https://www.hrw.org

  • Le monde selon #Xi_Jinping

    Depuis 2012, le désormais « président à vie » Xi Jinping a concentré tous les pouvoirs sur sa personne, avec l’obsession de faire de la #Chine la superpuissance du XXIe siècle. Plongée au coeur de son « rêve chinois ».

    Derrière son apparente bonhomie se cache un chef redoutable, prêt à tout pour faire de la Chine la première puissance mondiale, d’ici au centenaire de la République populaire, en 2049. En mars dernier, à l’issue de vastes purges, Xi Jinping modifie la Constitution et s’intronise « président à vie ». Une concentration des pouvoirs sans précédent depuis la fin de l’ère maoïste. Né en 1953, ce fils d’un proche de Mao Zedong révoqué pour « complot antiparti » choisit à l’adolescence, en pleine tourmente de la Révolution culturelle, un exil volontaire à la campagne, comme pour racheter la déchéance paternelle. Revendiquant une fidélité aveugle au Parti, il gravira en apparatchik « plus rouge que rouge » tous les degrés du pouvoir.
    Depuis son accession au secrétariat général du Parti en 2012, puis à la présidence l’année suivante, les autocritiques d’opposants ont réapparu, par le biais de confessions télévisées. Et on met à l’essai un système de surveillance généralisée censé faire le tri entre les bons et les mauvais citoyens. Inflexible sur le plan intérieur, Xi Jinping s’est donné comme objectif de supplanter l’Occident à la tête d’un nouvel ordre mondial. Son projet des « routes de la soie » a ainsi considérablement étendu le réseau des infrastructures chinoises à l’échelle planétaire. Cet expansionnisme stratégique, jusque-là développé en silence, inquiète de plus en plus l’Europe et les États-Unis.

    Impériale revanche
    Dans ce portrait très documenté du leader chinois, Sophie Lepault et Romain Franklin donnent un aperçu inédit de sa politique et montrent que l’itinéraire de Xi Jinping a façonné ses choix. De Pékin à Djibouti – l’ancienne colonie française est depuis 2017 la première base militaire chinoise à l’étranger – en passant par la mer de Chine méridionale et l’Australie, les réalisateurs passent au crible les projets et les stratégies d’influence du nouvel homme fort de la planète. Nourrie d’images d’archives et de témoignages (de nombreux experts et de dissidents, mais aussi d’un haut gradé proche du pouvoir), leur enquête montre comment Xi Jinping a donné à la reconquête nationaliste de la grandeur impériale chinoise, projet nourri dès l’origine par la République populaire, une spectaculaire ampleur.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/078193-000-A/le-monde-selon-xi-jinping
    #biographie #démocratie #trauma #traumatisme #Mao #révolution_culturelle #Terres_Jaunes #exil #Prince_Rouge #nationalisme #rêve_chinois #renaissance_nationale #histoire_nationale #totalitarisme #stabilité #idéologie #anti-corruption #lutte_contre_la_corruption #purge #dictature #investissements_à_l'étranger #prêts #dette #KUKA #ports #droits_humains #Australie #infiltration_chinoise #Nouvelle-Zélande #David_Cameron #Jean-Pierre_Raffarin #matières_premières #capitalisme_autoritaire #Ouïghours #arrestations #répression #censure #liberté_d'expression #défilés_militaires #armée #puissance_militaire #Mer_de_Chine_méridionale #îles_de_Spratleys #liberté_de_la_presse #prisonniers_politiques #Hong_Kong

    #Djibouti #base_militaire (de Djibouti)

    #Sri_Lanka —> Au Sri Lanka, le #port de #Hambantota est sous contrôle chinois, ceci pour au moins 99 ans (accord signé avec le Sri Lanka qui n’a pas pu rembourser le prêt que la Chine lui a accorder pour construire le port...)
    #dépendance
    v. aussi :
    Comment la Chine a fait main basse sur le Sri Lanka
    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/comment-la-chine-fait-main-basse-sur-le-sri-lanka

    Histoire semblable pour le #Port_du_Pirée à #Athènes, en #Grèce ou l’#aéroport de #Toulouse, en #France.

    #Organisation_de_coopération_de_Shangaï :


    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organisation_de_coop%C3%A9ration_de_Shanghai
    #Grande_unité_mondiale #enrichissement_pour_tous

    Quelques cartes et images tirées du #film #documentaire.

    La #nouvelle_route_de_la_soie et autres investissements chinois dans les infrastructures mondiales de #transport :

    La #Chinafrique :


    #Afrique
    Afrique où la Chine propose la « #solution_chinoise », programme de #développement basé sur le #développement_économique —> « #modèle_chinois de développement »

    Le programme de #surveillance_de_masse :

    Outre la surveillance, mise en place d’un programme appelé « #crédit_social » :

    Le #Système_de_crédit_social est un projet du gouvernement chinois visant à mettre en place d’ici 2020 un système national de #réputation_des_citoyens. Chacun d’entre eux se voit attribuer une note, échelonnée entre 350 et 950 points, dite « crédit social », fondée sur les données dont dispose le gouvernement à propos de leur statut économique et social. Le système repose sur un outil de surveillance de masse et utilise les technologies d’analyse du #big_data. Il est également utilisé pour noter les entreprises opérant sur le marché chinois.

    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syst%C3%A8me_de_cr%C3%A9dit_social

    Voici ce que cela donne :


    #surveillance #contrôle_de_la_population #vidéosurveillance #reconnaissance_faciale #contrôle_social
    #cartographie #visualisation
    ping @etraces

    ping @reka

  • https://www.hrw.org/everyday-encryption

    EVERYDAY ENCRYPTION
    This game is about the everyday choices you make about your security, and the role encryption plays in those choices. Digital security is always about making compromises and tradeoffs—what do you want to protect, and from whom? You can never be 100 percent secure, but encryption can help reduce your digital security risks.

    #informatique #didactique #jeu #surveillance #chiffrement #autodéfense #numérique

  • #Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education. Barriers Include Underinvestment, Fees, Discrimination

    The Pakistan government is failing to educate a huge proportion of the country’s girls, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.

    The 111-page report, “‘Shall I Feed My Daughter, or Educate Her?’: Barriers to Girls’ Education in Pakistan,” concludes that many girls simply have no access to education, including because of a shortage of government schools – especially for girls. Nearly 22.5 million of Pakistan’s children – in a country with a population of just over 200 million – are out of school, the majority of them girls. Thirty-two percent of primary school age girls are out of school in Pakistan, compared with 21 percent of boys. By ninth grade, only 13 percent of girls are still in school.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education
    #éducation #genre #filles #femmes #discriminations #inégalités #rapport #école

  • Tunisia: Privacy Threatened by ‘Homosexuality’ Arrests

    Tunisian authorities are confiscating and searching the phones of men they suspect of being gay and pressuring them to take anal tests and to confess to homosexual activity, Human Rights Watch said today. Prosecutors then use information collected in this fashion to prosecute them for homosexual acts between consenting partners, under the country’s harsh sodomy laws.

    “The Tunisian authorities have no business meddling in people’s private sexual practices, brutalizing and humiliating them under the guise of enforcing discriminatory laws,” said Amna Guellali, Tunisia director at Human Rights Watch. “Tunisia should abolish its antiquated anti-sodomy laws and respect everyone’s right to privacy.”

    Human Rights Watch spoke with six men prosecuted in 2017 and 2018 under article 230 of the penal code, which punishes consensual same-sex conduct with up to three years in prison. One person interviewed was only 17 years old the first time he was arrested. Human Rights Watch also reviewed the judicial files in these cases and five others that resulted in prosecutions under either article 230 or article 226, which criminalizes “harming public morals.” In addition to violating privacy rights, these cases included allegations of mistreatment in police custody, forced confessions, and denial of access to legal counsel.

    Police arrested some of these men after disputes arose between them or after neighbors reported them. Two had gone to the police to report being raped.

    Some of the men spent months in prison. At least three have left Tunisia and applied for asylum in European countries.

    K.S., a 32-year-old engineer, entered a police station in Monastir in June 2018 to file a complaint of gang rape, and to get an order for a medical examination of his injuries. Instead of treating him as a victim, he said, the police ordered an anal test to determine whether K.S. was “used to practicing sodomy.” “How they treated me was insane,” K.S. told Human Rights Watch. “How is it their business to intrude into my intimate parts and check whether I am ‘used to sodomy’?”

    In another case, a 17-year-old was arrested three times on sodomy charges and was forced to undergo an anal examination, as well as months of conversion therapy at a juvenile detention center. Both harmful practices are discredited.

    Tunisian prosecutors have relied extensively in recent years on forced anal examinations to seek “evidence” of sodomy, even though the exams are highly unreliable and constitute cruel, degrading, and inhuman treatment that can rise to the level of torture.

    On September 21, 2017, during the Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations Human Rights Council, Tunisia formally accepted a recommendation to end forced anal exams. However, Tunisia’s delegation stated: “Medical examinations will be conducted based on the consent of the person and in the presence of a medical expert.” This stance is not credible because trial courts can presume that a refusal to undergo the exam signals guilt, Human Rights Watch said. Tunisia should abandon anal exams altogether.

    Prosecutions for consensual sex in private and between adults violate the rights to privacy and nondiscrimination guaranteed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Tunisia is a party. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which monitors compliance with the covenant, has stated that sexual orientation is a status protected against discrimination. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has found that arrests for same-sex conduct between consenting adults are, by definition, arbitrary.

    Tunisia’s 2014 constitution, in article 24, obliges the government to protect the rights to privacy and the inviolability of the home. Article 21 provides that “All citizens, male and female, have equal rights and duties, and are equal before the law without any discrimination.” Article 23 prohibits “mental and physical torture.”

    The Code of Criminal Procedure prohibits house searches and seizure of objects that could serve a criminal investigation without a judicial warrant, except in cases of flagrante delicto, that is when catching someone in the act.

    Article 1 of Law No. 63 on the protection of personal data stipulates that “every person is entitled to the protection of their personal data and privacy of information, viewed as a fundamental right guaranteed by the constitution. This data can only be used with transparency, loyalty and respect for the dignity of the person whose data is subject of treatment.” However, neither Law No. 63 nor any other domestic law regulates the conditions for seizing private data during a police investigation or its use.

    On June 12, the Commission on Individual Freedoms and Equality, appointed by President Beji Caid Essebsi, proposed, among other actions, to decriminalize homosexuality and to end anal testing in criminal investigations into homosexuality. It also proposed criminalizing the unlawful “interception, opening, recording, spreading, saving and deleting” of an electronic message.

    On October 11, 13 members of the Tunisian Parliament introduced draft legislation for a code on individual freedoms. It incorporated several proposals from the presidential commission including abolition of article 230.

    Parliament should move quickly on this draft legislation and abolish article 230, Human Rights Watch said. It should enact a law that effectively protects people’s privacy, through regulating the seizure and use of private data during criminal investigations, with consequences if such a law is violated.

    The Justice Ministry should meanwhile direct public prosecutors to abandon prosecutions under article 230. The Interior Ministry should investigate reports of the ill-treatment of people arrested based on their gender identity or sexual orientation.

    Human Rights Watch conducted face to face interviews with men in Tunisia and phone interviews with men who fled to European countries. Pseudonyms have been used to protect their privacy.

    Shams and Damj, local LGBT rights groups, provided assistance.

    Accounts by Men Prosecuted

    K.S., 32, engineer

    K.S. used to work for an international company in Tunis. He said that on June 8, he went to spend the weekend in at a friend’s house in Monastir, a coastal city. He had earlier chatted with a man from Monastir on Grindr, a social network application for gays. They made a date and they met that day in a café. The man invited K.S. to his house, but once there, the man became aggressive and showed K.S. a police badge. Two other men arrived, and they started insulting him, calling him “sick.” “One said, ‘You people of Loth [a demeaning term derived from the Biblical and Quranic story of Lot], you deserve to be killed, you are like microbes.’”

    They punched and slapped him on the face, he said. Then the man who had invited him said, “We will show you what sodomy is like.” The men then forced him to take off his clothes and bend over. Two of them held K.S. by the arms while the third inserted a baton in his anus. “It was unbearable, I felt that I will faint,” K.S. said. They finally let him leave.

    I was shivering and bleeding [when I reached my friend’s house]. The next day, I went to Fattouma Bourguiba hospital in Monastir. I just wanted to get medical treatment and to check that I did not have internal hemorrhaging.

    But, he said, the doctor refused to examine him without a police order:

    I went to the Skanes district police station in Monastir, to try to get the requisition order. I did not want to tell the police the full story, so I just said that three men had raped me. The policeman who was typing my statement left the room at some point, and that’s when I saw on the screen that he was instructing the doctor at Fatouma Bourguiba hospital to examine whether I am ‘used to practicing sodomy.’ I felt the blood freeze in my body.

    Human Rights Watch reviewed the June 9 police requisition order, in which the chief instructs the doctor to examine whether K.S. was “used to practicing sodomy” and whether he was victim of anal rape.

    K.S. said that, when the policeman returned to the office, K.S. asked if he could leave. The policeman replied: “And go where? You can’t leave before we check what kind of stuff you do.” The policeman called for a patrol car to drive K.S. to the hospital.

    The doctor told me that he has a requisition order to perform an anal test. “We want to check whether this is a habit,” he said. I was terrified. I told him that I didn’t want to do the test. But he insisted that he had to perform it. He told me to remove my pants and assume a prayer position [on hand and knees] on top of the medical bed. He put on gloves and started to examine me with his fingers. As soon as he did, I felt sick and told him I wanted to go to the toilet. I wanted to stop this humiliation. He let me go. I managed to avoid the policemen who were waiting for me in the corridor and left the hospital. Once in the parking lot, I started running until I felt safe, and then went to my friend’s house.

    K.S. said he took a flight on June 13 to Belgium, where he has filed a request for asylum.

    K. B., 41, documentary filmmaker

    K.B. spent 13 months in pretrial detention on accusation of sodomy and unlawful detention. He is married and the father of an 8-year-old girl. He told Human Rights Watch that on March 3, 2017, at around 9 p.m., he went to downtown Tunis for drinks. While he was sitting in a bar, S.Z., a young man, approached him. They chatted for a while, then K.B. invited him to his place. He said that, after having sex, he went to the kitchen to prepare some food. When he came back to the living room, he caught the man stealing money from his wallet. K.B. tried to force him out of his apartment, but the man locked himself in a bedroom, went to the balcony, and screamed for help. Policemen arrived, arrested them, and took them to the Aouina district police station.

    Police treated me with contempt. The first question the interrogator asked was whether I had sex with S.Z. I denied it categorically and told him we only had drinks together. But he said that S.Z. had confessed. The interrogator asked me: “Aren’t you ashamed of yourself?”
    K.B. said the police at the station confiscated his phone and looked at his social media history and his photo archives. They switched the phone off and did not allow him to call his family or a lawyer. They presented him with a statement to sign, but he refused. At 4 a.m., they transferred both men to Bouchoucha detention center. Later that morning, the police took the men to the Tunis first instance court, where a prosecutor ordered them to undergo an anal test. The police took them to Charles Nicole hospital, K.B. said, where he refused the test. “The idea of them intruding into my intimacy and into my body was so humiliating to me.”

    He was returned to detention and after a few weeks decided to undergo the test in the hope that negative results would prove his innocence. He said he informed the investigative judge during a hearing and the judge issued a requisition. Police officers took him again to Charles Nicole Hospital.

    It was the worst thing that ever happened to me. The doctor asked me to strip and get on the examination table. He asked me to bend over. There was one policeman in the room and one medical assistant, watching. The doctor put one finger into my anus and moved it around. I was so ashamed. It was very dehumanizing.

    K.B. said that even though the test result was negative, the investigative judge indicted him for sodomy. The order referring the case to trial said that the time elapsed between the alleged act and the test prevented the court from ruling out that K.B. was “used to the practice of sodomy.”

    In May 2018, 13 months after the court placed K.B. in pretrial detention, it acquitted and freed him.

    In the indictment, the investigative judge wrote that S.Z. had confessed to the police to “committing the crime of sodomy in exchange for money” and that he admitted that he “approached and dated men he met via Facebook.” The judge quotes the police report, which describes in crude terms the sexual intercourse between K.B. and S.Z. The judge also states that K.B has denied the accusation of sodomy, and instead stated that he and S.Z. were only having drinks at his place and did not have sex.

    The investigative judge notes that S.Z. later retracted his confession and says that he gave instructions for the forensic doctor in the Charles Nicole Hospital to administer an anal test to determine whether K.B “bore signs of the practice of homosexual activity” recently or whether he “practices sodomy in a habitual way.”

    The judge’s indictment of K. B. was based on S.Z.’s confession to the police, later repudiated, from “the circumstances of the case, which show that the two men had no other reason to go to K. B.’s house” and K. B.’s refusal to take the anal test. The judge wrote: “given that the test was performed 20 days after the reported incident, the forensic doctor was not able to find signs of anal penetration because those signs disappear five days after the act.”

    “Free” (nickname), 32, hairdresser

    Free said that on the night of April 5, 2018, he went with a female friend from Sousse to Monastir for drinks and to meet his boyfriend. When they arrived at around 9 p.m., he said, a police patrol stopped them and asked for their papers, then told the woman to accompany them to the station for further identity checks. Free waited outside the station.

    While waiting, Free received an angry message from his boyfriend asking him why he was late. Free explained where he was and snapped a photo of the station as proof. A police officer saw him and confiscated Free’s telephone, saying he had endangered state security. The officer took him to an interrogation room, where another officer handcuffed him to a chair. An officer searched the phone and finding nude photos of Free, then searched his social media activity and read the conversations he had with men on gay dating apps and his chats with his boyfriend on Facebook Messenger, some of them sexually explicit.

    Free said that the police officer turned to him and said, “I hate you, you sodomites. You will have to pay for your depravity.” Other police officers in the room insulted Free, he said. The officer interrogated him about his sexual activity, wrote a report, and told him to sign it. When Free refused, a policeman slapped him in the face and said, “Ah, now you are trying to be a man. Just sign here, you scum.” Free signed the report without reading it.

    At no point during the interrogation did the police advise Free of his right to speak to a lawyer. At around midnight, they moved him into a cell, where he spent the night. The following day, he was taken before a prosecutor, who charged him with sodomy but decided to release him provisionally pending trial. On June 6, he appeared before the first instance court in Monastir. The presiding judge closed the courtroom to the public.

    The first question he asked me was whether I am used to the practice of sodomy. I told him I was not. He asked the question again, then asked, “Then why did you confess?” I answered, “Because the police forced me to.” The judge asked, “But if you are not a sodomite, why do you dress like this, why do you look like one of them?”

    He said the judge adjourned the trial to June 14, when he convicted Free and sentenced him to a four-months sentence with probation, based on his phone conversations and his forced confession. Free has appealed.

    M. R., 26, paramedic

    M.R. worked in a hospital in Tebourba, a city 40 kilometers west of Tunis. He fled to France and applied for asylum after being charged under article 230 and granted pretrial release.

    M.R. said he had always hidden his sexual orientation because of severe social stigma. In November 2017, he chatted with a man on Facebook. The man, called A.F., sent him photos, and they decided to meet. When they did, M.R. realized that the photos were fake and told A.F. that he would not have sex with him. A few days later, on November 28, A.F. banged on his door at around 4 a.m. Fearing scandal, M.R. opened the door to find A.F. drunk and wielding a knife. A.F. slapped him on the face, ordered him to remove his clothes, and raped him, he said, threatening to cut his throat. After a few hours, A.F. told M.R. to buy A.F. cigarettes. M.R. went to the Tebourba police station and filed a rape complaint.

    When I told the police officers about the rape, they asked me how I knew the man and how we met. I dodged the questions, but they insisted. I told them that I am gay, and their behavior changed instantly. The station chief said: “Ah, so you were the one who initiated this, you are an accomplice to the crime, there is no rape here – you deserve this.” Then, he handed me a requisition order and told me to go get an anal test the following day at Charles Nicole Hospital.

    The police interrogated M.R., then accompanied him to his apartment, where they arrested A.F. The police told M.R. to undergo the anal examination, then report to the First Instance Court in Manouba. M.R. consulted the nongovernmental association Shams, which defends sexual minorities, and decided to skip the anal test. When he reported to the court, the investigative judge treated him as a criminal, not a victim. M.R. said:

    He asked questions about my sex life and when I started practicing sodomy with other men. He said that I deserved everything that had happened to me and that I should be ashamed of myself.

    M.R. said that the judge charged him with sodomy and granted him pretrial release. A.F. was kept in custody and charged with sodomy and rape.

    The indictment of M.R., prepared by the investigative judge and dated December 13, 2017, provides purported details from M.R.’s intimate life, including confessions that he is gay. The indictment also relies on the confession from A.F. and cites a condom seized at M. R.’s house as evidence.

    M.R. said that, three days after the encounter with A.F., he reported to work at the hospital. The director handed him a dismissal notice on the grounds that he was facing trial.

    I had to go back to my family’s place, as I had no salary anymore. It was like living in a prison. My father and older brother beat me many times, my father even burned me with a cigarette. They did not allow me to go out, they said they were ashamed of me.

    Having lost everything, he left Tunisia for France.

    I had no other choice, I felt rejected by everyone, my family, society, my colleagues. And I was afraid of going to prison.

    Mounir Baatour, M.R.’s lawyer, told Human Rights Watch that the case is stalled in the first instance court in Manouba, and has yet to go to trial. On May 15, 2018, indictment chamber sent the indictment to the cassation court for a legal review, which is pending.

    R. F., 42, day laborer, and M.J. 22, unemployed

    On June 12, 2018, police in Sidi Bouzaiane arrested R.F. and M.J. after R.F. went to the police to say that M.J. had refused to leave R.F.’s house.

    M.J. said that the police came to his house and took both men to the police station at around midnight. They interrogated them in the same room, asking them how they met. A police officer took R.F.’s phone and watched videos stored on it, then said to R.F., “So you are a miboun [a degrading term for gay]. M.J. said:

    One of the four officers present during interrogation slapped R.F. on the face. Then he turned toward me and asked, “So what were you both doing in the house? I’m sure you were having sex, so you too must be a miboun. You are staining this country,” he said.

    M.J. said that policemen beat him on his face, head, and back. When the police finished the interrogation at 3 a.m., they presented a written report and told M.J. to sign it. He said he asked to have a lawyer first, but they refused to let him call one and insulted him. He signed the report.

    The police report, reviewed by Human Rights Watch, states that neither man requested a lawyer. R.F.’s purported statement, as the police recorded it, describes in graphic terms how he habitually practices sodomy and has sex with men. The police report states that officers searched R.F.’s smartphone and found videos of R.F. having sex with men. The police confiscated his phone, the report says, as “evidence of the crime.”

    Two days after the arrest, M.J. said, he and R.F. appeared before a prosecutor, who asked them: “Aren’t you afraid of God’s judgment?” He ordered pretrial detention, and they were sent to the Sidi Bouzid prison. M.J. said that one of the prison guards harassed him and asked him vulgar questions such as: “How you do this? Are you getting fucked for money? Why are you fucking men? Aren’t there enough women to fuck in this country?”

    He said he was put in a cell with 100 other men, who seemed to have been informed about his “crime.” Over the following days, his cellmates insulted, beat, and sexually harassed him. He said that one night, he refused to have sex with the cell “strongman”, so the man and two others beat him. He said they held his arms, while the strongman slapped him on the face and punched him on the chin.

    After a week in detention, he appeared before an investigative judge, who asked him about his sexual behavior. M.J. said he admitted that he is gay. He said he had done nothing wrong, but the judge replied, “You are harming society.”

    The first instance court in Sidi Bouzid sentenced the two men on June 12 to three months in prison for sodomy. The appeals court upheld the sentence.

    S.C., 24 and A.B., 22

    Police arrested S.C. and A.B. in Sousse on December 8, 2016, when they were allegedly caught committing sodomy in public. They were sentenced, on March 10, 2017, to eight months in prison under article 230 of the penal code and not on charges related to public indecency. The police report describes their sexual intercourse in detail and concludes that S.C. “committed active sodomy,” while A.B. was a “passive sodomite.”

    The judgment from the first instance court in Sousse, which Human Rights Watch reviewed, states that both denied committing sodomy or being homosexuals. It states that they were both subjected to anal examinations on December 9, 2016, that turned out “negative.” The judge concluded that: “the results of the anal tests cannot exonerate the accused of the crime, especially given that the [tests] were performed sometime after the facts.” The court based the guilty verdict only on the declarations by police officers and wrote that: “it is appropriate to sentence them to eight months as an adequate and dissuasive sentence proportional to the offense that they have committed.”

    A.C., 18, student

    A.C. was arrested three times for sodomy. The first time was in August 2017, when he was 17. Police forces arrested him at his house after his two sisters denounced him as gay and took him to the Kasba police station in Tunis. He said that they interrogated him extensively about his sexual orientation and took his smart phone and searched his personal data. The next day, they took him to a forensic doctor in the Charles Nicole hospital for an anal examination. He said he did not have a lawyer and that the police did not inform him of his right to have one.

    I did not understand what was going on. The police told me that the test is mandatory. The doctor told me to go on an examination bed and to bend, and then he inserted his fingers in my insides. The doctor did not explain what the test is about.

    A.C. said he was released without charge after spending two days in the Kasba police station.

    On May 15, 2018, he went to the police station in Sijoumi, in Tunis, in response to a summons. He said police officers told him his family had filed a complaint and questioned him for almost four hours. A.C. confessed to being gay. The police took him to Bouchoucha detention center in Tunis, where he spent the night. The next day, May 16, he appeared before the Tunis first instance court in Sidi Hassine, where an investigative judge interviewed him. The judge asked him: “Why are you like this? Don’t you know that what you’re doing is haram [forbidden under Islam]?”

    I told the judge that I didn’t break any laws, that what I do is my personal business. I did not hurt anyone. This is my private life and should not be the concern of anyone else.

    He said the judge ordered his detention for two months in a juvenile rehabilitation center, as he was still a minor, and forced him to undergo “conversion therapy,” a thoroughly discredited method to change someone’s sexual orientation or gender identity. At the center, a psychiatrist visited him twice, telling him that “he should work on changing himself and his mind.” He appeared before another investigative judge, on June 25, who released him.

    A.C. said that on September 2, he was running some errands with his boyfriend when the police stopped them and asked for their identity cards. The police told A.C. that his family had filed a complaint against him. They took him to Hay Hlel police station in Tunis, where they questioned him about his sexual life, confiscated his phone, and looked at his photos and personal conversations. A prosecutor issued a warrant to detain him, and he spent eight days in the Bouchoucha detention center. On September 20, he appeared before a judge, who released him without charge.

    F.B, 28; N.A, 21 and B.K., 27, day laborers

    In Sousse, a coastal city, the police arrested three men in January 2017, after neighbors complained that they suspected the men were gay. In the indictment, which Human Rights Watch reviewed, the investigative judge states that the police went to the house where the men were staying, seized their phones, on which they found “evidence that they were sodomites,” as well as “women’s clothing,” and took the men to the police station.

