• Data Leviathan : China’s Burgeoning Surveillance State
    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/16/data-leviathan-chinas-burgeoning-surveillance-state

    Classical totalitarianism, in which the state controls all institutions and most aspects of public life, largely died with the Soviet Union, apart from a few holdouts such as North Korea. The Chinese Communist Party retained a state monopoly in the political realm but allowed a significant private economy to flourish. Yet today, in Xinjiang, a region in China’s northwest, a new totalitarianism is emerging—one built not on state ownership of enterprises or property but on the state’s intrusive (...)

    #algorithme #CCTV #technologisme #domination #vidéo-surveillance #Islam #surveillance (...)

    ##HumanRightsWatch

  • UN Human Rights Council Should Address Human Rights Crisis in Cambodia at its 42nd Session

    Dear Excellency,

    The undersigned civil society organizations, representing groups working within and outside Cambodia to advance human rights, rule of law, and democracy, are writing to alert your government to an ongoing human rights crisis in Cambodia and to request your support for a resolution ensuring strengthened scrutiny of the human rights situation in the country at the upcoming 42nd session of the UN Human Rights Council (the “Council”).

    National elections in July 2018 were conducted after the Supreme Court, which lacks independence, dissolved the major opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Many believe that this allowed the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) under Prime Minister Hun Sen to secure all 125 seats in the National Assembly and effectively establish one-party rule. Since the election, respect for human rights in Cambodia has further declined. Key opposition figures remain either in detention – such as CNRP leader Kem Sokha, who is under de facto house arrest – or in self-imposed exile out of fear of being arrested. The CNRP is considered illegal and 111 senior CNRP politicians remain banned from engaging in politics. Many others have continued to flee the country to avoid arbitrary arrest and persecution.

    Government authorities have increasingly harassed opposition party members still in the country, with more than 147 former CNRP members summoned to court or police stations. Local authorities have continued to arrest opposition members and activists on spurious charges. The number of prisoners facing politically motivated charges in the country has remained steady since the election. The government has shuttered almost all independent media outlets, and totally controls national TV and radio stations. Repressive laws – including the amendments to the Law on Political Parties, the Law on Non-Governmental Organizations, and the Law on Trade Unions – have resulted in severe restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.

    It is expected that a resolution will be presented at the 42nd session of the Human Rights Council in September to renew the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia for another two years. We strongly urge your delegation to ensure that the resolution reflects the gravity of the situation in the country and requests additional monitoring and reporting by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). Mandated OHCHR monitoring of the situation and reporting to the Council, in consultation with the Special Rapporteur, would enable a comprehensive assessment of the human rights situation in Cambodia, identification of concrete actions that the government needs to take to comply with Cambodia’s international human rights obligations, and would allow the Council further opportunities to address the situation.

    Since the last Council resolution was adopted in September 2017, the situation of human rights in Cambodia, including for the political opposition, human rights defenders, and the media, has drastically worsened. Developments since the 2018 election include:

    Crackdown on Political Opposition

    On March 12, 2019, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court issued arrest warrants for eight leading members of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party who had left Cambodia ahead of the July 2018 election – Sam Rainsy, Mu Sochua, Ou Chanrith, Eng Chhai Eang, Men Sothavarin, Long Ry, Tob Van Chan, and Ho Vann. The charges were based on baseless allegations of conspiring to commit treason and incitement to commit felony. In September 2018, authorities transferred CNRP head Kem Sokha after more than a year of pre-trial detention in a remote prison to his Phnom Penh residence under highly restrictive “judicial supervision” that amounts to house arrest. Cambodian law has no provision for house arrest and there is no evidence that Sokha has committed any internationally recognizable offense.

    During 2019, at least 147 arbitrary summonses were issued by the courts and police against CNRP members or supporters. Summonses seen by human rights groups lack legal specifics, containing only vague references to allegations that the person summoned may have violated the Supreme Court ruling that dissolved the CNRP in November 2017.

    Human Rights Defenders and Peaceful Protesters

    In November 2018, Prime Minister Hun Sen stated that criminal charges would be dropped against all trade union leaders related to the government’s January 2014 crackdown on trade unions and garment workers in which security forces killed five people. However, the following month, a court convicted six union leaders – Ath Thorn, Chea Mony, Yang Sophorn, Pav Sina, Rong Chhun, and Mam Nhim – on baseless charges and fined them. An appeals court overturned the convictions in May 2019, but in July 2019 the court announced its verdict in absentia convicting Kong Atith, newly elected president of the Coalition of Cambodian Apparel Workers Democratic Union (CCAWDU), of intentional acts of violence in relation to a 2016 protest between drivers and the Capitol Bus Company. The court imposed a three-year suspended sentence, which will create legal implications under Article 20 of the Law on Trade Unions, which sets out among others that a leader of a worker union cannot have a felony or misdemeanor conviction.

    In December 2018, Thai authorities forcibly returned Cambodian dissident Rath Rott Mony to Cambodia. Cambodian authorities then prosecuted him for his role in a Russia Times documentary “My Mother Sold Me,” which describes the failure of Cambodian police to protect girls sold into sex work. He was convicted of “incitement to discriminate” and in July 2019 sentenced to two years in prison.

    In March 2018, the government enacted a lese majeste (insulting the king) clause into the Penal Code, and within a year four people had been jailed under the law and three convicted. All the lese majeste cases involved people expressing critical opinions on Facebook or sharing other people’s Facebook posts. The government has used the new law, along with a judiciary that lacks independence, as a political tool to silence independent and critical voices in the country.

    In July 2019, authorities detained two youth activists, Kong Raya and Soung Neakpoan, who participated in a commemoration ceremony on the third anniversary of the murder of prominent political commentator Kem Ley in Phnom Penh. The authorities charged both with incitement to commit a felony, a provision commonly used to silence activists and human rights defenders. Authorities arrested seven people in total for commemorating the anniversary; monitored, disrupted, or canceled commemorations around the country; and blocked approximately 20 members of the Grassroots Democracy Party on their way to Takeo province – Kem Ley’s home province.

    Attacks on Journalists and Control of the Media

    Prior to the July 2018 election, the Cambodian government significantly curtailed media freedom, online and offline. In 2017, authorities ordered the closure of 32 FM radio frequencies that aired independent news programs by Radio Free Asia (RFA) and Voice of America. RFA closed its offices in September 2017, citing government harassment as the reason for its closure. The local Voice of Democracy radio was also forced to go off the air.

    Since 2017, two major independent newspapers, the Phnom Penh Post and The Cambodia Daily, were subjected to dubious multi-million-dollar tax bills, leading the Phnom Penh Post to be sold to a businessman with ties to Hun Sen and The Cambodia Daily to close.

    Social media networks have come under attack from increased government surveillance and interventions. In May 2018, the government adopted a decree on Publication Controls of Website and Social Media Processing via Internet and the Law on Telecommunications, which allow for arbitrary interference and surveillance of online media and unfettered government censorship. Just two days before the July 2018 elections, authorities blocked the websites of independent media outlets – including RFA and VOA – which human rights groups considered an immediate enforcement of the new decree.

    Since then, Cambodian authorities have proceeded with the politically motivated prosecution of two RFA journalists, Yeang Sothearin and Uon Chhin. They were arrested in November 2017 on fabricated espionage charges connected to allegations that the two men continued to report for RFA after RFA’s forced closure of its Cambodia office. They were held in pre-trial detention until August 2018. Their trial began in July 2019 and a verdict on the espionage charges is expected late August. They face up to 16 years in prison.

    *

    The Cambodian government’s actions before and since the July 2018 election demonstrate a comprehensive campaign by the ruling CPP government to use violence, intimidation and courts that lack judicial independence to silence or eliminate the political opposition, independent media, and civil society groups critical of the government.

