma ci sono dubbi sulla loro efficacia per limitare gli arrivi.

    Entro la fine della settimana la Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia consegnerà alle forze dell’ordine 65 fotocamere acquistate lo scorso anno per individuare i migranti che tentano di oltrepassare i confini tra la Slovenia, la Croazia e l’Italia attraverso la cosiddetta “rotta balcanica”, percorsa ogni anno da migliaia di persone nonostante il rafforzamento dei controlli.

    Le #fotocamere, che nella delibera della Regione vengono definite “fototrappole”, sono dispositivi che scattano una foto quando rilevano un movimento: verranno posizionate soprattutto nei boschi e sui sentieri percorsi dai migranti sull’altopiano del Carso, al confine tra la Slovenia, la Croazia e le province di Trieste e Gorizia. Solitamente le fototrappole vengono utilizzate per osservare il passaggio di animali, in particolare orsi e lupi, sulle montagne o comunque in zone impervie.

    Cinquanta di queste fotocamere saranno consegnate alle forze dell’ordine in provincia di Trieste: 20 alla questura, 10 al comando provinciale dei Carabinieri, 10 al comando della Guardia di Finanza e 10 alla Polizia locale. Le altre 15 saranno consegnate alla questura di Gorizia. Non si sa ancora quante saranno date alla polizia di frontiera, che ha il compito di presidiare i confini. Il questore di Trieste, #Pietro_Ostuni, ha detto che soltanto una parte sarà destinata allo scopo per cui la Regione le ha acquistate. «Essendo fotocamere mobili potranno essere spostate a seconda delle necessità del momento», ha detto Ostuni. «In realtà saranno preziose per l’attività di polizia nel suo complesso».

    L’acquisto delle fotocamere era stato annunciato nel 2020 ed è poi avvenuto nel 2021 a un costo di 50mila euro, ma finora i dispositivi non erano stati installati principalmente perché non era chiaro se fosse legittimo utilizzarli per controllare i confini.

    Secondo la Regione le fotocamere serviranno a individuare i passeur, cioè i trafficanti che assicurano il passaggio delle frontiere a pagamento, e le fotografie scattate potranno per esempio essere utilizzate in eventuali processi. Un altro obiettivo dell’amministrazione è sapere con certezza chi ha passato il confine, così che possa essere rimpatriato in un secondo momento. Infine, il collegamento in tempo reale con il comando della polizia di frontiera consente di presidiare parti di territorio oggi completamente sguarnite, per intervenire più velocemente rispetto a come avviene ora. «Riuscire a intercettare i percorsi che compie l’immigrazione irregolare e a intercettare i passeur è un contrasto importante e devo dire molto deciso a chi tratta carne umana e a chi guadagna sul traffico di esseri umani», ha detto il presidente della Regione, Massimiliano Fedriga.

    Negli ultimi tre anni altri stati dell’Unione Europea si sono dotati di tecnologie molto più avanzate delle fototrappole per impedire ai richiedenti asilo di entrare nel loro territorio. La Croazia ha acquistato telecamere termiche e a infrarossi e tecnologie per rilevare il battito cardiaco che utilizza soprattutto sul suo confine, e una partita di droni da 2,3 milioni di euro, ciascuno in grado di individuare una persona a chilometri di distanza, anche di notte.

    La Romania è un altro paese che dispone di tecnologie simili: ha comprato alla propria guardia di frontiera 24 veicoli con visuale notturna per circa 13 milioni di euro. In Ungheria la spesa pubblica per la gestione dei migranti non viene comunicata per via di un’apposita legge del governo di Viktor Orbán, ma si ritiene che sia al livello degli altri paesi.

    La militarizzazione dei confini ha contribuito a far calare gli ingressi via terra, ma non a bloccarli completamente. Anzi, nel 2022 il numero di migranti e richiedenti asilo che percorrono la rotta balcanica per entrare nell’Unione Europea è aumentato rispetto agli anni precedenti. Secondo i calcoli preliminari di Frontex, l’agenzia dell’Unione Europea che svolge le funzioni di guardia di frontiera e costiera, sono stati segnalati 145.600 attraversamenti sulla rotta balcanica, il 136 per cento in più rispetto al 2021. Questi dati sono relativi ai tentativi di attraversamento e non corrispondono agli arrivi, visto che una persona può tentare di attraversare il confine più volte.

    Secondo i dati diffusi dal prefetto di Trieste, Pietro Signoriello, anche in Friuli Venezia Giulia gli arrivi di migranti in Italia dalla rotta balcanica sono aumentati in modo significativo rispetto all’anno precedente, nonostante l’aumento della dotazione tecnologica da parte degli altri paesi sulla rotta balcanica. Negli ultimi tre mesi del 2021 sono state 1.194 le persone che si erano presentate spontaneamente alla questura di Trieste dopo aver passato illegalmente il confine, mentre nello stesso periodo del 2022 sono state 5.690. Il flusso, che riguarda soltanto una parte delle persone che entrano illegalmente in Italia, è in crescita anche a gennaio e febbraio del 2023.

    Già nel 2020, quando la Regione annunciò l’intenzione di acquistare le fotocamere, alcune associazioni che si occupano di accogliere e gestire i migranti dissero che i dispositivi sarebbero serviti a poco. «Le pattuglie italo-slovene sul confine, i droni e le fototrappole sono tutti rimedi che non risolvono affatto il problema dell’immigrazione, che invece avrebbe bisogno di ben altre politiche», spiegò don Alessandro Amodeo, direttore della Caritas di Trieste. «L’accoglienza diffusa di cui siamo testimoni ha dato in questi anni ben altri risultati».

    L’ICS, il consorzio italiano di solidarietà, un’associazione che si occupa dell’accoglienza in Friuli Venezia Giulia, sostiene che l’installazione delle fotocamere sia illegittima perché il controllo delle frontiere e delle migrazioni è competenza esclusiva dello Stato. L’ICS inoltre esprime dubbi su un altro obiettivo regionale, cioè l’individuazione delle persone per eventuali riammissioni nel paese da dove hanno passato il confine.

    «L’istituto della riammissione, già in sé alquanto dubbio nella sua legittimità giuridica, in ogni caso non trova alcuna applicazione nei casi di migranti che richiedono protezione internazionale», ha spiegato l’ICS in una nota. «Va applicato invece solo il cosiddetto Regolamento Dublino III che non prevede alcuna riammissione nel paese più vicino bensì la formalizzazione della domanda di asilo in Italia e la verifica, caso per caso, della condizione di ogni richiedente asilo al fine di verificare se la competenza all’esame della domanda di asilo è dell’Italia, della Slovenia o di altri paesi UE».

    È una perplessità condivisa anche dal questore di Gorizia, Paolo Gropuzzo, che ha sottolineato come le fototrappole permettano soltanto di documentare il passaggio delle persone migranti, non di riportarle nei paesi da cui provengono. Se queste persone chiedono asilo in Italia, ha detto Gropuzzo, la situazione giuridica resta invariata, «tanto più tenendo presente che la Slovenia si è chiusa a riccio sul tema delle riammissioni».

    https://www.ilpost.it/2023/03/21/friuli-venezia-giulia-fototrappole-migranti

    #fototrappole #fototrappola #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Slovénie #Italie #frontière_sud-alpine #militarisation_des_frontières #piège_photographique #pièges_photographiques

    voir aussi:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/830239

    Caterina Bove en parle ici (à partir de la min 26’00):
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o_vrUvg-8iU

    • Italy: Anti-migrant cameras to be set up on Slovenia border

      New items of surveillance equipment known as ’camera traps’ are to be installed along the border between Slovenia and Italy. The devices will be used to detect undocumented migrants and smugglers on this part of the so-called Balkans route.

      A total of 65 cameras, bought by the Friuli Venezia Giulia regional government in 2021, are to be delivered to local police in Trieste. They will then be distributed to other security forces: 59 to the regional capital (20 to the police headquarters, 10 to the provincial command of the carabinieri, 10 to the financial police and the rest to the local police). Some of the remaining 15 will be given to the Gorizia police headquarters.

      Not just to stop undocumented migrants

      The equipment is intended to counter undocumented migration and facilitate readmission into Slovenia, once it has been proved that the migrant entered Italy in an undocumented manner from the bordering country. However, the devices will probably not be used only in the forested areas of the border crossing, as they can be moved easily and have solar-powered batteries, and thus will also be used for other police functions.

      Trieste police commissioner Pietro Ostuni has said that the cameras might also be entrusted to the flying squad, the general prevention office and police stations with the aim of countering crimes including theft and drug trafficking. They might also be used to counter such things as littering and vandalism.

      Opposing views

      Friuli Venezia Giulia regional president #Massimiliano_Fedriga noted in relation to the cameras that “managing to intercept the routes of undocumented migration and smugglers is important and, I must say, a determined step against those involved in human trafficking and those making money from it.”

      Gorizia police commissioner Paolo Gropuzzo agreed, but he noted that while the cameras make it possible to document the crossing of migrants, if they ask for asylum, from a legal point of view, there will be no change from what is happening now. The regional security councillor Pierpaolo Roberti, a staunch backer of the initiative, expressed his approval.

      However, an NGO supporting refugees and asylum seekers, Italian Consortium of Solidarity (ICS), was sceptical. “It has yet to be shown that this will help identify the traffickers,” a spokesperson said. “Often, the migrants arrive in cars or vans and do not go through the woods,” he added.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/47672/italy-antimigrant-cameras-to-be-set-up-on-slovenia-border

      #Fedriga

  • 50 réfugiés bloqués sans secours sur une île d’Evros
    Παραμένουν αβοήθητοι σε νησίδα του Εβρου

    Καμιά κίνηση από την κυβέρνηση για τους 50 πρόσφυγες που έχουν εγκλωβιστεί στον ποταμό μετά τη βίαιη απόπειρα επαναπροώθησής τους από τις ελληνικές αρχές, παρά την εντολή που έδωσε το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο ● Καμιά έρευνα για τους τρεις Σύρους που πέθαναν ο ένας έπειτα από ξυλοδαρμό και οι άλλοι δύο όταν εξαναγκάστηκαν να πέσουν στο ποτάμι χωρίς να ξέρουν κολύμπι

    Εγκαταλειμμένοι σε νησίδα του Εβρου παρέμεναν, τουλάχιστον μέχρι αργά χθες το απόγευμα, για όγδοη ημέρα 50 πρόσφυγες που κατήγγειλαν μέσω των οργανώσεων Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες και HumanRights360 τον θάνατο ενός Σύρου έπειτα από ξυλοδαρμό της ομάδας στην ελληνική όχθη και τον πνιγμό άλλων δύο Σύρων, οι οποίοι εξαναγκάστηκαν να πέσουν στο ποτάμι για να κολυμπήσουν προς την τουρκική όχθη ενώ δεν ήξεραν κολύμπι. Σύμφωνα με νεότερες πληροφορίες, πρόκειται για δύο Σύρους, 17 και 23 χρόνων, από το Χαλέπι, τα ονόματα των οποίων βρίσκονται στη διάθεση της « Εφ.Συν. ».

    Παρά τη σοβαρότητα των καταγγελιών, που απαιτούν ανεξάρτητη και αξιόπιστη έρευνα, η κυβέρνηση εξακολουθούσε να τηρεί σιγή ιχθύος μιάμιση μέρα μετά την αποκάλυψή τους από την « Εφ.Συν. », ενώ δεν έχει έχει γίνει γνωστή καμία αντίδραση των Αρχών, ούτε η έναρξη ποινικής ή πειθαρχικής διαδικασίας.

    Οπως έγινε γνωστό σε νεότερη επικοινωνία με τους πρόσφυγες και άλλες πηγές, το πτώμα του άνδρα που πέθανε στην ελληνική όχθη δεν ξεβράστηκε τελικά στην Τουρκία, όπως ανέφεραν οι πρώτες πληροφορίες, αλλά βρέθηκε στην Ιατροδικαστική Υπηρεσία του Εβρου, ενώ οι συγγενείς ζητούν να τους παραδοθεί για να ταφεί στην Τουρκία. Σε επικοινωνία της « Εφ.Συν. » με τον ιατροδικαστή του Εβρου Παύλο Παυλίδη την Τετάρτη, ο κ. Παυλίδης σημείωσε ότι υπάρχουν πολλοί μετανάστες νεκροί, αλλά δεν έφτασε στην υπηρεσία κανένας μετανάστης νεκρός την περασμένη εβδομάδα.

    Οι πρόσφυγες, ανάμεσά τους μια 70χρονη με πρόβλημα σακχάρου, τρεις έγκυοι και δώδεκα παιδιά, παραμένουν εγκλωβισμένοι στη νησίδα παρά το γεγονός ότι το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου, ανταποκρινόμενο σε κατεπείγον αίτημα ασφαλιστικών μέτρων μέσω των δύο οργανώσεων, έδωσε εντολή την Πέμπτη στην ελληνική κυβέρνηση να μην απομακρυνθούν από την Ελλάδα, αλλά να διασφαλιστεί ότι έχουν νερό, τρόφιμα και φάρμακα και να καταγραφεί το αίτημά τους για άσυλο. Παρά την επείγουσα εντολή, μέχρι χθες το απόγευμα δεν είχε γίνει γνωστή καμία κινητοποίηση των Αρχών για τον εντοπισμό και τη διάσωση των προσφύγων.
    Αντίδραση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ

    Την αποκάλυψη της « Εφ.Συν. » ακολούθησε η άμεση αντίδραση του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-Π.Σ., που ζήτησε άμεση ενημέρωση και σε βάθος διερεύνηση των πολύ σοβαρών καταγγελιών. « Λίγες μόνο ημέρες μετά την καταδίκη της χώρας για το αποτέλεσμα της βίαιης επαναπροώθησης στο Φαρμακονήσι το 2014, άλλη μία έρχεται να προστεθεί στον μακρύ κατάλογο των καταγγελιών », σημειώνει και υπογραμμίζει ότι ο υπουργός Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου Νότης Μηταράκης, αντί να απολογηθεί για τη στάση της κυβέρνησης και παρά τις συνεχείς εκκλήσεις για θέσπιση ανεξάρτητου φορέα διερεύνησης, επέλεξε να συστήσει εντός του υπουργείου κυβερνητικά ελεγχόμενη επιτροπή για τον έλεγχο των καταγγελιών.

    « Επί του παρόντος, οι βίαιες επαναπροωθήσεις παραμένουν ανεξέλεγκτες στα σύνορα της Ελλάδας και ατιμώρητες, ενώ η ποινικοποίηση των ομάδων βοήθειας συνεχίζεται » σημειώνει σε ανακοίνωσή της η Διεθνής Αμνηστία, ζητώντας να διασωθούν επειγόντως οι 50 εγκαταλειμμένοι πρόσφυγες.

    Την αντίδρασή της στη θέσπιση κυβερνητικά ελεγχόμενης επιτροπής στο υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης για τη διερεύνηση των επαναπροωθήσεων εκφράζει η Ελληνική Ενωση για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου, κάνοντας λόγο για προσχηματική και επικίνδυνη επιλογή που « δυναμιτίζει εξ ορισμού κάθε ελπίδα για αξιόπιστη διερεύνηση των σχετικών καταγγελιών και μαζί αποτελεί απρόσφορη απόπειρα πολιτικού αποπροσανατολισμού, που δυστυχώς ενισχύει τις διάχυτες πλέον υπόνοιες περί παντελούς ελλείμματος διαφάνειας και λογοδοσίας για τα ζητήματα αυτά στη χώρα μας ».

    –—

    Aucune intervention du gouvernement pour les 50 réfugiés bloqués dans le fleuve après la violente tentative des autorités grecques de les repousser, malgré l’ordre donné par la Cour européenne de droits de l’homme ● Pas d’ enquête ouverte sur le décès des trois Syriens morts après que l’un a été très violemment battu tandis que les deux autres ont été noyés après avoir été forcés de se jeter à l’eau alors qu’ils ne savaient pas nager
    Abandonnés sur une île de l’Evros sont restés, au moins jusqu’à hier en fin d’après-midi, pour le huitième jour, 50 réfugiés. C’est ce groupe qui a signalé par l’intermédiaire des organisations Hellenic Council for Refugees et HumanRights360 la mort d’un Syrien après que le groupe ait ete battu sur la côte grecque et le noyade de deux autres Syriens qui ont été forcés de tomber dans la fleuve pour nager jusqu’au rivage turc alors qu’ils ne savaient pas nager. Selon les dernières informations, il s’agit de deux Syriens de 17 et 23 ans, originaires d’Alep, dont les noms sont à la disposition de « Ef.Syn ».

    Malgré la gravité des allégations, qui nécessitent une enquête indépendante fiable, le gouvernement a continué à garder le silence un jour et demi après leur révélation par « Ef.Syn. », alors qu’aucune réaction des autorités, ni l’ouverture d’une enquête criminelle procédure, ni d’une procédure disciplinaire.

    Comme on l’a appris par une communication plus récente avec les réfugiés et d’autres sources, le corps de l’homme décédé sur la côte grecque n’a finalement pas été échoué en Turquie, comme l’indiquaient les premières informations, mais a été retrouvé au service médico-légal d’Evros. , tandis que ses proches demandent qu’il leur soit remis pour être enterré en Turquie. En communication avec « Ef.Syn. » avec le médecin légiste d’Evros Pavlos Pavlidis mercredi, M. Pavlidis a noté qu’il y avait de nombreux migrants morts, mais qu’aucun mort n’est arrivé au service la semaine dernière.

    Les réfugiés, dont une femme de 70 ans atteinte de diabète, trois femmes enceintes et douze enfants, restent bloqués sur l’île malgré le fait que la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme, répondant à une demande urgente de mesures provisoires des deux organisations, a ordonné jeudi au gouvernement grec de ne pas les expulser de Grèce, mais de veiller à ce qu’ils aient de l’eau, de la nourriture et des médicaments et d’enregistrer leur demande d’asile. Malgré l’ordre urgent, jusqu’à hier après-midi aucune mobilisation des autorités pour localiser et secourir les réfugiés n’était connue.
    Les réfugiés ont été obligés de filtrer l’eau boueuse du fleuve avec des serviettes en papier et des cailloux, pour obtenir une eau un peu plus propre.

    https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/dikaiomata/353036_paramenoyn-aboithitoi-se-nisida-toy-ebroy

    #limbe #zone_frontalière #île #Evros #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #fleuve_Evros #Turquie #Grèce #Thrace #îlots

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur #métaliste sur des #réfugiés abandonnés sur des #îlots dans la région de l’#Evros, #frontière_terrestre entre la #Grèce et la #Turquie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/953343

    • Διεθνής Αμνηστία - Ελληνικό Τμήμα

      Η Διεθνής Αμνηστία ανησυχεί βαθύτατα για την ασφάλεια και την ευημερία 50 προσφυγισσών και προσφύγων που βρίσκονται σε επικίνδυνες και άθλιες συνθήκες από την περασμένη Πέμπτη σε νησίδα του Έβρου. Ανάμεσά τους, 12 παιδιά, τρεις έγκυες γυναίκες και μια 70χρονη γυναίκα με σάκχαρο.

      –—

      Amnesty International est profondément préoccupée par la sécurité et le bien-être de 50 réfugiés qui se trouvent dans des conditions dangereuses et inhumaines depuis jeudi dernier sur l’île d’Evros. Parmi eux, 12 enfants, trois femmes enceintes et une femme de 70 ans atteinte de diabète.
      Selon les informations reçues par le Conseil grec pour les réfugiés (GCR)cet
      HumanRights360, les réfugiés n’ont pas accès à la nourriture, à l’eau, aux soins médicaux et aux moyens de se réchauffer pendant la nuit.
      Dans des mesures provisoires rendues hier, la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a sommé les autorités grecques à ne pas expulser les réfugiés de Grèce et à leur fournir de la nourriture, de l’eau et des soins médicaux adéquats, selon les besoins, jusqu’à nouvel ordre.
      Actuellement, les refoulements violents restent endémiques à la frontière grecque et restent impunis, tandis que la criminalisation des groupes d’aide se poursuit.

      https://www.facebook.com/amnestygreece/posts/pfbid0AcB7XB9QHL9Pe3BnuYQmNKgikuRWGTXdxJLDAm8Fh5aLPvEpi1umE45TNXrc1CZRl

    • Συγκαλύπτουν το έγκλημα στον Έβρο με νέα εγκλήματα
      Les autorités grecques couvrent le crime à Evros avec de nouveaux crimes

      Λίγο μετά τις 2 μμ τη Δευτέρα, οι 50 πρόσφυγες που παραμένουν 11 μέρες εγκαταλελειμμένοι σε νησίδα του Έβρου ανατολικά του χωριού Κισσάρι, συγκεντρώθηκαν στην όχθη της νησίδας που βλέπει προς την ελληνική πλευρά και φώναξαν όλοι μαζί με μια φωνή, με την ελπίδα να ακουστούν από απέναντι και να υπάρξει κινητοποίηση.

      Πρόκειται για κραυγή αγωνίας με στόχο να σπάσουν το πυκνό πέπλο σιωπής και εμπαιγμού εκ μέρους της κυβέρνησης και της ΕΛ.ΑΣ. και φαίνεται ότι το κατάφεραν. Σύμφωνα με αξιόπιστες πληροφορίες της « Εφ.Συν. », άτομα που βρίσκονταν στην ελληνική όχθη, απέναντι από τη νησίδα, εκείνη την ώρα, επιβεβαιώνουν ότι άκουσαν από την πλευρά της νησίδας δύο δυνατές κραυγές από ομάδα ανθρώπων στις 2:04 μμ και στις 2:06 μμ. Τα στοιχεία των ανθρώπων που άκουσαν τους πρόσφυγες βρίσκονται στη διάθεση της « Εφ.Συν. ».

      Φαίνεται πως μόνο οι αστυνομικοί της Αστυνομικής Διεύθυνσης Ορεστιάδας και οι συνεργάτες της δεν μπορούν ούτε να ακούσουν ούτε να δουν τους πρόσφυγες, όπως τουλάχιστον ισχυρίζεται σε προφορική ενημέρωση, σε ανθρώπους που επικοινώνησαν για να ενημερωθούν για την τύχη των προσφύγων.

      Την ίδια ώρα, το απόγευμα της Δευτέρας οι πρόσφυγες έστειλαν βίντεο που απεικονίζει ανθρώπους από την όχθη του Έβρου να συστήνονται ως αστυνομικοί, να καταστρέφουν βάρκα σταθμευμένη στην ελληνική όχθη και στη συνέχεια να αποχωρούν.

      Η διασταυρωμένη από πολλές πλευρές παρουσία των προσφύγων για 11 συνεχείς μέρες στη νησίδα και ο συνεχιζόμενος εμπαιγμός της ΕΛ.ΑΣ., που τάχα δεν μπορεί να τους εντοπίσει, δημιουργεί έντονες υπόνοιες για απόπειρα συγκάλυψης τυχόν εγκληματικών ευθυνών της αστυνομίας. Οι πρόσφυγες καταγγέλλουν ότι είναι μάρτυρες του φρικτού θανάτου τριών Σύρων, ενός στην ελληνική όχθη και δύο από πνιγμό, κατά τη διάρκεια απόπειρας επαναπροώθησης την Πέμπτη 14 Ιουλίου. Καμία διενέργεια πειθαρχικής ή ποινικής έρευνας δεν έχει γίνει γνωστή, παρά τις εκκλήσεις του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-ΠΣ και της Διεθνούς Αμνηστίας, να γίνει αξιόπιστη και άμεση διερεύνηση των καταγγελιών.

      Φυσικά, ο πιο σίγουρος τρόπος να μη διερευνηθούν οι καταγγελίες και να συγκαλυφθούν οι τυχόν ευθύνες σοβαρών εγκλημάτων είναι να μην περάσουν στην ελληνική όχθη οι πρόσφυγες, ώστε να μη χρειαστεί να καταθέσουν επισήμως. Φαίνεται ότι μέχρι στιγμής τουλάχιστον η ΕΛ.ΑΣ. προχωρά σ’αυτό τον δρόμο της συγκάλυψης, προσπαθώντας να σκεπάσει τις καταγγελίες για εγκλήματα με άλλο ένα έγκλημα, αυτό της εγκατάλειψης ανθρώπων που κινδυνεύουν και, χειρότερα, της εξαφάνισής τους από την Ελλάδα και της επαναπροώθησής τους στην Τουρκία.

      –-

      Peu après 14 heures lundi, les 50 réfugiés bloqués depuis 11 jours sur un îlot de l’Evros à l’est du village de #Kissari, se sont rassemblés sur la rive de l’îlot face au côté grec et ont crié d’une seule voix, espérant être entendus et qu’il y ait mobilisation.

      C’est un cri d’angoisse dans le but de briser l’épais voile de silence et de faux-fuyant du gouvernement et de l’EL.AS. -police hellénique -et il semble que les réfugiés aient réussi. Selon des informations fiables de « Ef.Syn. », des personnes qui se trouvaient sur la rive grecque, en face de l’îlot, à ce moment-là, confirment avoir entendu deux cris forts d’un groupe de personnes du côté de l’îlot à 14h04. et à 14 h 06. Les coordonnées des personnes qui ont entendu les réfugiés sont disponibles à « Ef.Syn. »

      Il semble que seuls les policiers du département de police d’Orestiada et ses associés ne peuvent ni entendre ni voir les réfugiés, comme du moins ils avaient affirmé dans un briefing oral, aux personnes qui les ont contacté pour être informées du sort des réfugiés.