    The investigative judge ruled that the men harmed public morals based on the content of the seized phones and “because they dressed up like women, used lipstick, and talked in a languid way.” The police report and the indictment, which usually would include information about a judicial warrant, did not indicate that the police had one. The three men were sentenced to two months in prison for the charge of harming public morals and served their terms.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/08/tunisia-privacy-threatened-homosexuality-arrests

    #Tunisie #homophobie #homosexualité #COI #LGBT

  • “You Cry at Night but Don’t Know Why”. Sexual Violence against Women in North Korea

    Oh Jung Hee is a former trader in her forties from Ryanggang province. She sold clothes to market stalls in Hyesan city and was involved in the distribution of textiles in her province. She said that up until she left the country in 2014, guards would regularly pass by the market to demand bribes, sometimes in the form of coerced sexual acts or intercourse. She told Human Rights Watch:

    I was a victim many times … On the days they felt like it, market guards or police officials could ask me to follow them to an empty room outside the market, or some other place they’d pick. What can we do? They consider us [sex] toys … We [women] are at the mercy of men. Now, women cannot survive without having men with power near them.

    She said she had no power to resist or report these abuses. She said it never occurred to her that anything could be done to stop these assaults except trying to avoid such situations by moving away or being quiet in order to not be noticed.

    Park Young Hee, a former farmer in her forties also from Ryanggang province who left North Korea for the second time in 2011, was forced back to North Korea from China in the spring of 2010 after her first attempt to flee. She said, after being released by the secret police (bowiseong) and put under the jurisdiction of the police, the officer in charge of questioning her in the police pre-trial detention facility (kuryujang) near Musan city in North Hamgyong province touched her body underneath her clothes and penetrated her several times with his fingers. She said he asked her repeatedly about the sexual relations she had with the Chinese man to whom she had been sold to while in China. She told Human Rights Watch:

    My life was in his hands, so I did everything he wanted and told him everything he asked. How could I do anything else? … Everything we do in North Korea can be considered illegal, so everything can depend on the perception or attitude of who is looking into your life.

    Park Young Hee said she never told anybody about the abuse because she did not think it was unusual, and because she feared the authorities and did not believe anyone would help.

    The experiences of Oh Jung Hee and Park Young Hee are not isolated ones. While sexual and gender-based violence is of concern everywhere, growing evidence suggests it is endemic in North Korea.

    This report–based largely on interviews with 54 North Koreans who left the country after 2011, when the current leader, Kim Jong Un, rose to power, and 8 former North Korean officials who fled the country–focuses on sexual abuse by men in official positions of power. The perpetrators include high-ranking party officials, prison and detention facility guards and interrogators, police and secret police officials, prosecutors, and soldiers. At the time of the assaults, most of the victims were in the custody of authorities or were market traders who came across guards and other officials as they traveled to earn their livelihood.

    Interviewees told us that when a guard or police officer “picks” a woman, she has no choice but to comply with any demands he makes, whether for sex, money, or other favors. Women in custody have little choice should they attempt to refuse or complain afterward, and risk sexual violence, longer periods in detention, beatings, forced labor, or increased scrutiny while conducting market activities.

    Women not in custody risk losing their main source of income and jeopardizing their family’s survival, confiscation of goods and money, and increased scrutiny or punishment, including being sent to labor training facilities (rodong danryeondae) or ordinary-crimes prison camps (kyohwaso, literally reform through labor centers) for being involved in market activities. Other negative impacts include possibly losing access to prime trading locations, being fired or overlooked for jobs, being deprived of means of transportation or business opportunities, being deemed politically disloyal, being relocated to a remote area, and facing more physical or sexual violence.

    The North Koreans we spoke with told us that unwanted sexual contact and violence is so common that it has come to be accepted as part of ordinary life: sexual abuse by officials, and the impunity they enjoy, is linked to larger patterns of sexual abuse and impunity in the country. The precise number of women and girls who experience sexual violence in North Korea, however, is unknown. Survivors rarely report cases, and the North Korean government rarely publishes data on any aspect of life in the country.

    Our research, of necessity conducted among North Koreans who fled, does not provide a generalized sample from which to draw definitive conclusions about the prevalence of sexual abuse by officials. The diversity in age, geographic location, social class, and personal backgrounds of the survivors, combined with many consistencies in how they described their experiences, however, suggest that the patterns of sexual violence identified here are common across North Korea. Our findings also mirror those of other inquiries that have tried to discern the situation in this sealed-off authoritarian country.

    A 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry (UN COI) on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) concluded that systematic, widespread, and gross human rights violations committed by the North Korean government constituted crimes against humanity. These included forced abortion, rape, and other sexual violence, as well as murder, imprisonment, enslavement, and torture on North Koreans in prison or detention. The UN COI stated that witnesses revealed that while “domestic violence is rife within DPRK society … violence against women is not limited to the home, and that it is common to see women being beaten and sexually assaulted in public.”

    The Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), a South Korean government think tank that specializes in research on North Korea, conducted a survey with 1,125 North Koreans (31.29 percent men and 68.71 percent women) who re-settled in South Korea between 2010 and 2014. The survey found that 37.7 percent of the respondents said sexual harassment and rape of inmates at detention facilities was “common,” including 15.9 percent that considered it “very common.” Thirty-three women said they were raped at detention and prison facilities, 51 said they witnessed rapes in such facilities, and 25 said they heard of such cases. The assailants identified by the respondents were police agents–45.6 percent; guards–17.7 percent; secret police (bowiseong) agents –13.9 percent; and fellow detainees–1.3 percent. The 2014 KINU survey found 48.6 percent of the respondents said that rape and sexual harassment against women in North Korea was “common.”

    The North Koreans we spoke with stressed that women are socialized to feel powerless to demand accountability for sexual abuse and violence, and to feel ashamed when they are victims of abuse. They said the lack of rule of law and corresponding support systems for survivors leads most victims to remain silent–not seek justice and often not even talk about their experiences.

    While most of our interviewees left North Korea between2011 and 2016, and many of the abuses date from a year or more before their departure, all available evidence suggests that the abuses and near-total impunity enjoyed by perpetrators continue to the present.

    In July 2017, the North Korean government told the UN committee that monitors the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) that just nine people in all of North Korea were convicted of rape in 2008, seven in 2011, and five in 2015. The government said that the numbers of male perpetrators convicted for the crime of forcing a woman who is his subordinate to have sexual intercourse was five in 2008, six in 2011, and three in 2015. While North Korean officials seem to think such ridiculously low numbers show the country to be a violence-free paradise, the numbers are a powerful indictment of their utter failure to address sexual violence in the country.

    Sexual Abuse in Prisons and Detention Facilities

    Human Rights Watch interviewed eight former detainees or prisoners who said they experienced a combination of verbal and sexual violence, harsh questioning, and humiliating treatment by investigators, detention facility personnel, or prison guards that belong to the police or the secret police (bowiseong).

    Six interviewees had experienced sexual, verbal, and physical abuse in pre-trial detention and interrogation facilities (kuryujang)–jails designed to hold detainees during their initial interrogations, run by the MSS or the police. They said secret police or police agents in charge of their personal interrogation touched their faces and their bodies, including their breasts and hips, either through their clothes or by putting their hands inside their clothes.

    Human Rights Watch also documented cases of two women who were sexually abused at a temporary holding facility (jipkyulso) while detainees were being transferred from interrogation facilities (kuryujang) to detention facilities in the detainees’ home districts.

    Sexual Abuse of Women Engaged in Trade

    Human Rights Watch interviewed four women traders who experienced sexual violence, including rape, assault, and sexual harassment, as well as verbal abuse and intimidation, by market gate-keeper officials. We also interviewed 17 women who were sexually abused or experienced unwanted sexual advances by police or other officials as they traveled for their work as traders. Although seeking income outside the command economy was illegal, women started working as traders during the mass famine of the 1990s as survival imperatives led many to ignore the strictures of North Korea’s command economy. Since many married women were not obliged to attend a government-established workplace, they became traders and soon the main breadwinners for their families. But pursuing income in public exposed them to violence.

    Traders and former government officials told us that in North Korea traders are often compelled to pay bribes to officials and market regulators, but for women the “bribes” often include sexual abuse and violence, including rape. Perpetrators of abuses against women traders include high-ranking party officials, managers at state-owned enterprises, and gate-keeper officials at the markets and on roads and check-points, such as police, bowiseong agents, prosecutors, soldiers, and railroad inspectors on trains.

    Women who had worked as traders described unwanted physical contact that included indiscriminately touching their bodies, grabbing their breasts and hips, trying to touch them underneath their skirts or pants, poking their cheeks, pulling their hair, or holding their bodies in their arms. The physical harassment was often accompanied by verbal abuse and intimidation. Women also said it was common for women to try to help protect each other by sharing information about such things, such as which house to avoid because it is rumored that the owner is a rapist or a child molester, which roads not to walk on alone at night, or which local high-ranking official most recently sexually preyed upon women.

    Our research confirms a trend already identified in the UN COI report:

    Officials are not only increasingly engaging in corruption in order to support their low or non-existent salaries, they are also exacting penalties and punishment in the form of sexual abuse and violence as there is no fear of punishment. As more women assume the responsibility for feeding their families due to the dire economic and food situation, more women are traversing through and lingering in public spaces, selling and transporting their goods.

    The UN COI further found “the male dominated state, agents who police the marketplace, inspectors on trains, and soldiers are increasingly committing acts of sexual assault on women in public spaces” and “received reports of train guards frisking women and abusing young girls onboard.” This was described as “the male dominated state preying on the increasingly female-dominated market.”

    Almost all of the women interviewed by Human Rights Watch with trading experience said the only way not to fall prey to extortion or sexual harassment while conducting market activities was to give up hopes of expanding one’s business and barely scrape by, be born to a powerful father with money and connections, marry a man with power, or become close to one.

    Lack of Remedies

    Only one of the survivors of sexual violence Human Rights Watch interviewed for this report said she had tried to report the sexual assault. The other women said they did not report it because they did not trust the police and did not believe police would be willing to take action. The women said the police do not consider sexual violence a serious crime and that it is almost inconceivable to even consider going to the police to report sexual abuse because of the possible repercussions. Family members or close friends who knew about their experience also cautioned women against going to the authorities.

    Eight former government officials, including a former police officer, told Human Rights Watch that cases of sexual abuse or assault are reported to police only when there are witnesses and, even then, the reports invariably are made by third parties and not by the women themselves. Only seven of the North Korean women and men interviewed by Human Rights Watch were aware of cases in which police had investigated sexual violence and in all such cases the victims had been severely injured or killed.

    All of the North Koreans who spoke to Human Rights Watch said the North Korean government does not provide any type of psycho-social support services for survivors of sexual violence and their families. To make matters worse, they said, the use of psychological or psychiatric services itself is highly stigmatized.

    Two former North Korean doctors and a nurse who left after 2010 said there are no protocols for medical treatment and examination of victims of sexual violence to provide therapeutic care or secure medical evidence. They said there are no training programs for medical practitioners on sexual assault and said they never saw a rape victim go to the hospital to receive treatment.

    Discrimination Against Women

    Sex discrimination and subordination of women are pervasive in North Korean. Everyone in North Korea is subjected to a socio-political classification system, known as songbun, that grouped people from its creation into “loyal,” “wavering,” or “hostile” classes. But a woman’s classification also depends, in critical respects, on that of her male relatives, specifically her father and her father’s male relations and, upon marriage, that of her husband and his male relations. A woman’s position in society is lower than a man’s, and her reputation depends largely on maintaining an image of “sexual purity” and obeying the men in her family.

    The government is dominated by men. According to statistics provided by the DPRK government to the UN, as of 2016 women made up just 20.2 percent of the deputies selected, 16.1 percent of divisional directors in government bodies, 11.9 percent of judges and lawyers, 4.9 percent of diplomats, and 16.5 per cent of the officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    On paper, the DPRK says that it is committed to gender equality and women and girl’s rights. The Criminal Code criminalizes rape of women, trafficking in persons, having sexual relations with women in a subordinate position, and child sexual abuse. The 2010 Law on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Women bans domestic violence. North Korea has also ratified five international human rights treaties, including ones that address women and girl’s rights and equality, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and CEDAW.

    During a meeting of a North Korean delegation with the CEDAW Committee, which reviewed North Korean compliance between 2002 and 2015, government officials argued all of the elements of CEDAW had been included in DPRK’s domestic laws. However, under questioning by the committee, the officials were unable to provide the definition of “discrimination against women” employed by the DPRK.

    Park Kwang Ho, Councilor of the Central Court in the DPRK, stated that if a woman in a subordinate position was forced to engage in sexual relations for fear of losing her job or in exchange for preferential treatment, it was her choice as to whether or not she complied. Therefore, he argued, in such a situation the punishment for the perpetrator should be lighter. He later amended his statement to say that if she did not consent to having sexual relations, and was forced to do so, the perpetrator was committing rape and would be punished accordingly.

    https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/10/31/you-cry-night-dont-know-why/sexual-violence-against-women-north-korea
    #abus_sexuels #violence_sexuelle #viols #Corée_du_nord #femmes #rapport

  • Brazilian media report that police are entering university classrooms to interrogate professors

    In advance of this Sunday’s second-round presidential election between far-right politician Jair #Bolsonaro and center-left candidate Fernando Haddad, Brazilian media are reporting that Brazilian police have been staging raids, at times without warrants, in universities across the country this week. In these raids, police have been questioning professors and confiscating materials belonging to students and professors.

    The raids are part a supposed attempt to stop illegal electoral advertising. Brazilian election law prohibits electoral publicity in public spaces. However, many of the confiscated materials do not mention candidates. Among such confiscated materials are a flag for the Universidade Federal Fluminense reading “UFF School of Law - Anti-Fascist” and flyers titled “Manifest in Defense of Democracy and Public Universities.”

    For those worrying about Brazilian democracy, these raids are some of the most troubling signs yet of the problems the country faces. They indicate the extremes of Brazilian political polarization: Anti-fascist and pro-democracy speech is now interpreted as illegal advertising in favor of one candidate (Fernando Haddad) and against another (Jair Bolsonaro). In the long run, the politicization of these two terms will hurt support for the idea of democracy, and bolster support for the idea of fascism.

    In the short run, the raids have even more troublesome implications. Warrantless police raids in university classrooms to monitor professor speech have worrisome echoes of Brazil’s 1964-1985 military regime — particularly when the speech the raids are seeking to stop is not actually illegal.

    Perhaps the most concerning point of all is that these raids are happening before Bolsonaro takes office. They have often been initiated by complaints from Bolsonaro supporters. All of this suggests that if Bolsonaro wins the election — as is widely expected — and seeks to suppress the speech of his opponents, whom he has called “red [i.e., Communist] criminals,” he may have plenty of willing helpers.

    https://www.vox.com/mischiefs-of-faction/2018/10/26/18029696/brazilian-police-interrogate-professors
    #université #extrême_droite #Brésil #police #it_has_begun
    Je crois que je vais commencer à utiliser un nouveau tag, qui est aussi le nom d’un réseau : #scholars_at_risk

    • Brésil : à peine élu, Jair Bolsonaro commence la chasse aux opposants de gauche

      Les universités dans le viseur

      Enfin, toujours pour lutter contre l’opposition à gauche, Jair Bolsonaro entend faire pression sur les professeurs d’université qui parleraient de politique pendant leurs cours.

      Le président élu a récemment scandalisé une partie du monde éducatif en accusant des professeurs, cités avec leurs noms et prénoms, de défendre les régimes de Cuba et de Corée du Nord devant leurs élèves, dans une vidéo diffusée sur Internet.

      Et pour y remédier, il compte installer des pancartes devant les salles de cours pour appeler les étudiants à dénoncer leurs professeurs par le biais d’une « hotline » téléphonique dédiée à la question.

      https://www.bfmtv.com/international/bresil-a-peine-elu-jair-bolsonaro-commence-la-chasse-aux-opposants-de-gauche-

    • Au Brésil, vague de répression dans les universités à la veille du second tour

      Quelques jours avant le second tour de l’élection présidentielle brésilienne, qui voit s’affronter le candidat d’extrême droite Jair Bolsonaro et le candidat du Parti des travailleurs (PT) Fernando Haddad, les campus universitaires du pays ont fait face à une vague inédite de répression de la liberté d’expression. Jeudi 25 octobre, la police a investi 27 universités, à la demande des tribunaux électoraux, dont les juges sont chargés de faire respecter les règles de communication et de propagande électorales des partis en lice. Les forces de police étaient à la recherche de supposé matériel de propagande électorale illégale. En fait, ces opérations ont visé des banderoles antifascistes, de soutien à la démocratie, un manifeste en soutien à l’université publique, des débats et des cours sur la dictature, la démocratie et les « fakes news » – ces mensonges ayant été largement diffusés pendant la campagne, en particulier par l’extrême-droite… [1]

      À Rio, une juge a ainsi fait enlever une banderole du fronton du bâtiment de la faculté de droit de l’université fédérale Fluminense (UFF), sur laquelle était inscrit, autour du symbole antifasciste du double drapeau rouge et noir, « Droit UFF antifasciste ». À l’université de l’État de Rio, les agents électoraux ont retiré une banderole en hommage à Marielle Franco, l’élue municipale du parti de gauche PSOL assassinée en pleine rue en mars dernier.

      220 000 messages de haine en quatre jours contre une journaliste

      Dans une université du Pará, quatre policiers militaires sont entrés sur le campus pour interroger un professeur sur « son idéologie ». L’enseignant avait abordé la question des fake news dans un cours sur les médias numériques. Une étudiante s’en est sentie offensée, alléguant une « doctrine marxiste », et l’a dit à son père, policier militaire. Une enquête du journal la Folha de São Paulo a pourtant révélé mi-octobre que des entreprises qui soutiennent le candidat d’extrême droite avaient acheté les services d’entreprises de communication pour faire envoyer en masse des fausses nouvelles anti-Parti des travailleurs directement sur les numéros whatsapp – une plateforme de messagerie en ligne – des Brésiliens. L’auteure de l’enquête, la journaliste Patricia Campos Melo, et le quotidien de São Paulo, ont ensuite reçu 220 000 messages de haine en quatre jours ! [2] Le journal a demandé à la police fédérale de lancer une enquête.

      Mais ce sont des conférences et des débats sur la dictature militaire et le fascisme qui ont pour l’instant été interdits. C’est le cas d’un débat public intitulé « Contre la fascisme, pour la démocratie », qui devait avoir lieu à l’université fédérale de Rio Grande do Sul (la région de Porto Alegre). Devaient y participer l’ex-candidat du parti de gauche PSOL au premier tour de la présidentielle, Guilherme Boulos, un ancien ministre issu du Parti des travailleurs, des députés fédéraux du PT et du PSOL. « J’ai donné des cours et des conférences dans des universités en France, en Angleterre, au Portugal, en Espagne, en Allemagne, en Argentine, et ici, même pendant la dictature. Aujourd’hui, je suis censuré dans l’État, le Rio Grande do Sul, que j’ai moi-même gouverné. Le fascisme grandit », a réagi l’un des députés, Tarso Genro, sur twitter.

      Une banderole « moins d’armes, plus de livres » jugée illégale

      Dans le Paraíba, les agents du tribunal électoral se sont introduits dans l’université pour retirer une banderole où était simplement inscrit « moins d’armes, plus de livres ». « Cette opération de la justice électorale dans les universités du pays pour saisir du matériel en défense de la démocratie et contre le fascisme est absurde. Cela rappelle les temps sombres de la censure et de l’invasion des facultés », a écrit Guilherme Boulos, le leader du PSOL, sur twitter, ajoutant : « Le parti de la justice a formé une coalition avec le PSL », le parti de Bolsonaro. « De telles interventions à l’intérieur de campus au cours d’une campagne électorale sont inédites. Une partie de l’appareil d’État se prépare au changement de régime », a aussi alerté l’historienne française, spécialiste du Brésil, Maud Chirio, sur sa page Facebook.

      Dimanche dernier, dans une allocution filmée diffusée pour ses supporters rassemblés à São Paulo, Jair Bolsonaro a proféré des menaces claires à l’égard de ses opposants. « Ou vous partez en exil ou vous partez en prison », a-il dit, ajoutant « nous allons balayer ces bandits rouges du Brésil », et annonçant un « nettoyage jamais vu dans l’histoire de ce pays ». Il a précisé qu’il allait classer le Mouvements des paysans sans Terre (MST) et le Mouvement des travailleurs sans toit (MTST) comme des organisations terroristes, et menacé Fernando Haddad de l’envoyer « pourrir en prison aux côtés de Lula ».


      https://www.bastamag.net/Au-Bresil-vague-de-repression-dans-les-universites-a-la-veille-du-second-t

    • We deplore this attack on freedom of expression in Brazil’s universities

      107 international academics react to social media reports that more than 20 universities in Brazil have been invaded by military police in recent days, with teaching materials confiscated on ideological grounds

      Reports have emerged on social media that more than 20 universities in Brazil have been subjected in recent days to: invasions by military police; the confiscation of teaching materials on ideological grounds; and the suppression of freedom of speech and expression, especially in relation to anti-fascist history and activism.

      As academics, researchers, graduates, students and workers at universities in the UK, Europe and further afield, we deplore this attack on freedom of expression in Brazil’s universities, which comes as a direct result of the campaign and election of far-right President Bolsonaro.

      Academic autonomy is a linchpin not only of independent and objective research, but of a functioning democracy, which should be subject to scrutiny and informed, evidence-based investigation and critique.

      We call on co-workers, colleagues and students to decry this attack on Brazil’s universities in the name of Bolsonaro’s wider militaristic, anti-progressive agenda. We will not stand by as this reactionary populist attacks the pillars of Brazil’s democracy and education system. We will campaign vigorously in whatever capacity we can with activists, educators and lawmakers in Brazil to ensure that its institutions can operate without the interference of this new – and hopefully short-lived – government.
      Dr William McEvoy, University of Sussex, UK (correspondent)
      Dr Will Abberley, University of Sussex
      Nannette Aldred, University of Sussex
      Patricia Alessandrini, Stanford University, USA
      Dr Michael Alexander, University of Glasgow
      Steven Allen, Birkbeck, University of London
      Dr Katherine Angel, Birkbeck, University of London
      Pedro Argenti, University of Antwerp, Belgium
      Nick Awde, International Editor, The Stage newspaper, London
      Professor Ian Balfour, York University, Toronto, Canada
      Lennart Balkenhol, University of Melbourne, Australia
      Nehaal Bajwa, University of Sussex
      Dr Louis Bayman, University of Southampton
      Mark Bergfeld, former NUS NEC (2010-2012)
      Professor Tim Bergfelder, University of Southampton
      Dr Patricia Pires Boulhosa, University of Cambridge
      Dr Maud Bracke, University of Glasgow
      Max Brookman-Byrne, University of Lincoln
      Dr Conrad Brunström, Maynooth University, Ireland
      Dr Christopher Burlinson, Jesus College, Cambridge
      Professor Martin Butler, University of Sussex
      Professor Gavin Butt, University of Sussex
      Cüneyt Çakirlar, Nottingham Trent University
      Guilherme Carréra, University of Westminster
      Geoffrey Chew, Royal Holloway, University of London
      Dr Maite Conde, University of Cambridge
      Dr Luke Cooper, Anglia Ruskin University, UK, and Institute of Human Sciences, Vienna, Austria
      Dr Sue Currell, University of Sussex
      Professor Dimitris Dalakoglou, Vrije University, Amsterdam, Netherlands
      William Dalziel, University of Sussex
      Dr April de Angelis, Royal Holloway, University of London
      Dr Olga Demetriou, Durham University
      Dr Stephanie Dennison, University of Leeds
      Dr Steffi Doebler, University of Liverpool
      Dr Sai Englert, SOAS University of London
      James Erskine, University of Sussex and Birkbeck, University of London
      Professor Martin Paul Eve, Birkbeck, University of London
      John Fallas, University of Leeds
      Dr Lynne Fanthome, Staffordshire University
      Dr Hannah Field, University of Sussex
      Dr Adrian Garvey, Birkbeck, University of London
      Dr Laura Gill, University of Sussex
      Dr Priyamvada Gopal, University of Cambridge
      Bhavini Goyate, University of Sussex
      Dr Craig Haslop, University of Liverpool
      Professor Björn Heile, University of Glasgow
      Dr Phil Hutchinson, Manchester Metropolitan University
      Professor Martin Iddon, University of Leeds
      Dr Eleftheria Ioannidou, University of Groningen, Netherlands
      Dr Chris Kempshall, University of Sussex
      Andrew Key, University of California, Berkeley, USA
      Professor Laleh Khalili, SOAS University of London
      Dr Theodore Koulouris, University of Brighton
      Professor Maria Lauret, University of Sussex
      Professor Vicky Lebeau, University of Sussex
      Professor James Livesey, University of Dundee, Scotland
      Professor Luke Martell, University of Sussex
      Dr N Gabriel Martin, Lebanese American University, Lebanon
      Wolfgang Marx, University College, Dublin, Ireland
      Andy Medhurst, University of Sussex
      Professor Philippe Meers, University of Antwerp, Belgium
      Dr Shamira A Meghani, University of Cambridge
      Niccolo Milanese, CESPRA EHESS, Paris, France and PUC Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
      Dr Ian Moody, CESEM – Universidade Nova, Lisbon
      Professor Lucia Naqib, University of Reading
      Dr Catherine Packham, University of Sussex
      Professor Dimitris Papanikolaou, University of Oxford
      Mary Parnwell, University of Sussex
      Professor Deborah Philips, University of Brighton
      Dr Chloe Porter, University of Sussex
      Dr Jason Price, University of Sussex
      Dr Duška Radosavljević, Royal Central School of Speech and Drama, University of London
      Francesca Reader, University of Sussex and University of Brighton
      Naida Redgrave, University of East London
      Professor Nicholas Ridout, Queen Mary, University of London
      Professor Lucy Robinson, University of Sussex
      Dr Kirsty Rolfe, University of Sussex
      Dr Joseph Ronan, University of Brighton
      Dr Michael Rowland, University of Sussex
      Dr Zachary Rowlinson, University of Sussex
      Professor Nicholas Royle, University of Sussex
      Dr Eleanor Rycroft, University of Bristol
      Dr Jason Scott-Warren, University of Cambridge
      Dr Deborah Shaw, University of Portsmouth
      Dr Lisa Shaw, University of Liverpool
      Kat Sinclair, University of Sussex
      Sandrine Singleton-Perrin, University of Essex
      Despina Sinou, University of Paris 13 – Sorbonne Paris Cité, France
      Dave Smith, University of Hertfordshire
      John Snijders, Durham University
      Dr Samuel Solomon, University of Sussex
      Dr Arabella Stanger, University of Sussex
      Professor Rob Stone, University of Birmingham
      Bernard Sufrin, Emeritus Fellow, Dept of Computer Science, University of Oxford
      Dr Natasha Tanna, University of Cambridge
      Professor Lyn Thomas, University of Sussex
      Simon Thorpe, University of Warwick
      Dr Gavan Titley, Maynooth University, Ireland
      Dr Pamela Thurschwell, University of Sussex
      Dr Dominic Walker, University of Sussex
      Dr Ed Waller, University of Surrey and University of Portsmouth
      Dr Kiron Ward, University of Sussex
      Helen Wheatley, University of Warwick
      Ian Willcock, University of Herfordshire
      Professor Gregory Woods, Nottingham Trent University
      Dr Tom F Wright, University of Sussex
      Dr Heba Youssef, University of Brighton

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/nov/01/we-deplore-this-attack-on-freedom-of-expression-in-brazils-universities
      #liberté_d'expression

    • Brazil Court Strikes Down Restrictions on University Speech

      Brazil´s Supreme Court issued an important decision striking down restrictions on political speech on university campuses in a unanimous ruling yesterday. Meanwhile, president-elect Jair Bolsonaro´s allies in Congress are pressing ahead with efforts to restrict what students and educators can discuss in the classroom.