    We strongly urge your government to acknowledge the severity of the human rights situation and the risks it poses to Cambodia’s fulfillment of its commitments to respect human rights and rule of law as set out in the Paris Peace Accords 1991. It is crucial that concerned states explicitly condemn the Cambodian government’s attacks on human rights norms and take steps to address them.

    For these reasons, we call on the Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution requesting the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to monitor and report on the situation of human rights in Cambodia and outline actions the government should take to comply with its international human rights obligations. The High Commissioner should report to the Council at its 45th session followed by an Enhanced Interactive Dialogue with participation of the Special Rapporteur on Cambodia, other relevant UN Special Procedures, and members of local and international civil society.

    We further recommend that your government, during the Council’s September session, speaks out clearly and jointly with other governments against ongoing violations in Cambodia.

    We remain at your disposal for any further information.

    With assurances of our highest consideration,

    Amnesty International
    ARTICLE 19
    ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
    Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC)
    Cambodian Alliance of Trade Unions (CATU)
    Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR)
    Cambodian Food and Service Workers’ Federation (CFSWF)
    Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC)
    Cambodian League for the Promotion & Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)
    Cambodian Youth Network (CYN)
    Cambodia’s Independent Civil Servants Association (CICA)
    Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights (CENTRAL)
    CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
    Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
    Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI)
    FIDH – International Federation for Human Rights
    Fortify Rights
    Human Rights Now
    Human Rights Watch (HRW)
    International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
    Independent Democracy of Informal Economy Association (IDEA)
    International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC)
    National Democratic Institute (NDI)
    Reporters Without Borders (Reporters Sans Frontières - RSF)
    World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/30/un-human-rights-council-should-address-human-rights-crisis-cambodia-its-42nd-se
    #Cambodge #droits_humains #arrestations #opposition #liberté_d'expression #censure #presse #médias #lese_majeste #Kem_Ley #Rath_Rott_Mony #Kong_Raya #Soung_Neakpoan #réseaux_sociaux

  • Lebanon : Migrant Family Detained. Longtime Residents Facing Deportation, Separation

    Lebanon’s General Security has detained a Sudanese-Sri Lankan family of seven, including four children under age 18, threatening to deport the parents to different countries for lacking residency papers, the Anti-Racism Movement (ARM), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Lebanese Center for Human Rights (CLDH) said today. General Security, the agency responsible for the entry and exit of foreigners, should free the family, pending the resolution of the family’s deportation proceedings, and should ensure that the family can remain together. If specific and compelling reasons exist to impose restrictions on the family, then General Security should take measures other than detention. In no case, however, should children be detained for migration-related purposes, as detention can be extremely harmful to them.

    The father of the family is Sudanese, the mother is from Sri Lanka, and their five children were born and have always lived in Lebanon. The family does not have a regular migration status in the country.

    The oldest child, 18, has been detained since February 14, 2019, at the General Security Directorate due to his irregular residency status. On July 3, General Security raided the family’s home in Beirut and detained the father, 57, his wife, 42, and their 5-year-old daughter, Beirut, whom they named due to their ties to the city. On July 4, the authorities also detained their three other sons, aged 11, 13, and 16, who had been left unattended when their parents were taken into custody.

    “Detaining children causes them significant harm and should never be used for migration-related purposes,” said Lama Fakih, acting Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “General Security should release them and their parents immediately and, if necessary, use less harmful alternatives to ensure that the family appears for proceedings.”

    Amnesty International talked to the mother, currently held in a shelter run by Caritas Lebanon with her two youngest children. The mother said that her husband and three other sons are detained at a General Security facility. ARM, which provides legal and social support to migrant workers, has documented General Security’s practice of sending detained migrant women with young children to the Caritas facility.

    “By detaining these children and threatening to split up their family the Lebanese authorities have displayed a chilling disregard for their rights. Holding children in detention centers subjects them to trauma and can cause considerable harm to their physical and psychological well-being. The protection of children’s rights and the principle of family unity must be the primary consideration for General Security,” said Lynn Maalouf, Amnesty International’s Middle East research director.

    The children have no identity documents from Sudan or Sri Lanka and only possess birth certificates from a local Lebanese official stating that they were born on Lebanese territory.

    The father told ARM that he left Sudan for Lebanon in 1995 to avoid military service there, after both his brothers were killed in the civil war. He said he was deported back to Sudan in 1998 and arrested, but was released after his father paid a bribe, and returned to Lebanon in 1999.

    The mother, a Sri Lankan former domestic worker, told Amnesty International that she fled an abusive Lebanese employer almost 20 years ago, thus losing her regular migration status in Lebanon. She said that her employer beat her, confiscated her passport, and did not pay her wages for a year. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and ARM routinely document credible reports of abuses against migrant domestic workers, including non-payment of wages, forced confinement, and verbal and physical abuse.

    The mother said that she fears retaliation by family members for converting to Islam and marrying a Muslim. There have been violent riots against Muslims in Kandy, Sri Lanka, her home town.

    Both parents previously tried to register their refugee claims with the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), but their claims were not granted.

    The father told ARM in July that General Security officials said the entire family would be deported and pressured him to sign a departure form indicating that he agreed to be returned to Sudan. The mother told ARM in August that General Security officials informed her that she would be deported to Sri Lanka, and that her children would be deported with her husband to Sudan.

    Children should never be detained, alone or with their families, for immigration purposes. UNHCR has found that even short-term detention with their families has a “profound and negative impact” on children, and concluded that “children should not be detained for immigration related purposes, irrespective of their legal/migratory status or that of their parents.”

    Because of “the harm inherent in any deprivation of liberty and the negative impact that immigration detention can have on children’s physical and mental health and on their development,” the UN committee that interprets the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which Lebanon ratified in 1991, has called for any deprivation of liberty based on a child’s migration status to be “prohibited by law and its abolishment ensured in policy and practice.”

    Following the principle of family unity, authorities should not separate children from their parents unless separation is clearly in the best interests of each child. If restrictions to the liberty or freedom of movement of the parents are considered necessary in immigration cases, alternatives to detention for the entire family should be provided to respect children’s rights not to be detained while also not being separated from their parents, the UN special rapporteurs on torture and on migrants’ rights have stated.

    To comply with its international human rights obligations, General Security should free the family, unless specific and compelling reasons make restrictions to the liberty of the parents necessary. In that case, alternatives to detention should be found for this family, the organizations said. Less harmful alternatives could include requirements to report to the authorities while their case is being considered. Crucially, in line with the principles of family unity and respect for the child’s best interests, the family should not be separated by being deported to different countries.

    “Deportation may mean the permanent separation of this family, with no hope of reunification,” said Farah Salka, director of ARM. “General Security should release the family and ensure that they are not split apart by being deported to opposite ends of the world.”


    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/29/lebanon-migrant-family-detained
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #rétention #détention_administrative #Liban #enfants #enfance #familles

  • Ethiopians Abused on Gulf Migration Route

    Ethiopians undertaking the perilous journey by boat across the Red Sea or Gulf of Aden face exploitation and torture in Yemen by a network of trafficking groups, Human Rights Watch said today. They also encounter abusive prison conditions in Saudi Arabia before being summarily forcibly deported back to Addis Ababa. Authorities in Ethiopia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have taken few if any measures to curb the violence migrants face, to put in place asylum procedures, or to check abuses perpetrated by their own security forces.


    A combination of factors, including unemployment and other economic difficulties, drought, and human rights abuses have driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to migrate over the past decade, traveling by boat over the Red Sea and then by land through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states are favored destinations because of the availability of employment. Most travel irregularly and do not have legal status once they reach Saudi Arabia.

    “Many Ethiopians who hoped for a better life in Saudi Arabia face unspeakable dangers along the journey, including death at sea, torture, and all manners of abuses,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ethiopian government, with the support of its international partners, should support people who arrive back in Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes on their back and nowhere to turn for help.”

    Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Ethiopians in Addis Ababa who had been deported from Saudi Arabia between December 2018 and May 2019. Human Rights Watch also interviewed humanitarian workers and diplomats working on Ethiopia migration-related issues.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates as many as 500,000 Ethiopians were in Saudi Arabia when the Saudi government began a deportation campaign in November 2017. The Saudi authorities have arrested, prosecuted, or deported foreigners who violate labor or residency laws or those who crossed the border irregularly. About 260,000 Ethiopians, an average of 10,000 per month, were deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia between May 2017 and March 2019, according to the IOM, and deportations have continued.

    An August 2 Twitter update by Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry said that police had arrested 3.6 million people, including 2.8 million for violations of residency rules, 557,000 for labor law violations, and 237,000 for border violations. In addition, authorities detained 61,125 people for crossing the border into Saudi Arabia illegally, 51 percent of them Ethiopians, and referred more than 895,000 people for deportation. Apart from illegal border crossing, these figures are not disaggregated by nationality.

    Eleven of the 12 people interviewed who had been deported had engaged with smuggling and trafficking networks that are regionally linked across Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland state, the self-declared autonomous state of Somaliland, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Traffickers outside of Ethiopia, particularly in Yemen, often used violence or threats to extort ransom money from migrants’ family members or contacts, those interviewed told Human Rights Watch. The 12th person was working in Saudi Arabia legally but was deported after trying to help his sister when she arrived illegally.

    Those interviewed described life-threatening journeys as long as 24 hours across the Gulf of Aden or the Red Sea to reach Yemen, in most cases in overcrowded boats, with no food or water, and prevented from moving around by armed smugglers.

    “There were 180 people on the boat, but 25 died,” one man said. “The boat was in trouble and the waves were hitting it. It was overloaded and about to sink so the dallalas [an adaptation of the Arabic word for “middleman” or “broker”] picked some out and threw them into the sea, around 25.”

    Interviewees said they were met and captured by traffickers upon arrival in Yemen. Five said the traffickers physically assaulted them to extort payments from family members or contacts in Ethiopia or Somalia. While camps where migrants were held capture were run by Yemenis, Ethiopians often carried out the abuse. In many cases, relatives said they sold assets such as homes or land to obtain the ransom money.

    After paying the traffickers or escaping, the migrants eventually made their way north to the Saudi-Yemen border, crossing in rural, mountainous areas. Interviewees said Saudi border guards fired at them, killing and injuring others crossing at the same time, and that they saw dead bodies along the crossing routes. Human Rights Watch has previously documented Saudi border guards shooting and killing migrants crossing the border.

    “At the border there are many bodies rotting, decomposing,” a 26-year-old man said: “It is like a graveyard.”

    Six interviewees said they were apprehended by Saudi border police, while five successfully crossed the border but were later arrested. They described abusive prison conditions in several facilities in southern Saudi Arabia, including inadequate food, toilet facilities, and medical care; lack of sanitation; overcrowding; and beatings by guards.

    Planes returning people deported from Saudi Arabia typically arrive in Addis Ababa either at the domestic terminal or the cargo terminal of Bole International Airport. Several humanitarian groups conduct an initial screening to identify the most vulnerable cases, with the rest left to their own devices. Aid workers in Ethiopia said that deportees often arrive with no belongings and no money for food, transportation, or shelter. Upon arrival, they are offered little assistance to help them deal with injuries or psychological trauma, or to support transportation to their home communities, in some cases hundreds of kilometers from Addis Ababa.

    Human Rights Watch learned that much of the migration funding from Ethiopia’s development partners is specifically earmarked to manage migration along the routes from the Horn of Africa to Europe and to assist Ethiopians being returned from Europe, with very little left to support returnees from Saudi Arabia.

    “Saudi Arabia has summarily returned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to Addis Ababa who have little to show for their journey except debts and trauma,” Horne said. “Saudi Arabia should protect migrants on its territory and under its control from traffickers, ensure there is no collusion between its agents and these criminals, and provide them with the opportunity to legally challenge their detention and deportation.”

    All interviews were conducted in Amharic, Tigrayan, or Afan Oromo with translation into English. The interviewees were from the four regions of SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region), Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray. These regions have historically produced the bulk of Ethiopians migrating abroad. To protect interviewees from possible reprisals, pseudonyms are being used in place of their real names. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ethiopian and Saudi governments seeking comment on abuses described by Ethiopian migrants along the Gulf migration route, but at the time of writing neither had responded.

    Dangerous Boat Journey

    Most of the 11 people interviewed who entered Saudi Arabia without documents described life-threatening boat journeys across the Red Sea from Djibouti, Somaliland, or Puntland to Yemen. They described severely overcrowded boats, beatings, and inadequate food or water on journeys that ranged from 4 to 24 hours. These problems were compounded by dangerous weather conditions or encounters with Saudi/Emirati-led coalition naval vessels patrolling the Yemeni coast.

    “Berhanu” said that Somali smugglers beat people on his boat crossing from Puntland: “They have a setup they use where they place people in spots by weight to keep the boat balanced. If you moved, they beat you.” He said that his trip was lengthened when smugglers were forced to turn the boat around after spotting a light from a naval vessel along the Yemeni coast and wait several hours for it to pass.

    Since March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of countries in a military campaign against the Houthi armed group in Yemen. As part of its campaign the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition has imposed a naval blockade on Houthi-controlled Yemeni ports, purportedly to prevent Houthi rebels from importing weapons by sea, but which has also restricted the flow of food, fuel, and medicine to civilians in the country, and included attacks on civilians at sea. Human Rights Watch previously documented a helicopter attack in March 2017 by coalition forces on a boat carrying Somali migrants and refugees returning from Yemen, killing at least 32 of the 145 Somali migrants and refugees on board and one Yemeni civilian.

    Exploitation and Abuses in Yemen

    Once in war-torn Yemen, Ethiopian migrants said they faced kidnappings, beatings, and other abuses by traffickers trying to extort ransom money from them or their family members back home.

    This is not new. Human Rights Watch, in a 2014 report, documented abuses, including torture, of migrants in detention camps in Yemen run by traffickers attempting to extort payments. In 2018, Human Rights Watch documented how Yemeni guards tortured and raped Ethiopian and other Horn of Africa migrants at a detention center in Aden and worked in collaboration with smugglers to send them back to their countries of origin. Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch indicate that the war in Yemen has not significantly affected the abuses against Ethiopians migrating through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. If anything, the conflict, which escalated in 2015, has made the journey more dangerous for migrants who cross into an area of active fighting.

    Seven of the 11 irregular migrants interviewed said they faced detention and extortion by traffickers in Yemen. This occurred in many cases as soon as they reached shore, as smugglers on boats coordinated with the Yemeni traffickers. Migrants said that Yemeni smuggling and trafficking groups always included Ethiopians, often one from each of Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara ethnic groups, who generally were responsible for beating and torturing migrants to extort payments. Migrants were generally held in camps for days or weeks until they could provide ransom money, or escape. Ransom payments were usually made by bank transfers from relatives and contacts back in Ethiopia.

    “Abebe” described his experience:

    When we landed… [the traffickers] took us to a place off the road with a tent. Everyone there was armed with guns and they threw us around like garbage. The traffickers were one Yemeni and three Ethiopians – one Tigrayan, one Amhara, and one Oromo…. They started to beat us after we refused to pay, then we had to call our families…. My sister [in Ethiopia] has a house, and the traffickers called her, and they fired a bullet near me that she could hear. They sold the house and sent the money [40,000 Birr, US $1,396].