      → des personnes qui se sont présentées comme des policiers sont apparues lundi sur la rive grecque en face de l’îlot et ont enlevé un bateau stationné

      Dans le même temps, lundi après-midi, les réfugiés ont envoyé une vidéo montrant des habitants des rives de l’Evros se présentant comme des policiers, détruisant un bateau stationné sur la rive grecque puis repartant. (pour voir la vidéo allez août lien)

      La présence des réfugiés pendant 11 jours consécutifs sur l’île, traversés de plusieurs côtés, et les railleries continues de la police hellénique, incapable de les localiser, créent de forts soupçons d’une tentative de dissimulation d’éventuelles responsabilités criminelles de la police. Des réfugiés rapportent avoir été témoins de la mort horrible de trois Syriens, un sur la côte grecque et deux par noyade, lors d’une tentative de rapatriement le jeudi 14 juillet. Aucune enquête disciplinaire ou pénale n’a été faite, malgré les appels du SYRIZA et d’Amnesty International pour une enquête crédible et immédiate sur les faits dénoncés.

      Bien sûr, le moyen le plus sûr de ne pas enquêter sur les plaintes et de dissimuler toute responsabilité pour des crimes graves est de ne pas laisser les réfugiés atteindre la rive grecque, afin qu’ils n’aient pas à témoigner officiellement. Il semble que jusqu’à présent au moins EL.AS. (la police hellénique) s’engage sur cette voie de la dissimulation, essayant de couvrir les plaintes de crimes par un autre crime, celui d’abandonner des personnes en danger et, pire, de leur disparition de Grèce et de leur refoulement en Turquie.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/dikaiomata/353284_sygkalyptoyn-egklima-ston-ebro-me-nea-egklimata

    • Εξαφάνισαν τους πρόσφυγες, συγκαλύπτουν το έγκλημα
      Les autorités grecques ont fait disparaître les réfugiés, elles dissimulent le crime

      Αντί για επιχείρηση διάσωσης από τη νησίδα των 50 προσφύγων, οι ελληνικές αρχές προχώρησαν σε νέα βίαιη και παράνομη επαναπροώθηση, ρίχνοντάς τους στα νερά του ποταμού προς την τουρκική όχθη, αφού πρώτα εξαφάνισαν τους μοναδικούς αυτόπτες μάρτυρες του θανάτου των τριών την προηγούμενη Πέμπτη. ● Αναφορές στην Εισαγγελία του Αρείου Πάγου για την υπόθεση. ● Ερώτηση 37 βουλευτών του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ στη Βουλή.

      Αργά το βράδυ της Δευτέρας προς Τρίτη, ισχυρή δύναμη αστυνομικών και κομάντο αποβιβάστηκαν στη νησίδα του Εβρου ανατολικά του χωριού Κισσάρι και με τη χρήση βίας συνέλαβαν τους 50 πρόσφυγες που βρίσκονταν εγκλωβισμένοι έντεκα μέρες στη νησίδα, τους μετέφεραν στην ελληνική όχθη και τους έκλεισαν σε χώρο κράτησης.

      Το επόμενο πρωί, τους ξαναπήγαν στην ελληνική όχθη, τους ανέβασαν σε βάρκες και τους μετέφεραν μέχρι τη μέση του ποταμού, όπου τους ανάγκασαν να πέσουν στο νερό και να προχωρήσουν μέχρι την τουρκική όχθη.

      « Ημουν άρρωστη και προσπαθούσα να κοιμηθώ, όταν άκουσα δυνατές φωνές που μας φώναζαν “καθίστε κάτω”. Είδα πολλούς άνδρες που είχαν έρθει από την ελληνική πλευρά. Απ’ όσους μπορούσαν πήραν τα κινητά, μας πέρασαν απέναντι με βάρκα και μας οδήγησαν σε μια φυλακή, όπου μείναμε για λίγες ώρες. Την επομένη, μας ξαναπήγαν όλους στο ποτάμι, μας έβαλαν σε βάρκες και μας κατέβασαν πριν φτάσουμε στην τουρκική πλευρά. Είχαμε τρομοκρατηθεί. Οταν φτάσαμε στην τουρκική όχθη, μας συνέλαβαν Τούρκοι συνοροφύλακες » διηγείται στην “Εφ.Συν.” νεαρή πρόσφυγας που βρισκόταν την περασμένη εβδομάδα στη νησίδα και σήμερα κρατείται σε τουρκικό κέντρο κράτησης.

      Η Αστυνομική Διεύθυνση Ορεστιάδας, αντί για την επιχείρηση διάσωσης που περίμεναν απελπισμένα οι πρόσφυγες, προχώρησε τελικά σε άλλη μια παράνομη επιχείρηση επαναπροώθησης, φροντίζοντας να εξαφανίσει με συνοπτικές διαδικασίες τους μοναδικούς αυτόπτες μάρτυρες του θανάτου τριών προσφύγων την Πέμπτη, 14 Ιουλίου, στα χέρια της αστυνομίας, ενός στην ελληνική όχθη και δύο από πνιγμό στον Εβρο, όταν αναγκάστηκαν να πέσουν στο ποτάμι χωρίς να ξέρουν κολύμπι την ώρα που τους μετέφερε η αστυνομία στη νησίδα.

      Με την επανααπροώθηση, οι ελληνικές αρχές παραβιάζουν με τρόπο προκλητικό την επείγουσα εντολή διάσωσης που έδωσε στην κυβέρνηση την Τετάρτη το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου (ΕΔΔΑ). Χτες, οι οργανώσεις Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες και HumanRights360, που είχαν προσφύγει στο ΕΔΔΑ, ενημέρωσαν την Εισαγγελία του Αρείου Πάγου για την υπόθεση, ενώ σήμερα έληγε η προθεσμία της κυβέρνησης να απαντήσει στο ΕΔΔΑ, παραμένει όμως άγνωστο ποια στάση θα κρατήσει μετά την τελευταία εξέλιξη.

      Αγνωστη παραμένει και η τύχη των προσφύγων της νησίδας. Σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες από τους ίδιους, η 70χρονη γυναίκα με πρόβλημα στο ζάχαρο νοσηλεύτηκε σε τουρκικό νοσοκομείο, το ίδιο και τα μικρά παιδιά που είχαν αρρωστήσει, όπως και ένας άνδρας που τραυματίστηκε σοβαρά στο χέρι κατά τη διάρκεια της βίαιης επιχείρησης των ελληνικών αρχών.

      Οι υπόλοιποι κρατούνται στην Τουρκία, παγιδευμένοι ανάμεσα στην ακραία αντιπροσφυγική πολιτική της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης στα σύνορα και στην πολιτική των τουρκικών αρχών, που απειλούν τους πρόσφυγες ότι θα τους επαναπροωθήσουν στη Συρία, αν παραμείνουν στην Τουρκία.
      Ερώτηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ στη βουλή

      Την ίδια στιγμή, ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-Π.Σ. φέρνει την υπόθεση στη Βουλή, με ερώτηση που κατέθεσαν 37 βουλευτές με πρωτοβουλία του Νίκου Φίλη προς τους υπουργούς Προστασίας του Πολίτη, Δικαιοσύνης και Μετανάστευσης. Διαπιστώνουν ότι « συνεχίζεται το όργιο επαναπροωθήσεων στον Εβρο και η καταπάτηση των Διεθνών Συνθηκών », όπως και εγκληματική αδιαφορία για το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο, και ρωτούν τους υπουργούς γιατί δεν έχουν ανταποκριθεί στην εντολή του ΕΔΔΑ, όπως και αν έχουν τεθεί σε διαθεσιμότητα οι εμπλεκόμενοι αστυνομικοί και γενικότερα ποια μέτρα έχουν πάρει « για τη διεξαγωγή ενδελεχούς και αποτελεσματικής έρευνας για τις συνθήκες της επαναπροώθησης και του θανάτου των 3 προσφύγων, για τη διερεύνηση των σοβαρότατων δημοσιοποιημένων καταγγελιών των προσφύγων, καθώς και για την απόδοση ευθυνών ».
      Εκστρατεία από τη Διεθνή Αμνηστία

      « Η λογοδοσία για τις εντεινόμενες παραβιάσεις του Κράτους Δικαίου καθίσταται πιο επιτακτική από ποτέ » σημειώνουν σε κοινή ανακοίνωσή τους το Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες και η HumanRights360.

      Επείγουσα έκκληση να διασωθούν οι πρόσφυγες της νησίδας απηύθυνε το πρωί της Τρίτης η Διεθνής Αμνηστία, ξεκινώντας διεθνή εκστρατεία συλλογής υπογραφών σε επιστολή που θα σταλεί στον υπουργο΄Προστασίας του Πολίτη Τάκη Θεοδωρικάκο. « Οι βίαιες επαναπροωθήσεις παραμένουν ανεξέλεγκτες στα σύνορα της Ελλάδας και μένουν ατιμώρητες, ενώ η ποινικοποίηση των ομάδων αρωγής που προσπαθούν να βοηθήσουν τα θύματα των επαναπροωθήσεων συνεχίζεται », αναφέρει η οργάνωση και υπογραμμίζει ότι « οι επαναπροωθήσεις αποτελούν την ντε φάκτο πολιτική της Ελλάδας για τη διαχείριση των συνόρων ».

      –-

      Au lieu d’une opération de sauvetage depuis l’île des 50 réfugiés, les autorités grecques ont procédé à un nouveau refoulement violent et illégal, les jetant dans les eaux du fleuve vers la rive turque, après avoir d’abord fait disparaître les seuls témoins oculaires de la mort des trois jeudi dernier. ● Appels s au procureur de la Cour suprême d’ouvrir une enquête sur l’affaire.

      Tard dans la nuit de lundi à mardi, une importante force de police et de commandos a débarqué sur l’îlot d’Evros à l’est du village de Kissari et a fait usage de la force pour arrêter les 50 réfugiés piégés pendant onze jours sur l’îlot, ils les a emmenés sur la côte grecque et les a enfermés dans une zone de détention.

      Le lendemain matin, les réfugiés Syriens ont été ramenés sur la rive grecque, mis dans des bateaux et transportés au milieu du fleuve, où ils ont été forcés de tomber à l’eau et de se diriger vers la rive turque.

      « J’étais malade et j’essayais de dormir quand j’ai entendu des voix fortes nous appeler » asseyez-vous « . J’ai vu beaucoup d’hommes qui étaient venus du côté grec. Ils ont pris les téléphones portables, nous ont fait traverser en bateau et nous ont emmenés dans une prison, où nous sommes restés quelques heures. Le lendemain, ils nous ont tous ramenés à la rivière, nous ont mis dans des bateaux et nous ont fait descendre avant d’atteindre le côté turc. Nous étions terrifiés. Quand nous sommes arrivés sur la côte turque, nous avons été arrêtés par les gardes-frontières turcs », raconte-t-il à « Ef.Syn ». une jeune réfugié qui était la semaine dernière sur l’île et qui est aujourd’hui détenue dans un centre de détention turc.
      Le département de police d’Orestiada, au lieu de l’opération de sauvetage que les réfugiés attendaient désespérément, a finalement procédé à une autre opération de refoulement illégal, en veillant à éliminer sommairement les seuls témoins oculaires de la mort aux mains de la police de trois réfugiés le jeudi 14 juillet, un sur la rive grecque et deux de la noyade dans l’Evros, lorsqu’ils ont été forcés de tomber dans la rivière sans savoir nager alors qu’ils étaient transportés par la police vers l’île.

      En les refoulant, les autorités grecques violent d’une façon provocante l’ordre de sauvetage d’urgence donné au gouvernement grec mercredi par la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH). Hier, les organisations Conseil hellénique pour les réfugiés et les droits de l’homme360, qui avaient saisi la CEDH, ont informé le procureur de la Cour suprême de l’affaire, alors qu’aujourd’hui était la date limite pour que le gouvernement réponde à la CEDH, mais on ignore quelle position il prendra après le dernier développement.

      Le sort des réfugiés de l’île reste également inconnu. Selon des informations de leur part, la femme de 70 ans avec un problème de diabète a été hospitalisée dans un hôpital turc, tout comme les jeunes enfants qui étaient tombés malades, ainsi qu’un homme qui a été grièvement blessé à la main lors de l’opération violente. par les autorités grecques.

      Les autres sont détenus en Turquie, pris entre la politique anti-réfugiés extrême du gouvernement grec à la frontière et la politique des autorités turques, qui menacent les réfugiés de les renvoyer en Syrie s’ils restent en Turquie.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/dikaiomata/353489_exafanisan-toys-prosfyges-sygkalyptoyn-egklima

    • 32 adults and 8 children in urgent situation at Evros river! The people have been exposed to violence from #greek and #turkish border guards since 2 weeks already and reportedly 3 people already died - this needs to stop immediately!

      “At first, we were 50 people, but the Greek police beat us and took us back to Turkey. The Turks booked us in military barracks and then threw us to one of the Greek islands for the second time, without food or water, and three people who have been with us since were killed.”

      “What is our fault, my friend, only because we are Syrians, we are rejected by everyone. Turkey deport us, and Greece beat us, deport us and is throwing us onto the islands. Our situation is miserable here. The situation here is tragic.”

      https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1555886172785844224

    • 32 adults and 8 children in urgent situation at Evros river! The people have been exposed to violence from #greek and #turkish border guards since 2 weeks already and reportedly 3 people already died - this needs to stop immediately!

      “At first, we were 50 people, but the Greek police beat us and took us back to Turkey. The Turks booked us in military barracks and then threw us to one of the Greek islands for the second time, without food or water, and three people who have been with us since were killed.”

      “What is our fault, my friend, only because we are Syrians, we are rejected by everyone. Turkey deport us, and Greece beat us, deport us and is throwing us onto the islands. Our situation is miserable here. The situation here is tragic.”

      https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1555886172785844224

    • 32 adults and 8 children in urgent situation at Evros river! The people have been exposed to violence from #greek and #turkish border guards since 2 weeks already and reportedly 3 people already died - this needs to stop immediately!

      “At first, we were 50 people, but the Greek police beat us and took us back to Turkey. The Turks booked us in military barracks and then threw us to one of the Greek islands for the second time, without food or water, and three people who have been with us since were killed.”

      “What is our fault, my friend, only because we are Syrians, we are rejected by everyone. Turkey deport us, and Greece beat us, deport us and is throwing us onto the islands. Our situation is miserable here. The situation here is tragic.”

      https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1555886172785844224

    • Έγκλημα διαρκείας στον Έβρο

      Το δράμα των προσφύγων σε νησίδα του Έβρου ανατολικά του χωριού Κισσάρι. Ο τραγικός θάνατος του πεντάχρονου κοριτσιού και η συνταρακτική έκκληση για βοήθεια που έστειλε στην « Εφ.Συν. » η Μπαϊντά Α., 28 χρονών από τη Συρία.

      Ενα πεντάχρονο κορίτσι από τη Συρία, η Μαρία A. (τα στοιχεία της βρίσκονται στη διάθεση της « Εφ.Συν. ») βρήκε τραγικό θάνατο από δάγκωμα σκορπιού αργά το βράδυ της Δευτέρας προς Τρίτη σε νησίδα του Εβρου ανατολικά του χωριού Κισσάρι, σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες που έδωσαν στην « Εφ.Συν. » πρόσφυγες που παραμένουν εγκλωβισμένοι στην vνησίδα, όπως και σύμφωνα με καταγγελίες οργανώσεων, μεταξύ των οποίων το Ελληνικό Συμβούλιο για τους Πρόσφυγες και η HumanRights360, που έχουν ήδη ενημερώσει το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου και την Εισαγγελία Ορεστιάδας.

      Οι πληροφορίες από τους πρόσφγυες αναφέρουν ότι σκορπιός τσίμπησε και ένα εννιάχρονο κορίτσι, την Αγιά, η οποία παρέμενε αβοήθητη στη νησίδα με πυρετό και κάνοντας εμμετό για δεύτερη μέρα χτες. Σύμφωνα με τα όσα συγκλονιστικά αναφέρουν οι πρόσφυγες, το άψυχο σώμα της Μαρίας παραμένει άταφο. Για να το συντηρήσουν όσο μπορούν, οι πρόσφυγες το έχουν βάλει μέσα στα κρύα νερά του ποταμού, στην όχθη του οποίου θρηνεί η μητέρα του.

      Συνταρακτικό είναι το ηχητικό μήνυμα που έστειλε στην « Εφ.Συν. » η Μπαϊντά Α., 28 χρονών από τη Συρία, λίγη ώρα αφότου πέθανε το μικρό κορίτσι. « Ζητάω βοήθεια, όλοι μου λένε ότι είναι δύσκολο. Τι δυσκολία έχει να σωθούν άνθρωποι ; Ποια είναι η δυσκολία ; Μας σκοτώνουν στη Συρία, στην Τουρκία, σ’αυτό το νησί στην Ελλάδα, σε κάθε μέρος του κόσμου. Τι φταίμε ; Το κορίτσι πέθανε γιατί κανείς δεν ακούει τη φωνή μας και την αδελφή της τη σκότωσε σκορπιός. Τι θα απογίνουμε ; Ισως το πρωί να έχουμε όλοι πεθάνει. Το νησί είναι γεμάτο φίδια, σκορπιούς, έντομα και δεν ξέρω τι άλλο... Εκλιπαρώ, εκλιπαρώ. Ζούμε μια επίγεια κόλαση, σας ορκίζομαι οτι είναι επίγεια κολαση και κανείς δε μπορεί να μας βοηθήσει », λέει μεταξύ άλλων η Μπαϊντά ανάμεσα σε αναφυλητά.

      https://soundcloud.com/efsyn-gr/to-ichitiko-minyma-poy-esteile

      Παρεμβάσεις

      Οι εξελίξεις έχουν προκαλέσει το ενδιαφέρον διεθνών μέσων ενημέρωσης και οργανώσεων, που κυκλοφόρησαν την Τρίτη στα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης την είδηση για το θάνατο της μικρής Μαρίας και για την απελπιστική κατάσταση που βρίσκονται οι πρόσφυγες.

      « Είναι κατάντια για την ανρθωπιά μας να πεθαίνει σε μια νησίδα ένα παιδάκι από τσίμπημα σκορπιού και να μένει άταφο γιατί κανείς δεν πάει να τους σώσει », αναφέρει σε δήλωσή του στην « Εφ.Συν. » ο βουλευτής ΣΥΡΙΖΑ – ΠΣ και πρώην υπουργός Μεταναστευτικής Πολιτικής Δημήτρης Βίτσας.

      Παρέμεβαση στο Αστυνομικό Τμήμα Ορεστιάδας έκανε την Τρίτη κλιμάκιο του ΚΚΕ και την Τετάρτη στα άλλα αστυνομικά τμήματα του Εβρου, όπου, σύμφωνα με τον βουλευτή του κόμματος Νίκο Παπαναστάση, τους δηλώθηκε ότι οι αστυνομικές αρχές βρίσκονται σε γνώση των καταγγελιών αλλά δεν υπάρχει τέτοια ομάδα προσφύγων στην αρμοδιότητά τους. « Υπάρχει το γνωστό πρόβλημα εργαλειοποίησης των μεταναστών κατά την άποψή μας και από την Τουρκία και από την ελληνική κυβέρνηση, οι οποίες εκμεταλλεύονται τα κενά που υπάρχουν στο καθεστώς του Εβρου με νησίδες που βρίσκονται πότε από τη μια και πότε από την άλλη μεριά των συνόρων. Καταδεικνύεται η πολιτική πρόθεση της κυβέρνησης για τη μη στήριξη των ανθρώπων αυτών και τη μη επίλυση των προβλημάτων τους, ακόμα και των πιο ευάλωτων » δηλώνει στην "Εφ.Συν." ο κ. Παπαναστάσης.

      « Ξανά ο Εβρος ! Ανησυχητικές αναφορές για το θάνατο ενός πεν τάχρονου κοριτσιού και επείγουσα ανάγκη για ιατρική βοήθεια για ενιάχρονο κορίτσι ! Η Ελλάδα πρέπει επειτγόντως να διασώσει τους ανρθώπους, να τους δώσει υποστήριξη, περίθαλψη και πρόσβαση στη διαδικασία ασύλου » αναφέρει σε ανάρτησή της στο twitter η Γερμανίδα ευρωβουλευτής της Αριστεράς Κορνήλια Ερνστ.
      Εφιάλτης δίχως τέλος

      Η Μπαϊντά, όπως και η οικογένεια της μικρής Μαρίας και άλλοι πρόσφυγες της ομάδας, ζουν αγκαλιά με το θάνατο από τα μέσα Ιουλίου, αντιμετωπίζοντας το αδιέξοδο των εγκληματικών αντιπροσφυγικών πολιτικών της Ελλάδας και της Τουρκίας. Στις 14 Ιουλίου μεταφέρθηκαν στην ίδια νησίδα που βρίσκονται σήμερα, ενώ, όπως έχουν καταγγείλει, ένας Σύρος πρόσφυγας της ομάδας έχασε τη ζωή του στην ελληνική όχθη του Εβρου ύστερα από βίαιη επιχέιρηση των ελληνικών αρχών και άλλοι δύο βρήκαν τραγικό θάνατο από πνιγμό, όταν έπεσαν στο ποτάμι από τη βάρκα κατά τη διάρκεια της μεταφοράς τους προς τη νησίδα από τις ελληνικές αρχές.

      Παρά το γεγονός ότι, όπως κατήγγειλαν, ήταν μάρτυρες φρικτών εγkλημάτων τα οποία θα έπρεπε να διερευνηθούν για να υπάρξει λογοδοσία των υπεύθυνων, οι ελληνικές αρχές δεν προχώρησαν σε επιχείρηση εντοπισμού και διάσωσης, αγνοώντας την εντολή του Ευρωπαϊκού Δικαστηρίου για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου και αδιαφορώντας για τις εκκλήσεις του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, που έβγαλε ανακοίνωση και κατέθεσε ερώτηση στη Βουλή, αλλά και της Διεθνούς Αμνηστίας, που ξεκίνησε επείγουσα εκστρατεία συλλογής υπογραφών.

      Αντιθέτως, όπως καταγγέλλουν οι πρόσφυγες, οι ελληνικές αρχές τους επαναπροώθησαν στην Τουρκία στις 26 Ιουλίου, αφού πρώτα τους χτύπησαν βίαια και τους κράτησαν παράνομα για ώρες σε χώρο κράτησης στην ελληνική όχθη.

      Σύμφωνα με τις καταγγελίες, οι πρόσφυγες κρατήθηκαν στην Τουρκία σε κέντρο κράτησης. Υστερα από μερικές ημέρες οι τουρκικές αρχές τους πίεσαν να ξαναπεράσουν τα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα, διαφορετικά θα τους απέλαυναν στην Συρία. Τους χώρισαν σε δύο ή περισσότερες ομάδες και τους σκόρπισαν σε διαφορετικά σημεία της περιοχής, όπου δεν είχαν τη δυνατότητα να γυρίσουν πίσω, καθώς τους περίμενε η απειλή των τουρκικών αρχών για επαναπροώθηση στη Συρία, ούτε τη δυνατότητα να φτάσουν στην ελληνική όχθη, όπου τους περιμένει η δολοφονική βία των ελληνικών αρχών και το σοβαρό ενδεχόμενο να τους γυρίσουν πίσω.

      Το γεωγραφικό στίγμα που έχει στη διάθεσή της η « Εφ.Συν. » τους απεικόνιζε την περασμένη εβδομάδα σε ελληνικό έδαφος ανατολικά του ποταμού. Την Κυριακή οι πρόσφυγες οδηγήθηκαν ξανά στη νησίδα ανατολικά του χωριού Κισσάρι, στην ίδια νησίδα όπου είχε ξεκινήσει η εφιαλτική τους περιπέτεια πριν από τρεις εβδομάδες.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/dikaiomata/355170_egklima-diarkeias-ston-ebro

    • Child feared dead on Greek islet where refugees are stranded

      A five-year-old Syrian girl has reportedly died, with her parents and dozens others awaiting rescue following alleged pushbacks.

      A five-year-old Syrian girl, who was among a group of refugees and migrants, is understood to have died on a Greek islet on the Evros River.

      Her parents have submerged the girl’s body in river water in an attempt to keep it cool, as Greek authorities appear unable to locate the group.

      Those still on the islet with the girl’s remains say she died in the early hours of Tuesday after being stung by a scorpion, two days after they were stranded there.

      Another girl, who is nine, remains in critical condition. She is also understood to have been stung by a scorpion.

      They are part of a group of 39 asylum seekers, some of whom are trapped for a second time on this unnamed islet after repeated alleged pushbacks between Turkey and Greece.

      One member of the group, 27-year-old Baida, also from Syria, has been sending frantic messages to lawyers and journalists since the reported death.

      “A girl died. A child. She’s dead. I can do nothing,” she said in a WhatsApp voice note sent to a group including this reporter.

      She posted photos of the girl on her back with her eyes closed, lying on a patch of grass on the islet.

      In another message, she questioned why the children have not received any help.

      “No one hears our voices,” she said.

      “If you hear our voices please help us,” Baida said. “The other girl might die tomorrow.”

      The refugees say they were forced on the islet by Turkish authorities on August 7.

      The Evros land border is a frequent crossing point for those wishing to claim asylum in Europe, but many reports have documented violent Greek pushbacks in recent months, as well as incidents where people have been made to cross by Turkish authorities.

      The stranded refugees and migrants wish to claim asylum in Greece.

      Greek authorities have been notified of their location and activists have made emergency calls on their behalf to police, but officials say that they have not been able to locate the group.

      On Tuesday, the European Court of Human Rights issued an order stating that the trapped asylum seekers should not be removed from Greek territory and that they should be provided with food, water and adequate medical care.