      The court ruling overturned decisions by electoral court judges who recently ordered universities across the country to clamp down on what they considered illegal political campaigning. The orders were spurred by complaints from anonymous callers and, in a few cases, by members of conservative groups.

      For example, at Grande Dourados Federal University, court officials suspended a public event against fascism, according to the student group that organized it. At Campina Grande Federal University, police allegedly seized copies of a pamphlet titled “Manifesto in defense of democracy and public universities” and hard drives, said a professors´ association.

      At Rio de Janeiro State University, police ordered the removal of a banner honoring Marielle Franco, a black lesbian human rights defender and councilwoman murdered in March, despite not having a judicial order.

      The attorney general, Raquel Dodge, asked the Supreme Court to rule the electoral court judges´ decisions unconstitutional, and Supreme Court justice Cármen Lúcia Rocha issued an injunction stopping them. The full court upheld that decision on October 31.

      “The only force that must enter universities is the force of ideas,” said Rocha.

      “The excessive and illegitimate use of force by state agents … echoes somber days in Brazilian history,” said Justice Rosa Weber, referring to Brazil´s 1964 – 1985 military dictatorship.

      The ruling comes as Bolsonaro, who remains in Congress until he assumes the presidency on January 1, and his allies push a bill that would prohibit teachers from promoting their own opinions in the classroom or using the terms “gender” or “sexual orientation,” and would order that sex and religious education be framed around “family values.”

      A state representative-elect from Bolsonaro´s party has even called on students to film and report teachers who make “political-partisan or ideological statements.” Bolsonaro made a similar call in 2016. State prosecutors have filed a civil action against the representative-elect, alleging she instituted “an illegal service for the political and ideological control of teaching activities.”

      In his long career in Congress, Bolsonaro has endorsed abusive practices that undermine the rule of law, defended the dictatorship, and has been a vocal proponent of bigotry.

      More than ever, Brazil needs its judiciary to defend human rights within and outside the classroom.


      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/01/brazil-court-strikes-down-restrictions-university-speech
      #cour_suprême #justice

    • Présidentielle au Brésil : relents de dictature militaire

      Présidentielle au Brésil : Bolsonaro et le « risque d’un retour à l’ordre autoritaire en Amérique latine »

      Porté par plus de deux cents universitaires, responsables politiques et citoyens d’Europe et du Canada, ce manifeste s’inscrit dans un mouvement mondial de soutien à la démocratie face à la violence déchaînée par la candidature de Jair Bolsonaro au Brésil. Il est ouvert aux démocrates de toutes les sensibilités politiques. Face au risque imminent d’un retour à l’ordre autoritaire en Amérique latine, la solidarité internationale est impérative.

      Nous, citoyens, intellectuels, militants, personnalités politiques vivant, travaillant et étudiant en Europe et au Canada, exprimons notre vive inquiétude face à la menace imminente de l’élection de Jair Bolsonaro à la présidence du Brésil le 28 octobre 2018.

      Le souvenir de la dictature militaire

      La victoire de l’extrême droite radicale au Brésil risque de renforcer le mouvement international qui a porté au pouvoir des politiciens réactionnaires et antidémocratiques dans de nombreux pays ces dernières années.

      Bolsonaro défend ouvertement le souvenir de la dictature militaire qui a imposé sa loi au Brésil entre 1964 et 1985, ses pratiques de torture et ses tortionnaires. Il méprise le combat pour les droits humains. Il exprime une hostilité agressive envers les femmes, les Afro-descendants, les membres de la communauté LGBT +, les peuples autochtones et les pauvres. Son programme vise à détruire les avancées politiques, économiques, sociales, environnementales et culturelles des quatre dernières décennies, ainsi que l’action menée par les mouvements sociaux et le camp progressiste pour consolider et étendre la démocratie au Brésil.

      L’élection de Bolsonaro menace les fragiles institutions démocratiques pour la construction desquelles les Brésilien·ne·s ont pris tant de risques. Son arrivée au pouvoir serait aussi un frein majeur à toute politique internationale ambitieuse en matière de défense de l’environnement et de préservation de la paix.

      Premiers signataires : Martine Aubry , maire de Lille, ancienne ministre (PS) ; Luc Boltanski , sociologue, directeur d’études, EHESS ; Peter Burke , historien, professeur émérite à l’université de Cambridge ; Roger Chartier , historien, directeur d’études EHESS/Collège de France ; Mireille Clapot , députée de la Drôme, vice-présidente de la commission des affaires étrangères (LRM) ; Laurence Cohen , sénatrice du Val-de-Marne (PCF) ; Didier Fassin , professeur de sciences sociales, Institute for advanced study, Princeton ; Carlo Ginzburg , professeur émérite à UCLA et à l’Ecole normale supérieure de Pise ; Eva Joly , députée européenne (groupe Verts-ALE) ; Pierre Louault , sénateur d’Indre-et-Loire (UDI) ; Paul Magnette, bourgmestre de Charleroi, ex-ministre président de la Wallonie, ex-président du Parti socialiste belge ; Thomas Piketty , directeur d’études à l’EHESS.

      http://jennifer-detemmerman.fr/index.php/2018/10/23/presidentielle-au-bresil-relents-de-dictature-militaire

    • Une pétition qui a été lancé avant l’élection...
      Defend Democracy in Brazil. Say No to Jair Bolsonaro

      Defend Democracy in Brazil,

      Say No to Jair Bolsonaro

      We, citizens, intellectuals, activists, politicians, people living, working, and studying in Europe and Canada, wish to express our growing alarm at the imminent threat of Jair Bolsonaro’s election to the presidency on October 28, 2018. The potential victory of a far-right radical in Brazil would reinforce a dangerous international trend of extremely reactionary and anti-democratic politicians gaining state power in recent years.

      Bolsonaro explicitly defends the Brazilian military dictatorship that ruled the country from 1964-85 and praises torture and torturers. He condemns human rights efforts. He has expressed aggressive and vile hostility toward women, people of African descent, the LGBT+ community, indigenous people, and the poor. His proposed policies would effectively undo all of the political, social, economic, labor, environmental, and cultural gains of the last four decades, efforts by social movements and progressive politicians to consolidate and expand democracy in Brazil. A Bolsonaro presidency also threatens to undermine the still fragile democratic politics that people throughout Brazil have risked so much to build.

      His election would seriously hamper any ambitious international effort for environmental protection, against climate change and for the preservation of peace.

      Adapted version of the text « Defend Democracy in Brazil, Say No to Jair Bolsonaro! »

      https://www.change.org/p/association-pour-la-recherche-sur-le-br%C3%A9sil-en-europe-pour-la-d%C3%A9fe

  • Torture et persécution : la face sombre de l’Autorité palestinienne et du Hamas
    L’ONG Human Rights Watch dénonce le climat de violence, de répression et d’impunité instauré en Cisjordanie et à Gaza.
    LE MONDE | 23.10.2018 | Par Piotr Smolar (Jérusalem, correspondant)
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2018/10/23/un-rapport-denonce-la-pratique-systematique-de-la-torture-par-les-forces-de-

    « Nous allons te dévorer. » C’est la phrase qu’entendit le journaliste Sami As-Sai, en février 2017, peu après son transfert dans les locaux des services de renseignement de l’Autorité palestinienne (AP), à Jéricho. Interrogé sur ses liens supposés avec le Hamas, Sami As-Saï a été traîné avec une corde, les mains attachées, dans un couloir. Les policiers ont accroché la corde à une porte avant de la pousser lentement, pour étirer les membres. Il s’est évanoui. A son réveil, il a été frappé à la plante des pieds une vingtaine de fois. La douleur était si forte qu’après avoir été conduit aux toilettes, il n’était plus capable de remonter son pantalon seul.

    Lors d’un autre interrogatoire, il a été menotté dans le dos, puis suspendu ainsi au plafond. Les policiers ont menacé de l’accuser publiquement d’adultère, de l’empêcher de revoir son son fils de 10 ans, gravement malade. Au bout de treize jours de détention, Sami As-Sai a plaidé coupable pour « incitation au conflit sectaire » et « blanchiment ». La peine prononcée de quinze mois fut ramenée à trois, puis supprimée, dès lors que l’accusé accepta de payer une simple amende. Il a donc été remis en liberté à la fin de sa garde à vue. (...)

    • On compte à peu près 6000 prisonniers palestiniens dans les prisons israéliennes, un compte tenu régulièrement à jour par l’association Addameer :
      http://www.addameer.org

      On n’a en revanche à ma connaissance aucun chiffre sur le nombre de détenus par l’Autorité Palestinienne.

      Dans ce rapport de HRW, le Hamas reconnaît 4071 détenus dans les prisons de #Gaza.

      Aucune info sur la #Cisjordanie, sauf sur les cas d’atteinte à la liberté d’expression politique (manifestations, réseaux sociaux, journalistes, étudiants...) sur lesquels ce rapport insiste, à savoir les détentions préventives, les détentions administratives, et celles liées aux services de sécurité. Les chiffres tournent entre 100 et 500 personnes concernées, donc probablement loin du nombre total de détenus... Où trouver cette info ?

    • Palestinian Cabinet vows to investigate HRW report findings
      Oct. 25, 2018 1:49 P.M. (Updated: Oct. 25, 2018 3:52 P.M.)
      http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=781589

      RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — The Palestinian Cabinet, headed by Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah, reviewed, during its weekly meeting on Wednesday, the latest Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, regarding the situation of human rights in Palestine, and vowed to investigate its findings and recommendations in cooperation with all related parties and authorities.

      In a statement issued following the meeting, the cabinet approved the formation of a ministerial committee to lead discussions related to the Social Security Law, welcomed the visit of the Chinese Vice-President and the meetings of the joint Palestinian-Turkish ministerial committee.

      During the meeting, Hamdallah stated that “The State of Palestine, the democratic state, the state of law and institution-building, and the responsible member in the international community, is committed to its obligations and is making great efforts to comply with the standards of international human rights.”

      “The State of Palestine positively considers that the law enforcement agencies within the State must respect and protect human rights, in accordance with our beliefs in the value of human beings and our responsibility for preserving the human dignity.” (...)

    • Gaza interior ministry criticises HRW’s report on torture
      October 25, 2018 at 11:30 am
      https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20181025-gaza-interior-ministry-criticises-hrws-report-on-torture

      The Palestinian Ministry of Interior and National Security accused Human Rights Watch of ignoring the reality and facts about the situation of freedoms in the Gaza Strip.

      “With great concern, we followed up the report issued by Human Rights Watch (HRW) on October 23, 2018, that included allegations against the Security Forces in the Gaza Strip accusing them of repressing dissent,” the ministry said.

      The ministry stressed that the HRW’s report “lacks accuracy and objectivity and does not reflect reality” in the Gaza Strip.

      In a statement, the ministry said that the it had “received some inquiries” from HRW “on issues related to freedoms in the Gaza Strip,” stating that the organisation “asked about certain persons who were being allegedly arrested in the Gaza Strip.”

      The ministry “clarified and elaborated all issues, explaining the grounds of all the cases in question,” stating that it was “shocked” because the organisation “ignored our explanations”.

      Meanwhile, the ministry said that it sent another message to the organisation on 22 October asking why its reply was ignored, but it received no response.

      The ministry reiterated that it maintains continuous contact with the different human rights groups, including the International Committee for the Red Cross and visit its jails and meet those held in custody.

      “We do protect the Palestinian citizens and implement the Basic Palestinian law in terms of freedom of expression and prisoners’ rights,” the ministry added.

  • Sri Lanka: Government Slow to Return Land. Create Consultative Process to End Military Occupation

    The Sri Lankan government has yet to fully restore civilian ownership of land and property nearly a decade since the end of the civil war in 2009, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Progress, particularly since the election of a new government in 2015, has been hindered by broad military claims of national security and the lack of a transparent process.

    The 80-page report, “‘Why Can’t We Go Home?’: Military Occupation of Land in Sri Lanka,” details security force occupation of land both during and after the armed conflict. It identifies the lack of transparency and due process, failure to map occupied land, inadequate support to affected people and communities, and prolonged delays in providing appropriate reparations for decades of loss and suffering. The military has also used some confiscated lands for commercial profit rather than national security and returned damaged or destroyed property to owners without compensation.

    “All those displaced during Sri Lanka’s brutal civil war are entitled to return to their homes,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director. “Despite repeated pledges by the authorities, the military has been frustratingly slow to restore land to its rightful owners.”

    The report is based on over 100 interviews between August 2017 to May 2018 with members of affected communities, activists, local officials, and lawyers. It looks into cases of military occupation and land release in 20 areas in six districts, primarily in Sri Lanka’s north and east.

    The three-decade civil war in Sri Lanka ended with the decisive defeat of the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009. Large areas, including those previously held by the LTTE in the north and east, came under military control. At the end of the war, some 300,000 people ended up in a military detention camp.

    While the administration of then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa released some land to its original owners, the military retained control over large areas for military but also non-military purposes, such as agriculture, tourism, and other commercial ventures.

    The new government, led by President Maithripala Sirisena, took some steps to release civilian land held by the security forces. At the United Nations Human Rights Council in October 2015, the government promised to address conflict-related issues, including returning land to its original owners. However, the government’s response has fallen far short of its promises. On October 4, 2018, the president ordered the state to release all civilian land by December 31, 2018.

    The military has also retained control of land it previously announced it would return. For instance, in April 2017, the navy responded to protests by displaced communities from the Mullikulam area in Mannar by announcing it would release 100 acres of the land that security forces had been occupying. More than a year later, people are still waiting.

    “Now there is no war,” said Francis Crooss, a village elder. “It’s now peacetime. So why can’t we go back home?”

    State agencies have exchanged properties without releasing the land to civilians. In Pallimunai in Mannar, land belonging to residents displaced since 1990 was occupied first by the army and then the police. At war’s end, the police promised to release their land and homes, but instead, the navy took control.

    “We’ve been made refugees in our own village,” said Helena Perera, one of the residents.

    All three major ethnic communities in the country – the Sinhalese, Tamils, and Muslims – are affected by military occupation of land in the north and east. However, the vast majority of cases impact the Tamil community.

    Human Rights Watch documented a number of cases in which properties were destroyed while held by the military after the war, including Hindu temples, churches, mosques, and Buddhist shrines.

    Government authorities have also carried out land grabs since the end of the war. In July 2010, the military forcibly evicted residents of Ragamwela, Panama, in southeastern Ampara district. In November 2011, 200 soldiers arrived in Ashraf Nagar village in Ampara district and demanded that all its occupants leave. In such cases, the security forces set up military camps or used the land for other purposes, including commercial use.

    The government’s failure to establish a uniform policy on resettlement remains a critical problem, Human Rights Watch said. Some displaced families did not receive proper resettlement assistance when they returned to formerly occupied lands. The government transferred others from displacement camps, but they then entered into other forms of displacement, such as living with friends and relatives, or moving to other camps closer to their original properties, which the military still occupied. Those resettled more than once were denied full resettlement assistance when their land was eventually released.

    A 70-year-old fisherman from Myliddy said his family had moved 24 times in 27 years until the military released his property in July 2017. But without resettlement assistance, he is severely in debt. “We hope the government will at least help us restart our lives this one last time,” he said.

    Partial releases pose particular problems for returnee communities. Military control of neighboring areas hinders access to services and jobs, and heightens fears of surveillance and harassment by soldiers.

    Establishing ownership of land where multiple displacements have occurred over decades is difficult, Human Rights Watch said. But instead of leaving it exclusively to the military, the government should urgently set up a transparent and consultative process, including displaced communities, to establish land claims and restore civilian ownership.

    “The government has adopted an arbitrary, piecemeal approach to land returns, which is fomenting deep distrust among communities wary that the military is still in charge,” Ganguly said. “It should address rights violations and provide remedies to end the distress of those who have long suffered because of the military’s occupation of land.”


    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/10/09/sri-lanka-government-slow-return-land
    #terre #Sri-Lanka #guerre #conflit #occupation #occupation_militaire #retour #rapport #IDPs #déplacés_internes #réfugiés #restitution_des_terres

    Lien vers le rapport:
    https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/10/09/why-cant-we-go-home/military-occupation-land-sri-lanka

  • Paris : Situation toujours critique pour les #adolescents migrants arrivant seuls

    Des procédures défectueuses les privent de services essentiels.
    À Paris, les autorités de protection de l’enfance ont recours à des procédures défectueuses qui aboutissent à des refus arbitraires de reconnaissance du statut de mineur à des enfants migrants non accompagnés, privant nombre d’entre eux d’une assistance dont ils ont désespérément besoin.

    A l’instar de la situation décrite dans son rapport en juillet 2018, Human Rights Watch a constaté que les autorités procèdent toujours à des évaluations sommaires de l’âge des jeunes migrants pour déterminer leur éligibilité à des services, enfreignant les normes internationales et la réglementation française. Des enfants sont ainsi privés des services essentiels auxquels ils ont droit, comme l’accès à l’hébergement, à l’éducation et à la santé. En conséquence, beaucoup d’entre eux sont forcés de dormir dans la rue.

    « Des enfants migrants non accompagnés arrivés à Paris sont à la rue en raison de procédures injustes », selon Bénédicte Jeannerod, directrice France de Human Rights Watch. « Les autorités de protection de l’enfance devraient s’assurer qu’aucun enfant n’est en danger à cause de procédures d’évaluation de leur âge bâclées et arbitraires. »

    Des responsables des autorités en charge de la protection de l’enfance à Paris ont affirmé avoir déjà pris des mesures pour régler ces problèmes, alors même que Human Rights Watch évoquait ces préoccupations dans son rapport de juillet. Mais des entretiens avec des enfants s’étant présentés pour faire évaluer leur âge en août et septembre 2018, ainsi qu’un examen des documents qui leur ont été remis indiquent que peu de choses ont changé.

    Selon la réglementation française, les autorités sont censées suivre une procédure d’évaluation de l’âge étendue et pluridisciplinaire, ce qui implique normalement des entretiens de plusieurs heures.

    Par exemple, un jeune Afghan de seize ans a confié à Human Rights Watch que les autorités avaient conclu qu’il n’était pas un enfant après lui avoir parlé pendant vingt minutes, le jour de son arrivée à Paris. De même, une association humanitaire ayant suivi une centaine de jeunes cherchant à être formellement reconnus en tant qu’enfants, a constaté que 60 % d’entre eux avaient été soumis à un entretien d’évaluation sommaire d’une vingtaine de minutes seulement.

    Selon la loi française, les enfants migrants non accompagnés ont droit à un hébergement, à l’éducation et à d’autres services sociaux. Cependant, ils doivent pour cela être officiellement reconnus mineurs par les autorités. Les différences significatives en matière d’accès aux services et de statut légal accordé aux enfants migrants, en vertu du Code de l’action sociale et des familles, par rapport aux adultes migrants, peuvent inciter des jeunes adultes à donner de fausses informations sur leur âge. Si les autorités ont de sérieux doutes quant à l’âge d’une personne affirmant avoir moins de 18 ans, elles peuvent prendre des mesures adéquates pour déterminer son âge, à condition qu’elles le fassent dans le respect des normes en vigueur garantissant le respect de leurs droits et de leur dignité.

    La réglementation permet également aux enfants non accompagnés de bénéficier d’un accueil provisoire d’urgence d’une durée de cinq jours, et parfois plus, avant leur entretien. Les travailleurs humanitaires insistent sur l’importance de laisser aux enfants non accompagnés le temps de récupérer après leur voyage, avant de passer les entretiens d’évaluation de l’âge. Sophie Laurant, Coordinatrice du programme Mineurs non Accompagnés de Médecins du Monde, a expliqué à Human Rights Watch qu’un temps de répit lorsque l’enfant arrive dans la ville est impérativement nécessaire à la bonne conduite de l’évaluation.

    Mais dans de nombreux cas, les autorités interviewent les enfants non accompagnés dès leur arrivée au DEMIE (Dispositif d’évaluation des mineurs isolés étrangers), impliquant que ces derniers aient à répondre à des questions détaillées sans comprendre le but de l’entretien. Certains enfants ont confié à Human Rights Watch qu’ils venaient juste d’arriver à Paris, qu’ils n’avaient pas pu dormir, se doucher ni changer de vêtements avant leur entretien « J’étais vraiment fatigué. Je ne me souviens même pas de ce qu’ils m’ont demandé ni de ce que je leur ai dit », a dit un jeune de seize ans au sujet de son entretien, qui a eu lieu mi-septembre.

    Les autorités continuent de se baser sur des motifs non-valables pour conclure qu’une personne est adulte. Les jeunes se voient souvent refuser le statut de mineur s’ils n’ont pas de documents d’identité. Le fait d’avoir travaillé dans le pays d’origine ou pendant le parcours migratoire vers l’Europe est également souvent invoqué comme motif d’une décision négative, alors que de nombreux enfants à travers le monde travaillent. Les autorités de protection de l’enfances se sont aussi fréquemment basées sur des critères subjectifs comme la « posture d’ensemble » ou le comportement.

    Notre enquête montre de légères améliorations dans les procédures des autorités de protection de l’enfance au cours des trois derniers mois. Un seul des enfants que nous avons interviewés en août et en septembre a été refusé à l’entrée de la structure, alors que c’était une pratique courante plus tôt dans l’année. Pour autant, des organisations humanitaires nous ont indiqué avoir eu d’autres cas d’enfants ainsi rejetés et ce, début septembre.

    Autre amélioration, tous les enfants interviewés, sauf un, ont reçu une lettre de la Direction de l’action sociale, de l’enfance et de la santé (DASES) indiquant les motifs du refus de reconnaissance de leur minorité. Une notification écrite permet aux jeunes migrants de déposer un recours contre cette décision devant le juge des enfants.

    Un recours prend plusieurs mois voire plus, durant lesquels les jeunes migrants ne peuvent avoir accès ni aux services de protection de l’enfance, ni aux hébergements d’urgence pour migrants adultes. Certains reçoivent de l’aide d’associations et de réseaux bénévoles. Mais beaucoup vivent dans la rue, où ils sont exposés à de nombreux risques, notamment l’exploitation et le travail illégal ou dangereux. « Dans la rue, on voit des enfants vendre du hashish ou d’autres drogues – ils n’ont rien à manger », nous a dit un jeune Guinéen de quinze ans. « Tu es obligé de prendre des risques ».

    Pendant toute la durée de leur recours contre une évaluation négative de l’âge, les enfants non accompagnés n’ont pas non plus accès à la scolarité ou à l’apprentissage auxquels ils auraient pu prétendre en tant qu’enfant.

    Les autorités de protection de l’enfance de Paris devraient veiller à ce que tous les enfants migrants non accompagnés bénéficient de l’évaluation complète et pluridisciplinaire à laquelle ils ont droit en vertu de la réglementation française, a déclaré Human Rights Watch. Les autorités chargées de la protection de l’enfance devraient également veiller à ce que les enfants non accompagnés bénéficient d’un hébergement d’urgence et d’informations préalables adéquates sur l’objet de l’évaluation, afin de leur permettre de se remettre de leur voyage, de se préparer et de participer efficacement à l’évaluation. Les jeunes devraient bénéficier d’un hébergement en attendant que leur recours soit examiné.

    « Les autorités de protection de l’enfance de Paris ont entamé le processus pour remplir leurs obligations au titre de la réglementation française et des normes internationales », a déclaré Bénédicte Jeannerod. « Elles doivent d’urgence mettre en place de nouvelles mesures pour s’assurer que les procédures d’évaluation de l’âge soient conformes à ces normes. »

    Dans un rapport publié en juillet sur la base d’une enquête effectuée entre février et juin 2018, Human Rights Watch a documenté le caractère arbitraire et défectueux des procédures d’évaluation de l’âge d’enfants migrants non accompagnés cherchant à faire reconnaître leur statut d’enfant par les services de protection de l’enfance à Paris. Human Rights Watch a poursuivi son enquête en août et septembre pour examiner les mesures que les autorités disent avoir prises pour mettre fin aux graves manquements identifiés dans le rapport de juillet.

    Human Rights Watch s’est entretenu avec 19 adolescents migrants à Paris se présentant comme étant des enfants de moins de 18 ans. Ce total comprend ceux s’étant présentés au Dispositif d’évaluation des mineurs isolés étrangers de Paris (DEMIE) entre le 4 juillet et le 20 septembre pour faire évaluer leur âge. Human Rights Watch s’est également entretenu avec des travailleurs humanitaires et des avocats travaillant avec des jeunes migrants, et a examiné 21 lettres de refus émises par la Direction de l’action sociale, de l’enfance et de la santé (DASES).

    Entretiens sommaires et défectueux

    Des enfants qui se sont rendus au DEMIE au mois d’août et septembre affirment avoir été évalués lors d’entretiens d’une durée allant de deux à vingt minutes, exception faite d’un enfant interrogé pendant plus d’une heure.

    Les témoignages concordants de deux organisations humanitaires suggèrent qu’un grand nombre d’enfants qui se rendent au DEMIE font l’objet d’une courte entrevue d’environ vingt minutes, qui semble presque toujours se terminer par un refus verbal et des instructions de revenir le lendemain pour récupérer la décision écrite. Chaque semaine, quelques enfants reçoivent un rendez-vous pour un entretien complet.

    Certains jeunes continuent d’être refoulés sommairement à la porte sans être interviewés (la pratique dite du « refus de guichet »). Un jeune Guinéen de seize ans a affirmé à Human Rights Watch le 20 septembre que la personne à l’accueil l’avait sommairement rejeté à la porte ce matin-là. « Ils m’ont dit qu’ils m’avaient déjà vu (...) et moins d’une minute plus tard, j’ai dû partir », a-t-il dit, ajoutant qu’il ne s’était jamais rendu au DEMIE auparavant. Deux associations humanitaires ont décrit des cas similaires, quoiqu’en moins grand nombre qu’au premier semestre 2018.

    Les autorités en charge de la protection de l’enfance sont autorisées à refuser sommairement l’accès aux personnes qui ont manifestement plus de 18 ans. Lorsque Human Rights Watch a rencontré un responsable de la Croix-Rouge française, l’association en charge des évaluations de l’âge à Paris dans le cadre d’une délégation du département, il a affirmé, à titre d’exemple, qu’une personne qui semblait avoir la quarantaine serait renvoyée sans entretien. Or, aucun des jeunes à qui Human Rights Watch a parlé et affirmant s’être vu refuser un entretien ne semblait avoir clairement plus de 18 ans aux yeux des chercheurs de Human Rights Watch.

    La réglementation française stipule que les entretiens doivent être conduits de manière « empreinte de neutralité et de bienveillance », et les normes internationales exigent un environnement « sûr » et un traitement « équitable », d’une manière qui tienne compte de l’âge, du sexe, de la maturité psychologique et de l’état émotionnel des enfants.