    “Tesfalem”, said that he was beaten by Yemenis and Ethiopians at a camp he believes was near the port city of Aden:

    They demanded money, but I said I don’t have any. They told me to make a call, but I said I don’t have relatives. They beat me and hung me on the wall by one hand while standing on a chair, then they kicked the chair away and I was swinging by my arm. They beat me on my head with a stick and it was swollen and bled.

    He escaped after three months, was detained in another camp for three months more, and finally escaped again.

    “Biniam” said the men would take turns beating the captured migrants: “The [Ethiopian] who speaks your language beats you, those doing the beating were all Ethiopians. We didn’t think of fighting back against them because we were so tired, and they would kill you if you tried.”

    Two people said that when they landed, the traffickers offered them the opportunity to pay immediately to travel by car to the Saudi border, thereby avoiding the detention camps. One of them, “Getachew,” said that he paid 1,500 Birr (US $52) for the car and escaped mistreatment.

    Others avoided capture when they landed, but then faced the difficult 500 kilometer journey on foot with few resources while trying to avoid capture.

    Dangers faced by Yemeni migrants traveling north were compounded for those who ran into areas of active fighting between Houthi forces and groups aligned with the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition. Two migrants said that their journey was delayed, one by a week, the other by two months, to avoid conflict areas.

    Migrants had no recourse to local authorities and did not report abuses or seek assistance from them. Forces aligned with the Yemeni government and the Houthis have also detained migrants in poor conditions, refused access to protection and asylum procedures, deported migrants en masse in dangerous conditions, and exposed them to abuse. In April 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that Yemeni government officials had tortured, raped, and executed migrants and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa in a detention center in the southern port city of Aden. The detention center was later shut down.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced in May that it had initiated a program of voluntary humanitarian returns for irregular Ethiopian migrants held by Yemeni authorities at detention sites in southern Yemen. IOM said that about 5,000 migrants at three sites were held in “unsustainable conditions,” and that the flights from Aden to Ethiopia had stalled because the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition had failed to provide the flights the necessary clearances. The coalition controls Yemen’s airspace.

    Crossing the Border; Abusive Detention inside Saudi Arabia

    Migrants faced new challenges attempting to cross the Saudi-Yemen border. The people interviewed said that the crossing points used by smugglers are in rural, mountainous areas where the border separates Yemen’s Saada Governorate and Saudi Arabia’s Jizan Province. Two said that smugglers separated Ethiopians by their ethnic group and assigned different groups to cross at different border points.

    Ethiopian migrants interviewed were not all able to identify the locations where they crossed. Most indicated points near the Yemeni mountain villages Souq al-Ragu and ‘Izlat Al Thabit, which they called Ragu and Al Thabit. Saudi-aligned media have regularly characterized Souq al-Ragu as a dangerous town from which drug smugglers and irregular migrants cross into Saudi Arabia.

    Migrants recounted pressures to pay for the crossing by smuggling drugs into Saudi Arabia. “Abdi” said he stayed in Souq al-Ragu for 15 days and finally agreed to carry across a 25 kilogram sack of khat in exchange for 500 Saudi Riyals (US$133). Khat is a mild stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands and Yemen; it is popular among Yemenis and Saudis, but illegal in Saudi Arabia.

    “Badessa” described Souq al-Ragu as “the crime city:”

    You don’t know who is a trafficker, who is a drug person, but everybody has an angle of some sort. Even Yemenis are afraid of the place, it is run by Ethiopians. It is also a burial place; bodies are gathered of people who had been shot along the border and then they’re buried there. There is no police presence.

    Four of the eleven migrants who crossed the border on foot said Saudi border guards shot at them during their crossings, sometimes after ordering them to stop and other times without warning. Some said they encountered dead bodies along the way. Six said they were apprehended by Saudi border guards or drug police at the border, while five were arrested later.

    “Abebe” said that Saudi border guards shot at his group as they crossed from Izlat Al Thabit:

    They fired bullets, and everyone scattered. People fleeing were shot, my friend was shot in the leg…. One person was shot in the chest and killed and [the Saudi border guards] made us carry him to a place where there was a big excavator. They didn’t let us bury him; the excavator dug a hole and they buried him.

    Berhanu described the scene in the border area: “There were many dead people at the border. You could walk on the corpses. No one comes to bury them.”

    Getachew added: “It is like a graveyard. There are no dogs or hyenas there to eat the bodies, just dead bodies everywhere.”

    Two of the five interviewees who crossed the border without being detained said that Saudi and Ethiopian smugglers and traffickers took them to informal detention camps in southern Saudi towns and held them for ransom. “Yonas” said they took him and 14 others to a camp in the Fayfa area of Jizan Province: “They beat me daily until I called my family. They wanted 10,000 Birr ($349). My father sold his farmland and sent the 10,000 Birr, but then they told me this isn’t enough, we need 20,000 ($698). I had nothing left and decided to escape or die.” He escaped.

    Following their capture, the migrants described abusive conditions in Saudi governmental detention centers and prisons, including overcrowding and inadequate food, water, and medical care. Migrants also described beatings by Saudi guards.

    Nine migrants who were captured while crossing the border illegally or living in Saudi Arabia without documentation spent up to five months in detention before authorities deported them back to Ethiopia. The three others were convicted of criminal offenses that included human trafficking and drug smuggling, resulting in longer periods in detention before being deported.

    The migrants identified about 10 prisons and detention centers where they were held for various periods. The most frequently cited were a center near the town of al-Dayer in Jizan Province along the border, Jizan Central Prison in Jizan city, and the Shmeisi Detention Center east of Jeddah, where migrants are processed for deportation.

    Al-Dayer had the worst conditions, they said, citing overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, food and water, and medical care. Yonas said:

    They tied our feet with chains and they beat us while chained, sometimes you can’t get to the food because you are chained. If you get chained by the toilet it will overflow and flow under you. If you are aggressive you get chained by the toilet. If you are good [behave well], they chain you to another person and you can move around.

    Abraham had a similar description:

    The people there beat us. Ethnic groups [from Ethiopia] fought with each other. The toilet was overflowing. It was like a graveyard and not a place to live. Urine was everywhere and people were defecating. The smell was terrible.

    Other migrants described similarly bad conditions in Jizan Central Prison. “Ibrahim” said that he was a legal migrant working in Saudi Arabia, but that he travelled to Jizan to help his sister, whom Saudi authorities had detained after she crossed from Yemen illegally. Once in Jizan, authorities suspected him of human trafficking and arrested him, put him on trial, and sentenced him to two years in prison, a sentenced he partially served in Jizan Central Prison:

    Jizan prison is so very tough…. You can be sleeping with [beside] someone who has tuberculosis, and if you ask an official to move you, they don’t care. They will beat you. You can’t change clothes, you have one set and that is it, sometimes the guards will illegally bring clothes and sell to you at night.

    He also complained of overcrowding: “When you want to sleep you tell people and they all jostle to make some room, then you sleep for a bit but you wake up because everyone is jostling against each other.”

    Most of the migrants said food was inadequate. Yonas described the situation in al-Dayer: “When they gave food 10 people would gather and fight over it. If you don’t have energy you won’t eat. The fight is over rice and bread.”

    Detainees also said medical care was inadequate and that detainees with symptoms of tuberculosis (such as cough, fever, night sweats, or weight loss) were not isolated from other prisoners. Human Rights Watch interviewed three former detainees who were being treated for tuberculosis after being deported, two of whom said they were held with other detainees despite having symptoms of active tuberculosis.

    Detainees described being beaten by Saudi prison guards when they requested medical care. Abdi said:

    I was beaten once with a stick in Jizan that was like a piece of rebar covered in plastic. I was sick in prison and I used to vomit. They said, ‘why do you do that when people are eating?’ and then they beat me harshly and I told him [the guard], ‘Please kill me.’ He eventually stopped.