      In their messages, members of the group describe what amounts to a geopolitical ping-pong game, being pushed back and forth across the land border by Greek and Turkish authorities for weeks in the highly militarised border zone in which no lawyer, human rights organisations or journalists can legally enter.

      Some were originally stranded in the same location in late July, having tried to cross the border from Turkey.

      They say they survived on food scraps, nuts and muddy water from the river before being returned to Turkey by Greek authorities.

      Then, they accused Turkish authorities of holding them in military barracks, and later bringing them back across to the river and ordering them — at gunpoint — to cross again into Greek territory.

      Al Jazeera has contacted Greek and Turkish officials in an attempt to verify the details of these alleged incidents but had not received a response by the time of writing.

      Longtime foes, NATO members Athens and Ankara are currently locked in rows on several fronts, including the refugee issue and oil and gas exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean.
      ‘We are very worried … especially for the children’

      The stranded refugees’ position on Greek territory has been verified by a location one of the asylum seekers sent via WhatsApp.

      The Greek Council of Refugees and HumanRights360, which are representing the group of refugees, have also informed the European Union border agency Frontex, the UN refugee agency, the Greek ombudsman and members of the European Parliament of this location in an attempt to secure their rescue.

      “We are very worried about the situation of the 39 refugees and especially for the children,” Evgenia Kouniaki, a lawyer for the Greece-based HumanRights360 and Maria Papamina, coordinator of the legal unit of the Greek Council for Refugees, told Al Jazeera in a joint statement.

      “The violations of human rights at the Greek-Turkish borders are a cruel reality. Deaths, pushbacks, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances and people left hopeless in the islets. The death of the five-year-old girl proves how irrational and murderous this policy is.”

      The Border Violence Monitoring Network, which documents pushbacks that are illegal under international law, said in a statement that Turkish and Greek authorities were “using people-on-the-move as pieces in a political game”.

      https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/8/10/child-feared-dead-on-greek-islet-where-refugees-are-stranded

    • Quatre morts, dont une fillette, dans un groupe de migrants bloqué sur un îlot de l’Evros

      Une petite-fille de cinq ans est décédée, jeudi, au milieu de l’Evros. Elle faisait partie d’un groupe de 40 personnes coincé depuis la semaine dernière sur un îlot de ce fleuve à la frontière gréco-turque. Trois membres de ce groupe étaient déjà morts suite aux violences et au refoulement des gardes-frontières grecs, selon les témoignages recueillis par les ONG et journalistes qui se sont saisis de l’affaire.

      Une petite-fille de cinq ans est décédée, piquée par un scorpion, sur un îlot de l’Evros où un groupe de 40 personnes est bloqué depuis un refoulement par les gardes-frontières grecs. La morsure a eu lieu dans le nuit du 8 au 9 août.

      « C’est vraiment l’enfer ici. Une petite-fille est morte aujourd’hui. Elle a été piquée par un scorpion. Nous n’avons rien pu faire », ont annoncé des membres du groupe au réseau d’activistes AlarmPhone, très actif dans le repérage des situations de détresse et dans la prise de contact avec les exilés passant par cette zone frontalière ultra-militarisée.

      Une seconde fillette, sa grande sœur, est menacée. Celle-ci a également été piquée par le scorpion, et son état est grave. « Nous avons besoin d’un hôpital. Si personne n’agit pour l’aider, elle va mourir comme sa petite sœur », a également alerté le groupe.

      Les témoins, dont un grand nombre de ressortissants syriens, font part de leur impuissance face à cette seconde petite fille « qui se bat contre la mort », et s’inquiètent du choc traumatique subi par la famille.

      « Où est l’humanité dans la mort d’une fille qui n’a pas atteint ses six ans, après avoir vécu la guerre et l’oppression en Syrie et en Turquie, et maintenant à la frontière grecque ? », s’indignent-ils, toujours relayés par Alarm Phone.
      Trois personnes déjà décédées, dont deux par noyade

      Samedi 6 août, les ONG avaient alerté sur ce groupe de 32 adultes et 8 enfants coincés sur l’îlot. Ces derniers rapportent avoir subi une série de violences de la part des garde-côtes grecs et turcs dans les quinze derniers jours.

      D’abord, « la police grecque nous a battus et nous a ramenés en Turquie », ont témoigné les membres de ce premier groupe auprès d’Alarm Phone. Ensuite, les garde-frontières turcs « nous ont mis dans des casernes militaires, puis nous ont jetés sur l’une de ces îles grecques, pour la deuxième fois, sans nourriture ni eau ».

      Trois personnes seraient mortes des suites des violences et du refoulement. La première, un homme syrien, serait décédé suite aux blessures infligées par les coups des garde-frontières sur le sol grec, confirme le média grec Efimerida ton Syntakton qui s’est saisi de l’affaire.

      es deux autres victimes auraient été forcées de nager jusqu’au rivage turc et se seraient noyées, poursuit le média, corroborant les dires du groupe. L’enquête menée par les journalistes leur a permis d’identifier les noms de ces deux personnes : il s’agirait de deux jeunes hommes de 17 et 23 ans, tous deux originaires d’Alep.

      Ces cas de noyades forcées ont déjà été documentées. En 2021, Amnesty International avait recueilli des témoignages en ce sens. Les survivants d’un groupe racontaient qu’ils avaient été forcés « à descendre du bateau et à plonger dans l’eau à proximité d’un îlot situé au beau milieu de l’Evros, (...) Un autre homme, qui ne savait pas nager, a appelé au secours alors qu’il peinait à garder la tête hors de l’eau. Il a finalement été emporté par le courant », relaie le rapport de l’ONG.
      Inaction des autorités malgré la décision de la CEDH

      Les ONG HumanRights360 et Greek Council for Refugees ont saisi la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) sur une demande urgente de mesures provisoires, la semaine dernière. Celle-ci l’a validée dans la foulée. Elle ordonne donc au gouvernement grec de veiller à ce que le groupe ait de l’eau, de la nourriture et des médicaments. Surtout, elle interdit tout refoulement et exige que leurs demandes d’asile soient enregistrées.

      Mais, pour l’heure, les ONG n’ont constaté aucune mobilisation des autorités. Depuis plusieurs mois, les saisines de la CEDH par les ONG sont quasi systématiques lorsque des personnes se retrouvent coincées sur des îlots de l’Evros. Cette stratégie judiciaire s’est révélée efficace pour plusieurs cas successifs. Mais elle semble avoir de moins en moins prise sur les autorités grecques.

      « On voit de plus en plus que, malgré ces décisions de la CEDH, les personnes ne sont pas secourues », alertait déjà mi-juin une membre d’AlarmPhone, auprès d’InfoMigrants. « La Grèce ne respecte pas la législation européenne. Et c’est très inquiétant ».

      Les équipes de Frontex ont également été contactées par Alarm Phone. En vain pour le moment.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/42511/quatre-morts-dont-une-fillette-dans-un-groupe-de-migrants-bloque-sur-u

    • Greek police @hellenicpolice announced yesterday with great delay that the group of c. 40 Syrians trapped on an Evros islet under inhumane and life-threatening conditions is on Turkish territory. And that Greece have officially asked Turkey to conduct a Search & Rescue op 🧵1/4

      2/ GR authorities at least finally acknowledge the existence of the group, which they had so far denied being able to find, despite knowing the location for days and despite their professed manned & unmanned search ops to locate them.

      3/ The Police announcement raises Qs about the status of the islet where the refugees are. Acc to Google and Greek Cadaster, the official government mapping agency, the islet is Greek.

      Hellenic Army’s Geographical Service also referred us to Google Maps for status of the islet.


      4/ What is of paramount importance now is for the group to be rescued and their rights respected.

      We remind all authorities that the refugees have reported the death of a girl (5) & the critical condition of at least one more child.

      The refugees remain on the islet.

      https://twitter.com/GCRefugees/status/1558056562706751491

      –-

      Tweet de Giorgos Christides :

      Greek authorities need to answer:
      – is the islet Greek? if so, are they willing to concede territory to 🇹🇷 just to avoid rescuing 40 refugees?
      – if Turkish, why did they delay the request for SAR & why did @ECHR_CEDH issue rescue orders to 🇬🇷? Can’t they read maps in Straßburg?

      #dispute_territoriale

    • Migrants Stranded on Islet in Evros River Abandoned to Die

      A group of nearly 40 migrants reportedly stranded on an islet in Evros River, where the borders of Greece and Turkey meet, have continued to plead for help as none of the two countries assumes responsibility for their rescue.

      The islet is not on Greek territory, the Hellenic Police Directorate said on Thursday and Sunday, adding that Turkish authorities have been notified to provide emergency help and evacuation.

      A tweet by Notis Mitarachis, Greek Minister of Migration and Asylum, reaffirmed Sunday afternoon that repeated searches had been conducted by Greek authorities, without detecting human presence on the islet.

      Migrants’ drama on Evros islet

      The dramatic situation of the group has attracted international attention.

      According to Al Jazeera, the migrants are asylum seekers from Syria and say they were forced on the islet by Turkish authorities on August 7 after repeated alleged pushbacks between the two countries.

      27-year-old Baida has been trying to get help from humanitarian organizations and journalists, she says, since a child in their group died from a scorpion bite and at least another is in need of urgent medical help -as is a pregnant woman with them.

      “According to reports received, a child has tragically already died. Unless urgent action is taken, we fear further lives remain at stake,” the UN Refugee Agency’s official account for media professionals wrote Saturday on Twitter.

      It urged the authorities of both countries do “everything possible to rescue the group immediately.”

      “We are also deeply concerned about migrants stranded by smugglers near our borders. The incident however, as reported by the Hellenic Police, is outside Greek territory,” Notis Mitarachis, Greek Minister of Migration and Asylum said in reply.

      Greece notified Turkey for search and rescue

      Hellenic Police had initially stated it was unable to locate the group of migrants.

      In a later statement, it said that the islet coordinates -provided by refugees’ rights organizations which alerted them on the issue- proved the islet was outside of Greek territory.

      Hellenic Police forwarded the coordinates to Turkish authorities at the Evros Trilateral Contact Center at Kapitan Andreevo, notifying them to evacuate the migrants, some of whom are in urgent need of medical attention.

      The center was set up in May 2015 between Greece, Turkey, and Bulgaria, where three borders meet, to help in police and customs coordination and in collaboration during emergencies including natural disasters. Authorities of each country are housed in the same center, but consult their individual databases, and observe their national laws.

      Refugees’ rights organizations and Greek opposition have nonetheless critisized the Greek authorities for indifference as the migrants’ drama on the Evros islet unfolds.

      In a joint announcement, SYRIZA MPs Anastasia Gara, Andreas Xanthos and Giorgos Psychogios, said Greece should put pressure on the highest political level to get both Turkey and the EU activated to rescue the migrants, and demand that Turkey provides immediate healthcare to the group, in the context of the two countries’ cooperation agreement in immigration.

      The latest statement by Hellenic Police, published Sunday, said that the Turkish authorities had indeed been notified twice to help the stranded migrants.

      “Every day and each moment, the Forces of the Hellenic Police protect the Greek and European borders, and certainly the human life, which is the prime value,” it concluded.

      https://greekreporter.com/2022/08/14/migrants-evros-abandoned-die

    • 1/ The group of 39 Syrians at the islet is now 100% on Greek territory.

      They crossed over to the Greek bank of the river today.

      They are now at this location according to metadata from their photos.

      2/ They were aware of all the “fake news” narrative circulating these past couple of days in Greece.

      And shared more videos and photos last night and today.

      This pregnant women says:

      “I’m pregnant at my 8th month and I need a doctor because there is bleeding”

      3/ Rescue is needed now.

      @112Greece
      emergency line is alerted

      @GCRefugees @rights360 @Border_Violence are doing everything humanly possible to ensure safety of group and access to asylum.

      This thread will be updated.

      4/ Colleague @lindseyhilsum from @Channel4 also got this video from Baida, the 27-y-o Syrian.

      Apparently the only ones who could not locate the refugees were Greek and (if reports are true) Turkish police.


      https://twitter.com/lindseyhilsum/status/1559166981273780225

      https://twitter.com/g_christides/status/1559165985944379393

    • Έβρος : Βρέθηκαν σε ελληνικό έδαφος οι 39 πρόσφυγες - Μεταφέρονται σε ασφαλές μέρος

      Περισσότερο από μία εβδομάδα απ’ όταν βρέθηκαν στη νησίδα του Έβρου ανατολικά του οικισμού Κισσάρι και αφού περίμεναν μάταια να τους διασώσουν οι Αρχές -με την ελληνική πλευρά να μην τους βρίσκει σε ελληνικό έδαφος και να έχει αποστείλει στην τουρκική πλευρά ενημέρωση- οι δεκάδες πρόσφυγες τελικά πέρασαν στην ελληνική όχθη του ποταμού.

      Σύμφωνα με το ρεπορτάζ της τηλεόρασης του Open και της Σοφίας Φασουλάκη, οι πρόσφυγες εντοπίστηκαν από τις ελληνικές Αρχές, τέσσερα χιλιόμετρα νοτιότερα του σημείου που αρχικά είχαν βρεθεί και πλέον γίνεται η μεταφορά τους σε ασφαλή περιοχή ώστε να τους παρασχεθούν οι πρώτες βοήθειες.

      Ανάμεσά τους και μια έγκυος, η οποία είναι καλά στην υγεία της, όπως καλά στην υγεία τους φαίνεται να είναι και οι υπόλοιποι 38 άνθρωποι.Άμεσα ξεκινά έρευνα προκειμένου να διαπιστωθεί ο χρόνος αλλά και ο τρόπος που πέρασαν στα ελληνικά σύνορα.
      Παρέμβαση και της Εθνική Επιτροπής για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου

      Την άμεση εκκένωση των 39 Σύρων προσφύγων, είχε ζητήσει νωρίτερα σήμερα και η Διεθνής Επιτροπή Διάσωσης (IRC), καλώντας Ελλάδα και Τουρκία « να διευκολύνουν την παροχή βοήθειας σε αυτούς τους ανθρώπους, να τους εκκενώσουν από αυτή τη νησίδα με ασφάλεια και να εξασφαλίσουν δίκαιη και πλήρη πρόσβασή τους στις διαδικασίες ασύλου », όπως δήλωσε η Δήμητρα Καλογεροπούλου, Διευθύντρια του IRC Greece.
      Η ανακοίνωση της ΕΛΑΣ

      « Μετά από νεότερες πληροφορίες και εκτεταμένες έρευνες εντοπίστηκε στην παρέβρια περιοχή των Λαβάρων ομάδα παράτυπων μεταναστών, κατά δήλωσή τους από τη Συρία, αποτελούμενη από 22 άνδρες, 9 γυναίκες και 7 παιδιά, ενώ μία από τις γυναίκες είναι εγκυμονούσα. Επισημαίνεται ότι το συγκεκριμένο σημείο είναι περίπου 4 χιλιόμετρα νοτίως, από τις συντεταγμένες εκτός της ελληνικής επικράτειας, που είχαν δηλωθεί ως αρχική θέση προ ημερών.

      Από τη στιγμή του εντοπισμού τους έχουν σπεύσει προς αρωγή τους οι απαραίτητες δυνάμεις της ΕΛΑΣ και όλων των υπόλοιπων κρατικών υπηρεσιών, για την περίθαλψη των μεταναστών, την παροχή τροφής και νερού και τη μεταφορά τους σε χώρο προσωρινής φιλοξενίας ».

      https://www.ethnos.gr/Politics/article/220349/ebrosseellhnikosedafosoi39prosfygesentopisthkanapotisellhnikesarxesmetaferont

    • Police Say Refugees Stuck on Evros River Islet Not On Greek Land

      Several dozen refugees reportedly on an islet on the Evros River which is the border between Greece and Turkey are in limbo and begging to be rescued but Greece says they’re on Turkish territory – which isn’t helping them.

      Aid groups reported their plight with a report that they inside a restricted military zone at the border with Turkey, Greek police saying they are outside their jurisdiction for assistance, said Kathimerini.

      The police said it “repeats that the investigation shows that the point mentioned in the complaints is outside Greek territory and that it has informed the Turkish authorities twice.”

      The statement said that “from the moment that information emerged about the possible presence of immigrants on an islet, the Greek Police conducted successive investigations, using technical means at every opportunity, but did not detect the presence of people” at the location.

      “At the same time, the coordinates were given to the competent services of the armed forces, which pointed out that it is a location outside Greek territory,” not explaining whether there were people there or not.

      The Greek police subsequently briefed the Turkish authorities at the Kapitan Andreevo checkpoint in Bulgaria and said that Greek police “every day and at all times protect the Greek and European borders and, of course, human life, which is a primary value.”

      Greece’s New Democracy government, however, has been facing a barrage of accusations from human rights groups, Turkey and media reports of pushing back refugees and migrants – who Turkey allows human traffickers to keep sending.

      Turkey is housing some 4.4 million refugees and migrants who went there fleeing war, strife and economic hardship in their homelands and is supposed to contain them under an essentially-suspended 2016 swap deal with the European Union.

      The Greek Council of Refugees, said the United States’ CBS News in a special report, told the network that it had lost contact with the group and that a 5-year-old girl among them died after a scorpion bite and her site was also stung, the group’s President Vasileios Papadopoulos said.

      The council called on authorities to help them, the report saying the refugees have been on the islet for some three weeks on a river that’s perilous and where dozens have drowned trying to reach Greece.

      They reportedly were scavenging for whatever they could find to eat and trying to survive although the reports were sketchy about what may or may not be happening there with conflicting messages.

      NO MAN’S LAND

      “I’m saying, help … it’s difficult to survive,” a 28-year-old refugee named Bayda said in an emotional audio recording sent to news and humanitarian groups, the report added about the ordeal.

      “They are killing us in Syria, in Turkey, in this island, in Greece, in every place in the world,” she said through sobs. “What’s our fault? Because no one can hear us?” she also added.

      The Associated Press reported earlier that Greek police had said they were chasing reports about the migrants, but had not been able to locate them due to different coordinates being given for their location.

      The police told the AP that coordinates provided for the migrants were “outside Greek sovereignty,” and that they had asked neighboring Turkey to provide urgent assistance to no avail.

      The refugee council said that maps indicate the islet is in Greek territory but were glad that, “authorities at least finally acknowledge the existence of the group, which they had so far denied being able to find, despite knowing the location for days and despite their professed manned and unmanned search ops to locate them.”

      “What’s going to happen?” Bayda reportedly said in the audio message. “Maybe we all die in the morning. This island is full of snakes, scorpions, and a lot of insects … This is the hell in the earth. I swear, this is the hell in the earth, and no one can help us,” she added.

      The stuck refugees were being ping-ponged back-and-forth between Turkey and Greece, Papadopoulos told CBS News. He said contact may have been lost with them because members of the group’s phones died, or because they’ve been moved.

      But it was also said that his group and HumanRights360, released coordinates for a Google Maps location showing the islet is not in Greek territory as Greek police had said, adding to the contradiction and confusion.

      The European Court of Human Rights earlier issued an order on Tuesday instructing Greek authorities not to move refugees and migrants off Greek territory, and to provide them with humanitarian aid.

      A previous, similar order was issued at the end of July, Papadopoulos said.

      “The last two months especially, since the beginning of June, Greek authorities do not comply with the European court orders,” Papadopoulos said, CBS News saying it couldn’t get reaction from Greek or Turkish officials.

      Papadopoulos said because the islet was in a restricted zone, humanitarian organizations could not travel there to provide assistance unilaterally.

      “Save people. Save people,” he said when asked what his message to both governments would be. “Save this 9-year-old girl,” he further pleaded.

      https://www.thenationalherald.com/police-say-refugees-stuck-on-evros-river-islet-not-on-greek-land

    • Maria’s body has now been buried on the islet in the #Evros. She was killed not by a scorpion sting, but by Greek and EU border enforcement. Some initial (and unfinished) reflections on this horrible case and its wider significance. 1/9

      Greek #pushbacks have clearly become systematic in the regions of the #Evros and the #Aegean. The group on the islet is among tens of thousands who have experienced these cruel practices over the past years, which include acts of abduction, torture and killing. 2/9

      Despite overwhelming evidence of #pushbacks & #Frontex involvement, the EU Commission is largely silent. Unsurprising: von der Leyen even encouraged Greece to be Europe’s anti-migrant ‘shield’. Compared to the previous Commission, the current one clearly shifted to the right. 3/9

      The inconsequentiality of recent German warnings to Greece shows that the supposedly most powerful EU member state doesn’t have much weight in migration issues - ‘sovereign’ claims dominate. It also shows Germany’s unwillingness to put any real force behind the warnings. 4/9

      This current case highlights a weakness of international law. The European Court of Human Rights failed to force Greece to adhere to its rulings. Its important Rule 39 decision in the current case was simply ignored by Greek authorities, and not for the first time. 5/9

      Both Greece and Turkey benefit from staging ‘migration spectacles’. They abuse people on the move to score points in an increasingly anxious (and embarrassing) political conflict over territory, even if Greece seems to oddly concede some territory (the islet) in this case. 6/9

      The case demonstrates the weakness of the #UNHCR. Unwilling to make a clear stance and afraid to antagonise, the UNHCR uses strangely depoliticised language, and basically concedes its inability and unwillingness to really intervene. https://twitter.com/RefugeesMedia/status/1558363463168233473
      7/9

      The case shows how crucial forms of solidarity are. The direct exchanges between activist groups, journalists and the people on the move have amplified the voices of those experiencing border violence, even if they could not prevent such violence and, at times, feel helpless. 8/9

      Finally, in a situation where Greece & Turkey engage in necropolitical border violence, where EU institutions & member states condone such violence, where a human rights court & the UN are toothless, we need direct forms of intervention & disobedience, hopefully rather soon. END

      https://twitter.com/MauriceStierl/status/1559110757341601798

      #scorpion

    • Le long calvaire de 40 migrants syriens, bloqués sur un îlot entre Grèce et Turquie

      A la frontière gréco-turque, 40 Syriens sont restés bloqués pendant des jours au milieu du fleuve Evros. Malgré la mort d’une fillette, Athènes refusait de les secourir. Lundi, le groupe a finalement rejoint la rive grecque et été pris en charge.

      Elle s’appelait Maria, elle avait 5 ans. Piquée par un scorpion, cette Syrienne est morte le 9 août dans l’indifférence sur un îlot au milieu du fleuve Evros (aussi connu sous le nom de Maritsa), qui marque la frontière entre la Grèce et la Turquie. Près d’une semaine plus tard, alors qu’en ce lundi de l’Assomption, fête particulièrement importante dans le pays, les Grecs célébraient la Vierge Marie, la petite Maria, elle, attendait toujours d’être inhumée. Afin de le maintenir au frais, son cadavre a été plongé dans les eaux du fleuve par ses compagnons d’infortune. Pris au piège d’un îlot non identifié et des tensions entre la Grèce et la Turquie, la quarantaine de candidats à l’exil avaient été laissés à l’abandon.

      Ce lundi soir, ils ont finalement réussi à rejoindre la rive grecque de l’Evros, où ils ont été retrouvés et arrêtés. Sur Twitter, le ministre grec de l’Immigration, Notis Mitarachi, indique que la police a localisé un groupe de 38 personnes, qui se trouvaient selon lui « en très bonne santé ». Une « femme enceinte a été emmenée à l’hôpital par précaution », précise-t-il. Dans un communiqué, la police grecque explique que le groupe, « composé de 22 hommes, 9 femmes et 7 enfants », a été localisé dans la région de Lavara. La police et les « autres services gouvernementaux, ajoute le texte, se sont précipités à leur secours pour soigner les immigrés, leur fournir de la nourriture et de l’eau et les transporter vers un lieu d’hébergement temporaire ». Epilogue d’un drame qui aurait pu être évité.
      D’après les renseignements recueillis par des ONG spécialisées dans les questions migratoires, dont HumanRights360, le Greek Council for Refugees (GCR) et les activistes du réseau Alarm Phone, le long calvaire de ce groupe, composé initialement d’une cinquantaine de Syriens, a commencé mi-juillet lorsqu’ils ont traversé une première fois le fleuve Evros pour rejoindre la Grèce, porte d’entrée dans l’Union européenne. Comme tant d’autres avant eux, ils racontent alors avoir subi pendant plusieurs semaines les maltraitances des garde-côtes grecs et turcs. « La police grecque nous a battus et renvoyés en Turquie », ont-ils témoigné auprès d’Alarm Phone, dans une pratique illégale de refoulement (« pushback ») maintes fois documentée.
      Zone surmilitarisée

      D’abord coincée sur un premier îlot, puis de retour en Turquie, une partie du groupe s’est retrouvée enfermée « dans des casernes militaires », puis « jetée sur l’une de ces îles grecques pour la seconde fois, sans nourriture ni eau », au mépris du droit international et de la vie humaine. Entre-temps, au moins trois hommes seraient morts, l’un des suites de blessures infligées par les gardes-frontières grecs, les deux autres de noyade dans la traversée à la nage vers le rivage turc du fleuve. Bloqués au milieu du cours d’eau depuis une dizaine de jours, si près de la terre ferme que des habitants grecs assuraient les avoir entendus crier, les migrants avaient alerté les ONG, qui ont alors prévenu l’agence Frontex, chargée de garder les frontières extérieures de l’UE, le Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) ainsi que le médiateur grec du Parlement européen. Sans effet.