    L’enquête menée entre février et juin 2018 a fait ressortir que les autorités ne respectaient pas pleinement ces normes, et les témoignages de jeunes interrogés en août et septembre indiquent que ces problèmes persistent. Dans un récit emblématique, un Ivoirien de seize ans a déclaré le 29 août que son entrevue deux semaines plus tôt l’avait mis mal à l’aise, l’empêchant de raconter son histoire : « Je me suis senti gêné. Il [l’évaluateur] ne me mettait pas à l’aise. Je vois bien qu’ils sont méchants, pas sympas avec moi. »

    Le personnel ne mène pas toujours les entretiens dans une langue que les enfants non accompagnés comprennent. Médecins Sans Frontières a eu plusieurs cas de ce genre, comme celui d’un garçon éthiopien évalué en anglais, alors qu’il n’avait pas été en mesure de communiquer dans cette langue les détails de ses antécédents au personnel de Médecins Sans Frontières.

    Accès adéquat à un hébergement temporaire

    La réglementation française exige que les autorités fournissent un accueil provisoire d’urgence de cinq jours pendant qu’elles évaluent la situation de l’enfant. La plupart des jeunes interrogés ont pourtant été évalués dès leur présentation au dispositif et n’ont pas eu le temps de se reposer, alors même que beaucoup venaient d’arriver à Paris après des semaines ou des mois de parcours migratoire.

    Au lieu de cela, de nombreux enfants migrants non accompagnés n’ont accès qu’à une nuit d’hébergement, et seulement après leur entretien. Seuls deux enfants interviewés ont dit avoir bénéficié d’une mise à l’abri provisoire avant leur entretien, l’un pendant une semaine et demie, l’autre pendant deux semaines.

    L’association qui a recueilli une centaine de témoignages de jeunes qui se sont rendus au DEMIE en août et en septembre a estimé sur cette base « [qu’] environ 60 % sont évalués immédiatement puis mis à l’hôtel une seule nuit avant de recevoir leur lettre de refus le lendemain et [qu’]environ 40 % sont mis à l’abri quelques nuits avant d’être évalués plus longuement, en moyenne dix nuits en ce moment. »

    Le temps de repos et de récupération avant d’être évalué est crucial pour une évaluation précise de l’âge. Comme l’a expliqué Sophie Laurant, Coordinatrice du programme Mineurs non Accompagnés de Médecins du Monde : « Compte tenu de leur profil, de leur histoire, de leur état [de santé] à leur arrivée en France, un temps de répit est impérativement nécessaire et un accès aux soins somatiques et psychiques requis sans délai. Un jeune ne peut correctement être évalué que s’il n’est plus en état de souffrance (traumatisme physique, errance psychique, sidération, syndrome de stress post traumatique, etc.), s’il comprend ce qu’il se passe, pourquoi l’évaluateur pose telle ou telle question. »

    Selon Médecins Sans Frontières, qui a accueilli 129 enfants dans son Centre pour enfants migrants non accompagnés entre le 1er juillet et le 31 août, ces enfants sont physiquement et psychologiquement épuisés lorsqu’ils arrivent, après des voyages très difficiles, quel que soit leur itinéraire.

    Motifs de refus arbitraires

    Dans une évolution positive par rapport à une pratique en cours début 2018, les jeunes reçoivent maintenant régulièrement des notifications écrites de refus de leur minorité. Pour autant, les lettres de refus délivrées en juillet, août et septembre que Human Rights Watch a pu examiner continuent de se baser sur des motifs qui semblent à la fois subjectifs et arbitraires.

    Les lettres utilisent des arguments génériques, souvent rédigés dans des termes identiques, avec peu ou pas de références aux antécédents individuels de l’enfant ou à d’autres détails de l’entretien. La DASES a fourni la plupart de ces lettres de refus dès le lendemain de l’entretien.

    L’absence de documents d’identité, ou le fait que ceux présentés « ne peuvent être directement rattachés » à l’enfant évalué, continuent d’être invoqués comme des motifs de rejet, alors même que de nombreuses personnes quittent leur domicile sans leurs papiers d’identité ou les perdent en route, et que les actes de naissance ne comportent pas de photo. L’un des enfants que nous avons interviewés en août a expliqué : « La personne m’a dit directement ‘on ne peut rien faire pour toi’ car je n’ai pas d’extrait de naissance. On m’a dit de revenir le lendemain pour récupérer le papier de refus. »

    Le fait d’avoir travaillé avant ou pendant le parcours migratoire, ou de voyager seul, continue d’être vu comme un signe de maturité, et donc de majorité, alors que de nombreux enfants à travers le monde voyagent seuls ou travaillent, comme Human Rights Watch l’a documenté dans de nombreux pays du monde. Dix-huit des 21 lettres consultées évoquent le fait d’avoir voyagé seul, d’avoir travaillé ou été autonome pendant le parcours migratoire, ou d’avoir financé seul le voyage comme des signes que la personne n’est pas un enfant.

    Par exemple, la lettre remise à un jeune Camerounais disant avoir 17 ans indique refuser de reconnaître sa minorité au motif que « l’autonomie dont [il a] fait preuve durant [son] parcours migratoire – en travaillant pour le financer – n’est pas compatible avec l’âge qu’[il déclare] ».

    Comme l’avait déjà souligné Human Rights Watch dans son rapport de juillet, si un enfant livre un récit jugé trop détaillé de sa vie et communique bien, cela peut être une cause de rejet car perçu comme un signe de maturité. À l’inverse, le manque de précisions ou de cohérence est invoqué comme un motif de rejet.

    Par exemple, la lettre d’un jeune Sénégalais de quinze ans explique que « [son] récit est relaté de manière non spontanée » et que « [son] parcours migratoire est insuffisamment détaillé et manque de précisions ».

    Ces exigences semblent excessives pour des adolescents arrivant tout juste d’un périple migratoire long, éprouvant et parfois traumatisant, vivant souvent à la rue, et devant passer un entretien stressant. Cette exigence de précision et de cohérence semble aussi contradictoire avec la courte durée des entretiens, ne permettant pas un récit détaillé.

    Un autre motif de rejet fréquent est le fait que les « connaissances scolaires [de l’individu évalué] ne correspondent pas au parcours décrit et sont en net décalage avec celles d’un adolescent de l’âge [déclaré] », ou considèrent que le jeune fait preuve de « capacités de raisonnement et d’élaboration » ou d’« un mode de communication mature ». Des évaluations brèves et ponctuelles ne permettent pas de saisir les multiples facteurs pouvant expliquer qu’une personne peut paraître plus éloquente, avoir plus d’assurance, ou généralement paraître avoir davantage de connaissances que d’autres enfants du même âge ayant des expériences de vie différentes.

    Seize des 21 lettres de refus examinées s’appuient sur la « posture d’ensemble » du jeune pour lui refuser la minorité. Ce critère subjectif ne s’appuie sur aucun instrument validé permettant d’évaluer l’âge par le biais du comportement.

    Le Délégué national de la Croix-Rouge « Enfants et Familles » a admis lors de son entrevue avec Human Rights Watch fin mai 2018 que les agents de la Croix-Rouge qui mènent les évaluations à Paris ne disposaient en effet pas d’outil d’évaluation reconnu pour évaluer l’âge sur la base de l’attitude et du comportement. Au lieu de cela, les évaluateurs semblent se fier à des jugements subjectifs pour déterminer arbitrairement qui est un enfant et qui ne l’est pas. Ces décisions ont des conséquences immédiates et à long terme pour les enfants migrants non accompagnés.

    La réglementation française et les normes internationales exigent que l’évaluation de l’âge se fasse dans un cadre qui tienne compte des facteurs psychologiques, développementaux et culturels, et que les évaluations soient effectuées avec compétence et sensibilité. Les procédures utilisées devraient accorder le bénéfice du doute « de sorte que s’il existe une possibilité que l’individu soit un enfant, il devrait être traité comme tel ».

    Délais de recours

    Un enfant qui a été évalué majeur peut saisir le juge des enfants, mais les recours peuvent prendre des mois. Ladji, un jeune Ivoirien de quatorze ans, a expliqué avoir été refusé par la DASES en décembre 2017, mais ne toujours pas avoir reçu la décision du juge en septembre.

    Les délais augmentent pendant l’été, selon les avocats, parce que les vacances d’été ralentissent l’activité du tribunal pour enfants, de sorte que les juges convoquent moins d’enfants pour examiner leurs recours.

    Enfants à la rue

    L’une des conséquences des procédures d’évaluation de l’âge défectueuses est que de nombreux enfants sont livrés à eux-mêmes. À moins que des citoyens ne les accueillent, ils vivent à la rue.

    Sébastien D. dormait à la rue depuis que sa demande avait été refusée le 1er août. Au moment où Human Rights Watch s’est entretenu avec lui, cela faisait 17 jours qu’il dormait sur une place à Paris. « Depuis que j’ai été rejeté par le DEMIE, je dors à la rue, Place de la République. […] Pour dormir, tu cherches un angle, tu mets un carton. Si tu trouves un ancien gentil, il te donne une couverture. Car la nuit, il peut faire très froid. », nous a-t-il expliqué.

    Mamadou, un Malien de seize ans, nous a expliqué : « Le DEMIE m’a donné un papier m’expliquant d’appeler le 115 [le numéro d’urgence que les adultes en France peuvent appeler pour trouver un hébergement provisoire] pour avoir un endroit où dormir. J’ai appelé le 115, mais ils m’ont dit qu’ils ne pouvaient pas me prendre parce que je suis mineur. Je ne vais tout de même pas dire que je suis majeur juste pour ne pas dormir à la rue ! »

    Alioune, un Sénégalais de seize ans, dormait dans un parc depuis trois semaines au moment où Human Rights Watch s’est entretenu avec lui au mois d’août. Les autorités avaient rejeté sa demande de minorité deux mois plus tôt et il attendait toujours la réponse quant à son recours devant le juge.

    La solidarité et la générosité des citoyens acceptant d’héberger les enfants non accompagnés sont louables mais ne peuvent constituer une solution durable. L’aide de particuliers est trop incertaine et variable, et tributaire à la fois du nombre de citoyens se proposant comme hébergeurs et du nombre d’enfants non accompagnés arrivant sur le territoire français. Des associations humanitaires ont expliqué à Human Rights Watch que de nombreux enfants se sont retrouvés à la rue car beaucoup d’hébergeurs sont partis en vacances pendant l’été.

    https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2018/10/05/paris-situation-toujours-critique-pour-les-adolescents-migrants-arrivant-seuls
    #France #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #âge #mineurs #asile #migrations #réfugiés #hébergement #logement #SDF #sans-abri

    ping @isskein

  • New Satellite Imagery Shows Growth in Detention Camps for Children

    A satellite image taken on September 13, 2018, shows substantial growth in the tent city the US government is using to detain migrant children located in the desert in #Tornillo, #Texas.

    The tent city was originally used to house children separated from parents this summer, when the Trump administration was aggressively prosecuting parents traveling with children for illegal entry to the US. The US Department of Health and Human Services has stated that the new growth in the number of tents is necessary in order to house children who may cross the border on their own, unaccompanied by family members.

    The image from September 13, 2018 shows that since June 19th, the date of a previous satellite image, the number of tent shelters has nearly quadrupled, from 28 to 101 tents. At a reported capacity of 20 children per tent, the tent city can currently house 2,020 children, which is only half of the government’s stated goal of 3,800 beds at the Tornillo facility. In addition to the completed tents, there are numerous tents that can be seen currently under construction as well as several larger buildings that have recently been built.

    “Children should not be detained, since locking up kids harms their health and development,” said Alison Parker, US managing director of Human Rights Watch. “There are safe and viable alternatives to detaining children that the US government should put to use immediately.”


    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/10/03/new-satellite-imagery-shows-growth-detention-camps-children
    #rétention #détention #camps #asile #migrations #réfugiés #enfants #enfance #images_satellitaires #USA #frontières #Etats-Unis

    • *The Ongoing, Avoidable Horror of the Trump

      Administration’s Texas Tent Camp for Migrant Kids*
      The detention camp for migrant kids in Tornillo, Texas, was supposed to be gone by now. Set up as a temporary “emergency influx shelter” in June, when the government was running out of places to put the kids it was tearing from parents at the border, the camp, located in the desert forty miles southeast of El Paso, was originally scheduled to close on July 13th. But the government kept pushing back the deadline, in thirty-day increments, until recently disclosing that the facility will remain open at least through the end of the year.

      The Times put the camp back in the news this week, reporting that the facility’s capacity was also recently increased, so that it could accommodate up to thirty-eight hundred kids—some ten times as many kids as it was housing in June. “[T]he intent is to use these temporary facilities only as long as needed,” Evelyn Stauffer, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the facility, told the Times. From the start at Tornillo, though, “as needed” has been less about outside forces than about the Administration’s own decisions and goals. The government has discussed Tornillo as if it’s a necessary response to a crisis “when it’s not a crisis,” Bob Carey, a former H.H.S. official, told me on Monday. Carey ran the Office of Refugee Resettlement, the branch of H.H.S. responsible for the care of migrant kids, during the final two years of the Obama Administration. Tornillo was, and is, “a consequence of the actions of the Administration,” he said.

      President Trump put a halt to family separations in June, in response to the enormous public outcry and the humanitarian disaster that the policy produced. Yet, while public attention moved on, the number of kids in government custody has only gone up. As the Times reported, there are now more than thirteen thousand migrant kids in government facilities, five times more than a year ago, and those kids are spending an average of fifty-nine days in custody, twice as long as a year ago. While Tornillo was set up to make room for kids who had been taken from parents, most of the kids there now crossed the border alone. This isn’t a new problem—large numbers of kids crossed the borders by themselves in the last years of the Obama Administration. In response, O.R.R. used “emergency influx shelters,” with the idea to dismantle them as soon as demand waned. The goal was to place the kids with relatives or other sponsors around the country. “These facilities, none of them were intended as long-term care facilities,” Carey said. The Tornillo camp, for instance, doesn’t offer any systemized schooling to the kids there.

      Recently, this work of processing kids out of government custody has begun to slow significantly. That’s reflected in the longer amount of time that the kids are spending in government facilities. “They’re treating these kids like criminals,” another Obama-era H.H.S. official told me. “That comes at a significant cost to the kids, to their mental health.” Part of the issue is that the government has given potential sponsors, who are often undocumented themselves, a real reason to fear coming forward to claim the kids. In June, as the Times reported, “federal authorities announced that potential sponsors and other adult members of their households would have to submit fingerprints, and that the data would be shared with immigration authorities.” Immigration and Customs Enforcement has acknowledged arresting dozens of people who came forward to be sponsors. With the way the numbers are trending, it’s hard to see how the need for the tent camp at Tornillo will end.


      https://www.newyorker.com/news/current/the-ongoing-avoidable-horror-of-the-trump-administrations-texas-tent-camp
      #tentes

  • Après des décennies au Pakistan, des réfugiés afghans se préparent au retour en Afghanistan

    Le Pakistan cherche à rapatrier vers l’Afghanistan des réfugiés afghans parmi 1,6 million au total qui vivent dans le pays. Le HCR a réservé des fonds pour le rapatriement de 60 000 réfugiés.

    Des familles sont installées, silencieuses. De jeunes enfants se promènent entre les chaises. Ils vont rentrer chez eux en Afghanistan, alors que certains d’entre eux vivent au Pakistan depuis plusieurs décennies. Et ils rentreront chez eux à titre définitif.

    Ce sont des réfugiés afghans et la scène se déroule au Centre de rapatriement volontaire de Peshawar, qui est géré par le HCR, l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés.

    Payenda Bibi Shahnaz est installée dans un fauteuil roulant. Son mari Shamamud dans un autre. Cela fait 33 ans qu’ils ont trouvé refuge au Pakistan, mais ils rentrent également en Afghanistan avec leurs deux fils qui s’occuperont d’eux.

    Le HCR les aidera également une fois qu’ils seront rentrés au pays.

    « Je n’ai simplement pas les moyens de payer le coût de mon traitement médical ici », explique-t-elle. « Nous n’avons pas le choix. »

    Le Haut Commissaire des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés Filippo Grandi a eu l’occasion de faire leur connaissance aujourd’hui pendant sa visite au Centre et il leur a souhaité bonne chance. Le HCR apporte également une aide de 200 dollars aux rapatriés destinée à couvrir leurs dépenses initiales de voyage et de logement.

    Le gouvernement du Pakistan met en oeuvre une politique concertée de rapatriement pour beaucoup parmi presque un million de réfugiés qui vivent dans la région de Peshawar. Le HCR a réservé des fonds pour le rapatriement de 60 000 réfugiés.

    Mais depuis le début de l’année, le nombre de réfugiés qui a passé la frontière de manière définitive dépasse tout juste 6000 personnes.

    Pour nombre d’entre eux, le moment de rendre leur carte de réfugié au Pakistan est chargé d’émotions. Les élèves sont souvent en larmes, car ils se disent qu’ils ne reverront jamais leurs amis.

    La pression économique est ce qui les pousse le plus au retour.

    Qudsia a 40 ans et elle a quatre enfants. Elle était elle-même un enfant quand elle est arrivée au Pakistan. Et aujourd’hui son mari et elle ont décidé de rentrer.

    « Nous avons décidé de rentrer, parce que c’est très cher ici. Nous avons beaucoup de problèmes. Mon mari est diabétique et on ne trouve pas de travail ici. »

    Mais ils sont bien plus nombreux à décider de rester. Au cours de la ‘shura’, la réunion de la communauté, ils ont expliqué à Filippo Grandi qu’ils restent au Pakistan à cause des opportunités que le pays offre sur le plan de l’éducation et de l’économie. Ils ont également évoqué leur crainte de la violence qui règne dans leur pays. Quelque 31 des 34 provinces que compte l’Afghanistan ont été le théâtre de conflits ces derniers mois.

    La carte PoR (Proof of Registration) de Preuve d’enregistrement au Pakistan est également cause de souci majeur. Toutes ces cartes arrivent à échéance le 30 juin. Sans ces cartes, les réfugiés sont passibles d’arrestation, voire même d’expulsion. Filippo Grandi a confirmé qu’il avait instamment demandé au Pakistan de proroger la validité des cartes. La décision sera prise par l’exécutif du Pakistan.

    Filippo Grandi a expliqué aux réfugiés qu’il comprenait leurs craintes et leurs inquiétudes par rapport au fait que 200 dollars ne suffisent pas à se réinstaller dans un pays peu sûr.

    « J’ai entendu les participants de la Shura », a-t-il déclaré. « Nous allons très bientôt augmenter l’indemnité de rapatriement. Nous allons œuvrer pour améliorer les conditions de retour des rapatriés. J’en ai parlé avec les dirigeants du gouvernement afghan. »

    Il a parlé de sa rencontre avec le Président afghan Ashraf Ghani. Le Président lui a confirmé qu’il a demandé un inventaire des terrains disponibles appartenant au gouvernement. Il s’agirait de mettre en place un programme de réinstallation des réfugiés similaire au programme pilote de Hérat en faveur des personnes déplacées à l’intérieur du pays.

    Comme pour les personnes déplacées à Hérat, il s’agirait d’attribuer aux réfugiés des terrains à bâtir. L’eau et l’électricité seraient fournies.

    Filippo Grandi a aussi abordé les préoccupations des réfugiés qui craignent de servir de boucs émissaires après des attaques ou des incidents violents le long de la frontière pakistano-afghane.

    « J’ai bien entendu ce que vous dites. Les réfugiés ne sont pas des terroristes. Je suis tout à fait d’accord. »

    Il a déclaré qu’en s’adressant aux dirigeants du gouvernement du Pakistan, il avait souligné qu’on ne pouvait mettre en cause ou pénaliser toute la population de réfugiés quand de tels événements se produisaient.


    http://www.unhcr.org/fr/news/stories/2016/6/576d401ea/apres-decennies-pakistan-refugies-afghans-preparent-retour-afghanistan.html

    #Pakistan #réfugiés_afghans #Afghanistan #réfugiés #asile #migrations #retour_au_pays

    • Amid Mass Returns, a Teacher’s Hopes for Refugee Girls in Afghanistan

      As hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees return from Pakistan, we speak to Aqeela Asifi, a prize-winning educator of refugee girls in the country’s Punjab province, about how the mass returns will impact girls’ education and thus the future of Afghanistan.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/03/09/amid-mass-returns-a-teachers-hopes-for-refugee-girls-in-afghanistan
      #filles #femmes #éducation

    • Facing problems in Pakistan, Afghans return home in droves

      For years, Afghans have fled the violence in their country, seeking asylum in Europe or elsewhere in the Middle East. But over the past year, about 600,000 Afghans have crossed the border back into Afghanistan, coming from Pakistan, Iran and Europe when they are denied asylum.

      http://www.pbs.org/newshour/updates/facing-problems-pakistan-afghans-return-home-droves

    • Afghans Returned from Pakistan Struggle on Kabul Career Ladder

      As hundreds of thousands of Afghans return from neighboring countries, young graduates face discrimination, language barriers and a dearth of connections in a country many had never been to before, Valerie Plesch reports for Al-Fanar Media.


      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/12/11/afghans-returned-from-pakistan-struggle-on-kabul-career-ladder

    • Viaggio tra i rifugiati afghani respinti dal Pakistan

      Fin dagli anni ‘70 gli afghani fuggiti dal proprio paese hanno cercato rifugio in Pakistan. Tuttavia la loro situazione negli ultimi anni è diventata critica. Utilizzati per esercitare pressioni politiche su Kabul, subiscono continue pressione per far ritorno nel loro paese. A queste poi si sono aggiunte minacce e violenze crescenti. Una strategia che ha funzionato, come ci racconta Giuliano Battiston: migliaia sono i rifugiati tornati nel loro paese dove all’assenza di casa e lavoro fa da contraltare la presenza della guerra

      «A Peshawar avevo una mia bottega. Era piccola, ma andava bene. Vendevo zucchero, sale, olio, sapone. Non potevo lamentarmi. Ora eccomi qui, vendo meloni e angurie che compro da altri. Lo faccio da pochi giorni e non so per quanto ancora. Ma non mi basta per mandare avanti la famiglia».

      Rabihullah ha 45 anni e 12 figli. Nato in Afghanistan, fuggito dalla guerra, ha trascorso gran parte della vita in Pakistan, ma pochi mesi fa è stato costretto a tornare. Lo incontriamo all’inizio di una via sterrata che si dipana verso i campi coltivati, all’incrocio con la strada principale che conduce fuori città dal centro di Jalalabad, capoluogo di Nangarhar, provincia orientale al confine con il Pakistan. Seduto sulla paglia, alle spalle decine e decine di meloni profumati, in testa uno zuccotto chiaro, Rabihullah indossa un semplice vestito bianco, rattoppato qua e là. «Sono nato nel distretto di Bati Kut, qui nel Nangarhar. Ci siamo trasferiti in Pakistan quando ero adolescente. Di preciso non saprei quando. Ricordo che il mio primo digiuno per il Ramadan l’ho fatto lì. Non stavamo male a Peshawar. Ma 3 mesi fa siamo dovuti tornare. I poliziotti pachistani prima hanno cominciato a chiederci i documenti, poi a picchiarci. Ci attaccavano perfino di notte. Entravano nelle nostre case all’una, alle due del mattino. Ci dicevano di andar via. Nel nostro quartiere, che era come un villaggio, eravamo tutti afghani. Ci attaccavano per questo».

      La storia di Rabihullah è simile a quella di decine di migliaia di connazionali, costretti a rientrare in Afghanistan a causa delle politiche repressive del governo di Islamabad. Già nel 2015, Human Rights Watch denunciava «minacce ripetute, arresti frequenti, richieste regolari di mazzette, violenze occasionali da parte della polizia pachistana nei mesi successivi all’attacco alla scuola di Peshawar», l’attentato terroristico che il 16 dicembre 2014 ha provocato la morte di 145 persone, tra cui 134 bambini.

      Anche se l’attentato è stato rivendicato dai Talebani pachistani, per le autorità i responsabili andavano cercati all’interno dell’ampia comunità di rifugiati afghani che, sin dalla fine degli anni Settanta, hanno trovato protezione dalla guerra sull’altro lato della Durand Line, in Pakistan. Quei rifugiati erano parte della più ampia diaspora che ha reso l’Afghanistan per molti anni, fino allo scoppio della guerra siriana, il primo Paese al mondo di provenienza per numero di rifugiati. Una diaspora ancora oggi numerosa.

      Secondo i dati dell’ultimo rapporto dell’Alto Commissariato dell’Onu per i rifugiati (Unhcr), Global Trends. Forced Displacement in 2017, nel mondo ci sono 2,6 milioni di rifugiati afghani, il 5% in più rispetto all’anno precedente. L’Afghanistan è il secondo paese di provenienza dei rifugiati dopo la Siria (6,3 milioni). La maggior parte vive in Pakistan (poco meno di 1,4 milioni) e in Iran (poco meno di 1 milione), ma i due Paesi ospitano anche un gran numero di emigrati privi di documenti, non registrati dalle Nazioni Unite (circa 1 milione in Pakistan, 1 milione e mezzo in Iran). «Nel corso degli ultimi 40 anni, dall’inizio della guerra in Afghanistan nel 1978, l’Iran e il Pakistan hanno ospitato il più alto numero di rifugiati afghani», ricorda la ricercatrice Jelena Bjelica, che incontriamo nell’ufficio di Kabul dell’Afghanistan Analysts Network, il più accreditato centro di ricerca del Paese.

      Molti sono tornati. Dal 2001, dal Pakistan sono rientrati ben 3,9 milioni di rifugiati afghani. Quanti non lo hanno fatto sono diventati armi diplomatiche nelle mani del governo di Islamabad, il cui establishment militare è accusato di alimentare il conflitto per ragioni strategiche. «I rifugiati vengono usati per esercitare pressioni politiche su Kabul. La prassi di non estendere la validità dei documenti di registrazione è uno degli strumenti più comuni», nota Jelena Bjelica.

      «Nel 2016 e in parte nel 2017, le autorità pachistane hanno esercitato molte pressioni sugli afghani affinché tornassero indietro» conferma il ricercatore indipendente Wali Mohammad Kandiwal, autore di diverse pubblicazioni sui processi migratori, che incontriamo a Jalalabad. Alle pressioni si sono aggiunte minacce e violenze crescenti, come testimoniato nel 2017 da un altro rapporto di Human Rights Watch. La strategia ha funzionato. Lo certificano i numeri. Tra gennaio 2016 e dicembre 2017, almeno 1,2 milioni di afghani sono rientrati dall’Iran e dal Pakistan. Nel 2017, 460.000 afghani senza documenti sono rientrati o sono stati deportati dall’Iran, 100.000 dal Pakistan e 7.000 da Paesi europei, a cui vanno aggiunti almeno altri 60.000 rifugiati registrati, tornati dal Pakistan. «Il loro è stato un vero dilemma: rimanere o tornare? Entrambe le opzioni erano rischiose. Chi è tornato, spesso non è convinto di aver fatto la scelta giusta», aggiunge Kandiwal.