    Ibrahim said he was also beaten when he requested medical care for tuberculosis:

    [Prison guards] have a rule that you aren’t supposed to knock on the door [and disturb the guards]. When I got sick in the first six months and asked to go to the clinic, they just beat me with electric wires on the bottom of my feet. I kept asking so they kept beating.

    Detainees said that the other primary impetus for beatings by guards was fighting between different ethnic groups of Ethiopians in detention, largely between ethnic Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrayans. Ethnic tensions are increasingly common back in Ethiopia.

    Detainees said that conditions generally improved once they were transferred to Shmeisi Detention Center, near Jeddah, where they stayed only a few days before receiving temporary travel documents from Ethiopian consular authorities and deported to Ethiopia. The migrants charged with and convicted of crimes had no opportunity to consult legal counsel.

    None of the migrants said they were given the opportunity to legally challenge their deportations, and Saudi Arabia has not established an asylum system under which migrants could apply for protection from deportation where there was a risk of persecution if they were sent back. Saudi Arabia is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    Deportation and Future Prospects

    Humanitarian workers and diplomats told Human Rights Watch that since the beginning of Saudi Arabia’s deportation campaign, large numbers of Ethiopian deportees have been transported via special flights by Saudia Airlines to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and unloaded in a cargo area away from the main international terminal or at the domestic terminal. When Human Rights Watch visited in May, it appeared that the Saudi flights were suspended during the month of Ramadan, during which strict sunrise-to-sunset fasting is observed by Muslims. All interviewees who were deported in May said they had returned on regular Ethiopian Airlines commercial flights and disembarked at the main terminal with other passengers.

    All of those deported said that they returned to Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, and that Saudi authorities had confiscated their mobile phones and in some cases shoes and belts. “After staying in Jeddah … they had us make a line and take off our shoes,” Abraham said. “Anything that could tie like a belt we had to leave, they wouldn’t let us take it. We were barefoot when we went to the airport.”

    Deportees often have critical needs for assistance, including medical care, some for gunshot wounds. One returnee recovering from tuberculosis said that he did not have enough money to buy food and was going hungry. Abdi said that when he left for Saudi Arabia he weighed 64 kilograms but returned weighing only 47 or 48 kilograms.

    Aid workers and diplomats familiar with migration issues in Ethiopia said that very little international assistance is earmarked for helping deportees from Saudi Arabia for medical care and shelter or money to return and reintegrate in their home villages.

    Over 8 million people are in need of food assistance in Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million. It hosts over 920,000 refugees from neighboring countries and violence along ethnic lines produced over 2.4 internally displaced people in 2018, many of whom have now been returned.

    The IOM registers migrants upon arrival in Ethiopia and to facilitate their return from Saudi Arabia. Several hours after their arrival and once registered, they leave the airport and must fend for themselves. Some said they had never been to Addis before.

    In 2013 and 2014, Saudi Arabia conducted an expulsion campaign similar to the one that began in November 2017. The earlier campaign expelled about 163,000 Ethiopians, according to the IOM. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report found that migrants experienced serious abuses during detention and deportation, including attacks by security forces and private citizens in Saudi Arabia, and inadequate and abusive detention conditions. Human Rights Watch has also previously documented mistreatment of Ethiopian migrants by traffickers and government detention centers in Yemen.

    Aid workers and diplomats said that inadequate funding to assist returning migrants is as a result of several factors, including a focus of many of the European funders on stemming migration to and facilitating returns from Europe, along with competing priorities and the low visibility of the issue compared with migration to Europe.

    During previous mass returns from Saudi Arabia, there was more funding for reintegration and more international media attention in part because there was such a large influx in a short time, aid workers said.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/15/ethiopians-abused-gulf-migration-route
    #migrations #asile #violence #réfugiés #réfugiés_éthiopiens #Ethiopie #pays_du_Golfe #route_du_Golfe #mer_Rouge #Golfe_d'Aden #Yémen #Arabie_Saoudite #frontières #violent_borders #torture #trafic_d'êtres_humains #exploitation #routes_migratoires

    signalé par @isskein

    • Migrants endure sea crossing to Yemen and disembark in hell

      Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants.

      Hundreds of men, women and teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf emerging, exhausted, on the shores of Yemen.

      The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi — which means Worshipper of the Strong.

      “What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.

      She and 300 other Africans had just endured six hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the Red Sea and the gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal village of Ras al-Ara.

      There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for money and pleaded for her freedom.
      Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the 20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.

      “They used each of the girls,” she told The Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”

      With its systematic torture, Ras al-Ara is a particular hell on the arduous, 900-mile (1,400 kilometer) journey from the Horn of Africa to oil-rich Saudi Arabia. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and 113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs of bread and salty water from ancient wells.

      In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some find their way safely across war-torn Yemen to Saudi Arabia, only to be caught and tossed back over the border. The lucky ones make it into the kingdom to earn their livings as a servant and laborers.


      But others are stranded in Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors, outsourcing migrants to other countries.

      The European Union began paying Libyan coast guards and militias to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa, through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted — from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.

      Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen in 2018, a 50% increase from the year before, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.

      And European policies may be making the Yemen route more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous paths and increasing the risk of abuses.

      Many of those migrants end up in Ras al-Ara.

      Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra, they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or simply lost in the desert.
      “Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.

      Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.

      At the same time, because the three main ethnic groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their families.

      The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who survived torture at Ras al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths, and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
      The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by Yemeni authorities.

      The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”

      “The traffickers move freely, in public, giving bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer who now runs a gas station in the center of town.

      From Ras al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is brought in.

      Nearly the entire population profits from the human trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards, drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.

      Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of them, a Yemeni named Mohammed al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.

      Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties to any of the warring parties.
      Many traffickers speak openly of their activities, but deny they torture, blaming others.

      Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay ransom.

      “I thought we need to have a different way,” he said, “I will help you go to Saudi, you just pay the transit and the transportation. Deal.”

      The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras al-Ara, one after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.

      The migrants climbed out of the boats into the turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain. Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces from the rugged journey.

      The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks. They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside.

      From time to time, Ethiopians escape their imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town.
      Eman Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian smuggler.

      She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on her shoulder; the smuggler received $700 to take her to Saudi Arabia, but wouldn’t let her go, because “he wanted me.”

      Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means the traffickers need him and leave him alone.

      On a day when the AP team was visiting, several young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and that three men had died.

      Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest. The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten. His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group, Tigray, while he is Oromo.

      Hassan said he was freed after his father went door to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the smugglers demanded.
      “My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”

      Starvation is another punishment used by the traffickers to wear down their victims.

      At Ras al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water, they said.

      One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras al-Ara, he was brought to a compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.

      He cried as he described how he was held for five months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said. One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered sheep.”
      But the worst was starvation.

      “From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have nothing.”

      Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids but he died several hours later.

      The torment that leaves the young men and women physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.

      Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted to change my life.”

      She came from a broken home. She was a child when her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer — remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant, sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.

      Unable to save any money, she decided to try her luck elsewhere.

      She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the torments she suffered at the compound.

      “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.

      She and the other women were locked in three rooms of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.

      One group tried to flee when they were allowed to wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought them back and beat them.
      “You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.

      Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for others.

      Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other women who also were tortured. .

      Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she can count.

      The first time was during the boat crossing from Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
      “I am speechless about what happened in the boat,” the 17-year-old said.

      Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.

      “We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.

      Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor.

      Nor do they have money to continue their travels.

      “I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family.

      Now, she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
      “If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know what would happen to us.”

      Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey.

      Others, like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.

      The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent the money.

      When Taha landed at Ras al-Ara, traffickers took him and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without food and water.

      One night, he gave them a wrong number. The traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.

      When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move — they were dead.
      A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his leg was amputated.

      Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for themselves back home.

      Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”

      “Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is unbearable.”