      Pour justifier son inaction, la police grecque assurait ces derniers jours que l’îlot se trouvait du côté turc, et affirmait n’avoir trouvé, malgré de « multiples recherches », aucun migrant côté grec. « Quand les eaux baissent, certains îlots peuvent être du côté turc, admet le journaliste Antonis Telopoulos, qui connaît très bien la région. Cependant, les localisations envoyées par les migrants prouvent qu’ils sont bien du côté grec. » Dans un contexte de tensions permanentes entre Athènes et Ankara, les environs surmilitarisés de l’Evros font figure de zone interdite. Toute action y est suspendue aux autorisations des gouvernements. Impuissant, le HCR avait reconnu samedi sur Twitter « ne pas avoir accès à la zone », et exhorté « les autorités des deux pays à faire tout leur possible pour secourir le groupe immédiatement ».

      D’après les témoignages – photos, vidéos et messages vocaux – recueillis au fil des jours par la chaîne britannique Channel 4, les migrants pris au piège n’avaient rien à manger et buvaient l’eau du fleuve. « C’est l’enfer sur terre », expliquait une jeune femme. Ils évoquaient aussi les insectes, serpents et scorpions qui peuplent l’îlot. Egalement piquée par un scorpion, la sœur aînée de la petite Maria, âgée de 9 ans, se trouvait ce week-end entre la vie et la mort. Mais les autorités grecques refusaient que des secouristes interviennent. Même le président de la Fédération grecque des médecins hospitaliers, Panos Papanikolaou, qui avait demandé à pouvoir se rendre sur place, afin d’éviter « davantage de morts » dans les jours à venir, s’était vu opposer une fin de non-recevoir. Aucune information n’était disponible, lundi soir, sur l’état de santé de la jeune fille.
      « Où est l’humanité ? »

      Ne craignant pas le ridicule, voire l’indécence, les plus hauts responsables grecs ont rendu lundi un hommage appuyé à la Vierge Marie et aux valeurs humanistes. « Nous, les Grecs, avons associé à son visage l’amour, le souci des faibles, l’empathie. J’espère que ces valeurs continueront à nous inspirer », a déclaré la présidente de la République, Katerina Sakellaropoulou, lors d’un officie religieux sur l’île de Paros, dans les Cyclades. Quant au Premier ministre Kyriákos Mitsotákis (Nouvelle Démocratie, droite conservatrice), il a affirmé « se tenir aux côtés de ceux qui sont le plus dans le besoin ». Dans un message vocal envoyé il y a plusieurs jours à Channel 4, l’une des femmes coincées, une Syrienne de 27 ans, dressait un tout autre constat : « Personne ne veut de nous. Personne ne veut nous aider », déplorait-elle d’une voix tremblante. « Où est l’humanité dans la mort d’une fille qui n’a pas atteint l’âge de 6 ans, après avoir vécu la guerre et l’oppression en Syrie et en Turquie, et maintenant à la frontière grecque ? » s’indignaient d’autres auprès d’Alarm Phone.

      Où est l’humanité ? Aux portes de l’UE, cette question reste tragiquement d’actualité, sur terre comme en mer. Depuis le début du week-end, une vidéo, tournée par le passager d’un ferry à destination de l’île de Paros, fait le tour des réseaux sociaux. On y voit un corps sans vie flottant dans les eaux turquoise de la mer Egée, sans doute celui d’un migrant. Au 10 août, le HCR faisait état d’au moins 945 morts et disparus en Méditerranée. Le 7 juillet, la Grèce a été condamnée par la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) pour non-assistance à personne en danger, à la suite d’un naufrage qui avait coûté la vie à onze migrants en 2014. Huit ans plus tard, l’indifférence tue toujours.

      https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/entre-la-grece-et-la-turquie-le-trop-long-calvaire-de-40-migrants-syriens

    • Grèce : la police localise enfin les 38 Syriens bloqués sur un îlot de l’Evros

      La police grecque a annoncé, lundi, avoir finalement découvert et mis en sécurité 38 Syriens qui, selon l’ONU, se trouvaient depuis plusieurs jours bloqués sur un îlot du fleuve Evros, à la frontière avec la Turquie. La police n’a pas confirmé la mort d’une fillette, qui faisait partie du groupe, rapportée par différentes sources la semaine dernière.

      Fin du cauchemar pour un groupe de 38 migrants syriens bloqués sur un îlot de l’Evros, en Grèce. Lundi 15 août, la police grecque a annoncé les avoir localisés dans la région de Lavara, à la frontière gréco-turque. Parmi eux, figuraient une femme enceinte et sept enfants.

      Les migrants ont été découverts "à environ quatre kilomètres du point initialement déclaré et qui était hors du territoire grec", a annoncé la police dans un communiqué.

      Selon le ministre des Migrations Notis Mitarachi, les migrants étaient "tous en très bon état" au moment de leur sauvetage. "La femme enceinte a été hospitalisée par précaution", a-t-il écrit sur Twitter, précisant qu’un bateau avait été découvert près d’eux.

      Des alertes concernant “la situation critique” de ces personnes avaient été émises par des organisations ces derniers jours, notamment par l’ONU et Ie Comité international de secours (IRC) qui avait exhorté les autorités à les évacuer de toute urgence.

      La Grèce avait affirmé, dimanche, être dans l’incapacité de les localiser malgré des recherches répétées côté grec, et avoir alerté les autorités turques pour qu’elles lancent des recherches sur leur territoire. Le ministère de l’Intérieur turc avait de son côté décliné tout commentaire.

      "Depuis qu’ils ont été localisés, les forces de police grecques et d’autres services gouvernementaux se sont précipités à leur secours, pour leur fournir des soins de santé, de la nourriture et de l’eau, et pour les transférer dans une zone de logement temporaire”, a encore affirmé la police grecque.
      La police grecque pas en mesure de confirmer le décès d’une fillette

      Selon des médias et des militants, ces personnes étaient coincées sur ce bout de terre situé à la frontière entre la Turquie et la Grèce depuis plusieurs jours. Samedi, le Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) avait appelé "à la prise de mesures urgentes" pour sauver "une quarantaine de personnes qui seraient bloquées sur un îlot à la frontière entre la Grèce et la Turquie".

      Conséquence tragique de l’isolement de ce groupe : une enfant âgée de cinq ans, prénommée “Maria”, est décédée la semaine dernière sur l’îlot, selon différentes sources, dont l’ONU et des médias, après avoir été piquée par un scorpion. La police grecque a affirmé lundi ne pas être en mesure pour le moment de confirmer ce décès.

      "Selon les informations de presse reçues, un enfant est tragiquement déjà décédé. À moins que des mesures urgentes ne soient prises, nous craignons que d’autres vies ne soient en jeu", avait tweeté, la semaine dernière, le HCR.

      Une seconde fillette, la grande sœur de l’enfant décédée, était également menacée. Selon des témoignages des membres de ce groupe collectés par la plateforme d’urgence Alarm Phone, celle-ci était dans un état grave après avoir, elle aussi, été piquée par le scorpion. "Nous avons besoin d’un hôpital. Si personne n’agit pour l’aider, elle va mourir comme sa petite sœur", avait alerté le groupe.

      Des ONG de défense des droits humains et des médias ont rapporté que ces réfugiés auraient été victimes de refoulements illégaux entre la Grèce et la Turquie. Une pratique courante dans la zone : la Grèce a été critiquée à plusieurs reprises pour ce genre de procédé à l’encontre de migrants vers la Turquie sur sa frontière terrestre, au niveau du fleuve Evros, et maritime, en mer Égée, selon des témoignages des victimes publiés par des ONG, l’AFP et d’autres médias. Athènes a toujours nié ces accusations.

      Ce n’est pas non plus la première fois qu’un groupe de migrants se retrouve bloqué au milieu de l’Evros. Dernières occurrences en date : en juin, un groupe de 28 exilés, dont huit enfants, était resté bloqué plusieurs jours sur un îlot du fleuve, après avoir fait l’objet d’un refoulement par la police grecque. Et ce, alors même qu’il se trouvait sous la protection de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme. En avril, un autre groupe de 64 personnes avait été secouru par les autorités grecques après être resté plusieurs jours bloqué sur le fleuve.

      http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/42648/grece--la-police-localise-enfin-les-38-syriens-bloques-sur-un-ilot-de-

  • Flow of Ukrainians entering the EU back at pre-war levels

    Around half of the Ukrainians who fled to the EU have returned home, and a top official said the resumption of school in September could prompt many more families to make a decision.

    The number of Ukrainians entering the European Union has fallen back to pre-invasion levels, a senior EU official said on Monday morning.

    That means a similar number of Ukrainian citizens are crossing the border in both directions for the first time since early February.

    “When it comes to the refugee flows, the situation now is stable,” the EU’s home affairs commissioner Ylva Johansson said from Prague.

    “The crossings between the EU and Ukraine, the numbers are pre-war, pre-COVID level, so we are back to like a normal number of people crossing.”

    Johansson was in Prague to meet with national home affairs ministers to discuss several issues, including migration. Politico reports that Ukraine’s interior minister also joined the meeting.

    The Czech Republic, where the meeting was held, has the highest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita, followed by Poland, the Baltic states, and Bulgaria.

    But around half of the 6 million Ukrainian refugees who fled since February have already returned home, according to data from Frontex.

    However, Czech interior minister Vit Rakusan still warned: “We all hope the situation will improve, but we don’t see the end of the war yet.”
    Back home and back to school

    Johansson said school resuming on September 1 will be a deciding factor for many Ukrainian refugees currently in the EU.

    According to the UNHCR, around 90% of Ukrainian refugees are women and children. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy previously banned men of conscription age (18 to 60 years old) from leaving the country.

    “I foresee that a lot of Ukrainians in the EU will take a decision before school starts — where to start school, in an EU member state or going back to Ukraine to start school there,” Johansson said.

    “I think the coming month, a lot of people will make a decision if they will go back now or if they will stay further on here.”

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/41834/flow-of-ukrainians-entering-the-eu-back-at-prewar-levels?preview=16576

    #réfugiés_ukrainiens #Ukraine #retour_au_pays #asile #migrations #réfugiés #guerre_en_Ukraine

  • More Afghans with protection guaranteed to reach Germany in coming months

    German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock has said she expects more Afghans to be brought to Germany in the near future, following a new agreement with Pakistan.

    Annalena Baerbock announced on Thursday (June 23) that a new agreement with Pakistan will create a legal exit route via Pakistan to Germany for thousands of people who have been promised protection in Germany, adding that work on implementing the agreement was proceeding at full speed.

    The foreign minister said that those who had already been promised protection by the German government would be the main beneficiaries of this new exit route. She highlighted that the personal information of those who will benefit from the new arrangement was known to German authorities, which will facilitate their quick transfer to Germany from Pakistan.

    Ambitious action plan

    Baerbock also gave an interim assessment of the government’s “Afghanistan Action Plan,” which she first presented six months ago, shortly after accepting her position as foreign minister.

    She said that about two-thirds of the people who had been granted protection had managed to make their way to Germany. This is equivalent to a total of more than 21,000 Afghan nationals.

    The number of departures from Afghanistan and neighboring countries has almost doubled since the action plan was implemented at beginning of the year. More than 12,000 people have been brought to Germany since then. However according to some reports, help came too late for some, resulting in a series of deaths.

    Afghanistan mission ’not in vain’

    In her statement, Baerbock also welcomed the Bundestag’s planned Afghanistan inquiry committee, which is expected to begin its work on July 7. She said that it was important to learn from the mistakes of the Bundeswehr mission in Afghanistan in the past two decades without blaming anyone. Baerbock emphasized that the Afghanistan mission “was not in vain.”

    Germany’s Bundeswehr withdrew from Afghanistan alongside various other international forces at the end of June 2021, having had a continuous presence in the country for almost 20 years. International forces led by the US had declared war on Afghanistan following the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001.

    Following the ouster of the militant Islamist Taliban government during that war, whom the US had accused of harboring the mastermind of the attack, Osama bin Laden, thousands of international troops remained in Afghanistan to help the country with its nation-building efforts while also trying to minimize attacks by militants.

    After taking power in August 2021 amid the power vacuum left behind by the withdrawal of international troops, the Taliban have restricted civil liberties, increasingly excluding girls and women in particular from public life. There have also been reports of violence against people who had collaborated with the international forces in the country over the past 20 years.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/41452/more-afghans-with-protection-guaranteed-to-reach-germany-in-coming-mon

    #Allemagne #asile #migrations #réfugiés #corridors_humanitaires #réfugiés_afghans #Afghanistan #Pakistan #voies_légales #Afghanistan_Action_Plan

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Première étape dans la mise en œuvre graduelle du #Pacte_européen_sur_la_migration_et_l’asile : mode opératoire d’un mécanisme de #solidarité_volontaire

    Nous, les ministres chargés des questions migratoires d’Allemagne, de Belgique, de Bulgarie, de Chypre, de Croatie, d’Espagne, de Finlande, de France, de Grèce, d’Irlande, d’Italie, de Lituanie, du Luxembourg, de Malte, des Pays-Bas, du Portugal, de République tchèque, de Roumanie, de Norvège de Suisse et du Liechtenstein, en présence de la Commission européenne :

    conscients de la nécessité de mettre en place, dans le cadre de la première étape de la mise en œuvre graduelle du Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile et parallèlement à l’adoption d’approches générales ou de mandats de négociations sur les règlements « filtrage » et « Eurodac », un mécanisme temporaire de solidarité visant à apporter une réponse concrète aux difficultés migratoires que rencontrent les États membres de première entrée du bassin méditerranéen ;

    conscients du fait que les défis migratoires auxquels fait face l’UE ont été exacerbés par l’agression de la Russie contre l’Ukraine qui a provoqué, ces derniers mois, un afflux massif de populations sur le territoire de l’Union, justifiant la mise en place d’une solidarité européenne sans précédent ;

    admettant que certains États membres signataires puissent estimer qu’ils ne sont temporairement pas en capacité de contribuer audit mécanisme en raison de la pression disproportionnée à laquelle ils sont soumis ;

    soulignant que ce mécanisme, quoique temporaire et non-législatif, peut apporter des enseignements utiles à l’établissement du mécanisme permanent prévu par le règlement sur la gestion de l’asile et de la migration proposé par la Commission européenne, et que les leçons ainsi tirées seront prises en compte dans les négociations en cours sur cet instrument ;

    pleinement conscients de la place centrale du principe de solidarité dans le projet européen et, en particulier, dans la politique commune en matière d’asile, d’immigration et de contrôle des frontières extérieures, dont l’application du règlement de Dublin fait partie ;

    nous engageons à mettre en œuvre un mécanisme de solidarité volontaire, simple et prévisible destiné à fournir aux États membres les plus touchés par les flux migratoires du bassin méditerranéen et les plus sous pression, y compris sur la route atlantique occidentale, une assistance adaptée à leurs besoins provenant d’autres États membres en complément du soutien européen, en proposant des relocalisations (méthode privilégiée de solidarité) et des contributions financières sans préjudice du droit de l’Union et en particulier du règlement n° 604/2013 ;

    soulignons, tout en reconnaissant que le caractère volontaire de ce mécanisme permet aux États membres d’émettre des préférences quant à la nature et au montant de leurs contributions, par exemple en ce qui concerne les populations admissibles aux relocalisations (nationalité, vulnérabilité, etc.) ou les États membres bénéficiant de leur solidarité, que les critères communs suivants devront être respectés afin de garantir la prévisibilité du mécanisme :

    – les relocalisations doivent s’appliquer en priorité aux États membres confrontés aux débarquements de migrants consécutifs à des opérations de recherche et de sauvetage en mer sur la route méditerranéenne et atlantique occidentale, ainsi qu’à d’autres situations pour prendre en compte la situation actuelle de Chypre ou d’éventuelles évolutions dans les îles grecques ;
    – les relocalisations doivent être proposées en priorité aux personnes en besoin de protection internationale, à commencer par les plus vulnérables ;
    - un volume de relocalisations annuel total sera défini afin de garantir la prévisibilité du mécanisme ;
    – chaque État membre contributeur devrait présenter un engagement en matière de relocalisation avec une cible indicative de relocalisations établi sur la base de sa population et de son PIB[1], tout en conservant la possibilité de dépasser cette part ;
    – en cas de pression disproportionnée sur un État membre et son système d’accueil résultant de flux secondaires, compte tenu de la coopération prévue par le système de Dublin, cet État membre devrait pouvoir invoquer cette situation pour revoir temporairement son engagement en matière de relocalisation ;

    nous engageons, lorsqu’un État membre fait volontairement le choix de participer à la solidarité collective non par une relocalisation mais par une contribution financière à un État membre bénéficiaire ou à des projets dans des pays tiers pouvant avoir une incidence directe sur les flux aux frontières extérieures de l’UE, à respecter les modalités suivantes :

    – les principes énoncés ci-dessus, concernant le calcul de la contribution indicative de chaque État membre ainsi que la possibilité de revoir temporairement celle-ci en cas de pression migratoire disproportionnée, devraient s’appliquer ;
    – une contribution indicative minimale sera prévue pour chaque État membre participant, afin que la contribution totale cible ne soit pas excessivement réduite si un petit nombre d’États membres participent à la relocalisation, et pour affirmer la priorité de la relocalisation sur les contributions financières dans le cadre de ce mécanisme de solidarité ;
    - des transferts financiers directs seront réalisés entre États membres, par souci de simplicité budgétaire ;
    - la Commission sera appelée, après consultation des États membres contributeurs et bénéficiaires, à déterminer les États membres qui devraient recevoir cette aide financière ;

    appelons la Commission européenne, en collaboration étroite avec les États membres et avec le soutien des agences, à garantir la bonne coordination du mécanisme et à veiller au respect des engagements pris par les parties signataires ; ce rôle de coordination implique également la réalisation d’un recensement complet des besoins des États membres de première entrée, y compris les besoins de financement de projets dans des pays tiers ; la Commission évaluera les transferts financiers à réaliser afin de répondre à ces besoins et contrôlera leur utilisation ;

    convenons que, sur la base des besoins exprimés par les États membres de première entrée, les États membres qui souhaitent participer peuvent leur fournir des aides en matière de services, de personnel, d’infrastructures (dans des domaines comme l’accueil, la surveillance des frontières, le contrôle, la rétention et le retour) ; cette solidarité matérielle sera comptabilisée comme une solidarité financière, conformément aux besoins évalués par la Commission ;

    précisons que l’ensemble du mécanisme de solidarité est ouvert aux États associés ;

    convenons que le mécanisme de solidarité sera applicable à compter de la signature de la présente déclaration, mais que les contributions de solidarité commenceront, sous réserve que le recensement des besoins ait été réalisé par la Commission, dès le moment où le Conseil aura convenu de mandats de négociations ou d’approches générales sur les propositions de règlements « filtrage » et « Eurodac » ; néanmoins, des personnes arrivées sur le territoire de l’UE avant cette date pourraient être relocalisées, et des personnes arrivées après cette date pourraient faire l’objet d’un engagement de relocalisation ; les relocalisations devraient bénéficier d’un financement de l’UE et de l’assistance de l’AUEA, conformément au mandat de cette dernière, sur demande des États membres concernés ;

    convenons d’évaluer la mise en œuvre de ces engagements avant l’expiration du mécanisme, un an après son entrée en vigueur, afin de décider de son éventuelle prolongation, en tenant compte des avancées réalisées dans l’adoption et la mise en œuvre des règlements « filtrage » et « Eurodac », de l’évolution des flux migratoires primaires et de l’efficacité de la prévention des flux secondaires (notamment par le règlement de Dublin) ; un examen préliminaire sera réalisé six mois après l’adoption des approches générales de ces règlements et le début des opérations de solidarité ; les répercussions possibles de ce mécanisme sur les flux migratoires seront étudiées, et l’extension de la portée du mécanisme sera envisagée ;

    nous engageons à renforcer la coopération autant que possible pour ralentir les flux migratoires secondaires en accélérant les transferts organisés en vertu du règlement de Dublin, tout en reconnaissant qu’il est primordial de veiller à ce que les personnes bénéficiant d’une protection internationale disposent d’une mobilité légale entre États membres et que les dispositions pertinentes du Pacte devraient être examinées dans ce contexte ;

    affirmons notre volonté de conclure rapidement cette première étape de la négociation du Pacte européen sur la migration et l’asile, dont la présente déclaration constitue un élément essentiel, et de poursuivre dès que possible les négociations relatives à tous les éléments du Pacte, au sein du Conseil et avec le Parlement, afin de doter l’Union du cadre législatif stable dont elle a besoin pour répondre aux défis futurs en matière d’asile et de migration.

    [1]. Cette part est calculée en multipliant le nombre total de relocalisations pour l’État membre par la moyenne de son PIB par rapport au PIB total des États membres de relocalisation et de sa population par rapport à la population totale des États membres de relocalisation.

    https://presidence-francaise.consilium.europa.eu/fr/actualites/premiere-etape-dans-la-mise-en-oeuvre-progress

    –---

    Pour rappel, la relocalisation version #2015 (un #échec) :
    Relocalisation : des annonces à la réalité, une comptabilité en trompe-l’œil

    Dans un euphémisme dont les fonctionnaires européens ont le secret, le douzième rapport de la Commission européenne sur les relocalisations publié le 16 mai souligne que la « tendance positive » se poursuit. Concrètement, cela signifie que 2078 opérations supplémentaires ont eu lieu depuis le rapport du 12 avril, portant à 18’418 le nombre total de personnes relocalisées depuis septembre 2015 (5711 pour l’Italie et 12’707 pour la Grèce).

    –-> pour rappel, l’UE avait promis 160’000 relocalisations dans le cadre de ce mécanisme...

    https://asile.ch/2017/06/10/aedh-relocalisation-annonces-a-realite-comptabilite-trompe-loeil

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #relocalisations #relocalisation (#relocalisation_bis) #EU #Europe #UE #filtrage #eurodac #pression #mécanisme #Dublin #règlement_Dublin #mécanisme_de_solidarité_volontaire #assistance #contributions_financières #tri #catégorisation #vulnérabilité #flux_secondaires #mouvements_secondaires #pacte_européen #2022 #Europe #EU #UE #demandeurs_d'asile #voluntary_solidarity_mechanism

    –-
    ajouté à la métaliste sur le pacte :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1019088

    ping @karine4 @isskein

    • Croatia announced that it would receive about 60 refugees through relocations from Greece, Italy and Cyprus initiated by France
      Hrvatska pomaže u preseljenju, prihvatit će oko 60 azilanata

      Ova inicijativa o relokaciji azilanata dolazi baš iz Francuske, koja do kraja mjeseca predsjeda Vijećem EU, i potpuno je na dobrovoljnoj bazi, s ciljem da se privremeno odterete najpogođenije države.

      Tek nekoliko europskih država ponudilo je pomoć za relokaciju tražitelja azila koji stižu na obale Mediterana, prije svega u Italiju, Grčku i na Cipar. Hrvatska je jedna od tih država i prihvatit će 60-ak azilanata, doznajemo. Ostale države koje su im ponudile mjesta su Francuska, Njemačka, Portugal i Irska.

      Dobrovoljne prijave za relokaciju tražitelja azila još traju, a one su pravi znak da proklamirana solidarnost unutar EU izgleda na djelu – rubne države, i prije početka migrantske krize, trpe najveći migrantski pritisak i cilj i ove inicijative jest da se podijeli teret. Hrvatska, osim te važne komponente solidarnosti, ovim podržava i Francusku i njezinu širu inicijativu reformiranja sustava azila, o kojem se pregovara, što opet ide u korist hrvatskom cilju – ulasku u Schengen. Ta deklaracija o pomoći državama i tražiteljima azila usvojena je na zadnjem sastanku ministara unutarnjih poslova u Luxembourgu.

      Prihvat ili novčana pomoć Ova inicijativa o relokaciji azilanata dolazi baš iz Francuske, koja do kraja mjeseca predsjeda Vijećem EU, i potpuno je na dobrovoljnoj bazi, s ciljem da se privremeno odterete najpogođenije države. Ni jedna ponuda ne znači obvezu. EU države imaju opciju preuzeti migrante ili dati financijsku pomoć, o čemu je postignut dogovor na nedavnom sastanku ministara unutarnjih poslova u Luxembourgu. Ta usvojena politička deklaracija, kako se i pretpostavljalo, podijelila je europske države na dva dijela: one koje nikako ne žele migrante i platit će da ih ne uzmu, i one koje se solidariziraju s državama koje su najviše na udaru migrantske krize. Do sad je, prema zadnjim aplikacijama, iz EU država došlo između 7000 i 8000 potvrda da bi preuzeli migrante. U tomu prednjače Njemačka i Francuska s njih oko 3000, dok ostale države nude primiti gotovo simboličan broj ljudi. Privremeni plan je godišnje razmjestiti 10.000 ljudi, sve do stvaranje stalnog europskog sustava relokacije. Ovo nije prvi put da se europska proklamirana solidarnost stavlja na stol i da države dobrovoljno preuzimaju teret. Hrvatska je jedna od država koja su se do sada pokazale solidarnima. U ožujku 2020. odlučila je odgovoriti na poziv Grčke te prihvatiti djecu bez pratnje – djecu koja su sama, bez roditelja, rođaka ili skrbnika – iz izbjegličkih kampova na grčkim otocima, koji su zadnjih tih dana bili zasuti dolaskom migranata. Djeca su najranjivija skupina u svakom sukobu, posebice ona koja su iz nekog razloga sama u izbjeglištvu, bilo da su im roditelji stradali ili nestali, bilo da su žrtve krijumčara ljudi pa je pomoć njima ponajprije humanitarno i civilizacijsko pitanje. I tada je samo 14 država odlučilo učiniti isto. Hrvatska je trebala preuzeti 12 djevojčica i jedno novorođenče, obavljene su sve pripreme, djeca su prošla i sigurnosnu provjeru, pripremljeni su kapaciteti i sustav psihosocijalne pomoći da bi se naposljetku dogodio obrat te su djevojčice, pred sam polazak s grčkih otoka, odbile doći u Hrvatsku i odabrale zapadnu Europu. Tada se špekuliralo da su na to bile nagovorene.