      Anche Rabihullah non ne è certo. «Il lavoro non c’è, la casa costa troppo, non parliamo della sicurezza: qui si combatte dovunque», spiega sconfortato mentre ci guida lungo i viottoli del quartiere in cui vive, nella periferia di Jalalabad. Dietro un cancello di metallo c’è casa sua. Un atrio di pochi metri quadrati, delimitato da alte mura. Sulla destra, un ripiano di legno con una bombola del gas e qualche stoviglia: «è la cucina». Appena sopra, un filo con dei panni stesi. Una porta blu spicca contro il marrone delle pareti di fango. «Come vedi, la casa è fatta di un’unica stanza». C’è un’unica finestra e, di fronte all’entrata, un letto di corde intrecciate con la base in legno, tipico di queste parti. Una scala in bambù raggiunge il tetto della stanza, dove sono stesi altri panni. «È tutto qui», dice guardandosi intorno e lamentando la scarsa assistenza del governo, inefficiente e corrotto. «Le risorse ci sono, ma vengono dirottate su progetti privati, sottratte, rubate», ci dice un funzionario della sede locale dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim), che chiede l’anonimato.

      Non si tratta soltanto di denaro. La risorsa più importante, qui, è la casa. Meglio ancora, la terra. Secondo il «Policy Framework on IDPs and Returnees» del governo, «l’assegnazione della terra sarà un contributo fondamentale nel successo di soluzione durature» per i rifugiati. Ma la realtà è diversa. «Il piano governativo è molto ambizioso, e i politici non fanno mai mancare promesse elettorali su questo tema. Ma l’assegnazione delle terre è uno dei processi più corrotti che ci siano», nota Jelena Bjelica, che sull’argomento ha scritto un articolo molto informato.

      Lo conferma Wali Mohammad Kandiwal, che ci anticipa i risultati della sua ultima ricerca, promossa dal Feinstein International Center dell’Università statunitense di Tufts. Si intitola «Homeland, but no land for home. A Case Study of Refugees in Towns: Jalalabad» e l’autore la sintetizza così: «la terra è il problema principale soprattutto qui, nella provincia di Nangarhar. Il governo punta a far tornare gli emigrati, ma non riesce a soddisfarne i bisogni e le legittime richieste. La burocrazia e soprattutto la corruzione sull’assegnazione delle terre rendono l’intero sistema dell’accoglienza del tutto fallimentare».

      Alla corruzione e all’inefficienza del governo si sommano altri ostacoli. Il primo è il costo della terra, il bene più ambito. Secondo i dati riportati dallo Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (Sigar), l’organo di controllo che riferisce al Congresso degli Stati Uniti sui soldi pubblici spesi nel Paese centro-asiatico, dal 2001 il costo della terra è aumentato del 1.000%. Un aumento ancora più significativo si registra nella provincia di Nangarhar, a causa delle speculazioni legate al rientro dei profughi dal Pakistan, delle mafie locali, delle dispute sui terreni e del landgrabbing.

      C’è poi il problema strutturale dell’enorme peso demografico, sociale ed economico delle migrazioni forzate. Secondo una recente ricerca coordinata dall’Oim, in 15 delle 34 province afghane con la maggiore mobilità transfrontaliera e interna, tra il 2012 e il 2017 più di 3,5 milioni di persone sono ritornate dall’estero o sono state costrette a lasciare la propria casa, per trasferirsi in altre zone del paese. Tra coloro che sono rientrati in patria, 1 milione e 355 mila provenivano dal Pakistan, 398 mila dall’Iran. Il 25% di tutti i returnees si sono stabiliti proprio nella provincia di Nangarhar, che ha registrato 499,194 nuovi arrivi – ufficiali – tra il 2012 e il 2017.

      Tra questi c’è Hejrat, 33 anni, carnagione scura, occhi celesti e un sorriso rassicurante. «Siamo tornati nel giugno 2017. Era un periodo in cui tante famiglie decidevano di tornare indietro», racconta. «Sono nato in Pakistan, ma la mia famiglia è originaria del distretto di Rodat, non distante da Jalalabad». Hejrat ha vissuto a lungo in Pakistan, a Peshawar, prima di essere costretto a tornare: «per i pachistani, gli afghani sono un fastidio. Abbiamo sopportato a lungo, poi siamo partiti». Per farlo ha dovuto chiedere un prestito: «I miei genitori erano già tornati. Ho chiesto un prestito di 10.000 rupie pachistane (circa 70 euro, ndr), ho fatto i bagagli e sono partito. Eravamo 5 persone, tutta la mia famiglia. Al confine, l’Onu ci ha dato una tenda, 100 chili di farina e 3 coperte. Ora eccoci qui». Hejrat sostiene che l’assistenza ricevuta sia insufficiente. «Abbiamo bisogno di tutto: cibo, lavoro, soldi. Con i soldi potrei cominciare un’attività e restituire quel che devo. Ho ancora debiti da pagare in Pakistan».

      Hejrat è tornato in Afghanistan nel giugno 2017, quando la morsa delle autorità pachistane cominciava ad allentarsi. «In quel periodo le autorità hanno prolungato la validità dei documenti degli afghani e il ministero afghano per i Rifugiati ha trovato un accordo con la controparte a Islamabad», ricorda Kandiwal. Nel 2018, la pressione è ulteriormente diminuita. Eppure, i rientri dal Pakistan continuano, così come gli abusi. Da gennaio a oggi, secondo l’Oim circa 23.000 afghani senza documenti sono tornati in Afghanistan dal Pakistan (mentre sono circa 510.000 quelli rientrati dall’Iran, a causa delle crescenti pressioni delle autorità iraniane e della svalutazione del rial). «Siamo tornati da 5 mesi», racconta Hakim, 25 anni. «Siamo stati costretti ad andarcene. I poliziotti ci picchiavano ogni giorno con i bastoni, ci perseguitavano, continuavano a crearci problemi. Quando hanno esagerato, abbiamo deciso di partire. Molta gente ha preso la nostra stessa decisione».

      Hakim si considera afghano, ma è nato in Pakistan. «Sono nato vicino a Peshawar, nel campo (rifugiati, ndr) di Akora. Poi siamo finiti a vivere su Charsadda road, fuori dai campi, con altre famiglie afghane. La mia famiglia si è trasferita in Pakistan 35 anni fa a causa della guerra». La guerra continua ancora oggi, ma Hakim – pur non essendoci mai vissuto – è tornato nella patria dei genitori. «Non era più possibile vivere a Peshawar: troppi problemi».

      Anche qui non mancano. «In Pakistan facevo il lavoratore a giornata, lo stesso provo a fare qui. Ma è più difficile. Ho provato ad andare a Kabul, ma non ho trovato niente. Vivo con mia madre e mio padre, con mia moglie e i miei 5 figli. In tutto, siamo 8 persone». Hakim ci mostra casa, una tenda di plastica marrone, fornita dal Norwegian Refugee Council. Il tetto è in lamiera, le pareti in plastica e tela. Sopra l’ingresso svetta una bandiera afghana. Sui lati, una stampella di fil di ferro sorregge un vassoio di metallo con qualche utensile. Un intricato giro di fili porta l’elettricità. «Ma va e viene». All’interno, diversi materassi, arrotolati per risparmiare spazio, un peluche spelacchiato e qualche pentola. La tenda si trova in un ampio parcheggio sterrato, per gran parte occupato da ferraglia e calcinacci. Dietro la tenda c’è un palazzo in costruzione, lasciato a metà. Accanto, un’altra tenda, più bassa e più piccola.

      Qualche metro più in là, un orticello di due metri per due. Pomodori, melanzane e poco altro. Hakim vorrebbe tornare nel villaggio dei genitori, nel distretto di Bati Kut, ma non può: «lì c’è la guerra».


      http://openmigration.org/analisi/viaggio-tra-i-rifugiati-afghani-respinti-dal-pakistan

    • Coming home to conflict: Why Afghan returnees say they were better off as refugees

      Life as an Afghan refugee in Pakistan was never easy for Halima Bibi. But living in her own country has been even harder.

      Bibi, 60, is among more than 3.8 million refugee and undocumented Afghans who have returned to Afghanistan – by choice or by force – over the last five years. In 2016, after spending their entire lives as refugees, she and her three children were driven over the border on the back of a truck – one family among hundreds of thousands of Afghans pushed out of Pakistan that year in a refugee crackdown.

      Today, she lives in a small brick house in Bela, a village hosting around 1,500 returnee families outside the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad. None of her three children have jobs, and Bibi worries about her health: she hasn’t been able to find a clinic to treat complications from her leprosy.

      “Life’s much more difficult here,” she said, sitting on the steps outside her concrete home, tears rolling down her wrinkled cheeks. “All of our extended family is in Pakistan and we struggle to survive.”

      Bibi’s troubles are common among Afghans coming home to a country at war after decades away, but data showing how returnees are faring has been scarce. Now, new research tracking Afghan returnees is painting a clearer picture of what people like Bibi are going through as authorities and aid groups prepare for more returns.

      A study released in July by the World Bank and the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, found that most returnees are worse off financially than those who had stayed behind in Pakistan. Researchers interviewed thousands of Afghans who returned between 2014 and 2017 – a period that saw both a sharp rise in civilian casualties in Afghanistan, and mounting pressure on Afghan refugees living on the margins in Pakistan.

      The study found returnees face significantly higher unemployment, resorted to more precarious or unstable jobs like day labouring, and earned lower wages than they did back in Pakistan. They were also more likely to be unemployed or racking up debt compared with Afghans who never left the country.

      The research comes at a critical period for the government and aid groups in Afghanistan. UN agencies are forecasting that at least 680,000 refugees and undocumented migrants will return from Pakistan and Iran this year. But there are few jobs available and little help to reintegrate in a country in crisis.

      A record 3,800 people were killed in conflict last year, and hundreds of thousands were displaced by clashes or by disasters. Afghanistan is heading toward presidential elections in late September, yet insurgent attacks and military operations continue to kill civilians.

      The study’s proponents say the new data can be used to better understand returnees’ humanitarian needs, to shape more targeted aid and development responses – and to prepare for the next wave of returns and displacement.
      War and migration in Afghanistan

      With their country at war for the past four decades, millions of Afghans have been pushed out by both insecurity and a struggling economy. The UNHCR says the global Afghan refugee population – which includes some 2.7 million registered refugees and millions more undocumented – is the second-largest in the world.

      For decades, neighbouring Pakistan and Iran have hosted the majority of these refugees. But returns have surged over the last five years, driven by volatile public sentiment against refugees, geopolitical manoeuvring – Pakistan has previously threatened new rounds of deportation after political tussles with Afghanistan’s main backer, the United States – or economic crises.

      Some Afghans choose to come home, taking advantage of voluntary return programmes that supply cash grants to registered refugees. Other undocumented Afghans are fleeing sporadic police crackdowns in Pakistan. The majority of recent returnees are from Iran, where an economic crisis has driven Afghans out in droves.

      But there are few services for returning refugees and migrants. At Afghanistan’s four main border crossings with Pakistan and Iran, returning refugees are registered and the most vulnerable – unaccompanied children and single women – receive short-term assistance like food, clothing, and onward transport. But most of this assistance is short-lived, and migration flows are difficult to track once people have entered the country.

      Hafizullah Safi, 50, returned to Afghanistan four years ago along with his wife and 10 children. His family had never set foot in Afghanistan. His last visit was 35 years ago.

      Originally from the eastern province of Kunar, a lush rural area with one of Afghanistan’s few remaining forests, Safi decided to settle in Kabul instead – further from the war’s front lines, he said, and closer to schools and hospitals.

      But adjusting to his new life has been difficult. He rents a two-room mud home in Kabul’s city centre, but he struggles to pay the monthly rent of 5,000 afghanis, or about $60.

      “In Pakistan, I owned a small shop selling dried fruit, but here in Kabul I can barely keep my job as a taxi driver,” he said.

      Outside his house, a garbage-filled river breeds mosquitoes and smells of faeces. The roads are unpaved and electricity is scarce, if available at all. His son, a university graduate with a business degree, has been looking for a job since finishing his studies.

      Safi said there’s little to no assistance from both the government and aid groups. Four years after leaving, the family survives on money sent from relatives still in Pakistan.

      High expectations

      Rights groups say Afghanistan has failed to implement large-scale land programmes for refugees. Government policy aims to include returnees and displaced communities within the country’s development programmes, but the conflict itself makes progress difficult for all Afghans.

      “Returnees often have high expectations and it doesn’t line up with what we can provide,” said Abdul Basit Ansari, a spokesman at the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation, which oversees programmes for returnees and the displaced. “Both security and employment continue to be big challenges – not only for those who return, but for Afghans across the country.”

      The return to Afghanistan has been difficult for Safi and his family, but he said some aspects are better, compared with living an undocumented existence in Pakistan.

      “We were never fully integrated. We always lived in fear of being found out,” he said. “Afghanistan might be dangerous, but in some ways it is safer. This is our home. We are free here.”

      Still, in a crisis marked by precarious returns and long-lasting displacement, many Afghans are looking to leave.

      At Pakistan’s embassies and consulates across Afghanistan, more than 5,000 visa applications are made daily, according to Pakistan’s ambassador, with many people waiting in line for days.

      The Pakistan-Afghanistan border has traditionally been porous, but Safi said regulations have toughened in recent years: “We now need passports and visas to cross the border,” he said. “These are expensive and hard to come by.”

      If it wasn’t for paperwork, he admitted, his family would have returned to Pakistan long ago. Instead, he’s eyeing other migration opportunities for his university-educated but jobless son.

      “Pakistan is becoming less of an option,” he said. “My son is now trying to go to Europe instead.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/08/01/Afghan-conflict-returnees-better-off-refugees

      #Pakistan

    • Coming home to conflict: Why Afghan returnees say they were better off as refugees

      Life as an Afghan refugee in Pakistan was never easy for Halima Bibi. But living in her own country has been even harder.

      Bibi, 60, is among more than 3.8 million refugee and undocumented Afghans who have returned to Afghanistan – by choice or by force – over the last five years. In 2016, after spending their entire lives as refugees, she and her three children were driven over the border on the back of a truck – one family among hundreds of thousands of Afghans pushed out of Pakistan that year in a refugee crackdown.

      Today, she lives in a small brick house in Bela, a village hosting around 1,500 returnee families outside the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad. None of her three children have jobs, and Bibi worries about her health: she hasn’t been able to find a clinic to treat complications from her leprosy.

      “Life’s much more difficult here,” she said, sitting on the steps outside her concrete home, tears rolling down her wrinkled cheeks. “All of our extended family is in Pakistan and we struggle to survive.”

      Bibi’s troubles are common among Afghans coming home to a country at war after decades away, but data showing how returnees are faring has been scarce. Now, new research tracking Afghan returnees is painting a clearer picture of what people like Bibi are going through as authorities and aid groups prepare for more returns.

      A study released in July by the World Bank and the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, found that most returnees are worse off financially than those who had stayed behind in Pakistan. Researchers interviewed thousands of Afghans who returned between 2014 and 2017 – a period that saw both a sharp rise in civilian casualties in Afghanistan, and mounting pressure on Afghan refugees living on the margins in Pakistan.

      The study found returnees face significantly higher unemployment, resorted to more precarious or unstable jobs like day labouring, and earned lower wages than they did back in Pakistan. They were also more likely to be unemployed or racking up debt compared with Afghans who never left the country.

      The research comes at a critical period for the government and aid groups in Afghanistan. UN agencies are forecasting that at least 680,000 refugees and undocumented migrants will return from Pakistan and Iran this year. But there are few jobs available and little help to reintegrate in a country in crisis.

      A record 3,800 people were killed in conflict last year, and hundreds of thousands were displaced by clashes or by disasters. Afghanistan is heading toward presidential elections in late September, yet insurgent attacks and military operations continue to kill civilians.

      The study’s proponents say the new data can be used to better understand returnees’ humanitarian needs, to shape more targeted aid and development responses – and to prepare for the next wave of returns and displacement.
      War and migration in Afghanistan

      With their country at war for the past four decades, millions of Afghans have been pushed out by both insecurity and a struggling economy. The UNHCR says the global Afghan refugee population – which includes some 2.7 million registered refugees and millions more undocumented – is the second-largest in the world.

      For decades, neighbouring Pakistan and Iran have hosted the majority of these refugees. But returns have surged over the last five years, driven by volatile public sentiment against refugees, geopolitical manoeuvring – Pakistan has previously threatened new rounds of deportation after political tussles with Afghanistan’s main backer, the United States – or economic crises.

      Some Afghans choose to come home, taking advantage of voluntary return programmes that supply cash grants to registered refugees. Other undocumented Afghans are fleeing sporadic police crackdowns in Pakistan. The majority of recent returnees are from Iran, where an economic crisis has driven Afghans out in droves.

      But there are few services for returning refugees and migrants. At Afghanistan’s four main border crossings with Pakistan and Iran, returning refugees are registered and the most vulnerable – unaccompanied children and single women – receive short-term assistance like food, clothing, and onward transport. But most of this assistance is short-lived, and migration flows are difficult to track once people have entered the country.

      Hafizullah Safi, 50, returned to Afghanistan four years ago along with his wife and 10 children. His family had never set foot in Afghanistan. His last visit was 35 years ago.

      Originally from the eastern province of Kunar, a lush rural area with one of Afghanistan’s few remaining forests, Safi decided to settle in Kabul instead – further from the war’s front lines, he said, and closer to schools and hospitals.

      But adjusting to his new life has been difficult. He rents a two-room mud home in Kabul’s city centre, but he struggles to pay the monthly rent of 5,000 afghanis, or about $60.

      “In Pakistan, I owned a small shop selling dried fruit, but here in Kabul I can barely keep my job as a taxi driver,” he said.

      Outside his house, a garbage-filled river breeds mosquitoes and smells of faeces. The roads are unpaved and electricity is scarce, if available at all. His son, a university graduate with a business degree, has been looking for a job since finishing his studies.

      Safi said there’s little to no assistance from both the government and aid groups. Four years after leaving, the family survives on money sent from relatives still in Pakistan.

      High expectations

      Rights groups say Afghanistan has failed to implement large-scale land programmes for refugees. Government policy aims to include returnees and displaced communities within the country’s development programmes, but the conflict itself makes progress difficult for all Afghans.

      “Returnees often have high expectations and it doesn’t line up with what we can provide,” said Abdul Basit Ansari, a spokesman at the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation, which oversees programmes for returnees and the displaced. “Both security and employment continue to be big challenges – not only for those who return, but for Afghans across the country.”

      The return to Afghanistan has been difficult for Safi and his family, but he said some aspects are better, compared with living an undocumented existence in Pakistan.

      “We were never fully integrated. We always lived in fear of being found out,” he said. “Afghanistan might be dangerous, but in some ways it is safer. This is our home. We are free here.”

      Still, in a crisis marked by precarious returns and long-lasting displacement, many Afghans are looking to leave.

      At Pakistan’s embassies and consulates across Afghanistan, more than 5,000 visa applications are made daily, according to Pakistan’s ambassador, with many people waiting in line for days.

      The Pakistan-Afghanistan border has traditionally been porous, but Safi said regulations have toughened in recent years: “We now need passports and visas to cross the border,” he said. “These are expensive and hard to come by.”

      If it wasn’t for paperwork, he admitted, his family would have returned to Pakistan long ago. Instead, he’s eyeing other migration opportunities for his university-educated but jobless son.

      “Pakistan is becoming less of an option,” he said. “My son is now trying to go to Europe instead.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/08/01/Afghan-conflict-returnees-better-off-refugees

  • Palestinians prevent Israeli settlers’ raid of Khan al-Ahmar
    Sept. 7, 2018 1:33 P.M. (Updated: Sept. 7, 2018 5:08 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=780980

    JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — A group of Palestinians prevented a group of Israeli settlers from raiding the Khan al-Ahmar village east of occupied Jerusalem City, on Friday morning.

    Locals said that Israeli settlers attempted to raid the Bedouin village, threatened with demolition that is expected to take place in less than a week, to provoke residents and activists carrying out a sit-in at the village.

    Palestinian youths prevented Israeli settlers from raiding the village and forced them to leave back to the nearby main street.

    Israeli settlers were carrying Israeli flags and repeating racist slogans.

    Locals added that the settlers also called for expelling Palestinians of Bedouin areas east of Jerusalem in favor of increasing Israeli settlements in the area.

    Earlier this week, the Israeli High Court had rejected an appeal against the demolition of the village, and ordered the evacuation of its residents in preparation for its demolition within a week.

    Khan al-Ahmar has been under threat of demolition by Israeli forces; the demolition would leave more than 35 Palestinian families displaced, as part of an Israeli plan to expand the nearby illegal Israeli settlement of Kfar Adummim.

    #colonialisme_de_peuplement #Khan_al-Ahmar

    • La démolition d’un village de Cisjordanie « comprommet la paix », avertit l’UE
      La destruction de la communauté bédouine de Khan al-Ahmar, à une place stratégique, menace la solution à deux états, dit l’Union européenne
      Par Times of Israel Staff Aujourd’hui, 14:13
      https://fr.timesofisrael.com/la-demolition-dun-village-de-cisjordanie-comprommet-la-paix-averti

      L’Union européenne a vivement recommandé jeudi à Israël de reconsidérer la démolition d’un village bédouin en Cisjordanie, avertissant qu’elle pourrait nuire aux efforts livrés pour conclure un accord de paix entre Israël et les Palestiniens.

      Un jugement de la Haute cour émis la veille a approuvé la destruction de Khan al-Ahmar après le rejet d’un dernier appel dans une affaire qui aura suscité les critiques à l’international.

      « Les conséquences de la démolition de cette communauté et le déplacement de ses résidents, notamment des enfants, contre leur volonté pourrait être très grave, menacer sérieusement la viabilité d’une solution à deux état et venir compromettre les perspectives de paix », a noté l’UE dans un communiqué. « La communauté de Khan al-Ahmar est située dans un secteur sensible de la zone C qui est d’importance stratégique pour préserver la contiguïté d’un futur état palestinien ».

    • Cisjordanie occupée
      L’Union européenne appelle Israël à revenir sur sa décision de démolir un village palestinien
      Avec Agences, 18 juillet 2018 à 18:32
      https://lematin.ma/journal/2018/lunion-europeenne-appelle-israel-revenir-decision-demolir-village-palestinien/297395.html

      La chef de la diplomatie de l’Union européenne, Federica Mogherini, a appelé mercredi les autorités israéliennes à revenir sur leur décision de démolir le village palestinien de Khan Al-Ahmar, faisant part de sa profonde préoccupation quant au sort de la communauté bédouine qui y réside. (...)

    • Demolition of Palestinian Community Imminent. Israeli High Court Green Lights Razing of #Khan_al-Ahmar

      Residents of Khan al-Ahmar thought they had found a way around Israel’s discriminatory building permit regime in Area C of the West Bank. Since a building permit is required only for concrete structures, they built their school, which serves 160 children from five villages, using clay and 2,200 old tires.

      The plan didn’t work. The Israeli army has exclusive control over planning in Area C. It has allocated just one percent of that land for Palestinian buildings, and refuses the vast majority of Palestinian permit applications.

      Khan al-Ahmar was no exception. Over the years, Israeli authorities issued demolition orders against the school and every other structure in this small village of 180 residents, just east of Jerusalem, on the grounds that they lacked permits. On September 5, Israel’s High Court rejected several appeals, and green-lighted demolition.

      Israeli military planning documents do not recognize the community’s presence, and Israeli authorities have repeatedly confiscated its land, demolished its buildings, and expelled its Palestinian residents for building without permits.

      This isn’t the community’s first displacement. In the early 1950s, Israeli forces evicted residents from the Tel Arad district of the Negev desert. The community fled to the West Bank and built a village in the current location. They registered as Palestine refugees with the United Nations.

      In 1977, Israel established the settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, allocating it the land on which Khan al-Ahmar sits.

      International law prohibits an occupying power from destroying property, including schools, unless “absolutely necessary” for “military operations.” Transferring civilians within an occupied territory, either by direct force or indirect coercion into a place not of their choosing, is a war crime under the International Criminal Court’s statute.

      Israeli officials should know that the demolition and any resulting displacement of the population may subject them to criminal investigation.

      Other states also have a duty to ensure that the Geneva Conventions are respected, and should make clear to Israeli officials that, if the demolition goes ahead, people implicated in any criminal acts could be investigated and prosecuted by domestic authorities outside of Israel where they have jurisdiction.

      Global condemnation alone has not stopped serious war crimes during Israel’s 50-year occupation. Action and justice is long overdue.


      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/09/16/demolition-palestinian-community-imminent

  • John McCain : In Memoriam | Human Rights Watch
    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/08/26/john-mccain-memoriam
    https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/open_graph/public/multimedia_images_2018/201808us_john_mccain.jpg?itok=Yr1ssu8y

    John S. McCain III, the senior Republican senator from Arizona who died of brain cancer on August 25, 2018, left behind a strong record of commitment to the bipartisan promotion and defense of human rights in the United States and abroad. He was 81.

    Signalé par Angry Arab cet hommage surréaliste de Human Rights Watch à McCain !

  • Arabie saoudite : cinq militants des droits de l’homme risquent la peine de mort

    https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/08/23/riyad-requiert-la-peine-de-mort-pour-cinq-militants-des-droits-de-l-homme_53

    Le Monde, décidément ne fait aucun progrès : parmi les cinq personnes mentionnées il y a au moins une femme (Israa Al-Ghomgham) et peut-être plus, mais le Monde s’en fout. Ce serait pas trè compliqué de s’adapter (Cinq militant·es pour la défense des droits humains), mais bon, n’en demandons pas trop à des journalistes méprisants et limités.

    La peine de mort a été requise à l’encontre de cinq militants des droits de l’homme en Arabie saoudite, ont annoncé, mercredi 22 août, Human Rights Watch (HRW), Amnesty International et plusieurs groupes de défense des droits de l’homme.

    Parmi ces personnes figure Israa Al-Ghomgham, militante chiite de premier plan qui a rassemblé des informations sur les manifestations de masse qui ont eu lieu dans la province orientale du pays à partir de 2011.

    –---

    Saudi Prosecution Seeks Death Penalty for Female Activist | Human Rights Watch

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/08/21/saudi-prosecution-seeks-death-penalty-female-activist

    https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/open_graph/public/multimedia_images_2018/201806mena_saudi_women.jpg?itok=X6bSQHEV

    International standards, including the Arab Charter on Human Rights, ratified by Saudi Arabia, require countries that retain the death penalty to use it only for the “most serious crimes,” and in exceptional circumstances. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and it is inevitably and universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error.

    A recent crackdown on women’s rights activists in Saudi Arabia has led to the arrest of at least 13 women under the pretext of maintaining national security. While some have since been released, others remain detained without charge. They are: Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Nouf Abdelaziz, Mayaa al-Zahrani, Hatoon al-Fassi, Samar Badawi, Nassema al-Sadah, and Amal al-Harbi. Authorities have accused several of them of serious crimes and local media outlets carried out an unprecedented campaign against them, labeling them “traitors.

    –----

    Saudi Arabia arrests two more prominent women’s right activists

    https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/08/01/saudi-arabia-arrests-two-prominent-womens-right-activists

    Saudi Arabian authorities have arrested two high-profile women’s rights activists, Human Rights Watch said Wednesday, amid what the organisation called an “unprecedented” crackdown on dissent.

    Award-winning gender rights activist Samar Badawi was arrested along with fellow campaigner Nassima al-Sadah this week, “the latest victims of an unprecedented government crackdown on the women’s rights movement,” HRW said in a statement.