      And so it is still.

      https://apimagesblog.com/blog/migrants-endure-sea-crossing-to-yemen-and-disembark-in-hell
      #réfugiés_éthiopiens #famine #mourir_de_faim #Oromo

    • Sbarcare all’inferno. Per i migranti diretti in Europa la tappa in Yemen vuol dire stupro e tortura

      Il durissimo reportage fotografico di Associated Press in viaggio con i migranti etiopi lungo la rotta che dal Corno d’Africa porta verso la penisola arabica racconta l’orrore perpetrato negli ’#hosh' di #Ras al-Ara che la comunità internazionale non vuole vedere. Le terribili storie di Zahra, Ibrahim, Abdul e gli altri.


      http://www.rainews.it/dl/rainews/media/Sbarcare-all-inferno-Per-i-migranti-diretti-in-Europa-la-tappa-in-Yemen-vuol
      #viol #viols #torture #violences_sexuelles #photographie

  • Grèce : le gouvernement conservateur relance la #chasse_aux_réfugiés

    À peine arrivé aux affaires, le nouveau Premier ministre conservateur Kyriakos #Mitsotakis veut renforcer les contrôles aux frontières et accélérer la déportation des réfugiés présents dans les îles grecques vers la Turquie. À #Athènes, les #contrôles_au_faciès musclés se multiplient. Les ONG sont très inquiètes.

    Les mots ont leur importance, surtout dans un pays où plus d’un million d’hommes et de femmes ont débarqué sur les îles de la mer Egée. Avant l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Aléxis Tsípras, en 2015, les politiques grecs ne parlaient jamais de « réfugiés » mais systématiquement de « clandestins ». Le gouvernement Syriza a été le premier à instaurer un ministère de l’Immigration pour répondre à la problématique des quelques 60 000 réfugiés vivant en Grèce, souvent dans des conditions très difficiles.

    Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, après les élections du 7 juillet, le nouveau Premier ministre conservateur Kyriákos Mitsotákis a remis en cause cette politique d’accueil, en supprimant ce ministère et en attribuant le dossier de l’immigration au ministère de la Protection du citoyen, qui gère également l’ordre public, les questions sécuritaires et les forces de l’ordre... Dans les rangs de l’opposition de gauche mais aussi des associations de défense des droits de la personne, la décision choque. « Inclure l’immigration et la gestion des institutions pénitentiaires dans le même ministère de la Protection des citoyens m’inquiète. Cela signifie que le gouvernement considère tous ces sujets par le seul prisme de la répression », a notamment dénoncé sur Twitter l’ancien maire socialiste d’Athènes Giorgos Kaminis.

    Onze ONG et collectifs de défense des droits de la personne ont aussi tiré la sonnette d’alarme le 19 juillet dans un communiqué commun. « L’asile et les migrations ne sont pas une question d’ordre public et de sécurité mais une question relative à la protection internationale, à l’intégration social et au droit. Les réfugiés et migrants font partie de la société grecque et ne doivent pas être considérés comme une menace à l’ordre public. Les définir ainsi revient à les stigmatiser et à les exposer à des comportements violents et racistes. »

    Durant la campagne électorale, Kyriakos Mitsotakis avait promis de « renforcer les contrôles aux frontières », et de « distinguer les demandeurs d’asile qui peuvent prétendre au statut de réfugiés et rester en Grèce des autres, qui doivent être renvoyés en Turquie ». Dans le programme du nouveau Premier ministre, on ne trouve aucune mention d’une politique d’intégration. Le ministre du Travail a d’ailleurs annulé dès sa nomination un décret permettant aux réfugiés et aux immigrés d’obtenir facilement un numéro de sécurité sociale, indispensable pour avoir accès aux hôpitaux et aux écoles.

    « C’est une mesure raciste », s’est offusqué le mouvement antiraciste KEERFA. « On va limiter l’accès des personnes pauvres, des femmes, des enfants réfugiés, des handicapés aux hôpitaux, aux écoles et à tous les services publics », dénonce KEERFA, qui appelle le gouvernement à revenir sur cette décision. L’exécutif avait promis de publier un nouveau décret sur la question mais un mois plus tard, cela ne semble toujours pas d’actualité. Une autre mesure fait polémique : l’attribution d’une allocation familiale de 2000 euros pour tout enfant né en Grèce mais avec la condition que l’un des deux parents soit grec !

    Le retour des mauvais jours

    Dans le centre d’Athènes, où résident de nombreux réfugiés et immigrés, les contrôles policiers se sont renforcés depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Kyriakos Mitsotakis. 130 policiers d’une #brigade_spéciale appelée les #Black_Panthers mènent des #contrôles_d’identité dans le métro et dans les rues. L’ONG Human Right Watch (HRW) s’inquiète « d’un retour aux mauvais jours ». En effet, en 2012, des milliers d’immigrés étaient contrôlés, arrêtés et détenus de façon injustifiée et souvent victimes de violences dans les commissariats d’Athènes. HRW réclame un encadrement légal de ces contrôles qui ne peuvent pas être menés sur des critères discriminants. L’ONG demande aussi une formation spéciale pour les policiers de cette brigade.

    Le Haut Commissariat aux Réfugiés des Nations Unies (UNHCR) a enregistré l’entrée en Grèce de quelque 18 400 réfugiés et migrants au premier trimestre 2019, de plus en plus de personnes passant par la frontière terrestre de l’Evros avec la Turquie : 72% des arrivées ont été enregistrées à cette frontière. Les ONG s’inquiètent d’un durcissement de la politique migratoire et des consignes données aux forces de l’ordre. Début juillet, 59 réfugiés ont été victimes de pushbacks vers la Turquie : ils ont été renvoyés de force sur l’autre rive de l’Evros, note Refugee support Aegean.

    Le contexte actuel en Turquie demande pourtant de prendre des précautions particulièrement importantes avant de renvoyer des migrants dans ce pays, comme le prévoit l’accord signé en mars 2016 entre l’Union européenne et la Turquie. Le Conseil grec pour les réfugiés et 26 autres ONG rappellent que « plus de 6000 réfugiés et migrants ont été récemment arrêtés à Istanbul », pour être renvoyés à la frontière voire en Syrie même, notamment dans des zones de guerre proches d’Idlib.

    « Nous appelons l’UE et les États membres à reconnaître que la Turquie n’est pas apte à fournir la protection nécessaire aux réfugiés selon la Convention de 1951 sur le statut des réfugiés, à cesser en conséquence tout renvoi vers la Turquie et à suspendre l’accord de mars 2016 », écrivent ces organisations dans un communiqué publié début août. Les mois prochains, les ONG suivront de près et avec inquiétude la politique migratoire du gouvernement, notamment la situation tragique sur les îles de la mer Egée où des milliers de réfugiés continuent de s’entasser dans des conditions atroces.

    https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=Gr%C3%A8ce+%3A+le+gouvernement+conservateur+rela
    #chasse_aux_migrants #migrations #asile #réfugiés #violences_policières #racisme #xénophobie #police #contrôles_policiers

    #2019_comme_2012 —> pour rappel, article que j’avais écrit en 2012 pour @lacite et @visionscarto :
    À Athènes, (sur)vivre dans la terreur


    https://visionscarto.net/a-athenes-survivre

    • Greece: Athens Police Plan Raises Fears of Abuse

      Past Sweeps Led to Indiscriminate Crackdown on Marginalized Groups.

      The Greek government’s new policing plan for central Athens sounds like a return to the bad old days.

      It includes an operation called “Operation Net” that will see some 130 armed police officers, incongruously dubbed the “Black Panthers,” patrolling metro stations in Athens.

      Given Greece’s history of abusive police sweeps, Operation Net sounds alarm bells about a possible new wave of human rights violations by the police in the capital.