      Istovremeno, Hrvatska i dalje štiti vanjsku granicu EU. Pritisak ilegalnih migracija na vanjske granice Europske unije ne staje, a najteža je situacija na tzv. zapadnobalkanskoj ruti, koja vodi i do Hrvatske. Uz najveći broj pokušaja ilegalnog prijelaza EU granica, posebnost na toj ruti je ta što migranti, jednom kad stignu, ostaju u području uz granicu tako da se njihov broj više nego udvostručio u odnosu na lani i sada njih 12.088 blizu Hrvatske čeka da nekako uđe u EU. Za razliku od drugih ruta, migranti na ovoj ruti neprestano pokušavaju prijeći granicu. Budu li vraćeni, jednostavno će pokušati ponovno, kažu iz Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). Pomoć na terenu Napredak u reformi migracijske politike i schengenskog zakonika pomoći će Hrvatskoj, kako na terenu, tako i za ulazak u Schengen, jer je riječ o dva procesa koji idu zajedno. Posebice je važno što je impuls za konačan dogovor, o potrebi kojeg se govori godinama, došao iz Francuske te je i toj državi važno imati podršku od članica EU, što ima od Hrvatske. S druge strane, politička pomoć Francuske za ulazak u Schengen među ključnim je momentima procesa. Na zadnjem sastanku ministara unutarnjih poslova postignut je napredak kad je usvojeno zajedničko pregovaračko stajalište o prijedlozima uredbi o registriranju migranata i Eurodacu, europskom sustavu za usporedbu otisaka prstiju podnositelja zahtjeva za azil te uspostavi mehanizma solidarnosti za rasterećivanje država članica na vanjskim granicama koje su najviše pod pritiskom migranata s Mediterana.

      https://m.vecernji.hr/vijesti/hrvatska-pomaze-u-preseljenju-prihvatit-ce-oko-60-azilanata-1596400

      #Croatie

    • First asylum seekers relocated from Italy to France via new EU mechanism

      A group of 38 asylum seekers left Italy for #France last week. They are the first to be relocated under the EU’s new ’voluntary solidarity mechanism.’

      The asylum seekers left Italy for France on Thursday (August 25), according to the Italian interior ministry. France and Italy are among the countries that agreed to take in migrants and refugees from European countries that experience a large number of arrivals. France agreed to take in 3,000 people per year through the EU’s new ’solidarity mechanism’, according to reports from news agency ANSA.

      Before the 38 asylum seekers could leave for France, Italian authorities carried out identification and health checks. The EU asylum agency also registered their international protection applications, while French authorities analyzed individual files, and interviewed asylum seekers. French officials had visited a center for asylum seekers in Bari, southern Italy between July 28 and August 2.

      The EU and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) reportedly helped in organizing the transfers.
      What is the ’voluntary solidarity mechanism’?

      In June, 21 European countries agreed to take part in a ’voluntary solidarity mechanism’ at a meeting of the European Home Affairs Council in Luxembourg.

      The mechanism seeks to provide EU members states “most affected by migratory flows” with help from other states through the relocation of refugees and financial contributions. The states set to benefit from the agreement are primarily southern European countries bordering on the Mediterranean (like Italy and Greece) and on the Atlantic (namely Spain).
      Italian officials: 10,000 refugees relocated per year

      Through the mechanism, 10,000 people are supposed to be relocated every year, according to Italian officials. The people selected for relocation should primarily be “persons in need of international protection, giving priority to the most vulnerable ones,” the agreement reached by the countries’ interior ministers reads.

      The countries which agreed to participate in the mechanism are:

      - 18 of the 27 member states of the European Union (namely Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Germany, Greece, Spain, Finland, France, Croatia, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Romania)
      - Three countries not part of the EU but part of the Schengen Area — a mostly border control free area in Europe (Norway, Switzerland, Liechtenstein).

      Germany to take in 3,500 asylum seekers per year

      Germany — the most populous EU country — has agreed to take in the largest number of refugees, followed by France. A total 3,500 people per year will be relocated to Germany, according to the German interior ministry. A delegation of German officials is expected to be visiting Italy in late August to carry out checks on a group of people slated to be relocated to Germany.

      Italy — located across the Central Mediterranean from Libya and Tunisia — is the main destination for migrants and refugees hoping to reach Europe from Africa. Last week, well over 1,000 of people arrived on Italy’s shores. In 2021, more than 67,000 people arrived in the country via sea alone.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/42929/first-asylum-seekers-relocated-from-italy-to-france-via-new-eu-mechani

      #Italie

  • Course poursuite entre #Sospel et #Nice : la personne blessée par le tir d’un policier est décédée (16 juin 2022)

    Une personne est décédée jeudi 16 juin après avoir été atteinte par le tir d’un policier qui a tenté de stopper la fourgonnette avec laquelle des passeurs venaient de forcer un barrage depuis l’Italie, quatre autres migrants à leur bord.

    (#paywall)
    https://www.nicematin.com/faits-divers/course-poursuite-entre-sospel-et-nice-la-personne-blessee-par-le-tir-dun-

    #Italie #France #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #décès #mort #mourir_aux_frontières #Vintimille

    #Omar_El-Khoury #Omar_Elkhouli
    –—

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur les morts à la frontière de Vintimille :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/784767

    lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts aux frontières alpines :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • Nice : un migrant blessé par #balles lors d’une #course_poursuite de 40 kilomètres avec la police

      Le conducteur du fourgon qui transportait les deux migrants blessés cette nuit lors d’une poursuite avec la police, est en fuite ainsi que deux autres passagers.

      –—
      Précision : dans une précédente version de cet article, nous indiquions que deux migrants avaient été blessés par balles. Mais, si les deux ont été pris en charge, seul un migrant a été touché par les tirs, l’autre a été victime d’un malaise.
      –—

      Une personne a été blessée par balles dans la nuit du mardi 14 au mercredi 15 juin à l’issue d’une course poursuite avec la #police à Nice dans le quartier des #Moulins (Alpes-Maritimes), selon une source policière révélée par franceinfo. Touchée à la tête, elle est hospitalisée dans un état grave, précise le procureur de la République de Nice dans un communiqué.

      Il s’agit d’un migrant âgé de 35 ans et de nationalité égyptienne. Il faisait partie des passagers d’une camionette frigorifique qui a foncé sur des policiers. Avec lui, quatre autres migrants ont été interpellés. L’un d’eux a été pris en charge également, victime d’un malaise, selon des précisions apportées par France Bleu Azur. L’IGPN est saisie, a-t-on appris de source judiciaire. Trois hommes, dont le conducteur, sont en fuite.

      Selon les informations de franceinfo, tout a commencé vers deux heures du matin, lors d’une opération conjointe de police franco-italienne à la frontière sur la commune de Sospel (Alpes-Maritimes) à la frontière italienne. Le fourgon transportait cinq migrants, plus trois personnes dont le conducteur, a-t-on appris de source judiciaire. Le véhicule a d’abord refusé d’obtempérer au contrôle de la police. Une course poursuite de 40 kilomètres s’est alors engagée jusqu’à Nice, au quartier des Moulins.

      La police a tiré sur le véhicule qui les chargeait

      Le fourgon s’est arrêté avant de redémarrer et a foncé sur les policiers de la #police_aux_frontières (#PAF). Ces derniers ont fait usage de leurs #armes et ont tiré à quatre reprises. Deux personnes, des migrants, à bord du véhicule ont été blessés, l’une grièvement par balles, l’autre prise d’un malaise. Le conducteur et deux autres passagers ont réussi à s’enfuir, laissant sur place les cinq migrants.

      https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/europe/migrants/info-franceinfo-nice-deux-migrants-blesses-par-balles-lors-d-une-course

    • La véritable histoire d’#Omar_Elkhouli, tué par un #tir policier à la frontière italienne

      Cet Égyptien a été tué par balle mi-juin après une course-poursuite entre les policiers et la camionnette où il se trouvait, avec d’autres sans-papiers. Présenté comme un « migrant », il vivait en fait en France depuis 13 ans, et s’était rendu en Italie pour tenter d’obtenir une carte de séjour.

      L’histoire d’Omar Elkhouli est emblématique de la violence aux frontières et des risques encourus par les exilé·es qui tentent d’éviter les contrôles de police. Elle est aussi symptomatique des difficultés administratives que rencontrent les étrangères et étrangers en France, en préfecture, pour obtenir des papiers.

      « Omar vivait en France depuis 13 ans », souffle Mohamed, installé dans le salon de sa maison à Carrières-sur-Seine (Yvelines). Il le connaissait à peine, mais c’est lui qui a dû rechercher les proches d’Omar en Égypte, afin de leur apprendre la nouvelle de son décès.

      Âgé de 35 ans, Omar Elkhouli a été blessé par balle à la tête dans la nuit du 14 au 15 juin, à la frontière franco-italienne, alors qu’il se trouvait dans une camionnette conduite par des passeurs. Le véhicule a d’abord été pris en chasse par la police italienne, puis par la police aux frontières (PAF) française, qui a ouvert le feu.

      Omar Elkhouli est mort mercredi 15 juin en fin de journée. « Le migrant égyptien est décédé », titrent alors des médias français. Personne n’imagine qu’il était en réalité établi en France depuis de longues années, et n’aspirait, ce soir-là, qu’à rentrer chez lui.

      « On était juste allés en Italie pour tenter d’avoir une carte de séjour », expliquent Momein et Elmatwely, deux passagers de la fourgonnette, rencontrés par Mediapart au domicile de Mohamed le 26 juin.

      « On leur rend la vie tellement impossible ici que même quand ils ont des années de présence en France, qu’ils travaillent et qu’ils ont des promesses d’embauche sérieuses, ils se retrouvent à faire appel à des entremetteurs qui proposent de leur faire des documents par le biais de trafics », surenchérit Mohamed en extirpant un épais dossier du buffet.

      Depuis 2018, Mohamed regroupe tous les documents permettant de prouver la présence de Momein en France, en vue de déposer une demande de régularisation auprès de la préfecture de Seine-Saint-Denis. « Je suis insomniaque, je me lève presque toutes les nuits pour tenter de lui trouver un rendez-vous pour le dépôt du dossier, mais il n’y en a jamais », dit-il, conscient de ce que son pays inflige aux personnes étrangères.

      Momein et Mohamed se sont rencontrés en 2016, alors que le premier réalisait des travaux chez la sœur du second – beaucoup d’exilés égyptiens travaillent dans le BTP. « On a tout de suite sympathisé, il est devenu un ami. » Un jour, Momein lui explique vouloir aller en Italie avec son ami Omar, pour rencontrer un intermédiaire, qui fournit de faux documents aux sans-papiers, afin de leur permettre d’obtenir une carte de séjour italienne.

      Mohamed les aide à acheter leur billet de train de Paris à Milan, et suit leur trajet « en direct », pour être certain que tout se passe bien. « J’ai encore le billet d’Omar dans nos échanges WhatsApp », glisse-t-il avant de cliquer sur sa photo de profil. « Il était si jeune. » Momein et Omar prennent le train samedi 11 juin au matin et parviennent à déposer leur dossier en préfecture en Italie, grâce au dossier monté par le trafiquant.
      Un rabatteur et une plongée en enfer

      Lorsqu’ils veulent rentrer en France, mardi 14 juin, où plusieurs chantiers en cours les attendent, il n’y a plus de train pour Paris depuis Vintimille. Ils sont approchés par un rabatteur, qui propose de les aider à traverser la frontière. « Il nous a dit qu’il y avait la police à la gare et que c’était risqué de rester là. On s’est dit que c’était une solution », raconte Momein, qui enchaîne les allers-retours au jardin pour griller une cigarette. « Il ne fumait que très occasionnellement avant, commente Mohamed en le voyant se lever. Mais depuis son retour, il n’arrête pas. »

      Le rabatteur trouve Elmatwely, le troisième passager égyptien, marchant sur le bord de la route tout près de la gare. Ce dernier venait d’arriver à Vintimille, il était minuit passé. « Il m’a dit qu’il y avait deux autres Égyptiens pour me mettre en confiance. Je connais bien cette frontière pour l’avoir passée plusieurs fois. Je savais que je risquais un contrôle », raconte-t-il à Mediapart.

      Elmatwely, qui s’était rendu en Italie pour renouveler son titre de séjour expiré, avait déjà été arrêté à deux reprises à la gare, et ramené en Italie. Cette fois, il marche 500 mètres avec Momein et Omar pour rejoindre un parking, où trois passeurs et un camion frigorifique les attendaient.

      « On a donné 50 euros chacun au rabatteur, et les passeurs nous ont dit qu’on les paierait 200 euros à notre arrivée à Nice », poursuit Momein.

      Le camion démarre aux alentours de 0 h 50 et s’arrête peu de temps après, sans doute pour faire le plein d’essence, présument les deux rescapés. « La police française nous a montré une vidéo où l’on voit les trois passeurs à une station essence », précise Momein. Leur dialecte lui laisse penser qu’ils sont algériens, ce que Mediapart n’a pas pu confirmer auprès du parquet de Nice. « Ils étaient jeunes. Pas plus de 30 ans. »

      Les sirènes de la police italienne retentissent 15 minutes après leur départ. Deux Algériens sont aussi à l’arrière du véhicule, parmi les passagers clandestins.

      « On demandait aux passeurs de s’arrêter mais ils accéléraient. Ils prenaient des virages serrés, on se cognait les uns contre les autres. À un moment donné, c’était tellement agité qu’Omar s’est retrouvé à ma place [à l’arrière droite du camion] et moi à la sienne », se remémore Momein.

      La scène dure environ 45 minutes. La police italienne a-t-elle ouvert le feu ? Momein et Elmatwely ne parviennent pas à se mettre d’accord. « Non », dit l’un. « Si, rétorque l’autre, mais ils visaient le châssis de la voiture. » C’est plus tard, durant la course-poursuite avec la PAF qu’Omar reçoit une balle à l’arrière de la tête.

      « Si on n’avait pas été bousculés à l’arrière, c’est moi qui l’aurais reçue », soupire Momein, la mâchoire serrée. Pour stopper l’hémorragie, ce dernier retire sa veste et appuie sur la plaie autant qu’il le peut. Mais Omar perd trop de sang.

      « Omar était encore conscient et priait Dieu », assure Elmatwely en mimant son geste. « Mais il y avait tellement de sang… », ajoute Momein, qui s’arrête brusquement de parler pour ravaler des larmes.

      Malgré leurs supplications, les passeurs refusent de s’arrêter. « On frappait sur la paroi de séparation en hurlant que l’un de nous était blessé à la tête, mais ils continuaient à accélérer. Un des passagers algériens a même appelé le rabatteur au téléphone pour qu’il dise au conducteur de s’arrêter. On a tous cru qu’on allait mourir. »

      « Il s’agissait d’un fourgon frigorifique, il n’y avait donc pas de fenêtres ou de portes à l’arrière pour permettre aux migrants de s’échapper », complète Me Zia Oloumi, leur avocat, qui s’est battu pour obtenir leur libération, une fois le cauchemar terminé.

      À leur arrivée à Nice, vers 2 heures du matin, plusieurs véhicules de police les attendent. Les passeurs « s’évaporent dans la cité », qu’ils semblaient « bien connaître », selon Elmatwely. Une fois la portière ouverte, Momein fait une crise d’angoisse et perd connaissance.

      « Des policiers lui mettaient des coups de pied pour voir s’il réagissait. Ils ont mis 15 minutes à prendre en charge Omar, poursuit son compagnon. Une policière était en état de choc en découvrant la scène, j’ai essayé de l’interpeller en plongeant mes mains dans le sang d’Omar tant elle ne réagissait pas », poursuit-il.

      Omar, puis Momein, sont conduits à l’hôpital. Les autres sont amenés au commissariat. « Les ambulanciers avaient déchiré mes vêtements, pleins de sang, mais quand ils ont vu que je n’étais pas blessé à l’hôpital, la police est venue me chercher. Ils m’ont emmené au poste en boxer », se souvient Momein. Une humiliation.

      En état de choc, Elmatwely estime avoir été « pressé comme un citron », interrogé sans même pouvoir se concentrer, sans avoir pu se changer, ni manger ou, dans un premier temps, boire. À leur sortie du commissariat, en début de soirée le 15 juin, les passagers de la camionnette sont placés en rétention, et se voient délivrer une obligation de quitter le territoire français (OQTF). Sans suivi psychologique particulier.

      Elmatwely et Momein, qui se disent aujourd’hui « liés par la mort », n’ont plus goût à la vie. « On n’arrive plus à se projeter. On est venus ici pour se construire un avenir, pas pour vivre ce genre de choses. » L’avocat Zia Oloumi a réussi à les faire sortir lundi 20 juin, grâce à une décision de la cour d’appel d’Aix-en-Provence au vu de leur « vulnérabilité », de leur « état psychologique » et des « circonstances particulières de l’affaire ».

      « Le premier juge des libertés et de la détention, qui a pourtant tellement l’habitude de prolonger la durée de rétention qu’on le surnomme “Bonjour 28 jours”, avait déjà considéré qu’il y avait atteinte au droit à la santé et avait demandé leur sortie de rétention, détaille l’avocat. Mais le parquet a fait appel. Le préfet s’est battu pour maintenir ces personnes en rétention malgré le drame qu’ils avaient vécus. »
      La vie tranquille d’Omar Elkhouli en région parisienne

      À leur sortie de rétention, les deux Égyptiens ont porté plainte contre X et contre la police pour « mise en danger de la vie d’autrui ».

      Contacté par Mediapart, le parquet de Nice indique que deux enquêtes sont ouvertes : l’une, contre X, confiée à un juge d’instruction, pour les chefs « d’aide à l’entrée et à la circulation en France d’étrangers en situation irrégulière dans des conditions incompatibles avec la dignité humaine », « refus d’obtempérer aggravé par la mise en danger d’autrui », « tentative d’homicide sur personne dépositaire de l’autorité publique » ; l’autre, sous l’autorité du parquet, confiée à l’IGPN (Inspection générale de la police nationale), des chefs « d’homicide volontaire » concernant la victime du tir policier. Selon nos informations, le corps d’Omar Elkhouli devait être rapatrié en Égypte vendredi 1er juillet.

      Depuis Paris, Mohamed a activé son réseau pour retrouver la famille d’Omar dans la région de Gharbeya. Il est finalement parvenu à joindre un de ses cousins vivant en France, auquel il a demandé de se manifester au plus vite auprès de la justice pour permettre le rapatriement du corps.

      Ce cousin s’est aussi rendu au domicile d’Omar en région parisienne, pour récupérer son passeport égyptien et d’autres documents nécessaires aux démarches. Ses colocataires, Ibrahim, Mahmoud et Rezk, que Mediapart a retrouvés, n’arrivent toujours pas à y croire Omar vivait là depuis quatre ans, après avoir vécu avec Ibrahim dans un autre logement à Aubervilliers.

      « On a passé dix ans ensemble, jour et nuit. C’était mon frère », dit ce dernier lorsque nous les rencontrons dans leur appartement à Sarcelles (Val-d’Oise), lundi 27 juin. Les trois colocataires ont laissé sa chambre telle quelle : un lit, un canapé et une armoire occupent l’espace, des calligraphies coraniques décorent les murs ; le tapis sur lequel Omar priait repose encore sur son lit.

      « Omar était quelqu’un de pieux », appuient-ils. Il était aussi passionné d’haltérophilie, entretenant un compte TikTok où il publiait pléthore de vidéos où l’on peut le voir s’entraîner ou coacher des adhérents. Ibrahim se souvient de leur première rencontre, à son arrivée en France dix ans plus tôt.

      « Je suis arrivé sans rien. Je venais de traverser la mer et j’avais des claquettes aux pieds. Un ami en Égypte m’a donné son contact en me disant qu’il pourrait peut-être m’aider. Il m’a hébergé, m’a trouvé du boulot et m’a prêté 100 euros. » À vrai dire, il les a tous aidés. Mahmoud, qui errait dans les rues de Paris sans aucun contact en arrivant en France, a fini par être mis en relation avec lui.

      « Nos propres frères ne nous ont pas aidés comme il l’a fait », résument-ils, ajoutant qu’il organisait aussi des collectes d’argent pour les personnes endeuillées et dans le besoin en Égypte. « On veut que le monde entier sache qu’il n’était pas un “migrant”. Il vivait en France, il n’avait jamais eu d’ennuis avec la police. Il ne méritait pas de mourir ainsi. » Grâce à ses chantiers dans le BTP, Omar envoyait de l’argent à ses proches restés en Égypte chaque mois. Avant cela, il avait vécu deux ans à Dubaï, où il était cuisinier.

      « Pourquoi on nous traite comme ça ? Parce qu’on est des Arabes ? Dites-moi qui veut se lever tous les jours à 5 heures du matin pour aller travailler sur les chantiers ! », clame Mahmoud. « Omar avait des rêves d’Europe et avait choisi de rejoindre un pays de liberté », souligne Ibrahim. Mais après treize années de présence en France, Omar s’est trouvé face à un mur administratif.

      « Il savait qu’il serait impossible de prouver son existence sur treize ans. Mais surtout, il savait qu’il était impossible d’avoir un simple rendez-vous en préfecture. Un de mes amis, Égyptien également, travaille en étant déclaré et a accumulé plus de 40 fiches de paie. Cela fait trois ans qu’il n’arrive pas à prendre rendez-vous en préfecture. En entendant cette histoire, Omar a été totalement découragé », relate Ibrahim.

      Lorsqu’il apprend, en même temps que Momein, qu’un intermédiaire peut aider à obtenir une carte de séjour en Italie, Omar se raccroche à cette hypothèse. « Il voulait juste pouvoir retourner en Égypte voir ses proches. Notre hantise est de ne pas les revoir avant qu’ils ne décèdent », confie Ibrahim, qui n’a jamais revu ses parents et son épouse, aujourd’hui décédés. Et d’ajouter : « Omar voulait se fiancer. Il voulait pouvoir faire des allers-retours librement. » La phrase résonne dans la chambre du défunt, résumant à elle seule les conséquences de politiques migratoires injustes et mortifères.

      Le drame a bousculé Rezk, dont la décision est prise. Il rentrera en Égypte dès cet été. « Je ne peux plus rester ici », souffle cet ancien artisan du marbre, qui n’avait pas pour objectif l’Europe : lui et Ibrahim s’étaient d’abord exilés en Libye, où ils travaillaient et gagnaient « bien mieux », mais la guerre les a ensuite poussés au départ.

      Omar était aussi très impliqué dans la vie de son quartier, allant régulièrement rendre visite à deux personnes âgées vivant non loin de là. « Il avait même les clés de l’appartement de l’une d’elles et ses enfants l’appelaient pour prendre des nouvelles de leur mère », complète Ibrahim, qui vient tout juste de reprendre le travail tant la nouvelle l’a affecté. « J’ai voulu aller à la salle de sport où on allait ensemble tous les soirs, mais je me suis arrêté net devant la porte sans pouvoir entrer. »

      Avec qui ira-t-il au travail, au marché ou à la poste ?, énumère-t-il à l’entrée de leur immeuble, en montrant le nom d’Omar sur la boîte aux lettres. Un voisin lui présente ses condoléances. Le bail de location et les factures d’électricité, qui étaient à son nom, devront être modifiés. « Les choses ne seront plus jamais comme avant. On ne va rien faire de sa chambre pour l’instant, on verra plus tard, dit Ibrahim. On sait qu’on ne rencontrera plus jamais quelqu’un comme lui. »

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/030722/la-veritable-histoire-d-omar-elkhouli-tue-par-un-tir-policier-la-frontiere

    • Nice : un migrant blessé par balle par la police

      Un migrant a été grièvement blessé dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi à Nice. L’homme se trouvait dans un fourgon dont le conducteur avait forcé un premier barrage de police à Sospel, à la frontière franco-italienne, avant d’engager une course-poursuite jusqu’à Nice. Les forces de l’ordre ont alors ouvert le feu.

      Vers 2h du matin dans la nuit de mardi 14 à mercredi 15 juin, un fourgon transportant plusieurs migrants a forcé un barrage dans la commune de Sospel, située près de la frontière franco-italienne, dans la vallée de la Roya.

      Une course-poursuite s’est alors engagée sur 40 km jusqu’à Nice. Selon France Bleu Azur, la voiture se serait alors arrêtée avant de redémarrer et de foncer sur des agents de la police aux frontières (PAF), dans le quartier niçois sensible des Moulins.

      Le conducteur et ses deux acolytes auraient ensuite pris la fuite à pied, abandonnant les cinq exilés à bord. Les policiers ont fait usage de leurs armes et ont tiré à quatre reprises.
      L’IGPN a été saisie

      Parmi les cinq migrants découverts dans le fourgon, un a été blessé par balle et son « pronostic vital était engagé dans la nuit », a précisé la Direction départementale de la sécurité publique (DDSP) à l’AFP. Un autre a été pris en charge par les secours pour un malaise.