    #droits_humains #droit_des_femmes #arabie_saoudite #barbares et aussi #journalisme_misérable

  • Arabie saoudite : Peine de mort demandée pour des militantes | Mediapart
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/220818/arabie-saoudite-peine-de-mort-demandee-pour-des-militantes

    La peine de mort a été requise contre cinq militantes des droits de l’homme en Arabie saoudite, ont annoncé Human Rights Watch (HRW) et plusieurs groupes de défense.

    RYAD (Reuters) - La peine de mort a été requise contre cinq militantes des droits de l’homme en Arabie saoudite, ont annoncé Human Rights Watch (HRW) et plusieurs groupes de défense.

    Parmi les détenues figurent Israa al Ghomgham, militante musulmane chiite de premier plan qui a rassemblé des informations sur les manifestations de masse qui ont eu lieu dans la province Orientale à partir de 2011. Elle a été arrêtée chez elle en décembre 2015 avec son mari.

    Elle pourrait être la première femme à être condamnée à la peine capitale pour son activité relative aux droits de l’homme. Elle est notamment accusée d’incitation à manifester et d’avoir apporté un soutien moral à des émeutiers.
    L’Arabie saoudite, monarchie absolue sunnite où les manifestations publiques et les partis politiques sont interdits, a adopté ces dernières années des réformes sociales et économiques de grande envergure sous la houlette du jeune prince héritier Mohamed ben Salman (MBS).

    Mais ces réformes sont accompagnées d’une répression contre les dissidents. Des dizaines de religieux, d’intellectuels et de militants ont été arrêtés cette année, dont des femmes qui avaient fait campagne pour le droit de conduire dans ce pays musulman profondément conservateur.

    Or, les femmes se sont vus récemment accorder le droit de passer leur permis de conduire.

    « Toute exécution est effroyable, mais demander la peine de mort pour des militantes comme Israa al Ghomgham, qui ne sont même pas accusées de comportement violent, est monstrueux », a déclaré mercredi Sarah Leah Whitson, directrice de HRW au Moyen-Orient.

    ALQST, un groupe saoudien de défense des droits de l’homme basé à Londres, a rapporté la décision concernant Israa al Ghomgham au début de la semaine.

    Des militantes des droits de l’homme ! Ce sont pour les droits des femmes qu’elles se battent et que les hommes vont les décapitées.

    • #merci @mad_meg de systématiquement relever la question terminologique, il reste un long chemin à faire avant de réussir à passer des droits de l’homme aux droits humains. Il se trouve qu’on s’est accroché il y a quelques mois avec un groupe de militantes (de défense des droits humains, donc) - et non pas de militants mâles pourtant, qui souhaitaient utiliser nos cartes pour leur nouveau site, et qui ont refusé de changer l’expression « Droits de l’homme » pour « Droits humains » au prétexte que c’était l’histoire, que ça venait des « Lumières » et qu’on ne s’essuit pas les pieds sur l’Histoire. Voilà aussi ce contre quoi il faut se battre. J’ajoute que jai finalement refusé de fournir la cartographie tant que l’expresion « Droits de l’homme » figurerait sur le site.

    • Merci @reka de ne pas avoir laissé passer ça. Il y a parfois des femmes qui s’arcboutent pour conserver un statut d’inférieures à toutes les autres femmes.

      Et je souligne aussi la #traduction_sexiste de médiapart avec son « militantes des droits de l’homme » d’autant que Human Rights Watch a fait un communiqué en anglais.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/08/21/saudi-prosecution-seeks-death-penalty-female-activist

      (Beirut) – Saudi Arabia’s Public Prosecution is seeking the death penalty against five Eastern Province activists, including female human rights activist Israa al-Ghomgham, Human Rights Watch said today. The activists, along with one other person not facing execution, are being tried in the country’s terrorism tribunal on charges solely related to their peaceful activism.

      The Public Prosecution, which reports directly to the king, accused the detained activists of several charges that do not resemble recognizable crimes, including “participating in protests in the Qatif region,” “incitement to protest,” “chanting slogans hostile to the regime,” “attempting to inflame public opinion,” “filming protests and publishing on social media,” and “providing moral support to rioters.” It called for their execution based on the Islamic law principle of ta’zir, in which the judge has discretion over the definition of what constitutes a crime and over the sentence. Authorities have held all six activists in pretrial detention and without legal representation for over two years. Their next court date has been scheduled for October 28, 2018.

      Attention, comme je le soulignais dans un autre seen, la traduction Gogll ne traduit pas le féminin correctement. N’empêche, l’algorithme utilise bien l’expression « droits humains ».

      #Israa_Al-Ghomgham
      #Samar_Badawi
      #Nassima_Al-Sadah
      #Loujain_al-Hathloul
      #Aziza_al-Yousef
      #Eman_al-Nafjan
      #Nouf_Abdelaziz
      #Mayaa_al-Zahrani
      #Hatoon_al-Fassi
      #Amal_al-Harbi

    • Je comprend pas ce qui t’empeiche de dire « Défenseuse » si le suffixe en -esse te va pas et que tu aime « défenseuse ». Pas de problème avec la paraphrase non plus. Les suffixes en esse ont un coté ancien régime - noblesse, papesse, philosophesse, peintresse, comptesse...
      Le dictionnaire cordiale accepte defenseuse :
      https://www.universalis.fr/dictionnaire/defenseuse
      wikipédia dit que le dictionnaire de l’AF ne reconnait pas défenseuse, mais c’est une raison de plus pour s’en servir. L’AF choisissant toujours le mot ou la tournure qui va exprimer haine ou/et mépris des femmes et tout ce qui est féminin de près ou de loin.

      Sinon pour revenir à ces millitantes qui risquent la peine de mort. Je me disait qu’au moins le féminin était conservé à « militante » car il y a 5 femmes, sinon le féminin aurais disparu. Sur le e-monde en fait elles disparaissent.
      https://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2018/08/23/riyad-requiert-la-peine-de-mort-pour-cinq-militants-des-droits-de-l-homme_53

      Riyad requiert la peine de mort pour cinq militants des droits de l’homme

      Parmi eux, Israa Al-Ghomgham pourrait devenir la première femme condamnée à la peine capitale pour son engagement en faveur des libertés.

      Et pour illustré ceci une photo de 5 hommes et Israa Al-Ghomgham enfant.

      Du coup c’est curieux de parler de 5 millitantes chez médiapart. D’autre part j’ai pas vu l’usage du mot féminisme, seulement « militante pour les droits de l’homme » ou « pour la liberté » en anglais les journaux vont jusqu’a osé dire parfois « militante pour les liberté des femmes » mais le mot féminisme est proscrit.

  • D’un coté #Macron en plein selfie à l’Elysée avec son grand pote saoudien, le jeune prince « moderne et féministe » #Mohamed_Bin_Salman, à qui la France vend des armes et qu’elle soutient contre vents et marées dans la région. Brutal et orgueilleux, il est en quelque sorte le Jupiter de la péninsule arabique.

    De l’autre #Asra-al-Ghangam, militante pour les #droits_des_femmes et la libération des prisonniers politiques en Arabie Saoudite, arrêtée en 2015 avec son mari. Elle a été exécutée, décapitée au sabre, hier matin. Avant de mourir elle aurait déclaré à ses bourreaux : « Je n’ai tué personne ».

    https://www.facebook.com/nadjil.kallisto/posts/701682903498898
    #Arabie_saoudite #France #armes #armement #féminisme #femmes #décapitation #militantisme #résistance
    cc @reka

    • En tout cas d’après https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/en-arabie-saoudite-une-activiste-chiite-risque-la-peine-de-mort-10174, ce n’est pas Esra al-Ghamgam sur la photo mais Samar Badawi
      La vidéo qui circule date de 2015

      Elle serait encore en vie

      http://article19.ma/accueil/archives/97947

      https://twitter.com/ali_adubisi/status/1031146505611161600 13:50 - 19 août 2018

      علي الدبيسي
      @ali_adubisi

      في قضية #إسراء_الغمغام، الحكم لم يصدر بعد والذي حصل هو بدء المحاكمة بالجلسة ١ في ٦/٨/٢٠١٨ وطالبت النيابة العامة بإصدار حكم الإعدام.
      الجلسة ٢ ستعقد في ٢٨/١٠/٢٠١٨ وأقترح دعوة جماهيرية واسعة حول العالم لتظاهرات قبل الجلسة، تضامناً معها ودفاعا عن حقها في الحرية والحياة.
      حياتها أمانة.

      European Saudi Organization for Human Rights Director رئيس المنظمة الأوروبية السعودية لحقوق الإنسان ali.adubisi@esohr.org

    • C’est assez intéressant :

      cette info arrive sur FB formatée dans un style assez spectaculaire pour ne pas dire putassier (l’image de macron et du prince en vis à vis de la photo d’une femme supposée être Israa al-Ghamgham (que le post dit avoir été décapitée) et qui est en fait selon « middleeasteye.net » Samar Badawi, une autre militante saoudienne. Par ailleurs une vidéo circule prétendant être l’execution de cette militante et qui en fait s’avère être une autre décapitation qui date de 2015. Tout le monde a été profondément ému au point de signaler ce post FB sans penser à vérifier. C’est peut-être vrai, peut-être pas, mais une journée complète de recherche n’a rien donné de vraiment probant.

      Comme nous nous intéressons à la situation des droits humains en Arabie saoudite, nous avons aussi été très bouleversé, d’autant plus qu’il y a cette incertitude.

      Ce type de dissémination de l’info me fait peur et me fait penser que nous restons très fragiles face à ce qui nous arrive par différents canaux. D’où l’importance des débats et des partages, et des recherches communes sur seenthis pour tenter de déconstruire cet invraissemblable magma.

    • Saudi Prosecution Seeks Death Penalty for Female Activist

      Saudi Arabia’s Public Prosecution is seeking the death penalty against five Eastern Province activists, including female human rights activist #Israa_al-Ghomgham, Human Rights Watch said today. The activists, along with one other person not facing execution, are being tried in the country’s terrorism tribunal on charges solely related to their peaceful activism.

      The Public Prosecution, which reports directly to the king, accused the detained activists of several charges that do not resemble recognizable crimes, including “participating in protests in the Qatif region,” “incitement to protest,” “chanting slogans hostile to the regime,” “attempting to inflame public opinion,” “filming protests and publishing on social media,” and “providing moral support to rioters.” It called for their execution based on the Islamic law principle of ta’zir, in which the judge has discretion over the definition of what constitutes a crime and over the sentence. Authorities have held all six activists in pretrial detention and without legal representation for over two years. Their next court date has been scheduled for October 28, 2018.

      “Any execution is appalling, but seeking the death penalty for activists like Israa al-Ghomgham, who are not even accused of violent behavior, is monstrous,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Every day, the Saudi monarchy’s unrestrained despotism makes it harder for its public relations teams to spin the fairy tale of ‘reform’ to allies and international business.”

      Al-Ghomgham is a Shia activist well known for participating in and documenting mass demonstrations in the Eastern Province that began in early 2011, calling for an end to the systematic discrimination that Saudi Shia citizens face in the majority-Sunni country. Authorities arrested al-Ghomgham and her husband in a night raid on their home on December 6, 2015 and have held them in Dammam’s al-Mabahith prison ever since.

      Saudi activists told Human Rights Watch that the Public Prosecution’s recent demand makes al-Ghomgham the first female activist to possibly face the death penalty for her human rights-related work, which sets a dangerous precedent for other women activists currently behind bars.

      Saudi Arabia’s Specialized Criminal Court (SCC), set up in 2008 to try terrorism cases, has since been increasingly used to prosecute peaceful dissidents. The court is notorious for its violations of fair trial standards and has previously sentenced other Shia activists to death on politically motivated charges. The court sentenced a prominent Shia cleric, Nimr al-Nimr, and seven other men to death for their role in the 2011 Eastern Province demonstrations in 2014 and another 14 people in 2016 for participating in the protests. Saudi authorities executed al-Nimr and at least three other Shia men on January 2, 2016 when they carried out the largest mass execution since 1980, putting 47 men to death.

      International standards, including the Arab Charter on Human Rights, ratified by Saudi Arabia, require countries that retain the death penalty to use it only for the “most serious crimes,” and in exceptional circumstances. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and it is inevitably and universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error.

      A recent crackdown on women’s rights activists in Saudi Arabia has led to the arrest of at least 13 women under the pretext of maintaining national security. While some have since been released, others remain detained without charge. They are: Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Nouf Abdelaziz, Mayaa al-Zahrani, Hatoon al-Fassi, Samar Badawi, Nassema al-Sadah, and Amal al-Harbi. Authorities have accused several of them of serious crimes and local media outlets carried out an unprecedented campaign against them, labeling them “traitors.

      “If the Crown Prince is truly serious about reform, he should immediately step in to ensure no activist is unjustly detained for his or her human rights work,” added Whitson.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/08/21/saudi-prosecution-seeks-death-penalty-female-activist

    • L’algorithme de Google a encore des progrès à faire pour savoir utiliser correctement le féminin …

      A recent crackdown on women’s rights activists in Saudi Arabia has led to the arrest of at least 13 women under the pretext of maintaining national security. While some have since been released, others remain detained without charge. They are: Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Nouf Abdelaziz, Mayaa al-Zahrani, Hatoon al-Fassi, Samar Badawi, Nassema al-Sadah, and Amal al-Harbi. Authorities have accused several of them of serious crimes and local media outlets carried out an unprecedented campaign against them, labeling them “traitors.

      est traduit par

      Une récente répression contre les militantes des droits des femmes en Arabie saoudite a conduit à l’arrestation d’au moins 13 femmes sous prétexte de maintenir la sécurité nationale.

      En utilisant « militantes des droits des femmes » sont invibilisés les hommes « militants des droits des femmes ». A la phrase suivante, les femmes redeviennent des hommes …

      Alors que certains ont depuis été libérés, d’autres sont toujours détenus sans inculpation. Les autorités ont accusé plusieurs d’entre eux de crimes graves et les médias locaux ont mené une campagne sans précédent contre eux, les qualifiant de « traîtres ».

  • China Holds Uighurs in Secret Camps: Daily Brief

    The regime in China is responsible for a long list of awful abuses against minorities in the country, according to a new United Nations human rights report. More than one million Uighurs are estimated to be detained in camps. On Monday, China responded with denials and lies during a meeting of the UN Committee on Racial Discrimination in Geneva.

    https://www.hrw.org/the-day-in-human-rights/2018/08/13
    #camps #répression #Ouïghour #Chine #détention #minorités

    v. aussi:
    https://twitter.com/StephNebehay/status/1028641284234379270

  • China: Crackdown on Tibetan Social Groups. New Regulations Ban Social Action Under Guise of Fighting ‘Organized Crime’

    Chinese authorities are using an ostensible anti-mafia campaign to target suspected political dissidents and suppress civil society initiatives in Tibetan areas, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The authorities are now treating even traditional forms of social action, including local mediation of community or family disputes by lamas or other traditional authority figures, as illegal.

    The 101-page report, “‘Illegal Organizations’: China’s Crackdown on Tibetan Social Groups,” details efforts by the Chinese Communist Party at the local level to eliminate the remaining influence of lamas and traditional leaders within Tibetan communities. The report features rare in-depth interviews, state media cartoons depicting the new restrictions, and cases of Tibetans arbitrarily detained for their involvement in community activities.


    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/29/china-crackdown-tibetan-social-groups
    #Chine #Tibet #rapport #répression

  • 08/07: 19 travellers at Turkish-Greek landborder, pushed-back to Turkey

    Watch The Med Alarm Phone Investigations – 8th of July 2018

    Case name: 2018_07_08-AEG406
    Situation: 19 travellers at Turkish-Greek landborder, pushed-back to Turkey
    Status of WTM Investigation: Concluded

    Place of Incident: Aegean Sea

    Summary of the Case:

    On Sunday, 8th of July, at 11:14pm CEST, we were alerted to a group of travellers stuck near #Tichero, Greece, close to the Turkish landborder. The group consisted of 19 people, among them a 1-year-old child, a pregnant lady and a man that had a broken leg. At 12:11pm we managed to establish contact to the travellers. They were afraid of being pushed-back to Turkey by the police and asked for medical aid and the possibility to seek asylum in Greece. We asked them for a list of their names and birth dates in order to alert UNHCR. At 1:02am we received the list. We couldn’t get back in contact until 1:47am. The group decided not to move further and to wait until the morning for the UNHCR office to open so they could call there.
    At 8:30am we called UNHCR and asked for assistance. At 8:45am we also called the local police station but the operator refused to speak to us in English. We told the group to call 112 themselves for assistance. Until 9:30am we couldn’t reach any local police station. At 9:50am we sent an email to the local authorities and UNHCR to inform them about the people. Afterwards we continuously tried again to get in touch with the authorities and the group, but couldn’t establish a connection any more. At 2pm we reached the police in Alexandropolis. They informed us that they were searching since one hour but hadn’t found the travellers. During the afternoon, we couldn’t get any news and didn’t reach the travellers anymore. At 6:53pm the police informed us that they had not found the group yet. The next day at 11:02am we were informed by a contact person that the group had been found and that they had been allegedly violently pushed-back to Turkey. At 12:45am we managed to reach the group itself. They told us that the police had found them at 5:00pm the day before and put them in „a prison“. At 10:00pm the police had told the group that they were being moved to a camp to apply for international protection. However, the police instead brought them back to the river and handed them to officers discribed as „military“, who forced them onto a boat and across Evros border river back to Turkey. The police officers before had confiscated personal belongings of the refugees, including mobile phones, money, passports and the food for the baby.

    http://watchthemed.net/reports/view/943

    #Evros #Grèce #frontières #Turquie #push-back #refoulement #asile #migrations #réfugiés

    • WSJ: Turks fleeing Erdogan fuel new influx of refugees to Greece

      Thousands of Turks flee Turkey due to a massive witch-hunt launched by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government against the Kurds and the Gülen Group in the wake of a failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016.
      Around 14,000 people crossed the Evros frontier from January through September of this year, more than double the number for the whole of last year, according to the Greek police. Around half of them were Turkish citizens, according to estimates from Frontex, the European Union’s border agency. Many are judges, military personnel, civil servants or business people who have fallen under Turkish authorities’ suspicion, had their passports canceled and chosen an illegal route out.
      Nearly 4,000 Turks have applied for asylum in Greece so far this year. But most Turkish arrivals don’t register their presence in Greece, planning instead to head deeper into Europe and further from Turkey.

      About 30 Turks have been arriving on a daily basis since the failed coup, according to Kathimerini, there were zero arrivals from Turkey in 2015. However, thousands of Turkish citizens have started claiming asylum in Greece since “Erdogan stepped up his crackdown against his opponents since the failed coup attempt.”

      The Wall Street Journal interviewed some of the purge-victim families in Greece:

      “In the dead of night, Yunuz Cagar and his wife Cansu gave their baby some herbal tea to help her sleep, donned backpacks and followed smugglers on a muddy path along the Evros river, evading fences and border guards until they reached Greece.

      Mr. Cagar, a 29-year-old court clerk, was living a quiet life with his family in a provincial town near Istanbul until Turkey’s crackdown after a failed military coup in 2016 turned their world upside down. Judges, colleagues and friends were arrested. He lost his job and had to move the family into his parents’ attic. Mr. Cagar was arrested and spent four months in prison. His crime, he says, was downloading a messaging app, an act he says the state treated as evidence of supporting terrorism.
      The flow of asylum seekers crossing the Greek-Turkish border along the Evros river is rising for the first time since the peak of Europe’s migration crisis in 2015. This time, though, the increase is mainly due to Turks fleeing President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his dragnet against real or imagined followers of the U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gulen. Turkey accuses Mr. Gulen, an ex-ally turned enemy of Mr. Erdogan, of orchestrating the coup attempt.

      “We didn’t say goodbye to anyone before leaving,” said Mr. Cagar, who is now in Athens trying to find some way to get to Germany. His wife and child already made it there with the help of smugglers who have demanded a hefty price. “We began our journey with €13,000 ($14,700) and I have €1,500 left,” he said.

      Ahmed, a 30-year-old former F-16 pilot in the Turkish air force, spends his days talking to smugglers and trying to find a way out. “My dream is Canada, but the reality is Omonoia,” he said, referring to the gritty square in downtown Athens where migrants and smugglers mingle.

      A few months after the coup attempt, Ahmed said, he was dismissed, accused of Gulenist links, arrested and beaten, after another officer denounced him. He said he has no connections with Mr. Gulen’s network. He was released pending trial, but decided to flee when a prison term appeared unavoidable.

      Yilmaz Bilir, his wife Ozlem and their four children were on vacation when the coup attempt happened. Mr. Bilir, who worked at the information-technology department of Turkey’s foreign ministry, found out months later that he was suspected of Gulenist links, which he denies. The family went into hiding, staying with relatives and friends. Mr. Bilir was arrested when he briefly visited his own home and neighbors called the police. When he was released pending trial, the family decided to leave Turkey.

      Mr. Bilir made it to Germany using a forged passport and has applied for asylum there. His wife and children have applied to join him.

      Mrs. Bilir, stuck for now in Athens, remembers how happy the family was when they crossed the river Evros one summer night. “It was an endless walk, but we were happy, because we were away together,” she said. “I was so stressed in Turkey that I couldn’t sleep well for months, but that first night in detention in Greece, I finally slept.”

      After the coup, Meral Budak was suspended from her job as a teacher. Her husband was a journalist at Zaman, a major Turkish newspaper linked to Mr. Gulen’s movement. He had a valid U.S. visa and was able to travel to Canada, where he now works as an Uber driver. His 18-year-old son joined him a few months later.

      Mrs. Budak and the couple’s 15-year-old son Ali remained in Turkey and soon had their passports revoked. They went into hiding for a year. “The most traumatic memory was when I burned hundreds of books,” she said. “Even my children’s school books could be considered evidence, since the publishing companies were funded by Gulen.”
      On Jan. 1 of this year, Mrs. Budak and Ali undertook the long walk across the Evros and into Greece, where they now wait to join the rest of the family in Canada.

      “When I was walking through Greek villages, I realized my life was never going to be the same,” Mrs. Budak said. “I was walking into the unknown.”
      Read the full report on: https://www.wsj.com/articles/turks-fleeing-erdogan-fuel-new-influx-of-refugees-to-greece-1543672801

      https://turkeypurge.com/wsj-turks-fleeing-erdogan-fuel-new-influx-of-refugees-to-greece
      #réfugiés_turcs

    • Fourth migrant found dead near border, Greek ’pushback’ suspected

      Bodies of migrants keep piling up on Turkey’s border with Greece, while Greece denies it is involved in illegal “pushback” practices. Villagers in Adasarhanlı, where the body of another migrant was found earlier this week, alerted authorities after they discovered a body in a rice field, a short distance from the Turkish-Greek border, late Wednesday. The man is believed to be an illegal migrant forced to walk back to Turkey in freezing temperatures by Greek police as part of their controversial pushback practice.

      An initial investigation shows the man froze to death three days ago, and there were lesions on his body stemming from prolonged exposure to water.

      İbrahim Dalkıran, the leader of the village, said they have seen a large number of migrants recently in the area, and many took shelter, in wet clothes or half naked, in Adasarhanlı. “This is a humanitarian situation. Greece sends back migrants almost every three or four days. Some arrive injured, and we call a doctor. It is sad to see them in such a state,” Dalkıran told reporters.

      Olga Gerovasili, Greece’s minister for citizen protection whose ministry oversees border security, has denied previous allegations of pushback and told Anadolu Agency (AA) that Greece is not involved in such incidents. Yet, figures provided to AA by Turkish security sources show many illegal migrants were forced to go back to Turkey by Greek officials, with some 2,490 migrants being pushed back in November alone. The agency reports that some 300 of them were subjected to mistreatment by Greek security forces, ranging from beatings to being forced to go back half naked to the Turkish side of the border.

      Three bodies, believed to be Afghan or Pakistani migrants, were found in three villages in Edirne, the Turkish province that borders Greece. More than 70,000 illegal migrants were intercepted in Edirne between January and November, a high number compared to the 47,731 stopped last year as they tried to cross into Greece despite an increase in pushback reports.

      Under international laws and conventions, Greece is obliged to register any illegal migrants entering its territory; yet, this is not the case for some migrants. Security sources say that accounts of migrants interviewed by Turkish migration authority staff and social workers show that they are forced to return to Turkey, where they arrived from their homelands with the hope of reaching Europe.

      Pırıl Erçoban, a coordinator for the Association for Solidarity with Refugees (Mülteci-Der), says pushback constitutes a serious crime. She said it was “sad and unacceptable” that three migrants died, the number of deaths illustrates a serious problem. “It sheds light on the fact that pushback is being applied. It is still a crime to send those people back, even if they can make it back to Turkey alive,” Erçoban told AA. She says pushback was also taking place on migrant sea journeys, but has stopped, although the practice has continued on land. “Both Greece and Bulgaria are involved in this practice. Our figures show some 11,000 [illegal migrants] entered Turkey from Greece and Bulgaria, though not all of them were forced; we believe a substantial portion of returns are the result of pushback,” she said, adding returns were mostly via Greece. Erçoban said taking legal action to help migrants forced to return was difficult, as they could not reach the victims. “There should be administrative and criminal sanctions, and the culprits should be found. Turkey should take steps against pushback if [Greece] adopted it as a state policy. We hear that they are being beaten with iron bars and sent back without their clothes. This is a crime,” she added.

      Every year, hundreds of thousands of migrants flee civil conflict or economic hardship in their home countries in hope of reaching Europe. Edirne is a primary migration route. Turkish Directorate General of Migration Management data reveals that most of the migrants come from Pakistan, Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. The numbers increase in late summer and autumn before dropping in the winter months.

      Temperatures hover near minus zero degrees Celsius in Edirne and other provinces at the border, which also saw heavy rainfall last week. Migrants usually take boats on the Meriç River, while some try to swim across to the other side. Early yesterday, police stopped 17 Pakistani migrants who were walking on train tracks near the border.

      https://www.dailysabah.com/investigations/2018/12/07/fourth-migrant-found-dead-near-border-greek-pushback-suspected/amp?__twitter_impression=true
      #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #morts

    • Greece accused of migrant ’pushbacks’ at Turkey border

      Hundreds of migrants including children and families have been illegally returned from Greece to Turkey despite Greek authorities being repeatedly warned about the practice, three non-governmental organizations said Wednesday.

      Migrants being forced back over the border, in violation of international law, has become the “new normality” at the border crossing with Turkey in Greece’s northeast Evros region, the three Greek organizations said.

      The testimonies of 39 people who attempted to cross the border to Europe, collected in detention centers near the border since the spring, were published in a report by the Greek Council for Refugees, ARSIS and HumanRights360.

      In their testimonies, the migrants describe being intercepted and detained by people wearing police or military uniforms, sometimes with a hood covering their face, who then forced them onto a boat to cross the Evros River back to Turkey.

      Some migrants described being physically abused or robbed by the individuals, who mostly spoke Greek.

      The report “constitutes evidence of the practice of pushbacks being used extensively and not decreasing, regardless of the silence and denial by the responsible public bodies and authorities,” the NGOs said.

      The “particularly wide-spread practice” leaves the “state exposed and posing a threat for the rule of law in the country,” they added.

      The Greek office of the U.N. refugee agency also said it had recorded a “significant number of testimonies on informal forced returns” through the Evros border.

      “On many occasions, we have addressed those concerns to the Greek authorities requesting the investigation of incidents,” the UNHCR office said.