      A 2012 crackdown in Athens known as Operation Xenios Zeus led to police detaining tens of thousands of people presumed to be irregular migrants solely on the basis of their appearance, violating human rights law. People who appeared to be foreigners were subject to repeated stops, unjustified searches of their belongings, insults, and, in some cases, physical abuse.

      In research I conducted for Human Rights Watch in 2014 and 2015, I found police used identity checks as a tool to harass people they consider undesirable, such as people who use drugs, sell sex, or people who are homeless. In many cases, the police confined people in police buses and police stations for hours, even though there was no reasonable suspicion of criminal wrongdoing, and then sometimes transported them elsewhere and released them far from Athens’ center.

      Greece has a duty to improve security on the streets for everyone. But the Greek authorities also have an obligation to ensure they don’t abuse people’s rights in the process. That requires appropriately circumscribed police stop-and-search powers with clear and binding guidelines for law enforcement officers so they can be held accountable for their use. Guidence should include the permissible grounds for conducting a check and for taking a person to a police station for further verification of their documents.

      Police officers conducting these checks also need appropriate training and equipment. And the Greek government should ensure diligent investigations of allegations about police abuse and hold anyone found responsible to account.

      To make a real difference and increase the sense of security for everyone in central Athens, without discrimination, the new government should avoid invoking problematic laws and practices on stop and search likely to make the already difficult lives for vulnerable groups on the streets of Athens much harder.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/05/greece-athens-police-plan-raises-fears-abuse

    • Athens police poised to evict refugees from squatted housing projects

      A self-governing community in central Athens which has helped house refugees is threatened by a government crackdown.
      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/ee4353e3aa86a9372a631da8b45f5d2b8e0961f5/0_234_3543_2126/master/3543.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=5b7383bbb2653fe12b8e0a

      It’s just after 5am in the central Athens neighbourhood of Exarcheia. A group of Afghans and Iranians are sitting down together for breakfast in the middle of the street, with a banner that reads “No Pasaran” (“They shall not pass”) strung between the buildings above their heads. They laugh and joke as they help themselves to bread and cheese pies from the communal table.

      The public breakfast is outside Notara 26, a self-organised refugee accommodation squat. Since opening in September 2015, at the height of the refugee crisis, it has provided shelter to over 9,000 people. These ‘‘Breakfasts of Resistance” – held in the early hours when police-led evictions are most likely – have become daily events since Greece’s New Democracy government assumed office in July.

      A promise to “restore law and order” was one of the campaign themes that swept the right-wing party to power. Swiftly making good on this, on 8 August plans to evict all 23 refugee and anarchist squats in Exarcheia were announced.

      If carried out, by the end of the month they will have put an end to Athens’ experiment with autonomous urban governance and its grassroots refugee solidarity network, which currently houses over 1,000 people.

      Ringed by university buildings, Exarcheia has long been the home of Greece’s intellectual left, antiauthoritarian and anarchist movements.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/5f9bda30d3a5ee8559d52b78984e01187b598690/0_0_5760_3456/master/5760.jpg?width=860&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=a429ca443f8a22d149e39f

      Passing the squads of riot police who stand constant guard on Exarcheia’s perimeter underlines that this is not a typical neighbourhood. It is the site of regular skirmishes between teargas-wielding police and molotov-cocktail hurling youths who are eager to vent their frustration at Greece’s dire economic and political situation.

      Yet, in a country where far-right and state violence against migrants is well-documented, the lack of visible police presence inside Exarcheia and its vocal antiracist stance have created a place of relative sanctuary.

      “I am so happy here, I feel safe,” explains Sana*, a squat resident from Afghanistan. “Here we work together and have a good life.”

      Thousands of refugees arrived in Athens in summer 2015. Seeing little response from the state, the anarchist squat movement in the area (which dates back to the 1980s) resolved to open empty buildings in Exarcheia to house refugees. Notara 26 was the first, and was soon joined by others, founded on the same principles of autonomous self-organisation.

      The squats offer a viable alternative to official refugee camps, hotspots and detention centres, whose conditions have been widely condemned by international observers.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/830b3b3cf2ce79dfbdca1023466d19a53bff2da8/0_448_6720_4032/master/6720.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=7626556c6e905546489695

      “I visited the camps as a volunteer,” explains Saif*, a 31-year-old recognised refugee from Gaza who lives in a squat. “You’re not a refugee there, you feel like you are in prison – and they’re full. [The squat] is important for me because I feel more like home, I feel a little more human. We have space to sleep, neighbours and a neighbourhood around us.”

      In opposition, New Democracy attacked the Syriza administration’s handling of the refugee crisis, capitalising on security fears and frustration at Greece having to shoulder a disproportionate share of responsibility.

      In government, they have stepped up border enforcement,have for the moment revoked asylum seekers’ rights to access health and social security services, and dissolved the ministry of migration, transferring responsibility for refugees to the ministry of citizen protection, which also oversees the police.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/46cc286db6cda987f0137da84aa5c9fd75b71d7a/0_84_2500_1500/master/2500.jpg?width=860&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=9b6fadf95df3adde6ef1fa

      However, it was under Syriza that the strategy of criminalising the refugee squats began. A wave of evictions by heavily armed police occurred in early April affecting over 300 people. Most squats in Exarcheia operate under a no drugs/no alcohol policy. Yet, timed simultaneously with nearby anti-drug operations, most media reports connected the squat evictions with drug dealing.

      Promising to “clean up Exarcheia,” New Democracy’s rhetoric has conflated drug dealers, criminals, anarchists and migrants. One of the government’s first actions was the controversial repeal of the academic sanctuary law, which incoming prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis claimed made campuses crime hotspots and no-go zones for police. Critics saw the move as an attack on political liberties and Exarchia, rather than on crime.

      Drug dealers and criminal gangs have exploited the lack of visible law enforcement in Exarcheia. Local activists have made many attempts to improve the situation around the square, such as planting trees, organising screenings and concerts, and making night patrols, but many acknowledge the situation has deteriorated in recent months.

      Together with the squat evictions and anti-drug operations, authorities have announced plans that include repainting graffiti-covered areas and improving street lighting – none of which require evictions, activists argue. The Hellenic Police refused to comment on specific operations.

      Despite ongoing threats, no evictions have yet occurred this summer. However, there has been a noticeable escalation of police activity in the area, with almost daily operations on and around the square.

      Those arrested for immigration violations have been taken into detention. New Democracy have announced they will start deporting failed asylum applicants.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/de046d5fed86f81881c8be0048ad9b7db3278a5f/0_0_2500_1499/master/2500.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=1d2fb0d3801c49f47d516f

      “They have used criminality, prejudice towards refugees and even accusations of terrorism to discredit the left resistance in Exarcheia,” says Panos*, an activist who helped open Notara 26 back in 2015. “Personally, I don’t think they will be successful. The political cost will be great and where are they going to relocate all the refugee children and families? The camps are full.’’
      Athens under pressure: city races to clear port’s refugee camp before tourists arrive
      Read more

      Athens has emptied for the summer. Shops are closed and it feels like a hot and sticky ghost town. But on Exarcheia Square, there is a palpable air of tension, as those gathered know another police operation could occur at any moment.

      Around the corner, the boarded-up Azadi squat, empty since the April evictions, has been covered with a mural depicting anarchists facing off against riot police and the slogan: “Exarcheia will win.” Time will tell.

      *Names of interviewees have been changed to protect their identities. Notara 26 did not agree to participate in this article.

      https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/aug/26/athens-police-poised-to-evict-refugees-from-squatted-housing-projects?C

    • #Exarcheia sous #occupation_policière !