      L’inspection générale de la police nationale (IGPN) a été saisie de ce dossier, comme c’est systématiquement le cas lorsqu’un policier fait usage de son arme de service, a indiqué le procureur de la République de Nice.

      https://twitter.com/cestrosi/status/1537022125906722816

      Le maire de la ville, Christian Estrosi, proche du parti présidentiel, a apporté sur Twitter son soutien aux forces de l’ordre. « Je déplore bien évidemment les blessures occasionnées dans le fourgon mais elles sont le résultat d’un acte criminel auquel il était nécessaire de mettre un terme pour la sécurité de nos policiers et gendarmes afin d’éviter d’autres drames », a-t-il écrit.
      Au moins 30 morts à la frontière depuis 2015

      Des milliers de migrants tentent chaque année de franchir la frontière franco-italienne pour pénétrer sur le sol français, au péril de leur vie. Les exilés prennent tous les risques pour essayer de traverser la frontière, très surveillée. Ils montent sur le toit des trains ou empruntent des sentiers dangereux à travers la montagne pour éviter d’être repérés par les forces de l’ordre.

      En février, le corps carbonisé d’un homme avait été retrouvé sur le toit d’un train régional qui reliait la ville italienne de Vintimille à la France. En novembre, le cadavre d’un migrant africain, en état de décomposition avancée, avait été découvert dans une gorge, non loin de Vintimille. La personne avait probablement chuté en tentant de rejoindre la France.

      Selon les associations, au moins 30 exilés sont décédés à la frontière franco-italienne depuis 2015.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/41219/nice--un-migrant-blesse-par-balle-par-la-police

    • Un autre meurtre par la police, une autre violence pour la frontière.

      Le 16 juin 2022, un homme est décédé des suites d’une blessure à la tête causée par un tir policier. La raison sous-jacente est que, dans le véhicule, il y avait des personnes sans papiers et que le conducteur a refusé d’obtempérer.

      La police tue, la frontière aussi

      Le 16 juin 2022, un homme est décédé des suites d’une blessure à la tête causée par un tir policier. A part quelques articles de presse , ce qu’il s’est produit à la frontière franco-italienne le 15 juin 2022 est passé inaperçu. Pourtant, cela s’inscrit dans dans la continuité d’une série d’épisodes similaires et dans le débat qu’ils ont suscités sur l’usage de la violence par la police face à des refus d’obtempérer face à des automobilistes.

      Ce que l’on sait :

      Selon le communiqué du procureur de la République de Nice, la PAF aurait reçu de la part de ses homologues italiens le signalement d’une camionnette transportant des personnes en situation irrégulière, se dirigeant de la Vallée de la Roya vers Nice, en passant par Fanghetto (Italie) et Sospel (France). C’est l’une des voies de passage bien connues de la zone. Dans le PV de l’enquête (que nous avons pu consulter), la PAF admet que le contrôle effectué cette nuit là s’est effectué dans le cadre de la réintroduction des contrôles aux frontières intérieures de l’espace Schengen (cf. infra). Repérée en amont, la camionnette aurait donc refusé d’obtempérer une première fois entre Fanghetto et Sospel, dans une route de col en lacet. S’enclanche alors une course-poursuite de 40 kilomètres sur des routes de montagne sinueuses. A Cantaron, dans les hauteurs de Nice la police aurait de nouveau tenté de bloquer la route, et c’est là que, le conducteur forçant de nouveau le passage, la police aurait tiré à 4 reprises en justifiant d’une situation de légitime défense. L’une des personnes qui était à l’arrière du camion a alors reçu une balle à la tête. La camionnette a continué sa fuite, suivie jusqu’au quartier des Moulins à Nice (une vingtaine de kilomètres plus loin par l’autoroute)où le véhicule aurait été abandonné et le conducteur ainsi que 2 personnes assises a l’avant auraient pris la fuite. Le blessé et 4 autres passagers auraient été retrouvés sur place par la police. 2 impacts de balles au niveau des feux avant et des roues ont été constatés par le procureur, l’un ayant transpercé la carrosserie. Suite à cela le blessé grave (et un autre blessé léger en état de choc) a été transporté à l’hôpital où il a succombé à ses blessures le lendemain. Alors que le blessé agonisait à l’hôpital, les autres passagers, ont été arrêtés puis conduits au Centre de Rétention Administrative (CRA) de Nice.
      Le lendemain, le 17 juin 2022, malgré la décision de libération prise par le Juge des Libertés et de la Détention (JLD), le Procureur s’acharne et s’obstine en faisant appel de la décision, prolongeant ainsi la double-peine infligée aux victimes, encore sous le choc. Celles-ci risquent désormais un mois de détention suivi d’un éloignement du territoire.

      La frontière tue

      En 2015 la France suspend unilatéralement l’application du Code Frontière Schengen d’abord pour cause formelle de COP21, puis d’antiterrorisme (suite au bataclan). Depuis 2020, le coronavirus est le dernier argument en date venu renforcer encore plus le mythe d’une frontière étanche à tous les maux du monde. Mais en réalité, les habitants du territoire savent très bien que le dispositif cible bien autre chose que le terrorisme ou le Covid. Dans la pratique, il cible les exilé.e.s arrivant d’Italie. C’est d’ailleurs ce qui force ces derniers à trouver d’autres voies de passage plus dangereuses ou coûteuses, et ce qui explique la prolifération des passeurs depuis lors à la frontière franco-italienne. Bien que le code frontières Schengen autorise les Etats-membres à réintroduire des contrôles systématiques à leurs frontières intérieures, cette mesure ne peut en aucun cas dépasser un délai de 2 ans selon ce même code. Or, la France a maintenu ces contrôles de 2015 à aujourd’hui. Le dispositif dans lequel s’inscrit l’opération ayant conduit à la mort d’un migrant est donc illégal au regard du droit européen, comme l’a encore rappelé la Cour de Justice de l’Union Européenne (CJUE) le 26 avril dernier.

      Vu qu’il perdure depuis 5 ans, rien d’étonnant à ce que ce type de contrôle, pourtant illégal au regard du droit européen, reste indiscuté dans l’opinion publique. De même, rien d’étonnant à ce que le degré de violence dont la PAF ait fait preuve ne soit pas mesuré à l’aune du délit initial dont ils ont été averti dès le début par leur homologues italiens : l’aide à l’entrée et au séjour irrégulier. Pour un délit toute somme « banal », la police a donc fait usage d’armes à feu au moins à quatre reprises.

      Faut-il s’étonner qu’une telle violence à nos frontière ne choque personne ? Ce n’est pas la première fois qu’un exilé meurt des balles de la police à cette frontière. En 1995 déjà,Todor, un enfant bosniaque, fut tué, toujours à Sospel et dans des conditions similaires. A l’époque, cela avait suscité un vif émoi. Si c’est la seconde fois qu’un.e exilé.e.s meurt directement des balles de la police, ce sont pas moins de 47 personnes qui ont péri en tentant de franchir la frontière franco-italienne depuis 2015. Alors oui, il semble ce qui choquait hier s’est banalisé.

      La police tue

      Ce drame vient, encore une fois, rappeler que la police tue, et qu’elle tue en toute impunité. Les parallèles avec la succession d’affaires récentes impliquant l’usage d’armes à feu face à des refus d’obtempérer est évidente. On pense à l’affaire du pont neuf, le meurtre de Souheil en août dernier dans le 3ème arrondissement de Marseille, celui tout récent de Raiana, ou encore ce qu’il s’est encore reproduit dans le même quartier du 18ème arrondissement de Paris le 17 juin.
      Dans tous ces cas, le refus d’obtempérer de la part d’un chauffeur semble avoir été suffisant pour justifier, aux yeux des tireurs, de la justice, de la presse et d’une part de l’opinion publique, l’usage « proportionné » de la force : une salve ininterrompue de tirs à balle réelle. Dans tous ces cas, on ne comprend donc pas bien comment les conducteurs aient pu à la fois « foncer sur le véhicule de police » et « prendre la fuite ». Soit le véhicule de police aurait du être percuté, soit en cas de fuite, la légitime défense ne se justifie pas. En d’autres termes, les témoignages des policiers se contredisent eux-mêmes. Dans tous ces cas, on ne comprend pas bien, vu que le conducteur cherchait à contourner le contrôle, son intérêt à braquer son volant sur les policiers. En revanche, on peut très bien imaginer l’intérêt des forces de l’ordre d’établir une telle version, de sorte à pouvoir plaider la légitime défense.

      Pour revenir à ce qu’il s’est passé dans les Alpes Maritimes, le communiqué de presse du Procureur nous apprend que deux enquêtes auraient été ouvertes. L’une contre les conducteurs/passeurs, pour aide à l’entrée et au séjour irréguliers, refus d’obtempérer "aggravé par la mise en danger d’autrui", et tentative d’homicide sur PDAP. L’autre, auprès de l’IGPN, contre les flics meurtriers, pour « violences volontaires avec arme par personne dépositaire de l’autorité publique suivie d’une incapacité supérieure à 8 jours ». Nous parlons ici d’un homme, simple passager, décédé d’une blessure à la tête des suites d’un tir policier. Et le Procureur parle d’une ITT de 8 jours. Tentative d’homicide volontaire pour un homme qui de toute vraisemblance a cherché à contourner (et non pas écraser) un barrage de police, violence volontaire ayant entraîné 8 jours d’ITT pour l’homme qui a porté le coup fatal et qui est sorti libre après quelques heures de garde à vue. Deux poids deux mesures.

      Les quatre personnes arrêtées ont été libérées suite à une audience le lundi 21 juin devant la Cour d’appel d’Aix.

      https://mars-infos.org/un-autre-meurtre-par-la-police-une-6421

    • "On veut que le monde entier sache qu’il n’était pas un « migrant »" : l’histoire d’Omar, tué par la police après une #course-poursuite entre Sospel et Nice

      Omar Elkhouli, un sans-papier égyptien, est décédé le 16 juin après avoir été atteint par le tir d’un policier, à la suite d’une course-poursuite entre Sospel et Nice. Ses proches, rencontrés par Mediapart, racontent son histoire.

      « On sait qu’on ne rencontrera plus jamais quelqu’un comme lui. » Les colocataires d’Omar Elkhouli pleurent la disparition de leur ami, survenue le 16 juin.

      Ce jour-là, Omar essaye de rentrer en France après s’être rendu en Italie pour obtenir une carte de séjour. Il est approché par un rabatteur, qui lui propose de lui faire passer la frontière dans un camion frigorifique avec d’autres personnes sans-papiers, dont l’un de ses amis, Momein.

      « On a donné 50 euros chacun au rabatteur et les passeurs nous ont dit qu’on les paierait 200 euros à notre arrivée à Nice », raconte l’Egyptien à Mediapart.
      « On demandait aux passeurs de s’arrêter »

      Dans le camion, se trouvent trois passeurs et cinq migrants. Une quinzaine de minutes après leur départ, la police italienne les repère.

      « On demandait aux passeurs de s’arrêter mais ils accéléraient, se souvient Momein. Ils prenaient des virages serrés, on se cognait les uns contre les autres. À un moment donné, c’était tellement agité qu’Omar s’est retrouvé à ma place [à l’arrière droite du camion] et moi à la sienne. »

      La police italienne aurait ouvert le feu, en visant le châssis de la voiture, puis la police aux frontières (PAF) française prend le relais. C’est là qu’Omar reçoit une balle à l’arrière du crâne.

      « On frappait sur la paroi de séparation en hurlant que l’un de nous était blessé à la tête mais ils [les passeurs] continuaient à accélérer. Un des passagers algériens a même appelé le rabatteur au téléphone pour qu’il dise au conducteur de s’arrêter. On a tous cru qu’on allait mourir. »

      En arrivant à Nice, dans le quartier des Moulins, les passeurs arrêtent la camionnette et s’enfuient. Les cinq passagers clandestins sont directement interpellés par la police.

      « Des policiers mettaient des coups de pied [à Omar] pour voir s’il réagissait », raconte à Mediapart un des migrants. « Ils ont mis 15 minutes à le prendre en charge », poursuit Momein.

      Omar est finalement conduit à l’hôpital, où il décède quelques heures après des suites de ses blessures, tandis que les autres migrants sont placés en rétention avant d’être relâchés le 20 juin, grâce à une décision de la cour d’appel d’Aix-en-Provence, en raison de leur « vulnérabilité », « état psychologique » et des « circonstances particulières de l’affaire ».
      Il travaillait et vivait en France depuis 13 ans

      Omar, 35 ans, vivait en France depuis 13 ans, selon ses proches, retrouvés par Mediapart. Depuis quatre ans, il logeait à Sarcelles, dans une colocation avec trois autres hommes.

      « Omar était quelqu’un de pieux. Nos propres frères ne nous ont pas aidés comme il l’a fait », assurent-ils. L’Egyptien travaillait sur des chantiers dans le BTP, il envoyait de l’argent tous les mois à ses proches restés en Égypte.

      Il était très impliqué dans la vie de son quartier, où il rendait régulièrement visite à deux personnes âgées. Le soir, Omar allait à la salle de sport, où il se filmait pour son compte TikTok.

      « Il savait qu’il serait impossible de prouver son existence sur 13 ans. Mais surtout, il savait qu’il était impossible d’avoir un simple rendez-vous en préfecture. Un de mes amis, Égyptien également, travaille en étant déclaré et a accumulé plus de 40 fiches de paie. Cela fait trois ans qu’il n’arrive pas à prendre rendez-vous en préfecture. En entendant cette histoire, Omar a été totalement découragé », relate Ibrahim, un de ses colocataires, très impacté par la mort de son ami.

      "On veut que le monde entier sache qu’il n’était pas un « migrant ». Il vivait en France, il n’avait jamais eu d’ennuis avec la police. Il ne méritait pas de mourir ainsi."

      (#paywall)
      https://www.nicematin.com/faits-de-societe/on-veut-que-le-monde-entier-sache-quil-netait-pas-un-migrant-lhistoire-do

  • Par les temps qui courent, c’est pas tous les jours qu’un Etat décide de démanteler un mur...
    Slovenia to dismantle border fence with Croatia

    Slovenia has announced that it will be taking down its border fence on the Croatian border by the end of the year. The Interior Ministry confirmed the plan to the news agency STA.

    Slovenia’s new government has vowed to remove the controversial fence that separates it from neighbouring Croatia. Construction on the fence started in late 2015 during the height of the what is often referred to as the ’European refugee crisis,’ when hundreds of thousands of people fled to EU countries from war-torn Syria.

    The fence was designed to curb irregular migration into Slovenia through the Balkans. It was extended several times since 2015, and is currently about 200 kilometers long.

    Many people have been insured trying to scale the structure, suffering considerable cuts on the barbed wire that was placed on top of the fence.
    New government wants to change direction

    Slovenia shares a 670 kilometer-long border with Croatia, meaning that roughly a third of their shared border has been fortified with a fence.

    Both countries are members of the European Union, but only Slovenia is also part of the Schengen Area — a group of European countries that have abolished border controls at their shared borders. In part because of this, Slovenia has seen a lot of people trying to cross its borders to get to other Schengen countries, like Germany, Austria or Italy.

    Both Croatia and Slovenia have repeatedly come under fire for their treatment of migrants and refugees; Croatia in particular has faced repeated accusations of conducting illegal pushbacks into neighboring Bosnia.

    The Slovanian new government, which was sworn in last week, wants to change the country’s border policies. The left-liberal government under Prime Minister Robert Golob committed itself to demolishing the border fence in its coalition agreement, and they have announced plans to instead monitor the border with drones and cameras.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/41109/slovenia-to-dismantle-border-fence-with-croatia
    #murs #barrières_frontalières #Croatie #Slovénie #frontière_sud-alpine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

    Mais bon... au lieu des murs... des #drones #caméras_de_vidéosurveillance... c’est pas vraiment un changement de cap... voir :
    Slovenia e flussi migratori : via il filo spinato, arrivano i droni
    https://seenthis.net/messages/966571

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Slovenija objavila koliko će trajati rezanje ograde na granici s Hrvatskom, mijenjaju politiku prema migrantima: Učit će ih jezik i integrirati u društvo

      Slovenska vojska ovih dana počinje s uklanjanjem 200 kilometara ograde na granici prema Hrvatskoj. Kako je najavila Tatjana Bobnar, ministrica unutrašnjih poslova u vladi Roberta Goloba, vojnici dnevno mogu ukloniti 200 metara žice, što znači da će posao biti gotov za 150 radnih dana, tj. potkraj veljače naredne godine. Ministrica Bobnar najavila je i značajne promjene u migracijskoj politici zemlje

      Bobnar uvjerava da će policija nakon uklanjanja žice temeljito obavljati nadzor granice te tako nastaviti osiguravati primjerenu razinu sigurnosti pograničnom stanovništvu.

      ’Vlada i MUP zalažu se za sigurne rute migranata i siguran prelazak granice za građane, stanovnike i migrante. Zbog toga smo osnovali novo savjetodavno tijelo koje se već sastalo s predstavnicima državnih tijela, organizacijama i predstavnicima civilnog društva koji rade na području migracija te će pripremiti cjelovitu migracijsku strategiju. Oni će se usredotočiti na osiguravanje sigurnijih putova migracija, učinkovitije procedure azila i dobivanje boravišnih dozvola kako bi se olakšali uvjeti za međunarodnu zaštitu i sustavnu integraciju u društvo. Azilante je potrebno sustavno integrirati u društvo i tržište rada te im omogućiti učenje jezika, a spriječiti iskorištavanje radnika’, smatra ministrica Bobnar.
      Slovenska ministrica vanjskih poslova Tatjana Bobnar

      Dakako, desna oporba smatra da je u pitanju zabrinjavajući zaokret. Oporbena Nova Slovenija (NSi) predviđa pogoršanje sigurnosne situacije jer se zbog nedostatka pšenice očekuju veće migracije iz sjeverne Afrike, a ojačat će i balkanska krijumčarska ruta, smatraju. Policijska kontrola, kako predviđa vlada, neće biti dovoljna.

      ’Nije realno to da dodatna tehnička sredstva, poput dronova koje ministrica često spominje, mogu pružati istu razinu sigurnosti kao tehničke barijere’, komentirao je odluku zastupnik Nove Slovenije Janez Žakelj. NSi stoga predlaže selektivno uklanjanje ograde, ne svugdje.

      Podsjetimo, Slovenija je izgradila 194 kilometra ograde tijekom migrantskog vala 2015., u razdoblju u kojem je kroz državu prolazilo pola milijuna ljudi, na vrhuncu čak 14.000 dnevno. ’Tada je ta krajnja mjera bila nužna, meni je bilo krajnje neugodno, nisu se dobro osjećali ni drugi u vladi’, prisjetio se za Televiziju Slovenije tadašnji premijer Miro Cerar.

      Po njegovu mišljenju, to je bio jedini način da se kontrolira gomila ljudi i da se o pravilno brine o njima. Inače, prijetilo je zatvaranje austrijske i talijanske granice, a ni južni susjed, kako kaže, nije se ponio baš susjedski.

      ’Hrvatska tada nije bila kooperativna, znamo da se i sama ilegalno organizirala i slala izbjeglice preko zelene granice, noću, preko rijeka’, podsjetio je Cerar.

      Ogradu je privremeno postavila tadašnja vlada i najavila da će biti uklonjena u najkraćem mogućem roku.

      https://www.tportal.hr/vijesti/clanak/slovenija-objavila-koliko-ce-trajati-rezanje-ograde-na-granici-s-hrvatskom-m

    • Slovenia’s interior minister faces no-confidence vote

      Opposition SDS Democrats tabled a motion of no-confidence on Tuesday against Interior Minister #Tatjana_Bobnar, alleging that he should be removed from office for his government’s decision to remove the long border fence erected to fight irregular migration between 2015 and 2016.

      The motion against Bobnar alleges misconduct and dereliction of duty and notes that his government’s decision to dismantle the fence built to stop the flow of irregular migrants has led to a surge in irregular migration.

      The government’s decision has had “security and political consequences,” said SDS lawmaker Branko Grims. Between January and August, Slovenia saw a 13% increase in irregular border crossings compared to the whole of last year, police data shows.

      Grims also pointed to the high increase in expressions of intent to apply for international protection. “Slovenia is becoming a destination country for illegal migrants,” he said.

      SDS has claimed for weeks that Bobnar has been knowingly opening borders to irregular migrants and putting citizens at risk.

      “If you work honestly and lawfully, you can face anyone in good conscience and defend your decisions at any time with reasonable arguments,” said Bobnar before the motion’s announcement, noting that she did not fear a motion that accused her of “solidarity and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

      In Slovenia, the opposition frequently uses no-confidence votes against ministers without actually being able to oust them. Instead, this allows the opposition to mount targeted attacks on the government and get significant airtime.

      The coalition parties said they firmly support Bobnar.

      https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/short_news/slovenias-interior-minister-faces-no-confidence-vote

  • Poland: Detained Syrian asylum seekers continue hunger strike

    A hunger strike by a group of Syrian asylum seekers being detained in a closed center south of Warsaw is into its ninth day. The men say they have been treated “like criminals”.

    Munzer, Ghith, Shadee, Rami and Mousa began their protest at the Lesznowola Guarded Center for Foreigners in Poland on April 19. It was a move prompted by frustration and loss of hope, they said.

    “We are sorry we are doing this,” the men wrote in a letter in English to the Office for Foreigners and the manager of the center, as they began the hunger strike.

    The letter said they were feeling intense psychological pressure and exhaustion “especially with … the harsh experience that we went through in Syria and Belarus.”

    They crossed the Polish border from Belarus “illegally”, the letter continued, because they had no other option. They have been given no convincing reason for their detention at the facility, where they have remained for more than two months.

    “The conditions in Lesznowola are not bad, but it is not about the conditions, but about the fact that we are treated like criminals,” one of the men told OKO.press. The 39-year-old left Syria in 2021 because he did not want to be drafted into the army, he said. He gave the Polish authorities all the information they requested and he could not understand why he was being locked up.

    The Lesznowola center is in a relatively isolated area about 15 kilometers south of the Polish capital Warsaw. Social media videos and photos by the Polish Border Guard (Straż Graniczna) show a well-equipped and clean facility with a gym, computer rooms, prayer rooms, a library and large areas outside for sport and relaxation.

    In a tweet this week the border guard said that EU commissioner Ylva Johansson had “positively assessed the conditions in the center” during a visit in February.

    In fact what Commissioner Johansson wrote was that her visit to the center showed there was “a possibility [our emphasis] to apply humane living conditions,” which, she continued, “Must be matched with efficient, fair asylum processes.”

    Grupa Granica, a network of human rights NGOs monitoring the Polish borders, called the facility a ’prison’. Activists linked to Grupa Granica said Wednesday that none of the five Syrians should be in the center, since it is against Polish law to hold people who have suffered torture in closed facilities. They note that the men have fled a violent civil war and experienced pushbacks when they attempted to cross the border to Poland.

    Posting on social media, the Polish aid group ’With Bread and Salt’ (Chlebem i Solą) said they had met two of the Syrian men last year in the woods on the border with Belarus. “We helped them to apply to the European Court of Human Rights, thanks to which they received a document that forbade the Polish authorities to once again deport them to Belarus. It was just when we knew they were safe that we called Straż Graniczna,” the group wrote. Unfortunately for the men, they were taken to closed facilties, some to the notorious Wędrzyn center, and have remained in detention ever since.

    Now into its 9th day, the hunger strike led a Polish MP, Katarzyna Piekarska, to intervene. Piekarska, from the Democratic Left Alliance, visited the center and spoke to one of the Syrian protesters, who said he was having problems with his nerves and trouble sleeping, she told OKO.press.

    According to Piekarska, the courts in Poland agree to request from the Border Guard to detain asylum seekers partly because it is “simply easier that way.”

    A spokesperson for the border guard told OKO.press that the Syrians were in detention “on the basis of a court order in connection with their illegal stay in our country.”

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/40162/poland-detained-syrian-asylum-seekers-continue-hunger-strike

    #Pologne #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_syriens #grève_de_la_faim #rétention #détention #Lesznowola

  • Italy : Two migrants killed, one injured in lorry accident on A10

    Yet another tragedy of migration has been reported in Italy, near the border with France. Two foreigners on Saturday morning (April 2) died after being hit by a lorry on the A10 highway between Genoa and Ventimiglia, near Bordighera, in the northwestern region of Liguria. A third person was seriously injured in the accident.

    The umpteenth tragedy of migration has been reported in Italy, near the border with France. The accident took place April 2 on the A10 highway connecting Genoa to the border city of Ventimiglia, in the northwestern region of Liguria.

    Two foreigners were hit and killed by a lorry while a third was seriously injured and taken to the hospital of Santa Corona in Pietra Ligure, in the province of Savona. All three are citizens of Sri Lanka.

    Sources on the ground said the three men were crossing the highway near the service station of Bordighera, in the direction of France, with four others who reportedly fled the scene.

    The lorry’s driver reportedly saw them appear suddenly and was unable to stop the vehicle on time to avoid the impact. The accident occurred at 7 am local time.

    The driver, a 32-year-old Italian man, was in a state of shock after the crash. He was driving to the Principality of Monaco to deliver pizzas and focaccias.
    Investigation on the scene

    The driver told rescuers: “I saw a group of people appear suddenly and saw them on the highway, I couldn’t avoid them”. He tested negative for alcohol use. Road police from Imperia Ovest are investigating the accident.

    The migrants could have been left at the service station by a trafficker or could have climbed down from a truck on which they were hiding, investigative sources said. Police will inspect images from video surveillance cameras at the gas station.

    A reported 23 migrants have died since 2015 while trying to reach France

    The one on Saturday was the umpteenth fatal accident involving migrants who were trying to reach France. Some have died after being hit by a car or lorry while walking on a highway, or by electrocution on the roof of a train. Others have drowned while trying to swim to a French beach or after falling off the Col de Mort, a rocky cliff overlooking the sea along the road leading to the border crossing of Ponte San Luigi, in Ventimiglia.