      “The state’s response so far to these practices has not produced the results required for an effective access to asylum.”

      Greek authorities have denied involvement in the migrant returns and have announced investigations into potential militia action, without result so far.

      The flow of migrants across the Greek-Turkish land border has almost tripled this year, according to Greece’s migration ministry, with 14,000 people intercepted so far compared to 5,400 in 2017.


      http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2018/Dec-12/471620-greece-accused-of-migrant-pushbacks-at-turkey-border.ashx

    • Greece: Violent Pushbacks at Turkey Border

      Greek law enforcement officers at the land border with Turkey in the northeastern Evros region routinely summarily return asylum seekers and migrants, Human Rights Watch said today. The officers in some cases use violence and often confiscate and destroy the migrants’ belongings.

      “People who have not committed a crime are detained, beaten, and thrown out of Greece without any consideration for their rights or safety,” said Todor Gardos, Europe researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Greek authorities should immediately investigate the repeated allegations of illegal pushbacks.”

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 26 asylum seekers and other migrants in Greece in May, and in October and November in Turkey. They are from Afghanistan, Iraq, Morocco, Pakistan, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen, and include families traveling with children. They described 24 incidents of pushbacks across the Evros River from Greece to Turkey.

      Most incidents took place between April and November. All of those interviewed reported hostile or violent behavior by Greek police and unidentified forces wearing uniforms and masks without recognizable insignia. Twelve said police or these unidentified forces accompanying the police stripped them of their possessions, including their money and personal identification, which were often destroyed. Seven said police or unidentified forces took their clothes or shoes and forced them back to Turkey in their underwear, sometimes at night in freezing temperatures.

      Abuse included beatings with hands and batons, kicking, and, in one case, the use of what appeared to be a stun gun. In another case, a Moroccan man said a masked man dragged him by his hair, forced him to kneel on the ground, held a knife to his throat, and subjected him to a mock execution. Others pushed back include a pregnant 19-year-old woman from Afrin, Syria, and a woman from Afghanistan who said Greek authorities took away her two young children’s shoes.

      Increasing numbers of migrants, including asylum seekers, have attempted to cross the Evros River, which forms a natural border between Greece and Turkey, since April. By the end of September, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) had registered 13,784 arrivals by land, a nearly fourfold increase over the same period last year.

      In early June, Turkey unilaterally suspended all returns under a bilateral readmission agreement, stopping coordinated returns over the land border. In a July letter to Human Rights Watch, Hellenic Police Director Georgios Kossioris acknowledged an “acute problem” related to new arrivals and migrants arrested in the region, causing the overcrowding in some facilities, and inhumane conditions in police stations and registration and identification centers Human Rights Watch had documented.

      Accounts gathered by Human Rights Watch are consistent with the findings of other nongovernmental groups, intergovernmental agencies, and media reports. UNHCR, the United Nations Refugee Agency, has raised similar concerns. In a June report, the Council of Europe’s (CoE) Committee for the Prevention of Torture said it has received “several consistent and credible allegations of pushbacks by boat from Greece to Turkey at the Evros River border by masked Greek police and border guards or (para-)military commandos.” In November, the CoE human rights commissioner called on Greece to investigate allegations, in light of information pointing to “an established practice.”

      Human Rights Watch wrote to the head of border protection of the Hellenic Police on December 6, 2018, informing them of its findings. In his reply, Police Director Kossioris categorically denied that Hellenic Police carry out forced summary returns. He said all procedures for the detention and identification of migrants entering Greece were carried out in line with relevant legislation, and that they “thoroughly investigate” any incidents of misconduct or violation of migrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights. Greek authorities have consistently denied pushback practices, including a high-ranking Greek police official in a June meeting with Human Rights Watch. For a decade, Human Rights Watch has documented systematic pushbacks by Greek law enforcement officials at its land border with Turkey.

      Greek authorities should promptly investigate in a transparent, thorough, and impartial manner repeated allegations that Greek police and border guards are involved in collective and extrajudicial expulsions at the Evros region. Authorities should investigate allegations of violence and excessive use of force. Any officer engaged in such illegal acts, as well as their commanding officers, should be subject to disciplinary sanction and, as appropriate, criminal prosecution. Anyone seeking international protection should have the opportunity to apply for asylum, and returns should follow a procedure that provides access to effective remedies and safeguards against refoulement – return to a country where they are likely to face persecution, and ill-treatment.

      The European Commission, which provides financial support to the Greek government for migration control, including in the Evros region, should urge Greece to end all summary returns of asylum seekers to Turkey, press the authorities to investigate allegations of violence, and open legal proceedings against Greece for violating European Union laws.

      “Despite government denials, it appears that Greece is intentionally, and with complete impunity, closing the door on many people who seek to reach the European Union through the Evros border,” Gardos said. “Greece should cease forced summary returns immediately and treat everyone with dignity and respect for their basic rights.”

      For detailed accounts from asylum seekers and migrants, please see below. Please note that all names have been changed.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 26 people from Afghanistan, Iraq, Morocco, Pakistan, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen, including seven women, two of whom were pregnant at the time they were summarily returned to Turkey across the Evros River. In seven cases, families were pushed back, including children.

      In Greece, Human Rights Watch interviewed people who managed to re-enter Greek territory following a pushback, in the Fylakio pre-removal detention center and in the Fylakio reception and identification center, as well as in the Diavata camp for asylum seekers in Thessaloniki. In Turkey, those interviewed were in the Edirne removal center and in urban locations in Istanbul.

      All names of interviewees have been changed to protect their privacy and security. Interviews were carried out privately and confidentially, in the interviewees’ first language, or a language they spoke fluently, through interpreters. Interviewees shared their accounts voluntarily, and without remuneration, and have consented to Human Rights Watch collecting and publishing their accounts.

      Pushbacks in Evros

      The 24 incidents described demonstrate a pattern that points to an established and well-coordinated practice of pushbacks. Most of the incidents share three key features: initial capture by local police patrols, detention in police stations or informal locations close to the border with Turkey, and handover from identifiable law enforcement bodies to unidentifiable paramilitaries who would carry out the pushback to Turkey across the Evros River, at times violently. In nine cases, migrants said uniformed police physically mistreated them before or during the pushback.

      The accounts suggest close and consistent coordination between police with unidentified, often masked, men who may or may not be law enforcement officers. In a May interview with Human Rights Watch, Second Lieutenant Sofia Lazopoulou at the border police station of Neo Cheimonio said that police officers wearing dark blue uniforms were in charge of services at the police station and that those who wear military camouflage uniforms were patrolling officers, in charge of prevention and deterrence of irregular migrants crossing into Greece.

      Interviewees said that people who looked like police officers or soldiers, as well as some of the unidentified masked men, carried equipment such as handguns, handcuffs, radios, spray cans, and batons, while others carried tactical gear such as armored gloves, binoculars, and knives and military grade weapons, such as rifles.

      The repeated nature of the pushbacks and the fact that those officers who conduct them were clearly on official duty, indicates that commanding officers knew, or ought to have known, what was happening.

      Ferhat G., a Syrian Kurdish man in his forties, said two police officers detained him, his wife, and three children, ages 12, 15, and 19, at an abandoned train station on September 19. They were held in a large caged area in the backyard of a police station with dozens of other people for five hours. Ferhat could not say where the train station or police station were:

      We were all put in a van, 60 to 70 people. Commandos all in black, wearing face masks, drove us back to the river. We were very afraid… I saw other people there, mainly youths with just shorts, no other clothes. Our blood froze out of fear. When they opened the van, we started going out. “Stand in one line, one-by-one,” they said and hit someone. Ten by 10, they put us in a small boat, driven by a Greek soldier. I cried because of the humiliation.

      The modus operandi was largely replicated, with some variations, in the other cases Human Rights Watch documented.

      Capture

      Twenty-one of those interviewed said local police patrols detained them in towns and villages near the border or in open farmland. Two said that the police took them off a bus or a train shortly after its departure. Three said they could not identify the men who detained them and took them directly back to the border. People said they were then transported in police cars, pick-up trucks, white vans without windows or signs, or larger trucks painted in green or camouflage that appeared to be military trucks.

      Karim L., 25, from Morocco, said that police officers removed him from a train to Alexandropouli on November 8. Shortly after its scheduled departure from Orestiada, at 12:37 p.m., police officers began asking passengers who looked foreign to show their passports and took Karim and five or six others off the train. The police took him to a nearby police station and kept him there for two nights. Then four men wearing police uniforms and black masks took him to the border in a van. He said they subjected him to physical violence and a mock execution, then pushed him back to Turkey. He was not photographed, fingerprinted, or given any paper to read or sign, or otherwise informed of the reasons for his arrest. He said that other people, including families with children, were also detained in the station’s three cells.

      Mahsa N., an Afghan woman, said uniformed police officers removed her, her husband, their three children, ages 5, 9, and 11, and two unrelated Afghan men from a bus 15 minutes after it left Alexandropouli in mid-September, during their third attempt to enter Greece. They were pushed back to Turkey the same day, with the police who had detained them taking them all the way to the Evros River, where others were already being held so they could be returned on a boat.

      Dila E., a 25-year-old Syrian woman, described her experience shortly after crossing the Evros River in late April. She said she was with seven other people, including four children, when masked men she could not identify pushed them back to Turkey as they were walking in a small town near the border:

      They came with a car and took us. They put us in a white van. You couldn’t see anything from the inside. They took us directly to the river and made us cross the river with a rubber boat. They took everyone’s mobile phones, set of clothes, and even the money from some.

      Malik N., a 26-year-old Moroccan man, said uniformed police stopped him along with three other men on November 13 near a gas station in Didymoteicho, a town two kilometers from the border. He said that one of the policemen made a phone call, and a white van arrived 15 minutes later. Two men he could not identify took him and two of his group to a location that he described as barracks: “They put us in the car, which was very well made, dark inside, and without seats. There were no signs on it. … There was a terrible smell [in the barracks], and officials had their masks on… There were 30 people there.”

      Masked men took him to the border the next evening:

      After the masked people came, they started to shout at us, and hit us one by one with batons at the door. There were around eight people outside the barracks, each with a thick plastic baton. They would hit you as you walked to the car. They would shout “Fuck Islam.” They put 30 of us in the van. [There were] no chairs. I felt like I was suffocating, there was no air. When we arrived at the river, they ordered people to strip to shorts only. They took my phones, my money, €1,500, and my glasses, and broke them.

      Sardar T., 18, from Afghanistan, said that uniformed police caught him and the group of people he was traveling with at the Didymoteicho bus station on April 23. He said the police came with a white van but later brought a big car, similar to a military truck with green camouflage. Human Rights Watch researchers saw a vehicle matching Sardar’s description parked in the yard of the border police station of Neo Cheimonio, as well as numerous white vans, without police signs. Sardar said that the officers who pushed them back to Turkey were wearing police uniforms and that masks concealed their faces except for their eyes.

      Detention

      Thirteen of those interviewed reported that they were detained in formal and informal locations close to the border, for periods ranging from a few hours to five days. Five said they were taken to a police station, while eight described buildings on the outskirts of nearby villages and towns, or on farmland that they said were used as drop-off points for detained migrants. None of the interviewees, even those held at police stations, were duly identified and registered, and their detention appears to have been arbitrary and incommunicado.

      A few dozen to one hundred people were detained at a time, without food, water, and sanitation, and then taken to the Evros River and returned to Turkey. Interviewees described the rooms in the unidentified buildings as “prison-like” and “like a storage room,” with a few mattresses and a single, filthy toilet. They said women and families with children were either held together with unrelated men, or sometimes in adjacent rooms.

      Mahsa, the Afghan woman who was summarily returned to Turkey three times, said she and her family were kept for five days, along with unrelated men who were also detained, in a dark room with no beds or heat before the second pushback, in late August. They were not given any food. Their belongings, including winter coats for her young children, and a cherished backpack and doll, were never returned. Up to 10 guards, wearing belts with what appeared to be handguns, batons, and pepper spray, would check on people and lock the door but not provide any information. She saw guards beating men staying in the same room: “They had a blue uniform with writing on it in Greek on the back, with big letters. They called us dirt.”

      Azadeh B., a 22-year-old Afghan woman traveling with her husband and two children, ages 2 and 4, said they were pushed back twice from Greece – and had spent five days in detention before being returned the second time, in early October. She said they were taken to a room in a structure located in the middle of farmland:

      We could not see or hear anything. We were not asked to sign anything or told anything. The guards closed the door and locked it. When families asked for water, they filled dirty bottles and threw them inside the room through the door. They took everything from us, even the Quran. We asked them to give back our kids’ shoes, but they didn’t. They do this because they don’t want us to come back. If it’s something of value, they keep it, something they don’t like, they put it in the bin.

      She said only the children were given some biscuits while detained in a room that was about 40 square meters and shared by about 80 people whom she believed were also all migrants.

      Hassan I., a Tunisian man in his thirties, said that before being violently pushed back along with four friends in early August, they spent a day in detention. He said the location resembled a military base because they saw military vehicles, including trucks and tanks, parked near the room in which they were held. It was a 15-minute drive from the town of Orestiada, where they had been stopped and picked up in the morning by two police officers in blue uniforms in a civilian car.

      The policemen drove them to the location, where guards violently pushed them against a wall, searched them, and hit them. “First, they asked for phones, then for money,” Hassan said. They were shouting ‘malaka’ [a Greek insult meaning ‘asshole’]. I was shocked. I felt humiliated. When we tried to ask for anything, like our sim cards, memory cards, they hit us immediately.” Hassan and his friends were put in a room that looked like a storage room. In an adjacent room, they could hear the voices of families with children. Hassan estimated that by 9 p.m., when they were taken to the border in trucks, about 80 men were in his room of about 24 square meters, in which there were only a few chairs, a toilet, and a water tap.

      Zara Z., 19 and four-months pregnant, from Afrin, Syria, said that in mid-May, men wearing camouflage uniforms stopped her and her husband and detained them overnight in a room without bedding or furniture, together with other migrant families, and without any food or water. The next day they were transferred in a van to the Evros River, put on a boat, and pushed back to Turkey.

      Pushbacks across the Evros River

      All those interviewed said they were transported to the border with Turkey in groups of 60 to 80, in military trucks or unmarked vans. In all but three cases, the agents wore face masks, black pants, or camouflage, making it impossible to recognize or identify them. In the three other cases, interviewees said police in regular blue and camouflage uniforms transported them to the river. Ten out of 26 interviewees said they were physically abused or witnessed others being ill-treated during the pushback operation.

      Karim, a 25-year-old Moroccan man, said Greek police handed him over to masked men wearing police uniforms after they caught him in Greece on November 10 and that he was violently pushed back to Turkey. After ordering him to take off his clothes and shoes, two of the masked officers kicked him to the ground and hit him with a baton, then one of them subjected him to a mock execution. They dragged him by his hair and forced him to kneel on the ground, while the masked officer held a knife to his throat and said in broken English, “Whoever returns to Greece, they will die.” Karim said he could not sleep at night and was experiencing recurrent nightmares.

      Hassan, the Tunisian who was pushed back with his four friends on August 10 or 11, said that masked men wearing black clothes ill-treated them after taking them to the border in a truck. One of the men used a stun gun on Hassan’s lower back, causing burns that were still visible over two months later. He provided video footage of the group’s injuries, which he said was recorded the day after the incident and was first posted on social media on August 12, showing several bruises he said resulted from blows to their upper and lower backs and limbs. “Next time I will see you,” one of the masked men told him in English, “I will kill you.” At the time of the interview, Hassan had been sleeping in parks in Istanbul, after all his belongings were confiscated in Greece.

      Amir B., a Tunisian man in his twenties, was pushed back to Turkey at the end of September after entering Greece and hiding for six days. He said he was returned from near Alexandropouli to the border in one of two military trucks, which together took around 80 people to the border, including about 30 women and a few children. Amir said masked men pushed people around as they got off the trucks, and then pushed them toward the river, ordering them to remain silent. The agents then split the group into smaller groups of 10 and ordered them to take off their shoes. Women had to give up their coats, while some men had to strip to underwear. Amir’s jeans, where he also kept his money, were set on fire. When a black pick-up truck arrived with a small boat, the guards checked the other side of the river with binoculars, and then used the small boat to take the groups of 10 in turn across the water.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/12/18/greece-violent-pushbacks-turkey-border

      #vidéo:
      Greek Authorities Beat, Push Back Migrants into Turkey
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2olpuc_tqA

    • El oscuro secreto de la frontera oriental de Europa

      Grecia deporta ilegalmente a los refugiados que llegan a su territorio, en algunos casos incluso secuestrándolos lejos de la frontera, según denuncian ONG y Acnur.

      Firas debería estar en Grecia. Es más, oficialmente, según los registros del Gobierno heleno y del Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR), reside en Grecia. Pero no. Este sirio, de 17 años, malvive amedrentado, sin dinero y sin papeles en un pequeño apartamento de Estambul que comparte con otros refugiados, después de haber sido deportado ilegalmente por la policía griega a Turquía en tres ocasiones. Una práctica prohibida por las leyes internacionales, pero que, según las organizaciones de derechos humanos, se está convirtiendo en “sistemática” a medida que la ruta migratoria de entrada a la Unión Europea se desvía hacia la frontera del río Evros. Acnur ha recabado unos 300 casos de devoluciones en caliente de personas que intentan llegar a la UE desde Turquía solo en 2018.

      “En los últimos años hemos recabado un número significante de casos de pushback [término en inglés para referirse a esta práctica ilegal]”, explica Margaritis Petritzikis, representante de Acnur en el campo de detención de Fylakio, en Grecia, junto al Evros. “Los testimonios describen a quienes practican las detenciones vistiendo uniformes de diferentes colores, muchas veces sin distintivos, y con la cara cubierta, por lo que no sabemos a qué cuerpo pertenecen. La jurisdicción del control fronterizo es de la policía griega, pero el área que rodea el río es zona militarizada”, añade Petritzikis.

      Los detenidos aseguran que, una vez detenidos y antes de ser devueltos en barcas al otro lado de la frontera, son llevados a almacenes, instalaciones militares o comisarías de policía, transportados con furgonetas sin identificar, supuestamente de las fuerzas de seguridad, según los testimonios recogidos en informes de diversas ONG, entre ellas Human Rights Watch y el Greek Council for Refugees (GCR).

      El Evros, también llamado Maritsa, hace de barrera natural a lo largo de 194 de los 206 kilómetros de frontera terrestre entre Turquía y Grecia; el resto lo cubre una valla levantada en 2012. Para aquellos migrantes y refugiados que, desde suelo turco, sueñan con alcanzar territorio europeo, son apenas 100 o 200 metros que cubrir en un bote hinchable, un trayecto mucho más corto que el que separa la costa turca de las islas griegas del mar Egeo. Además, aquí no está vigente el acuerdo firmado entre la UE y Turquía en 2016, que permite la devolución de aquellos migrantes llegados de manera irregular por vía marítima. En la zona del Evros regía otro acuerdo bilateral de devolución firmado entre Turquía y Grecia, aunque Ankara lo canceló el pasado año. Por ello, en los últimos años, se ha incrementado el número de llegadas a través de esta ruta (en 2018 fueron 18.014, un 35% del total de refugiados y migrantes que arribaron a Grecia, según los datos de Acnur). La mayor parte de los que llegan son sirios, afganos y turcos.

      Sus aguas aparentemente tranquilas son un espejismo engañoso. Es un río caudaloso, de habituales inundaciones y fuertes corrientes: durante el pasado año, medio centenar de personas murieron en esta ruta, la mayoría ahogadas o por hipotermia. “El río es pequeño, pero peligroso. Sobre todo porque los botes son para cinco personas y cruzamos 30 a la vez”, explica un joven bangladesí detenido en el campo de Fylakio.

      Un residente de Edirne, en la orilla turca del río, explica que las tarifas que exigen los traficantes por pasar al otro lado van de 1.000 a 5.000 euros. Aquellos que pagan más “reciben un servicio vip”, y en la orilla griega les esperan otros traficantes que los llevan en coche hasta Salónica o Atenas: “A estos no los suele detener nunca la policía”. A los que no disponen de ese dinero, después de superar el peligro de las aguas les aguarda una nueva barrera.
      Práctica ilegal

      Dos y media de la madrugada. Se escuchan pasos entre la maleza, en la zona boscosa que rodea el Evros. Hay cuchicheos. Los pasos se detienen al escuchar el vehículo en el que viaja este periodista. Poco después, se alejan.

      Anteriormente, en cuanto veían a cualquier persona en la orilla griega, los refugiados se identificaban como tales y pedían que se avisase a la policía. Sabían que habían llegado a territorio seguro. Ya no. Entre los refugiados es sabido que, si son apresados en esta zona, corren el riesgo de ser devueltos al otro lado. Las devoluciones en caliente están prohibidas por la ley: la normativa exige que sean primero identificados y, si es el caso, se les permita presentar una petición de asilo. Firas (que no es su nombre real) cuenta que pasó por ello dos veces durante el año pasado. En la primera ocasión, durante el verano, explica que fue detenido nada más cruzar el río, llevado a una comisaría y devuelto a Turquía al cabo de unas seis horas. “En la comisaría nos pegaron a todos los hombres, nos quitaron nuestras pertenencias y destrozaron los móviles”, asegura.

      La segunda fue aún peor: una vez capturados, Firas explica que los agentes de policía llamaron a otros agentes con uniforme militar y la cara cubierta y les propinaron una paliza. Esta vez les quitaron hasta la ropa y los devolvieron a Turquía en calzoncillos. Su historia es similar a las decenas de testimonios recabados por diferentes ONG, que consideran que puede haber un patrón de actuación de las fuerzas de seguridad helenas.

      En algunos casos no se trata ni siquiera de devoluciones «en caliente», es decir, al ser detenidos en el borde mismo de la frontera, sino desde bastante más adentro en el territorio griego y pasado bastante tiempo desde que los refugiados entraron al país. A. A., un sirio que residía en Alemania de manera legal, llegó en agosto de 2017 a la ciudad griega de Alejandrópolis para encontrarse con su mujer, que había cruzado recientemente la frontera. Pero, según manifestó al GCR, fue detenido por agentes de la policía que, haciendo caso omiso a sus documentos, lo encapucharon y lo enviaron a Turquía en un bote junto a otros refugiados.

      Similar es el caso de Firas. La tercera vez que intentó cruzar a Grecia, a mediados de noviembre, explica que lo logró. Y fue enviado al centro de detención de Fylakio. A inicios de enero, salió de él con los documentos que lo acreditaban como solicitante de asilo. Tomó un autobús hacia Salónica, pero cuenta que, cuando llevaba 15 minutos de viaje, la policía le ordenó bajar junto a otros cinco sirios. “Tenía los papeles de la policía griega y de Acnur, pero los destrozaron delante de mí”, relata. “Nos llevaron a un calabozo y agentes con pasamontañas nos desnudaron y nos pegaron. No nos dieron agua ni comida. El segundo día, vinieron otros agentes y nos pegaron con tubos de cañería. Luego nos llevaron al río junto a varias familias con niños y nos devolvieron a Turquía”.

      La respuesta del Gobierno griego es siempre la misma: “No existen estas prácticas”. Así lo han dicho públicamente los ministerios de Orden Público y Migraciones ante las quejas formales de ACNUR y el Consejo de Europa. La comandancia regional en Tracia de la policía griega, preguntada por la situación, redirigió a este periodista al comisario de Orestíada, Pascalis Siritudis, quien respondió al teléfono —un día después de haberse negado a recibirlo— con gran enfado: "La policía griega respeta siempre la ley y las normas internacionales. No olvide que esta es la frontera de la Unión Europea, no solo de Grecia”. Desde el Ministerio de Orden Público, la contestación fue similar: «La policía griega cumple con los derechos humanos».

      Hay varias investigaciones en marcha. Una, sobre la devolución de varios turcos en mayo de 2017, ha alcanzado el Tribunal Supremo de Grecia. También el Defensor del Pueblo y la Fiscalía de Orestíada han iniciado un proceso judicial tras la denuncia de un ciudadano sudanés deportado ilegalmente a Turquía. Pero, hasta ahora, nadie ha sido condenado. Dimitris Koros, abogado del GCR, admite que es difícil armar estos casos: “La mayoría de los refugiados devueltos no tienen tiempo ni medios para iniciar un proceso judicial y, además, es casi imposible identificar a quienes participan en las devoluciones ya que van con la cara cubierta y sin identificaciones, y se suelen producir de noche”.

      Entretanto Firas continúa en Estambul, temeroso de que un día lo detengan las autoridades turcas y lo deporten a la misma Siria de la que escapó huyendo de la guerra. Y se sigue preguntando por qué lo echaron de Grecia si tenía derecho a quedarse. “Me sorprendió mucho el nivel de brutalidad que emplearon conmigo. Siempre habíamos escuchado que la Unión Europea era un lugar donde no había violencia y se respetaban los derechos humanos”, se queja.

      https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/03/03/actualidad/1551607634_105978.html

    • Turkish computer science student missing in Evros following failed attempt to escape to Greece

      21-year-old university student #Mahir_Mete_Kul has been missing since the boat he used to cross Evros river between Greece and Turkey capsized on March 24.

      A computer science student at Istanbul’s Beykent University, Kul spent 10 months in prison on charges of membership to the leftist group, Liseli Dev-Genc, and was released 5 months ago with judicial control, media reported. As the court in charge put an overseas travel ban on his passport, Kul embarked on the risky journey to escape Turkey the same way thousands of others have tried over the past two years: crossing the Evros river along Turkey-Greece border in a bid to seek asylum abroad.

      “My son was a pretty young university student. They sent him up to prison. Following his release, they prevented him from going back to the school. As he had a travel ban on his passport, he chose this way [to escape],” Mahir’s mother Araz Kul spoke to Gazete Karinca. Five months ago, the mother left Turkey to Greece due to political reasons too, media said.

      Thousands of people have fled Turkey due to a massive witch-hunt launched by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government against all kinds of opposition.

      More than 510,000 people have been detained and some 100,000 including academics, judges, doctors, teachers, lawyers, students, policemen and many from different backgrounds have been put in pre-trial detention since last summer.

      Many tried to escape Turkey via illegal ways as the government cancelled their passports like thousands of others.


      https://turkeypurge.com/turkish-computer-science-student-missing-in-evros-following-failed-atte
      #mourir_aux_frontières #morts #décès #mourir_dans_l'Evros

      L’appel de la mère :
      https://twitter.com/TurkeyPurge/status/1110989355445678080
      https://twitter.com/TurkeyPurge/status/1110990512381530113

      #réfugiés_turcs

    • À la frontière gréco-turque. Empêcher les migrants d’entrer en Europe, sauver ceux qui y parviennent

      Je copie-colle ici la partie dédiée à la région de l’Evros :

      L’Evros, région délaissée par les garde-frontières

      La gare de Marasia semble aussi abandonnée que le village éponyme. Derrière un panneau jaune et rouge signalant le passage de trains à vapeurs, un cours d’eau ruisselle dans le calme. L’Evros, large d’une dizaine de mètres à peine à cet endroit, est la plus longue rivière des Balkans, prenant sa source en Bulgarie pour se jeter dans la mer Égée, près d’Alexandroupoli. Depuis l’accord entre l’Union européenne et la Turquie et la fermeture de la route des Balkans, la pression migratoire sur la Grèce, qui se concentrait ces dernières années sur les îles en mer Égée, se déporte vers l’Evros, frontière naturelle entre la Grèce et la Turquie. “Aujourd’hui, le problème n’est plus à la barrière mais dans la rivière”, atteste Paschalis Siritoudis, le directeur de la police du département d’Orestiada.