      Ce que nous vous annoncions depuis un mois et demi vient de commencer ce matin, peu avant l’aube :

      EXARCHEIA SOUS OCCUPATION POLICIÈRE

      Le célèbre quartier rebelle et solidaire d’Athènes est complètement encerclé par d’énormes forces de police : de nombreux bus de CRS (MAT), des jeeps de la police antiterroriste (OPKE), des voltigeurs (DIAS), des membres de la police secrète (asfalitès), ainsi qu’un hélicoptère et plusieurs drones.

      Lieu unique en Europe pour sa forte concentration de squats et d’autres espaces autogérés, mais aussi pour sa résistance contre la répression et sa solidarité avec les précaires et migrants, Exarcheia était dans le collimateur du gouvernement de droite depuis son élection le 7 juillet. Le nouveau premier ministre Kyriakos Mitsotakis en avait fait une affaire personnelle, d’autant plus qu’il avait été raillé début août pour ne pas avoir réussi à atteint son objectif de « nettoyer Exarcheia en un mois » comme il l’avait annoncé en grandes pompes.

      Ce matin, 4 squats ont été évacués : Spirou Trikoupi 17, Transito, Rosa de Fon et Gare. L’offensive concerne pour l’instant la partie nord-ouest du quartier, à l’exception notable du squat Notara 26, réputé mieux gardé et très important symboliquement pour le quartier en tant que premier squat historique de la « crise des réfugiés » au centre ville d’Athènes.

      On compte pour l’instant une centaine d’arrestations, ainsi que des agressions brutales contre des personnes tentant de filmer. Seuls les médias de masse au service du pouvoir ont l’autorisation de couvrir l’événement.

      Au total, il y a 23 squats dans Exarcheia plus 26 autres autour du quartier, soit un total de 49 concentrés sur une zone assez petite. 49 squats auxquels il faut ajouter d’autres types de lieux autogérés, dont certains en location (Espace Social Libre Nosotros, magasin gratuit Skoros, etc.) ainsi que des dizaines de logements particuliers regroupant des groupes de militant.es, souvent près des terrasses pour permettre un accès au-dessus des rues.

      Sur les squats qui se trouvent précisément à l’intérieur d’Exarcheia, 12 sont des squats d’hébergement pour les réfugié.es et migrant.es et les 11 autres sont des squats de collectifs politiques anarchistes et antiautoritaires (même si la plupart des squats de réfugié.es sont aussi évidemment très politiques, à commencer par le Notara 26 et Spirou Trikoupi 17 avec des assemblées directes et beaucoup de liens avec le reste du mouvement social).

      Dans les squats de Spirou Trikoupi 17 et Transito (que les valets du pouvoir sont maintenant en train de murer), plus d’une quinzaine d’enfants ont été arrachés à une existence paisible et heureuse pour être subitement envoyés dans des camps. Ces sinistres camps sont insalubres et surpeuplés, les migrant.es y sont mal nourri.es et souffrent des variations de températures, subissent des humiliations et parfois des tortures, et Mitsotakis exige de surcroît qu’ils soient tous bien fermés et, à l’avenir, complètement coupés du reste du territoire.

      Le visage de l’Europe ne cesse de se durcir à l’instar de ce qui se passe également sur les autres continents. Cette évolution toujours plus autoritaire du capitalisme conduit à nous interroger sur ce qu’annonce l’ère actuelle : l’offensive contre les poches d’utopies couplée à l’enfermement des boucs émissaires rappelle des heures sombres de l’Histoire.

      Le monde entier devient fasciste et la Grèce en est, une fois de plus, l’un des laboratoires.

      Mais rien n’est fini. Septembre arrive bientôt. Les jobs saisonniers se terminent. Le mouvement social se rassemble et s’organise à nouveau. Des lieux comme le Notara 26 et le K*Vox sont sous haute surveillance. Des ripostes se préparent, ainsi que plusieurs grands événements mobilisateurs. L’automne sera chaud à Athènes.

      Résistance !

      Yannis Youlountas

      http://blogyy.net/2019/08/26/exarcheia-sous-occupation-policiere

      ##Exarchia

    • Message de Vicky Skoumbi, reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, le 27.08.2019:

      143 réfugiés de deux squats de la rue #Spirou_Trikoupi furent interpellées dont 51 femmes et 35 enfants. Dans un autre squat furent interpellées et finalement arrêtées trois personnes, deux grecs et un français. Aucune trace n’a été détecté ni d’explosifs, ni d’armes, ni de drogue. La grande majorité de 143 réfugiés sont de demandeurs d’asile. 9 d’entre eux n’ayant pas de papiers, risquent d’être expulsés. Les autres après vérification de leurs papiers, ont été logés à l’hôtel, en attendant d’être transférés à un camp ou une autre structure d’accueil, déjà surpeuplée.
      M. Balaskas, représentant de la Confédération Hellénique des fonctionnaires de police, avait comparé la police grecque à un aspirateur particulièrement puissant que serait en mesure de faire disparaître toute « poubelle » du quartier d’Exarchia. En guise de rectification, il avait ajouté, que les réfugiés seraient une poussière très gênante. Ces déclarations ont provoquées un tel tollé de réactions, que la direction de police hellénique a été obligée de les transmettre au Procureur et d’ordonner l’ouverture d’une enquête interne.

    • Migrants « poussière » et squatters « ordures » : un policier grec risque des poursuites

      La police grecque a annoncé avoir saisi ce mardi le parquet d’Athènes après les déclarations du vice-président du syndicat des policiers, qui avait qualifié d’« ordures » les squatters à Exarchia, un quartier libertaire d’Athènes, et de « poussière » les migrants qui y résident.

      Un vaste #cou_de_filet a eu lieu lundi dans ce quartier, situé près du centre-ville, au cours duquel quatre squats ont été évacués et 143 migrants, dont de nombreuses familles avec enfants, ont été interpellés et conduits dans un hôtel d’Athènes. Connu pour sa mouvance anarchiste et l’occupation de nombreux bâtiments abandonnés surtout après la crise des migrants de 2015, le quartier d’Exarchia est souvent le théâtre d’affrontements entre jeunes et forces de l’ordre. Décrivant cette opération dans un entretien à la télévision Skaï lundi, Stavros Balaskas, vice-président de la Fédération panhellénique des employés de la police (Poasy), a indiqué qu’« un aspirateur électrique silencieux de nouvelle technologie a été mis en marche, c’est-à-dire la police, qui va graduellement absorber toutes les ordures d’Exarchia ».

      Après qu’un journaliste de la Skaï eut tenter de l’inciter à rectifier ses propos, Stavros Balaskas a poursuivi : « On ne veut pas dire que les ordures sont les migrants, qui sont (seulement) une poussière, qui pourrait avoir un caractère gênant ». « On veut dire les vraies ordures qui se trouvent dans dix autres squats (d’Exarchia ndrl) » qui « seront également évacués prochainement » et où « se trouvent de durs criminels, des anarchistes extrémistes et des gens d’extrême gauche », a-t-il lancé. Après une enquête administrative ordonnée au sein de la police contre lui, Stavros Balaskas est revenu sur ses propos en précisant qu’il a utilisé le terme « ordures » pour qualifier le « comportement de certaines personnes ». « Je n’aurais jamais qualifié d’"ordures" ou de "poussière" les gens », a-t-il assuré sur la télévision Star lundi soir. Il a rappelé que la police ne pouvait pas avoir d’accès dans le passé dans ces squats où la criminalité et le trafic de migrants sont fréquents.

      Répondant aux critiques de l’opposition de gauche qui accuse le nouveau gouvernement de droite de « durcissement » de la politique migratoire, le porte-parole du gouvernement Stelios Petsas a expliqué ce mardi que l’objectif de l’opération à Exarchia était « de combiner la sécurité et les conditions humaines de vie des migrants ».

      http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/migrants-poussiere-et-squatters-ordures-un-policier-grec-risque-des-poursui