    According to volunteers who have been assisting migrants for years, a reported 23 foreigners have died in the area since 2015.
    Tragedy sparks new controversy on hosting policy in Ventimiglia

    The accident sparked a new controversy on hosting policies, landings and on the management of migrants in the area of the border Italian city of Ventimiglia, which has been under pressure for years.

    “Allowing immigrants to land in Italy and then abandoning them is unacceptable”, said on Saturday the city’s mayor, Gaetano Scullino (center-right). He expressed sorrow for the accident, saying migrants were “left to their own devices” and describing the lorry’s driver as an “innocent victim of this tragedy.”

    “Migration flows, which also involve those fleeing war, must and can be managed by Europe”, the mayor went on to say, citing as an example the management of Ukrainian refugees. “If immigration is only of an economic type, it is also naïve to accept it passively”, he concluded.

    The whip of the League party in the Liguria regional council, Stefano Mai, accused Interior Minister Luciana Lamorgese. “We have been denouncing for years the presence of migrants who walk on the A10, and the highway often closed to rescue them. The minister does not appear to be aware of this reality. It is necessary to stop landings, to take action on security at the border. Lamorgese must wake up,” he said.
    Bishop of Ventimiglia says France must end discrimination

    The bishop of Ventimiglia and Sanremo, Antonio Suetta, spoke about the accident in a statement released on Monday, April 4.

    “I quote the Holy Father and urge authorities, the French nation, to end as soon as possible such unjust discriminations and conducts, which impact poor and defenseless people as well as other European nations, in particular, in this case, Italy,” said Suetta.

    “I hope that in the political debate and in the electoral campaign leading up to the election of the new president of the French Republic such a humanitarian emergency will find the right attention, careful reflection and concrete perspectives for a solution,” added the bishop.

    He also stressed the need to open a hosting center in Ventimiglia, a project discussed over the past few months, also with the mediation of the interior ministry, but which has not yet been implemented.

    “The first three months of the ongoing year have already forced us to register four deaths”, concluded Suetta. “I also call on Italian authorities to urgently complete a temporary hosting center which had been originally planned for our border area.”

    The four deaths reported so far this year include two migrants who died of electrocution on as many trains bound for France (in February and March) and the pair who died on the A10 on Saturday.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39651/italy-two-migrants-killed-one-injured-in-lorry-accident-on-a10

    #Italie #France #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #décès #mort #mourir_aux_frontières #Vintimille
    –—

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur les morts à la frontière de Vintimille :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/784767

    lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts aux frontières alpines :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • La police tue, la frontière aussi

      Le 16 juin 2022, un homme est décédé des suites d’une blessure à la tête causée par un tir policier. A part quelques articles de presse locale (ici ou ici) ce qu’il s’est produit à la frontière franco-italienne le 15 juin 2022 est passé inaperçu. Pourtant, cela s’inscrit dans dans la continuité d’une série d’épisodes récents ayant suscité un vif débat sur l’usage de la violence par la police en cas de refus d’obtempérer par des automobilistes.

      Ce que l on sait :

      Selon le communiqué du procureur de la République de Nice, la PAF aurait reçu de la part de ses homologues italiens le signalement d’une camionnette transportant des personnes en situation irrégulière, circulant entre la vallée de la Roya et Nice, sur l’une des voies de passage bien connues de la zone frontalière. Dans le PV de l’enquête (que nous avons pu consulter), la PAF admet que le contrôle effectué cette nuit là s’est effectué dans le cadre de la réintroduction des contrôles aux frontières intérieures de l’espace Schengen (cf. infra). Repérée en amont, la camionnette aurait refusé d’obtempérer une première fois entre Fanghetto (Italie) et Sospel (Sospel). S’enclenche alors une course-poursuite de 40 kilomètres sur une route de montagne très sinueuse. A Cantaron, dans les hauteurs de Nice la police aurait de nouveau tenté de bloquer la route. C’est là que, le conducteur forçant de nouveau le passage, la police aurait tiré à 4 reprises en justifiant d’une situation de légitime défense. L’une des personnes qui était à l’arrière du camion a alors reçu une balle à la tête.

      Suivie par plusieurs véhicules de police, la camionnette a continué sa fuite jusqu’au quartier des Moulins à Nice. Le conducteur ainsi que 2 personnes assises a l’avant auraient pris la fuite, abandonnant le véhicule. Bloqués à l’arrière, le blessé et 4 autres passagers auraient été retrouvés sur place par la police. Deux impacts de balles au niveau des feux avant et des roues ont été constatés par le procureur, l’un ayant transpercé la carrosserie. Suite à cela le blessé grave (et un autre blessé léger en état de choc) a été transporté à l’hôpital où il a succombé à ses blessures le lendemain. Tandis que celui-ci agonisait à l’hopital, ses compagnons de route ont été arrêtés puis conduits au Centre de Rétention Administrative (CRA) de Nice.

      Reconnaissant entre autres l’absence de prise en charge en terme de santé mentale de personnes traumatisées, le Juge des Libertés et de la Détention (JLD) a ordonne leur libération le 17 juin. Cependant le Procureur s’est acharné en faisant appel de la décision, prolongeant ainsi la double-peine infligée aux victimes, encore sous le choc. Celles-ci risquent désormais un mois de détention suivi d’un éloignement du territoire.

      La frontière tue

      En 2015 la France suspend unilatéralement l’application du Code Frontière Schengen d’abord pour cause formelle de COP21, puis d’antiterrorisme (suite au bataclan). Depuis 2020, le coronavirus est le dernier argument en date venu justifier cela. Le mythe d’une frontière étanche à tous les maux du monde permet de cacher une réalité bien différente. Les habitants du territoire savent très bien que le dispositif cible bien autre chose que le terrorisme ou le Covid. Dans la pratique, il cible les exilé.e.s arrivant d’Italie. C’est d’ailleurs ce qui force ces derniers à trouver d’autres voies de passage plus dangereuses ou coûteuses, et ce qui explique la prolifération des passeurs depuis lors.

      Bien que le code frontières Schengen autorise les Etats-membres à réintroduire des contrôles systématiques à leurs frontières intérieures, cette mesure ne peut en aucun cas dépasser un délai de 2 ans selon ce même code. Or, la France a maintenu ces contrôles de 2015 à aujourd’hui. Le dispositif dans lequel s’inscrit l’opération ayant conduit à la mort de cette personne est donc illégal au regard du droit européen, comme l’a encore rappelé la Cour de Justice de l’Union Européenne (CJUE) le 26 avril dernier.

      Vu que ces contrôles sont illégaux depuis 5 ans, rien d’étonnant à ce que leur illégalité reste indiscuté dans l’opinion publique. De même, rien d’étonnant à ce que le degré de violence dont la PAF ait fait preuve ne soit pas mesuré à l’aune du délit initial dont ils ont été averti dès le début par leur homologues italiens : l’aide à l’entrée et au séjour irrégulier. Pour un délit toute somme « banal », la police a donc fait usage d’armes à feu au moins à quatre reprises.

      Faut-il s’étonner qu’une telle violence à nos frontière ne choque personne ? Ce n’est pas la première fois qu’un exilé meurt des balles de la police à cette frontière. En 1995 déjà, Todor, (https://www.amnesty.org/ar/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2021/06/eur210041995fr.pdf), un enfant bosniaque, fut tué, toujours à Sospel et dans des conditions similaires. A l’époque, cela avait suscité un vif émoi. Si c’est la seconde fois qu’un.e exilé.e meurt directement des balles de la police, ce sont pas moins de 47 personnes ((https://www.borderforensics.org/investigations/blessing-investigation) qui ont péri en tentant de franchir la frontière franco-italienne depuis 2015. Alors oui, il semble ce qui choquait hier s’est banalisé.

      La police tue

      Ce drame vient, encore une fois, rappeler que la police tue, et qu’elle tue en toute impunité. Les parallèles avec la succession d’affaires récentes impliquant l’usage d’armes à feu face à des refus d’obtempérer est évidente. On pense à l’affaire du pont neuf, le meurtre de Souheil en août dernier dans le 3ème arrondissement de Marseille, celui tout récent de Raiana, ou encore ce qu’il s’est à peine produit dans le même quartier du 18ème arrondissement de Paris.

      Dans tous ces cas, le refus d’obtempérer de la part d’un chauffeur semble avoir été suffisant pour justifier, aux yeux des tireurs, de la justice, de la presse et d’une part de l’opinion publique, l’usage « proportionné » de la force : une salve ininterrompue de tirs à balle réelle. Dans tous ces cas, on ne comprend donc pas bien comment les conducteurs aient pu à la fois « accélerer en direction du véhicule de police » et vouloir « prendre la fuite ». Soit le véhicule de police aurait du être percuté, soit en cas de fuite, la légitime défense ne se justifie pas. En d’autres termes, les témoignages des policiers se contredisent eux-mêmes. Dans tous ces cas, on ne comprend pas bien, vu que le conducteur cherchait à contourner le contrôle, son intérêt à braquer son volant sur les policiers. En revanche, on peut très bien imaginer l’intérêt des forces de l’ordre d’établir une telle version, de sorte à pouvoir plaider la légitime défense.

      Pour revenir à ce qu’il s’est passé dans les Alpes Maritimes : Le communiqué de presse du Procureur nous apprend que deux enquêtes ont été ouvertes. L’une contre les conducteurs/passeurs, pour aide à l’entrée et au séjour irréguliers, refus d’optempérer "aggravé par la mise en danger d’autrui", et tentative d’homicide sur PDAP. L’autre, auprès de l’IGPN, contre les flics meutriers, pour « violences volontaires avec arme par personne dépositaire de l’autorité publique suivie d’une incapacité supérieure à 8 jours ». Nous parlons ici d’un simple passager, décédé d’une blessure à la tête des suites d’un tir policier. Et le Procureur parle d’une ITT de 8 jours. Tentative d’homicide volontaire pour un homme qui de toute vraisemblance a cherché à contourner (et non pas écraser) un barrage de police, violence volontaire ayant entraîné 8 jours d’ITT pour l’homme qui a porté le coup fatal et qui est sorti libre après quelques heures de garde à vue. Deux poids deux mesures.

      via la mailing-list Migreurop, 19.06.2022

    • #Bordighera, sull’A10 è strage di migranti. Il conducente del furgone sotto shock: «Sono sbucati all’improvviso»

      L’autista si è sentito male ed è stato portato in ospedale.

      «Li ho visti, ho visto un gruppo di migranti sbucare all’improvviso». E’ sotto shock il conducente del furgone che stamani, poco prima delle 7, ha travolto un gruppo di stranieri che stavano attraversando la carreggiata sull’Autostrada dei Fiori, all’altezza dell’area di sevizio di Bordighera. Due migranti sono morti sul colpo, mentre un altro, di 32 anni, è rimasto gravemente ferito ed è stato traportato all’ospedale Santa Corona di Pietra Ligure.

      Il conducente del furgone targato Montecarlo è l’italiano Angelo D.V., che stava trasportando pizze e focacce nel Principato di Monaco. L’automobilista si è sentito male poco dopo l’accaduto: troppo forte lo shock per quanto accaduto.

      Gli agenti della sottosezione della polizia stradale di Imperia Ovest stanno ancora ricostruendo l’accaduto e soprattutto identificando le vittime, ma da quanto si apprende le tre persone coinvolte sarebbero tutti uomini di nazionalità cingalese. Sembra che il gruppo fosse composto da sette migranti, quattro dei quali sarebbero riusciti a mettersi in salvo e ad attraversare la carreggiata, probabilmente nel tentativo scavalcare la recinzione che divide l’Autofiori da Montenero, per poi raggiungere l’Aurelia.

      Non è ancora chiaro come i migranti siano arrivati nell’area di servizio: forse qualcuno li ha accompagnati fino a quel punto per poi lasciarli. Per ricostruire l’esatta dinamica di quanto accaduto, la polizia acquisirà le immagini delle telecamere presenti. A coordinare le indagini è il magistrato della Procura di Imperia Luca Scorza Azzarà.

      Al confine con l’Italia ormai gli stranieri morti sull’autostrada o in ferrovia sono decine. Una lunghissima scia di sangue, che sembra non avere fine. Solo il 2 marzo scorso, un migrante è morto folgorato nel tentativo di raggiungere la Francia, nascosto sul tettuccio di un treno regionale partito da Ventimiglia. Ma le tragedie sono tante, troppe.

      https://www.riviera24.it/2022/04/bordighera-sulla10-e-strage-di-migranti-il-conducente-del-furgone-sotto-sh

    • Migranti morti sulla A10, caccia ai passeur

      Chi ha accompagnato i migranti o indicato loro la strada tra l’Arziglia di Bordighera e l’A10 portandoli a quell’appuntamento con la morte? Chi sono i passeur che «aprono» i sentieri della speranza per passare il confine? E una volta nell’area di servizio cosa sarebbe accaduto? C’era un appuntamento con un camionista compiacente per arrivare in Francia? C’era qualcuno con delle tronchesi pronto ad aprire le porte di un Tir per trasformarlo in un nascondiglio? La polizia stradale, ma non solo, sta cercando di dare risposte chiare in merito alla tragedia avvenuta all’alba di sabato sull’autostrada, con due migranti investiti e uffici e un terzo in coma. Se l’autista, sanremese, del furgone che ha investito i due indiani è indagato per omicidio stradale colposo, non è escluso che esistano altre complicità per quanto avvenuto. E ancora: chi doveva verificare lo stato delle recinzioni dell’A10 ed impedire accessi abusivi? Se è vero che sono mesi e mesi che i sentieri di Montenero vengono utilizzati dai migranti per raggiungere l’autostrada come è possibile che non sia scattato un piano per rinforzare le protezioni e impedire ogni genere di scavalcamento (nell’interesse non solo dell’incolumità dei migranti ma anche degli utenti di galleria e viadotti)?

      Ieri la polizia è riuscita a dare un nome ad una delle vittime. Si tratta di un indiano di 36 anni che era già stato identificato in Italia (probabilmente al suo ingresso). Sono state le impronte digitali a portare alla sua scheda. Niente, invece, è emerso dal database del Ministero dell’Interno in merito alle impronte dell’altra vittima, rimasta completamente sfigurata nell’impatto (a questo proposito gli investigatori estenderanno le verifiche a livello internazionale). Non sono invece ancora state rilevate le impronte dell’indiano che si trova ricoverato in prognosi riservata e in coma in Rianimazione. I poliziotti lo potranno fare (anche per il rispetto dei protocolli Covid) solo se le sue condizioni miglioreranno e se verrà trasferito in un reparto ospedaliero di sub-intensiva.

      Nel frattempo le indagini si starebbero orientando lungo due piste, legate entrambe a canali informativi riservati. La prima è quella che porta agli altri componenti della «comitiva» che sabato mattina ha risalito Montenero verso l’autostrada (sicuramente non erano solo tre i migranti diretti sull’A10). La seconda interessa invece la «rete di illegalità» e di speculazioni che ruota intorno al fenomeno del popolo migrante e della sua odissea nel tentare di passare il confine con la Francia (con sistematici respingimenti da parte delle autorità transalpine). Si cercano anche testimoni che possano aver notato il gruppo di stranieri sull’Aurelia o in qualche luogo dove potrebbero aver passato la notte prima di raggiungere l’A10 e quel drammatico appuntamento con il destino a decine di migliaia di chilometri da casa.

      https://www.lastampa.it/imperia-sanremo/2022/04/04/news/migranti_morti_sulla_a10_caccia_ai_passeur-2916354

  • Migrants, Asylum Seekers Locked Up in Ukraine

    Scores of migrants who had been arbitrarily detained in Ukraine remain locked up there and are at heightened risk amid the hostilities, including military activity in the vicinity, Human Rights Watch said today. Ukrainian authorities should immediately release migrants and asylum seekers detained due to their migration status and allow them to reach safety in Poland.

    “Migrants and asylum seekers are currently locked up in the middle of a war zone and justifiably terrified,” said Nadia Hardman, refugee and migrant rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “There is no excuse, over a month into this conflict, for keeping civilians in immigration detention. They should be immediately released and allowed to seek refuge and safety like all other civilians.”

    In early March 2022, Human Rights Watch interviewed four men by telephone who are being held in the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Center in Volyn’ oblast. The detention site is a former military barracks in a pine forest, one hour from Lutsk, a city in northwestern Ukraine. All interviewees said that they had been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.

    The men asked that their nationalities not be disclosed for security reasons but said that people of up to 15 nationalities were being held there, including people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Syria.

    Zhuravychi and two other migrant detention facilities in Ukraine are supported with EU funding. The Global Detention Project has confirmed that the center in Chernihiv has now been emptied but the center in Mykolaiv is operating. Human Rights Watch has been unable to verify whether anyone is still detained there. The men said that at the time of the interviews more than 100 men and an unknown number of women were detained at the Zhuravychi MAC. Some have since been able to negotiate their release, in some cases with help from their embassies. Lighthouse Reports, which is also investigating the issue, has estimated that up to 45 people remain there. It has not been possible to verify this figure or determine whether this includes men and women.

    Three of the men said they were in Ukraine on student visas that had expired. All four had tried to cross the border into Poland but were intercepted by Polish border guard forces and handed directly to Ukrainian border guards. The men said they were sentenced to between 6 and 18 months for crossing the border irregularly after summary court proceedings for which they were not provided legal counsel or given the right to claim asylum.

    Whatever the original basis for their detention, their continued detention at the center is arbitrary and places them at risk of harm from the hostilities, Human Rights Watch said.

    While interviewees said that conditions in the #Zhuravychi detention center were difficult prior to the conflict, the situation significantly deteriorated after February 24. In the days following the Russian invasion, they said, members of the Ukrainian military moved into the center. The detention center guards moved all migrant and asylum seekers into one of the two buildings in the complex, freeing the second building for Ukrainian soldiers.

    A video, verified and analyzed by Human Rights Watch, shows scores of Ukrainian soldiers standing in the courtyard of the Zhuravychi MAC, corroborating the accounts that the Ukrainian military is actively using the site. Another video, also verified by Human Rights Watch, shows a military vehicle slowly driving on the road outside the detention center. Recorded from the same location, a second video shows a group of approximately 30 men in camouflage uniforms walking on the same road and turning into the compound next door.

    On or around the date after the full-scale invasion, the people interviewed said a group of detainees gathered in the yard of the detention center near the gate to protest the conditions and asked to be allowed leave to go to the Polish border.

    The guards refused to open the gate and instead forcibly quelled the protest and beat the detainees with their batons, they said. Human Rights Watch analyzed a video that appears to show the aftermath of the protest: a group of men crowd around an unconscious man lying on the ground. People interviewed said that a guard had punched him. A group of guards are also visible in the video, in black uniforms standing near the gate.

    “We came out to peacefully protest,” one of those interviewed said. “We want to go. We are terrified.… We tried to walk towards the gate … and after we were marching towards the gate.… They beat us. It was terrible. Some of my friends were injured.”

    Interviewees said that guards said they could leave Zhuravychi if they joined the Ukrainian war effort and added they would all immediately be granted Ukrainian citizenship and documentation. They said that no one accepted the offer.

    On March 18, five men and one woman were released when officials from their embassy intervened and facilitated their evacuation and safe travel to the border with Poland. Ukraine should release all migrants and asylum seekers detained at the Zhuravychi detention center and facilitate their safe travel to the Polish border, Human Rights Watch said.

    The European Union (EU) has long funded Ukraine’s border control and migration management programs and funded the International Center for Migration Policy Development to construct the perimeter security systems at Zhuravychi MAC. The core of the EU’s strategy has been to stop the flow of migrants and asylum seekers into the EU by shifting the burden and responsibility for migrants and refugees to countries neighboring the EU, in this case Ukraine. Now that Ukraine has become a war zone, the EU should do all it can to secure the release and safe passage of people detained in Ukraine because of their migration status. United Nations agencies and other international actors should support this call to release civilians at Zhuravychi and any other operational migrant detention centers and provide assistance where relevant.

    “There is so much suffering in Ukraine right now and so many civilians who still need to reach safety and refuge,” Hardman said. “Efforts to help people flee Ukraine should include foreigners locked up in immigration detention centers.”

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/04/04/migrants-asylum-seekers-locked-ukraine
    #Ukraine #réfugiés #migrations #asile #détention_administrative #rétention #emprisonnement

    • Migrants trapped in Ukrainian detention center while war rages on

      Several dozen irregular migrants were reportedly trapped in a detention center in northwestern Ukraine weeks into the Russian invasion, an investigation by several media outlets found. An unconfirmed number of migrants appear to remain in the EU-funded facility, from where migrants are usually deported.

      Imagine you are detained without being accused of a crime and wait to be deported to somewhere while an invading army bombs the neighboring town. This horrific scenario has been the reality for scores of migrants in northwestern Ukraine for weeks.

      A joint investigation between Dutch non-profit Lighthouse Reports, which specializes on transnational investigations, Al Jazeera and German publication Der Spiegel found that over five weeks after the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Afghani, Pakistani, Indian, Sudanese and Bangladeshi migrants were still detained in a EU-funded detention center near the northwestern Ukrainian city of #Lutsk.

      Although several people were recently released with the support of their embassies, Der Spiegel reported there were still dozens of who remained there at the end of March.

      According to the wife of one detainee who was released last week, the detention center offered no air raid shelter. Moreover, guards “ran down the street when the siren sounded,” both Der Spiegel and Al Jazeera reported.

      “The guards took away the detainees’ phones,” the woman told reporters. She also said that power outlets in the cells were no longer working and the whole situation was extremely dangerous. In fact, the nearby city of Lutsk has repeatedly come under attack since March 12.

      According to the investigation, the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Centre is located in a pine forest in the Volyn region, near the Belarusian border. Constructed in 1961 as an army barracks, the facility was converted into a migrant detention center in 2007 with EU funds, Al Jazeera reported.

      Reporters involved in the investigation spoke with recently released detainees’ relatives. They also analyzed photos and documents, which “verified the detainees’ presence in Ukraine before being placed in the center,” according to Al Jazeera.
      Calls for release of detainees

      Some detainees have been released since the beginning of the Russian invasion, including several Ethiopian citizens and an Afghan family, Al Jazeera reported. But politicians and NGOs have voice fear over those who remain in the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Center.

      “It is extremely concerning that migrants and refugees are still locked up in detention centers in war zones, with the risk of being attacked without any possibility to flee,” Tineke Strik, a Dutch member of the European Parliament from the Greens/EFA Group told reporters involved in the investigation.

      Human Rights Watch (HRW) also decried the ongoing detention of migrants at the facility during the war. In a report published on Monday (April 4), HRW said its staff interviewed four men by telephone who are being held in that Zhuravychi in early March. According to HRW, all four men said they had been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.

      “Migrants and asylum seekers are currently locked up in the middle of a war zone and justifiably terrified,” said Nadia Hardman, a refugee and migrant rights researcher with HRW. “There is no excuse, over a month into this conflict, for keeping civilians in immigration detention. They should be immediately released and allowed to seek refuge and safety like all other civilians.”

      According to the four interviewees, people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, Syria and four other nationalities were being held at the facility.

      Michael Flynn from the Global Detention Project told Der Spiegel that the Geneva Conventions (not to be confused with the Geneva Refugee Convention) “obliges all warring parties to protect civilians under their control from the dangers of the conflict.” He stressed that the detainees needed to be released as soon as possible.
      The EU’s bouncer

      According to the investigation, the European Union has funded at least three detention centers in Ukraine “for years,” effectively making the non-EU country a gatekeeper. The facility in question near Lutsk that’s apparently still in operation received EU support “to confine asylum seekers, many of them pushed back from the EU,” according to Lighthouse Reports.

      Der Spiegel reported that up to 150 foreigners were detained in the facility last year. Most of them tried in vain to reach the European Union irregularly and have to stay in deportation detention for up to 18 months.

      Since the turn of the millennium, according to Der Spiegel, the EU has invested more than €30 million in three detention centers.

      At the facility in Zhuravychi, Der Spiegel reported, the EU provided €1.7 million for electronic door locks and protection elements on the windows. While the EU called it an “accommodation”, Der Spiegel said was a refugee prison in reality.

      The European Commission did not respond to a request for comment about the facility and the detained migrants, Al Jazeera said. Ukrainian authorities also did not answer any questions.

      In early March, InfoMigrants talked to several Bangladeshi migrants who had been given deportation orders and were stuck inside detention centers, including in said Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Centre. Around a hundred migrants were staying there back then, according to Bangladeshi and Indian citizens detained there. They were released a few days later.

      “Russia has been particularly bombing military bases. That’s why we have been living in constant fear of getting bombed,” Riadh Malik, a Bangladeshi migrant told InfoMigrants. According to the New York Times, the military airfield in Lutsk was bombed on March 11.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39678/migrants-trapped-in-ukrainian-detention-center-while-war-rages-on

    • Immigration Detention amidst War: The Case of Ukraine’s Volyn Detention Centre

      A Global Detention Project Special Report

      In early March, shortly into Russia’s war on Ukraine, the Global Detention Project (GDP) began receiving email messages and videos from individuals claiming to know people who remained trapped in an immigration detention centre inside Ukraine, even as the war approached. We also received messages from a representative of the humanitarian group Alight based in Poland, who said that they too were receiving messages from detainees at Volyn, as well as identity documents, photos, and videos.

      The information we received indicated that there were several dozen detainees still at the Volyn detention centre (formally, “#Volyn_PTPI,” but also referred to as the “#Zhuravychi_Migrant_Accommodation_Centre”), including people from Pakistan, India, Eritrea, Sudan, Afghanistan, among other countries. They had grown particularly desperate after the start of the war and had held a demonstration to demand their release when the nearby town was shelled, which reportedly was violently broken up by detention centre guards.

      The GDP located a webpage on the official website of Ukraine’s State Secretariat of Migration that provided confirmation of the operational status of the Volyn facility as well as of two others. Although the official webpage was subsequently taken down, as of late March it continued to indicate that there were three operational migration-related detention centres in Ukraine, called Temporary Stay for Foreigners or #PTPI (Пункти тимчасового перебування іноземців та осіб без громадянства): Volyn PTPI (#Zhuravychi); #Chernihiv PTPI; and #Nikolaev PTPI (also referred to as the Mykolaiv detention centre).

      We learned that the Chernihiv PTPI, located north of Kyiv, was emptied shortly after the start of the war. However, as of the end of March 2022, it appeared that both the Volyn PTPI and Nikolaev PTPI remained operational and were holding detainees. We understood that the situation at the detention centres had been brought to the attention of relevant authorities in Ukraine and that the embassies of at least some of the detainees—including India—had begun arranging the removal of their nationals. Detainees from some countries, however, reportedly indicated that they did not want assistance from their embassies because they did not wish to return and were seeking asylum.

      In our communications and reporting on this situation, including on social media and through direct outreach to officials and media outlets, the GDP consistently called for the release of all migrants trapped in detention centres in Ukraine and for international efforts to assist migrants to seek safety. We highlighted important international legal standards that underscore the necessity of releasing detainees in administrative detention in situations of ongoing warfare. Important among these is Additional Protocol 1, Article 58C, of the Geneva Conventions, which requires all parties to a conflict to take necessary measures to protect civilians under their control from the effects of the war.

      We also pointed to relevant human rights standards pertaining to administrative detention. For example, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, in their seminal Revised Deliberation No. 5 on the deprivation of liberty of migrants, conclude that in “instances when the obstacle for identifying or removal of persons in an irregular situation from the territory is not attributable to them … rendering expulsion impossible … the detainee must be released to avoid potentially indefinite detention from occurring, which would be arbitrary.” Similarly, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has repeatedly found that when the purpose of such detention is no longer possible, detainees must be released (see ECHR, “Guide on Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights: Right to Liberty and Security,” paragraph 149.).

      In April, a consortium of press outlets—including Lighthouse Reports, Al Jazeera English, and Der Spiegel—jointly undertook an investigation into migrants trapped in detention in Ukraine and published separate reports simultaneously on 4 April. Human Rights Watch (HRW) also published their own report on 4 April, which called on authorities to immediately release the detainees. All these reports cited information provided by the GDP and interviewed GDP staff.

      HRW reported that they had spoken to some of the detainees at Volyn (Zhuravychi) and were able to confirm numerous details, including that “people of up to 15 nationalities were being held there, including people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Syria.” According to HRW, the detainees claimed to have “been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.” They said that there were more than 100 men and women at the facility, though according to Lighthouse Reports only an estimated 45 people remained at the centre as of 21 March.

      The interviewees said that conditions at the detention centre deteriorated after 24 February when members of the Ukrainian military moved into the centre and guards relocated the detainees to one of the two buildings in the complex, freeing the second building for the soldiers. When detainees protested and demanded to be released, the guards refused, forcibly putting an end to the protest and beating detainees. Some detainees claimed to have been told that they could leave the centre if they agreed to fight alongside the Ukrainian military, which they refused.

      An issue addressed in many of these reports is the EU’s role in financing immigration detention centres in Ukraine, which the GDP had previously noted in a report about Ukraine in 2012. According to that report, “In 2011, 30 million Euros were allocated to build nine new detention centres in Ukraine. According to the EU delegation to Ukraine, this project will ‘enable’ the application of the EU-Ukraine readmission by providing detention space for ‘readmitted’ migrants sent back to Ukraine from EU countries.”

      In its report on the situation, Al Jazeera quoted Niamh Ní Bhriain of the Transnational Institute, who said that the EU had allocated 1.7 million euros ($1.8m) for the securitisation of the Volyn centre in 2009. She added, “The EU drove the policies and funded the infrastructure which sees up to 45 people being detained today inside this facility in Ukraine and therefore it must call on Ukraine to immediately release those being held and guarantee them the same protection inside the EU as others fleeing the same war.”

      Efforts to get clarity on EU financing from officials in Brussels were stymied by lack of responsiveness on the part of EU officials. According to Al Jazeera, “The European Commission did not answer questions from Al Jazeera regarding its operation and whether there were plans to help evacuate any remaining people. Ukrainian authorities also did not respond to a request for comment.” The Guardian also reported in mid-April they had “approached the Zhuravychi detention facility and the Ukrainian authorities for comment” but had yet to receive a response as of 12 April.

      However, on 5 April, two MEPs, Tineke Strik and Erik Marquardt, raised the issue during a joint session of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice, and Home Affairs (LIBE) and the Committee on Development (DEVE). The MEPs urged the EU to take steps to assist the release of the detainees.

      In mid-April, reports emerged that some detainees who had been released from the Volyn PTPI in Zhuravychi were later re-detained in Poland. In its 14 April report, The Guardian reported that “some of those that were released from the centre in the first few days of the war are now being held in a detention centre in Poland, after they were arrested attempting to cross the Polish border, but these claims could not be verified.” On 22 April, Lighthouse Reports cited Tigrayan diaspora representatives as saying that two former detainees at the facility were refugees fleeing Ethiopia’s war in the region, where human rights groups report evidence of a campaign of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Despite being provided documents by Ukraine stipulating that they were stateless persons and being promised safe passage, Polish border guards detained the pair, arguing that there was an “extreme probability of escape.”

      Separately, human rights campaigners following the case informed the GDP in late April that they had evidence of immigration detainees still being locked up in Ukraine’s detention centres, including in particular the Nikolaev (Mykolaiv) PTPI.

      The GDP continues to call for the release of all migrants detained in Ukraine during ongoing warfare and for international efforts to help detainees to find safety, in accordance with international humanitarian and human rights law. Recognizing the huge efforts Poland is making to assist refugees from Ukraine, we nevertheless call on the Polish government to treat all people fleeing Ukraine equally and without discrimination based on race, nationality, or ethnic origin. Everyone fleeing the conflict in Ukraine is entitled to international protection and assistance and no one should be detained on arrival in Poland.

      https://www.globaldetentionproject.org/immigration-detention-amidst-war-the-case-of-ukraines-volyn-

  • Hungary welcomes those fleeing Ukraine but not ’illegal migrants’

    Hungary has taken in the second-largest number of people fleeing Ukraine behind Poland. But the government, notorious for its strict anti-immigration laws, has made it clear that hospitality would only be extended to those “legally staying on the territory of Ukraine”.

    After the Russian invasion of Ukraine began a week ago (February 24), Hungary opened its borders to those fleeing the raging conflict and has reportedly already taken in more than 130,000 refugees from Ukraine.

    “We’re letting everyone in,” Prime Minister Viktor Orban said last week near the Hungarian-Ukrainian border, addressing people fleeing Ukraine.

    “All border crossing points of ours are open, fully operational 24 hours a day,” Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto told the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on Wednesday (March 2). “We let everybody come in, including the Ukrainian citizens, and those who have been legally staying on the territory of Ukraine, and we do take good care of them.”

    Hungary, otherwise known for its staunch anti-immigration policies, has even passed a regulation allowing citizens of third countries who had been studying or working in Ukraine “to enter the territory of Hungary without reason,” Szijjarto said. “We organize for them the transfers to the nearest airports to enable them to return home.”

    ’We do not allow any illegal migrants to enter Hungary’

    However, the government has also made clear that these words of welcome are not meant for everyone fleeing Ukraine and that it has not changed its stance on barring all those it calls “illegal migrants”.

    The minister slammed “politicians in Hungary and abroad” suggesting his government had also opened the flood gates to “illegal migrants”. It was “fake news”, he said, that “illegal migrants would be allowed to enter the territory of Hungary, taking advantage of the flock of refugees,” Szijjarto told the UN Human Rights Council.

    “The truth is that we do not allow any illegal migrants to enter the territory of Hungary, and we will always protect Hungary from these people,” he said.

    He reiterated there was no comparison between refugees from Ukraine and the people Budapest has labelled “illegal migrants”, who have often arrived at its borders after fleeing war and conflict in places like Syria.

    Szijjarto claimed that Hungary had “a very, very clear experience” of how “illegal migrants tend to behave aggressively, ... they ruin the infrastructure and they attack police.” The minister said that refugees from Ukraine on the other hand cooperate with authorities and they “line up (at border crossing points) in a very disciplined very patient.”

    Different refugee groups, different treatment?

    Orban isn’t the only European far-right, anti-migration leader who has changed their tone towards refugees considerably since the beginning of the invasion of Ukraine by Russia.

    “These are not the refugees we are used to,” Bulgarian President Rumen Radev said last week about Ukrainian refugees, quoted by the Associated Press. “These people are Europeans. These people are intelligent, they are educated people.”

    Such remarks illustrate a discrepancy between the treatment of Ukrainian migrants and the thousands of African, Arab, Indian and other migrant groups, including many students, trying to flee Ukraine, too.

    UN agencies, activists and refugee aid groups have been calling for equal treatment of members of any nationality trying to escape. On Thursday (March 3), the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said in an online statement it had received “verified credible reports of discrimination, violence and xenophobia against third country nationals attempting to flee the conflict in Ukraine,” which resulted in “heightened risk and suffering”.

    “Discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, nationality or migration status is unacceptable,” IOM Director-General Antonio Vitorino said on Twitter.

    More than 28,000 third-country nationals have arrived in Moldova, Slovakia and Poland from Ukraine so far, UN migration agency IOM spokesperson Joe Lowry said on Twitter on Wednesday.

    Violating human rights, flouting EU law

    Over the past few years, the United Nations and rights groups like the Hungarian Helsinki Committee have repeatedly criticized the Prime Minister Victor Orban’s far-right government for its harsh migration policies.

    Among other things, Hungary enacted a law in 2018 that threatens jail time for people who support asylum seekers. It also proposed immigration bans and committed thousands of well-documented, illegal pushbacks of asylum seekers.

    One of the victims of these pushbacks is Moroccan migrant Jalal, who was traveling the Balkan route in early 2021 and made it over the border to Hungary before he was hit by a vehicle and suffered “terrible” injuries.

    Orban has also often made highly provocative statements in the past, including calling migrants “Muslim invaders” and claiming that “all terrorists are basically migrants.”

    In December, moreover, Orban said his country would not alter its strict immigration laws in the wake of a ruling from the EU’s top court, which had said that Hungary’s laws contravene EU law.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/38928/hungary-welcomes-those-fleeing-ukraine-but-not-illegal-migrants

    #Hongrie

    #racisme #réfugiés #guerre #Ukraine #Africains #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières #catégorisation #tri #réfugiés_ukrainiens

    –-

    ajouté à ce fil de discussion :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/951230

    et plus particulièrement ici (Hongrie) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/951230#message951672

    • ’Good asylum-seekers’ vs. ’bad migrants’ – Hungary’s varying treatment of war refugees

      The warm welcome extended to Ukrainian refugees by EU countries that otherwise take a strict anti-immigrant stance has highlighted the stark differences in the treatment of people from Ukraine and those from non-European war zones. In Hungary the contrast is especially apparent, as the example of an Afghan student shows.

      Three years after he came to Hungary to study, Hasib Qarizada found himself left alone without help in a field in neighboring Serbia. How did he end up there?

      It all started last summer when the radical Islamic Taliban seized power in Hasib’s native Afghanistan. As his home country was descending into chaos, Hasib lodged an asylum application in the EU member state. But last September, Hungarian authorities, rather than offering refuge to Hasib, brought him over the border into non-EU country Serbia, a place he knew nothing about.

      "Police just came over and handcuffed me,’’ Hasib told The Associated Press (AP) in Belgrade, the Serbian capital. "They told me ’Don’t try to run away, don’t try to fight with us, don’t do anything stupid.’’’

      Stranded in a field in the middle of nowhere, the 25-year-old had no idea where he was, where to go or what to do.

      "I was a student, and they just gave my life a totally different twist,’’ he told AP. "They didn’t give me a chance to grab my clothes, my [phone] charger or my laptop or anything important that I would need to travel.’’

      He told the AP he "had no idea where Serbia was, what language they speak, what kind of culture they have.’’
      ’Sinister practice’

      EU countries like Hungary have been notorious for their strict anti-immigration laws, and this isn’t the first time rights activists have registered such a case in the region. In 2017, a 16-year-old Kurd from Iraq was deported into Serbia from Hungary — despite having initially arrived in Hungary from Romania and having managed to reach Austria before he was sent back to Hungary.

      Last December, a Cameroonian woman who entered Hungary from Romania was expelled to Serbia. Another African woman who arrived a year ago by plane from Dubai, the capital of the United Arab Emirates, reportedly also wound up in a field in Serbia.

      "This is something that unfortunately has become normal, regular and something which cannot be considered unusual,’’ Serbian rights lawyer Nikola Kovacevic told the AP. Still, this illegal practice of sending people into a third country they hadn’t come from was “particularly sinister,” according to the AP.
      Double standard

      With the current exodus of Ukrainians fleeing war, Hungary’s policies seem to have changed. Shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, Orban announced “we’re letting everyone in.”

      There are other EU countries that face accusations of violence against migrants which now welcome people fleeing Ukraine with open arms. They include Croatia and Greece.

      While activists, UN agencies and other entities have applauded the shift from harsh anti-migration policies, they have also been warning of discrimination against refugees and migrants from Africa and the Middle East — groups of people who have been facing pushbacks at Europe’s external borders for years.

      "For those of us following these issues, it is hard to miss the stark contrast of the last few weeks with Europe’s harsh response to people fleeing other wars and crises,’’ Judith Sunderland of Human Rights Watch told AP. "A staggering number of people from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East die every year attempting to reach Europe.’’

      Zsolt Szekeres from the Hungarian Helsinki Committee noted that “the [Hungarian] government is trying their best to explain now why Ukrainians are good asylum-seekers and others are bad migrants.”

      Last week, less than ten days before Hungary holds its next national election (April 3), a government spokesperson called media reports that authorities were discriminating among the refugees arriving from Ukraine "fake news’’.

      Yet earlier this month, Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto said that refugees from Ukraine and the people Budapest has labeled “illegal migrants” could not be compared. He said: “The truth is that we do not allow any illegal migrants to enter the territory of Hungary, and we will always protect Hungary from these people.”

      Hungary’s harsh migration policies have manifested in, among other things, a 2018 law that threatens jail time for people who support asylum seekers, proposed immigration bans as well as thousands of illegal pushbacks.

      Orban has also often made highly provocative statements in the past, including calling migrants “Muslim invaders” and claiming that “all terrorists are basically migrants.” In December, moreover, Orban said his country would not alter its strict immigration laws in the wake of a ruling from the EU’s top court, which had said that Hungary’s laws contravene EU law.
      Next-level pushbacks

      The illegal practice of pushing asylum seekers like Afghan Hasib Qarizada back over the border
      , which many activists and journalists say are used systematically at the EU’s southeastern and eastern borders, has been observed for a number of years now. According to one human rights group, many cases involve torture.

      But when asylum seekers are expelled to a country they hadn’t come from, like Hasib, "the severity of the violation is higher,’’ Kovacevic, the Serbian lawyer, told AP.

      Hasib’s deportation is considered particularly striking given that the Afghan hadn’t arrived in Hungary irregularly. He was a self-financed student, shared an apartment and had established a life in Budapest. The reason for his decision to seek asylum was simple: His family could no longer pay his university fees due to the turmoil in Afghanistan, which meant he couldn’t renew his residence permit, according to AP.

      His family was in danger as they had connections with Afghanistan’s pre-Taliban government, Hasib told the AP. "They hardly go outside,’’ he said. Yet when Hungarian authorities rejected his request for refuge, activists say, they disregarded the fact that Afghanistan couldn’t be considered safe following the Taliban’s return to power.

      Lawyers with the Hungarian Helsinki Committee (HHC) have since taken Hasib’s case both to courts in Hungary and the European Court of Human Rights. They argue that his unlawful expulsion violates the European Convention of Human Rights.

      Although a Hungarian court has ruled in his favor, AP reported, the lawyers are now trying to use legal measures to force Hungarian authorities to implement the decision so that Hasib is allowed to return to Hungary.

      "He applied for asylum, he was staying here, and he was in need of protection, and he was pushed out in a summary manner,’’ the HHC’s Zsolt Szekeres said. "He was never given the possibility or option to explain his situation.’’
      Worst days of his life

      In Serbia, Hasib was forced to sleep outside for four nights after being sent there. The days after he was abandoned on the field were the worst of his life, Hasib said. He recalls to AP wandering around for hours and asking a woman at a gas station to let him charge his phone.

      "I felt very horrible ... because I was a normal student. I was studying, I was going to classes. I had my own friends. I had my own life,’’ he said. "I wasn’t doing anything bad.’’

      According to Szekeres, governments should treat all people escaping war zones the same. "There is no difference between Ukrainian parents fleeing with their children and Afghan parents fleeing with their children,’’ he told AP. "This is a good reminder for everyone that asylum-seekers, no matter where they come from, need protection.’’

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39483/good-asylumseekers-vs-bad-migrants--hungarys-varying-treatment-of-war-

  • Greece reiterates open door policy for Ukrainians

    Greece is determined to take in Ukrainian refugees, according to Greek migration minister Notis Mitarakis. A reported 13,000 people have travelled to Greece from Ukraine since the beginning of the Russian invasion so far.

    Greece’s Minister of Migration and Asylum Notis Mitarakis reiterated that his country was willing and prepared to take in more Ukrainian refugees who are fleeing their country due to Russia’s ongoing invasion, in a speech to parliament on Tuesday (March 22). “We are ready for the hospitality arrangements. And we are ready to register people and provide them with temporary protection,” Mitaraki announced.

    “The national reception system has the immediate availability of 15,000 beds”, Mitarakis said.
    13,000 refugees from Ukraine arrived so far

    Miratakis went on to say that Greece has already welcomed a total of 13,000 Ukrainian refugees.

    “We have created a reception center in Promachonas, the main entry point; we have created a special entrance lane and have quickly renovated an old building in order to have a proper reception area, with the presence of more medical support, plus hot drinks, food, and a warm welcome,” said Mitarakis.

    Greece has several hosting structures ready to welcome Ukrainians, the minister said. One in Sintiki, which is a new facility that is used for the first few days for those who arrive from Promachonas, which is only five kilometers from the border.

    In addition, Mitarakis said the government had set up the facilities at Elefsina and Serres to host Ukrainians, with 15,000 beds available iinitially, which could be gradually increased, if necessary, to 30,000.

    He explained that the ministry would create an electronic pre-registration platform which will be operational starting on March 28 to allow all potential beneficiaries to transfer their basic data and to receive a personalized appointment at the Asylum Service Offices.

    He added that the process of issuing a temporary protection ID will start “on April 4 at the Regional Asylum Offices of Thessaloniki, Attica, Patras and Crete.”
    Pushback accusations against Greece

    Though the current Greek government has launched policies to welcome refugees from Ukraine, the same cannot be said for refugees from other world regions and migrants.

    Migrant and refugee advocacy groups have repeatedly criticized squalid conditions in Greek reception facilities and Greek police have been accused of carrying out illegal pushbacks in the Aegean, sending migrants and refugees back to Turkey on boats unfit for the sea without allowing them to claim asylum.

    Greek officials have denied these claims, but the conservative government has openly talked about its goals to reduce irregular migrant and refugee arrivals.

    During his speech to Parliament on Tuesday, Mitarakis praised efforts to prevent border crossings, saying that “while Europe is experiencing a 57% increase in flows of people coming in, Greece has regained control and is not the main gateway.” He said that Greece had reduced arrivals from 72,422 in 2019 to 8,745 in 2021, “the lowest flows of the decade.”

    Mitarakis claimed that his government had achieved “the restoration of control over immigration ...through the drastic confrontation of illegal immigration. ...Now, we are investing in legal immigration, reforming and digitizing everything, and simplifying procedures.”

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39424/greece-reiterates-open-door-policy-for-ukrainians

    #Grèce #racisme #réfugiés #guerre #Ukraine #Africains #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières #catégorisation #tri #réfugiés_ukrainiens

    –-

    ajouté à ce fil de discussion :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/951230

    et plus particulièrement ici (Grèce) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/951230#message954735

    • Ukraine or the Middle East? Greece applies varying rules on refugees

      Thousands of Ukrainian refugees have entered Greece, where they enjoy international protection. For non-Ukrainian refugees, however, the situation remains tense and frustrating.

      After days of hiding in the basement of her house, Sofiia Malinovskaya finally made it to safety. Airstrikes and fighting near her home in the eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv forced her to leave Ukraine.

      “A friend and I left by car,” Malinovskaya said. “It took us four days just to get to the border. There were just so many cars, and the traffic jam was crazy. We moved 170 kilometers (106 miles) in seven hours.”

      They left via Slovakia because border traffic there had not been very busy. Volunteers helped Sofiia get to Krakow, Poland, then on to Warsaw and, from there, to the Greek city of Thessaloniki.

      Although she is now safe, she said she feels she has no prospects. “I feel very lost. You realize that you don’t have the place to get back, because my city is almost destroyed. There isn’t a building left without any destruction. You don’t know what to do next and you don’t know how to keep living a normal life after that,” she said.

      Malinovskaya came to Thessaloniki because she knew she would have a place to live. “I have a close friend living here, and I could stay with her,” she said.

      She added, however, that she did not know that Greece has been criticized for years for pushbacks and lack of protection of migrants and asylum-seekers.

      Aid without red tape

      More than 10,000 people crossed the border as of Wednesday, according to Vadym Sabluk, Ukraine’s consul general in Thessaloniki.

      “The Greek government kindly agreed to let all Ukrainians who escape from the war come to the Greek territory,” he said.

      Ukrainians carrying biometric passports could immediately enter the country. For those identifying themselves with other documents, such as a birth certificate, a center has been set up at Promachonas, the Greek-Bulgarian border checkpoint, where refugees are given paperwork to fill out by the police. They could then submit the document to the nearest immigration authority and be officially registered.

      “According to the Ministry of Migration and Asylum, starting from March 28, an online platform for pre-registration for receiving documents in the status of temporary protection of Greek government will be launched,” Sabluk said, adding that the status can remain valid for up to three years.

      Sabluk, who has been working nonstop since the Russian invasion of Ukraine began on February 24, said he has been overwhelmed by the willingness of Greek authorities and citizens to help his compatriots.

      “Many people come to the consulate and offer their own apartments, houses and rooms in order to welcome Ukrainian people,” he said.

      Russians living in Greece are showing solidarity as well, Sabluk added. “The Russians are coming and begging pardon and they work shoulder-to-shoulder with our volunteers,” he said.
      Good refugee, bad refugee

      Inside Thessaloniki’s city hall, Ukrainians, Russians and Greeks have been working together to assemble packages of food, clothing and medicines to be sent to Ukraine. But out on the streets of Athens, more then 400 police officers have been busy with Operation Skupa ("broom"), carrying out checks on asylum-seekers and detaining anyone who can’t prove their identity.

      “I’m afraid to go out at all,” said a young Afghan, adding that he does not know where he will go when the camp where he lives shuts down in May.

      His application for asylum was rejected twice, he said. In Kabul, his hometown, he worked as an interpreter for international media outlets, and he fears the Taliban will make good on threats to kill him if he returns to Afghanistan.

      The Afghan’s attempt to submit a new asylum application was unsuccessful. For hours he tried, as required, to register via the Skype messenger service, but he never got through. Now he has to travel, at his own expense, to the district of Evros, situated at the other end of the country, to submit his application at a reception center.

      He said his time in Greece has left him with little trust in Greek authorities. He mentions witnessing police violence and illegal deportations while trying to cross the border from Turkey to Greece.

      The Afghan said comparing the treatment of Ukrainian refugees with his own situation makes him angry. “They’re new arrivals and should go through the same procedure as all the other refugees,” he said.

      The war in Ukraine is the main topic of discussion at the camp where he lives, he said, adding that the situation there was difficult enough without seeing how others have received preferential treatment.
      Documented breaches of law

      Human rights activists have long denounced the Greek government’s treatment of refugees. The government, however, claims that Turkey is a safe third country and that, therefore, people had no right to international protection in the EU.

      Speaking to the parliament, Greek Migration and Asylum Minister Notis Mitarakis recently labeled the refugees from Ukraine “real refugees.” Meanwhile, leading politicians have said asylum-seekers from the Middle East or Africa are “illegal immigrants,” according to Greek media.

      Neda Noraie-Kia, an expert in European migration policy at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, which is affiliated with the German Green Party, said she disapproves of the Greek government’s unequal treatment of refugees. A rather somber picture has emerged regarding refugee protection in Greece, she said: Illegal deportations, lack of basic provisions, lack of integration efforts — the list of accusations is long.

      “It’s important that the EU responds to documented breaches of law,” she told DW.

      Nonetheless, it is also important that refugees from Ukraine receive protection in Greece without red tape, she added.

      “This proves, after all, that solidarity is possible,” said Noraie-Kia, adding that such solidarity also has to be extended to others who seek protection.

      Many people, including asylum-seekers from Afghanistan, have been waiting too long for an asylum hearing, trapped in a legal gray area for years.

      "Protection against war and persecution is not an act of mercy,"said Noraie-Kia. “We in the EU are not isolated in this world. When authoritarian regimes oppress their citizens, we can’t close our eyes. We must take responsibility.”

      https://www.dw.com/en/ukraine-or-the-middle-east-greece-applies-varying-rules-on-refugees/a-61262360