      Un effet de vases communicants

      Cette affluence ne l’inquiète pas plus que ça. “De plus en plus de migrants arrivent ces dernières années mais c’est un vieux problème auquel la région est confrontée depuis une vingtaine d’années. Avant la construction de la barrière avec la Turquie (celle-ci longe la frontière sur 12 kilomètres dans une zone militarisée, NdlR), 30 000 migrants passaient chaque année. En 2012, nous avons lancé une opération de surveillance à la frontière, du personnel a été recruté. Les années suivantes, ce nombre est tombé entre 1 000 et 3 000 personnes. En 2018, environ 7 000 ont franchi la frontière. Ces chiffres, même s’ils sont moindres, montrent qu’il y a toujours un problème migratoire ici. Mais le flux est sous contrôle, il n’y a aucune comparaison possible avec la situation avant 2012”, martèle le colonel, d’une voix tonitruante.

      Les chiffres du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies (UNHCR) vont bien au-delà de ceux du directorat de police : en 2018, 18 014 personnes sont entrées en Grèce via l’Evros. Presque trois fois plus de personnes (dont une majorité de ressortissants turcs) que l’année précédente.

      Dès qu’une porte se ferme dans la région d’Evros, une fenêtre s’ouvre ailleurs. Et vice-versa. Quand, en juillet 2012, l’opération Aspida (“bouclier” en grec) est lancée, le nombre d’entrées à la frontière gréco-turque chute de manière vertigineuse. La première semaine du mois d’août, 2 000 migrants y sont appréhendés. Quelques mois plus tard, en octobre, moins de 10 personnes sont arrêtées par semaine.

      Les autorités compétentes et Frontex se félicitent du succès de cette opération. Les réjouissances sont cependant de courte durée : face au renforcement des contrôles à la frontière terrestre, les départs en mer se multiplient. “Immédiatement après le déploiement de l’opération Aspida, le nombre de détections de traversées illégales a augmenté, à la fois à la frontière maritime entre la Grèce et la Turquie et à la frontière terrestre avec la Bulgarie”, reconnaît Frontex dans son rapport annuel 2012, d’où sont issus les chiffres précités.

      Sur les 206 km de frontière fluviale entre la Grèce et la Turquie, seuls 12,5 kms sont terrestres et forment ce qu’on appelle le triangle de Karaağaç. C’est sur ce territoire qu’est érigée la barrière. (en rouge sur la carte)

      “Les barrières et les murs sont des solutions court-termistes à des mesures qui ne règlent pas le problème. L’Union européenne ne finane et ne financera pas cette barrière. Ça ne sert à rien.”
      Cecilia Malmström, ex-Commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, février 2011.

      “Le problème n’est plus à la barrière mais dans la rivière” Paschalis Siritoudis, directeur de la police du département d’Orestiada

      Sept ans plus tard, l’opération Aspida est toujours en cours et semble faire la fierté de Paschalis Siritoudis. “Elle est connue dans toute la Grèce, dans toute l’Europe même ! Elle est effectuée avec le support de Frontex”, se félicite-t-il.

      Les officiers de Frontex déployés près d’Orestiada en 2010 (surtout pour identifier les migrants) pour prêter main forte aux Grecs sont partis. Aujourd’hui, l’agence européenne n’est que peu impliquée dans la région : quelques agents travaillent aux check-points et patrouillent avec des policiers et des militaires le long de la barrière de barbelés. “Nous avons parlé avec les autorités grecques pour augmenter notre présence mais la décision leur revient. Nous sommes prêts à intervenir s’ils en ressentent le besoin”, explique Eva Moncure, porte-parole de l’agence.

      À entendre Paschalis Siritoudis, ce n’est pas le cas. “Les officiers grecs qui effectuent l’enregistrement des migrants irréguliers, prennent leurs empreintes digitales et font le débriefing sont plus expérimentés que quiconque en Europe. Ils ont eu affaire à des dizaines de milliers de migrants et leur expertise est reconnue par tous”, s’exclame-t-il, assis derrière son bureau dans le commissariat d’Orestiada.

      De son côté, Frontex fait grand cas de ses compétences. “L’agence mutualise les ressources et fait appel aux États membres pour lui fournir du personnel. Il y a donc un turn-over important dans toutes les missions. Au fil des ans, nous avons toutefois développé une expertise, notamment au niveau de l’examen des documents. Avec quel genre de papiers voyagent les migrants ? Sont-ils faux ? Sont-ils vrais ? Où ont-ils été fabriqués ?”, explique Eva Moncure.

      Soumise à la bonne volonté des États membres, Frontex insiste pour pouvoir déployer ses guest officers. Ne serait-ce que pour partager les informations recueillies aux frontières avec une floppée d’institutions. Du point de vue de l’agence, plus celles-ci circulent, mieux les frontières sont protégées. Ainsi, depuis 2016, date du dernier élargissement du mandat de l’agence, Frontex est habilitée à mener des interviews sur le trafic d’êtres humains et à partager les informations récoltées avec Europol. “Nous n’enquêtons pas. Nous ne faisons que récolter des informations et les transmettons à qui de droit. Comme nous sommes en première ligne, nous pouvons obtenir ces informations plus aisément”, indique Eva Moncure. “Quand on parle de Frontex, tout le monde parle toujours des migrants mais personne ne parle des trafiquants d’êtres humains. Pour résumer, notre boulot est de surveiller les frontières, de venir en aide aux migrants s’ils sont en danger et de les renvoyer dans leur pays s’ils n’ont pas le droit d’asile en Europe. Un autre volet important, c’est de recueillir des informations sur les passeurs, les routes qu’ils utilisent, les connexions qu’ils ont, etc. Il ne faut pas oublier que les personnes qui font monter les migrants dans des bateaux ou qui leur font traverser une rivière ne sont pas des enfants de chœur. Le trafic d’êtres humains rapporte énormément d’argent, bien plus que le trafic de drogues. Le problème, c’est que pour l’instant, la justice arrête les petites mains pendant que les chefs des réseaux se la coulent douce à Dubaï en comptant leurs billets”, poursuit-elle.

      Pour rappel, les officiers ont un pouvoir exécutif lorsqu’ils sont impliqués dans l’enregistrement des migrants : prise d’empreintes digitales, screening (pour établir nationalité des migrants) et vérification des documents d’identité. En outre, ils ne peuvent délivrer de décisions relatives à l’asile puisqu’il s’agit d’un pouvoir régalien.

      Renvoyés en Turquie sur des bateaux

      Dans la région d’Evros, contrairement aux îles grecques, les agents de Frontex ne sont pas en contact avec les migrants et donc pas habilités à collecter des informations sur le trafic d’êtres humains. Laissé entre les mains des autorités grecques, l’enregistrement (et partant, le screening et l’interview) des migrants qui parviennent à entrer dans l’espace Schengen n’y semble pas garanti.

      À ce sujet, deux rapports, publiés en décembre 2018 - l’un par Humans Rights Watch et l’autre par le Greek Council for Refugees (GCR), Human Rights 360 et l’Association for the Social Support of Youth - sont glaçants. Confiscation de biens (“ils jettent nos téléphones dans la rivière”, “ils ont confisqué le lait artificiel pour notre bébé”, “il a déchiré mon certificat de naissance devant moi”) et de vêtements, privation de nourriture et parfois d’eau, fouilles corporelles, violences physiques et verbales… Comble du comble : les migrants seraient reconduits de l’autre côté de la rivière Evros dans des embarcations pneumatiques.

      Ces documents font état d’une pratique courante près de la rivière : le push-back, c’est-à-dire le refoulement des personnes qui franchissent la frontière. Ces expulsions collectives (et illégales) obéissent à un modus operandi bien rôdé, à lire les nombreux témoignages récoltés par ces ONG. “La plupart des incidents partagent trois caractéristiques principales : arrestation par une patrouille de police locale, détention dans des commissariats ou des emplacements informels (entrepôts, gares abandonnées, etc.) proches de la frontière avec la Turquie et remise des migrants par les forces de l’ordre à du personnel non-identifié (dont le visage serait le plus souvent caché par une cagoule, NdlR) qui procède au push-back via la rivière Evros, parfois de manière violente”, décrit Human Rights Watch. Certaines personnes interrogées ont subi plusieurs push-backs avant d’être finalement enregistrées selon la procédure légale.

      Les migrants ne sont pas photographiés, leurs empreintes digitales ne sont pas prises et les raisons de leur arrestation ne leur sont pas expliquées. Sans enregistrement, leur présence dans l’espace Schengen n’est pas attestée et il est donc impossible d’introduire une demande d’asile. Il est en revanche possible d’assurer qu’ils n’ont jamais un pied sur le sol européen.

      Ces allégations sont remontées jusqu’au Commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe et au Comité européen pour la prévention de la torture qui les ont jugées crédibles. Après une visite en Grèce en avril 2018, le Commissaire a par ailleurs souligné l’absence d’enquêtes sur ce genre de pratiques de la part des autorités grecques.

      Des bateaux et des chaussures d’enfants

      À Marasia, derrière le panneau jaune et rouge signalant le passage de trains à vapeur, un chemin de terre longe une forêt, qui borde l’Evros. Avec l’arrivée du printemps, des fleurs jaunes tapissent ses berges.

      Il ne faut pas marcher bien loin pour découvrir les traces d’un spectacle qui suscite malaise et interrogations. À cent mètres de la gare, une paire de rames a été abandonnée.

      Un peu plus loin, au bord de l’eau, un bateau gris et bleu est recouvert de feuilles mortes. L’inscription “Excursion 5” est écrite dessus en lettres capitales. Cinquante mètres après, un autre bateau jaune et vert se confond avec la couleur des fleurs.

      De retour sur le chemin de terre, des taches de couleur attirent le regard. Ce sont des chaussures. En daim, celles d’un adulte, à côté d’un soutien-gorge et d’un jeans délavé. À côté, deux paires de basket appartiennent à des enfants. Les plus petites, bleues, sont une pointure 26. Leur ancien propriétaire doit avoir entre trois et cinq ans. Que lui est-il arrivé ? A-t-il été reconduit en Turquie ? Ses compagnons de route ont-ils été interrogés sur le trafic d’êtres humains dont ils ont été victimes ?

      Confronté aux accusations de push-backs menés dans la région, le chef de la police élude d’abord la question et jure que les migrants interceptés sont pris en charge. Avant de finir par admettre que “nous avons reçu des informations sur les push-backs de la part des ONG”.

      Pas suffisamment pour enquêter, comme recommandé par le Commissaire européen aux droits de l’homme et le Comité européen pour la prévention de la torture.

      https://dossiers.lalibre.be/greco-turque/login.php

    • Οργανωμένο σχέδιο ανομίας στον Έβρο καταγγέλλει η « Καμπάνια για το Άσυλο »

      Την κατεπείγουσα διερεύνηση των συνεχιζόμενων καταγγελιών για τις άτυπες επιχειρήσεις επαναπροώθησης προσφύγων στον Έβρο και τον έλεγχο των εμπλεκομένων ζητούν από τους υπουργούς Προστασίας του Πολίτη, Όλγα Γεροβασίλη, Μεταναστευτικής Πολιτικής, Δημήτρη Βίτσα, και Δικαιοσύνης, Μιχάλη Καλογήρου, δέκα οργανώσεις που συμμετέχουν στην « Καμπάνια για το Άσυλο ».

      Σημειώνουν ότι οι υπουργοί είναι υπόλογοι για κάθε καθυστέρηση, η οποία εντείνει την πεποίθηση ότι τα σύνορα στον Έβρο αποτελούν ένα πεδίο εκτός δικαίου και εκτός νόμου και έναν τόπο μαρτυρίου για τους πρόσφυγες.

      Υπογραμμίζουν ότι ο συστηματικός τρόπος και οι ομοιότητες της κακομεταχείρισης παραπέμπουν σε οργανωμένο σχέδιο αποτροπής, στο πλαίσιο του οποίου αναπτύσσονται γενικευμένες πρακτικές, οι οποίες έγιναν πιο εκτεταμένες, συστηματικές και σκληρές μετά την υπογραφή της ευρωτουρκικής συμφωνίας το Μάρτιο του 2016. Και αναφέρουν ότι οι πρακτικές αυτές εμπίπτουν στην αρμοδιότητα της ποινικής δικαιοσύνης και στοιχειοθετούν κατά περίπτωση κακουργήματα (βασανισμός, ληστεία, έκθεση ζωής σε κίνδυνο...).

      Οι οργανώσεις (ΑΡΣΙΣ, Δίκτυο Κοινωνικής Υποστήριξης Προσφύγων και Μεταναστών, ΕΠΣΕ, Ελληνικό Φόρουμ Προσφύγων, Κίνηση για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα – Αλληλεγγύη στους Πρόσφυγες Σάμος, Κόσμος χωρίς Πολέμους και Βία, ΛΑΘΡΑ, PRAKSIS, Πρωτοβουλία για τα Δικαιώματα των Κρατουμένων, Υποστήριξη Προσφύγων στο Αιγαίο) κάνουν λόγο για επιδεικτική βαρβαρότητα ένστολων ή μη στην περιοχή και παράνομες ενέργειες οι οποίες αποτελούν αντικείμενο συγκεκριμένων οδηγιών και εντολών. Σημειώνουν ότι το οργανωμένο σχέδιο περιλαμβάνει επίσης τη συγκάλυψη και νομιμοποίηση των εγκληματικών μεθόδων που χρησιμοποιούνται.

      Ολόκληρη η ανακοίνωση της « Καμπάνιας για το Άσυλο » έχει ως εξής :

      Απαξίωση της ανθρώπινης ζωής και της νομιμότητας οι επαναπροωθήσεις στον Έβρο

      Αθήνα, 2 Μαΐου 2019

      Τα σύνορα της χώρας στον Έβρο τείνουν να καταστούν ένας εκτός δικαίου και εκτός νόμου τόπος μαρτυρίου για τους πρόσφυγες που επιχειρούν απελπισμένα να περάσουν στο ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος, στιγματίζοντας τη χώρα μας και τους υπευθύνους για τη διαχείρισή τους.

      Ενώ παρακολουθούμε τους αυξανόμενους πνιγμούς στα σύνορα, οι καταγγελίες προσφύγων για βάρβαρες πρακτικές επαναπροώθησης συνεχίζονται. Εκτός από τον αποτροπιασμό που προκαλούν, δείχνουν επίσης ότι η άσκηση βίας και οι συστηματικές παραβιάσεις δεν αποτελούν μεμονωμένες ατομικές επιλογές, αλλά γενικευμένες πρακτικές που αναπτύσσονται στα πλαίσια ενός σχεδίου αποτροπής και προσπάθειας ενίσχυσης του « μηνύματος » αποθάρρυνσης, που « πρέπει να σταλεί » για την ανάσχεση των προσφυγικών ρευμάτων.

      Όσα εκτενώς καταγράφονται στην κοινή έκθεση του Ελληνικού Συμβούλιου για τους Πρόσφυγες, της ΑΡΣΙΣ και της HumanRights360, που δημοσιεύτηκε πρόσφατα (1), δεν αφήνουν αμφιβολία για την αλήθεια των καταγγελλόμενων. Ο συστηματικός τρόπος και οι ομοιότητες της κακομεταχείρισης παραπέμπουν σε ένα οργανωμένο σχέδιο, η εφαρμογή του οποίου επιτρέπει -αν δεν προτρέπει- παράνομες συμπεριφορές. Οι περίπολοι ενόπλων με ή χωρίς αστυνομικές και στρατιωτικές στολές, μάσκες ή κουκούλες, που μιλούν εκτός από τα ελληνικά και άλλη ευρωπαϊκή γλώσσα (συχνά αναφερόμενη η γερμανική), που δρουν με επιδεικτική βαρβαρότητα ακόμα και μπροστά σε μικρά παιδιά και οικογένειες, βία και κακοποιήσεις, αφαίρεση προσωπικών ειδών και χρημάτων, ρούχων κατά περίπτωση και συχνά υποδημάτων, αφαίρεση ή καταστροφή κινητών τηλεφώνων (για να μην καταγράφεται η παράνομη δράση), μεταφορά σε εγκαταλειμμένες αποθήκες που χρησιμεύουν ως άτυπα κρατητήρια χωρίς τροφή και νερό και χρήση φουσκωτών για την επαναπροώθηση στην Τουρκία, παραπέμπουν σε εκτέλεση συγκεκριμένων οδηγιών και εντολών, που εφαρμόζονται επιλεκτικά σε εφαρμογή προαποφασισμένου σχεδίου, που περιλαμβάνει και τη συγκάλυψη -και κατά συνέπεια νομιμοποίηση- των εγκληματικών μεθόδων που χρησιμοποιούνται κατ’ αυτές.

      Η Καμπάνια για την Πρόσβαση στο Άσυλο καταγγέλλει για ακόμα μια φορά την εφαρμογή των πρακτικών άτυπης επαναπροώθησης που έχουν επεκταθεί και καταστεί σκληρότερες και συστηματικότερες μετά την Κοινή Δήλωση αρχηγών κρατών και κυβερνήσεων ΕΕ-Τουρκίας της 18ης Μαρτίου 2016 και επισημαίνει ότι δεν αποτελούν μόνο σοβαρή παραβίαση των διεθνών υποχρεώσεων της χώρας, αλλά εμπίπτουν στην αρμοδιότητα της ποινικής δικαιοσύνης και στοιχειοθετούν κατά περίπτωση κακουργήματα (βασανισμοί, ληστείες, έκθεση σε κίνδυνο ζωής κ.ά.)

      Ζητάμε να δοθούν απαντήσεις από τις αρχές :

      Ποια σώματα ενεργούν στα σύνορα για την αποτροπή παράτυπων εισόδων.
      Υπάρχει πλαίσιο συγκεκριμένων εντολών για την περίπτωση εντοπισμού, σύλληψης και μεταχείρισης των παράτυπα εισερχόμενων και έλεγχος για τον τρόπο εφαρμογής του από τις περιπόλους ;
      Υπάρχει υποχρέωση καταγραφής των περιπόλων που ενεργούν κατά μήκος του Έβρου και υποχρεωτική αναφορά σχετικά με την πορεία που ακολουθούν καθώς και τις ενέργειες τους ;
      Ελέγχεται από την εκάστοτε προϊσταμένη αρχή η νομιμότητα των ενεργειών αυτών των περιπόλων και η τήρηση των υποχρεώσεων που επιβάλει το διεθνές δίκαιο για την προστασία των προσφύγων ;

      Η Καμπάνια για την Πρόσβαση στο Άσυλο επισημαίνει ότι τα αρμόδια και εμπλεκόμενα Υπουργεία (Προστασίας του Πολίτη, Άμυνας και Μεταναστευτικής Πολιτικής) αλλά και ο Υπουργός Δικαιοσύνης οφείλουν να προβούν με διαδικασίες κατεπείγοντος στη διερεύνηση των καταγγελιών και τον έλεγχο των εμπλεκόμενων σε επιχειρήσεις αποτροπής και είναι υπόλογοι για κάθε καθυστέρηση, καθώς οι συνεχιζόμενες παραβιάσεις, όσο εκφεύγουν από κάθε μορφής έλεγχο, λογοδοσία και τιμωρία, επιβεβαιώνουν την πεποίθηση ότι ο Έβρος είναι ένα εκτεταμένο πεδίο εκτός δικαίου και εκτός νόμου όπου οι πρόσφυγες είτε σπρώχνονται στο θάνατο είτε στα χέρια εγκληματικών οργανώσεων, όπου μπορεί να αναπτύσσεται ανεμπόδιστα το οργανωμένο έγκλημα και όπου η ανθρώπινη ζωή είναι εξαιρετικά φτηνή ακόμη και γι’ αυτούς που είναι υπεύθυνοι να την προστατεύουν.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/node/193572

      Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop avec ce commentaire :

      10 ONG et associations solidaires somment les Ministres de l’ordre public, de la Politique Migratoire et de la Justice d’ouvrir en toute urgence une enquête concernant les dénonciations répétées d’opérations illégales de refoulement de réfugiés à Evros (frontière fluviale gréco-turque au Nord de la Grèce) ; elles réclament aussi que tous les agents de l’état impliqués dans des telles actions fassent l’objet d’un contrôle.

      Les dix ONG qui font partie de celles ayant lancé la Campagne pour l’accès à l’asile (http://asylum-campaign.blogspot.com) font remarquer que les ministres seront tenus pour responsable de tout empêchement ou retard dans l’enquête, qui renforcerait la conviction que la frontière d’Evros est une zone de non-droit et un haut-lieu de torture pour les réfugiés (tortures, mauvais traitements, vols avec violence, mise en danger de la vie d’autrui).

      Elles soulignent que le mode opératoire quasi-identique de plusieurs opérations de refoulement et les ressemblances dans les mauvais traitements subis par les réfugiés renvoient à un plan organisé et concerté de dissuasion, dans le cadre duquel se déploient de pratiques généralisées qui sont devenus plus fréquentes, plus systématiques et encore plus dures après l’accord UE-Turquie en mars 2016.

      Les organisations Arsis , Réseau de soutien social de réfugiés et de migrants (Diktyo) Observatoire grec pour les accords d’Helsinki (Greek Helsinki Monitor ), Forum grec des réfugiés (Greek Forum of Refugees), Mouvement pour les Droits de l’Homme-Solidarité avec les Réfugiés Samos, Monde sans guerres et violence , « LATHRA » -Comité de Solidarité avec les Réfugiés de Chios, PRAKSIS , Initiative pour les droits de détenus ,

      Soutien aux Réfugiés en Egée (Refugees Support Aegean) parlent de brutalité ostentatoire de la part des policiers et de groupes paramilitaires et d’actions illégales qui ne pourraient être que le fruit de consignes précises et d’ ordres venant d’en haut. Pour les ONG, le recouvrement et la légalisation implicite de méthodes criminelles employées est partie intégrante du plan organisé de push-back.

    • “We were beaten and pushed back by masked men at Turkish-Greek border” – Turkish journalist and asylum seeker

      A group of Turkish political asylum seekers claims that, following their attempt to cross the Turkish border via Evros River in the northeast of Greece on Friday evening, they were pushed back after being beaten by masked men with batons.

      Tugba Ozkan, a journalist in the group, told IPA News on the phone that the group of 15 people fleeing persecution in Turkey crossed the Turkish-Greek border on Friday at 9 pm near Soufli, a town at Evros Regional Unit.

      When they stepped on Greek soil, however, she said a group of masked men beat them and pushed them back across the river to Turkish land, where a post-coup crackdown has persecuted tens of thousands of Turkish nationals since the abortive coup in 2016.

      A family of four from the group, including two children, disappeared after the alleged push-back. Turkish soldiers reportedly arrested the four Turkish nationals, Alpay Akinci (42), Meral Akinci (40), Okan Selim Akinci (11), and Ayse Hilal Akinci (8).

      Trying to hide from Turkish security officers, 11 people, including Ozkan, were attempting to cross the border for the second time.

      “Masked men beat us with batons. We are in a very dire situation. We are afraid to be pushed back again. We need help,” a desperate Ozkan said in dismay.

      The group of asylum seekers managed to cross the Evros safely in their second attempt, she said, and the group was attempting to hide when two Greek police cars found them.

      Greek Police detained the group at around 2 pm on Saturday near the border and took them into custody, according to the Greek Council for Refugees (GCR), a non-governmental organization defending human rights and fighting against illegal push-backs in the region.

      The group applied for asylum in Greece and are expected to be released in a few days after the official registration is done, according to GCR lawyers.
      Push-back: Infamous buzzword of immigration debate glossary

      The practice that notoriously became known as “push-back,” can be defined as ‘the use of force to stop asylum seekers at borders and to return them to the country from which they came.’

      According to official numbers of the United Nations, thousands of asylum seekers and refugees from various nations cross the Turkish-Greek border illegally every year in an attempt to reach Europe to take refuge.

      Many reported push-back incidents have occurred in recent years, but no accurate figures have been revealed yet.

      One of those incidents was the case of Murat Capan, a Turkish journalist who worked for the critical Nokta magazine. According to the narrative of Hellenic League for Human Rights, Capan and a Turkish family with three children crossed the Evros river in May 2017, escaping persecution.

      The Greek police took them into custody where they asked to apply for asylum. Subsequently, they were taken to a UN facility in a van.

      According to the information put forth by Hellenic League, the van met with a car along the road and five masked men dressed in camouflage bound the hands of the Turkish nationals. Two of the masked men then escorted them back to the Turkish side of the border where they were handed over to Turkish soldiers.

      Turkish authorities had already sentenced Capan in absentia to twenty-two and a half years in prison. Following the push-back incident, the security forces sent Capan to prison to serve his term.

      Another incident included 6 Turkish asylum seekers and took place in September 2018. Two Turkish families entered Greece via Evros and as reported by a Turkish journalist in exile, Cevheri Guven, their presence in Greece can be backed by solid evidence.

      One family had their two kids with them and took their photo on a roadside cafe in Alexandroupolis.

      Guven shares the location and picture of the coffee where the photo above had been taken to display that the families were indeed in Greece.

      The families were escorted back to Turkey after appealing for asylum by the Greek police and thrown into the water by the Turkish side, according to Guven. Turkish gendarmerie caught them after hours of walking along the road and 3 adults out of 4 in the group faced arrest.

      The cases of Capan and the Yildiz family crystalize the consequences of the push-back practice, which is a widespread method apparently enforced by Greek security forces working alongside Greece’s border with Turkey, according to the work of several NGOs.

      Greek NGOs, including GCR, HumanRights360, and ARSIS, released a report on the push-back practice in December 2018.

      The report, dubbed “The new normality: Continuous push-backs of third-country nationals on the Evros river,” includes testimonies of 39 people who tried to cross the Evros river to enter Greece, but who were pushed back to Turkey, often violently.

      The report of the NGOs concludes that “the practice of push-backs constitutes a particularly wide-spread practice, often employing violence in the process.”

      GCR, HumanRights360, and ARSIS have urged authorities to take action against the practice, which they label as “a threat to the rule of law” in Greece.

      According to a 2012 ruling of the European Court of Human Rights, push-back policy breaches international law, including the Geneva Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

      International laws are clear on peoples’ rights to seek protection from persecution in other countries, and the latter is obliged to process these requests in order to avoid the risk of endangering people who have a legitimate claim to protection.

      https://ipa.news/2019/04/28/we-were-beaten-and-pushed-back-by-masked-men-at-turkish-greek-border-turkish-j

    • Three Kurdish children drown as more refugees try to make their way into Greece

      THREE KURDISH have perished while trying to cross from Turkey into Greece when the boat they were in capsized.

      The children were from the Iraqi Kurdistan capital of Erbil and drowned in Maritsa River.

      “In the early hours of today, around 3 am, a boat carrying thirteen immigrants who wanted to cross from Turkey to Greece through the Evros River overturned and two children drowned. One child died due to the cold weather,” said Ari Jalal, a representative of Federation of Iraqi Refugees in Kurdistan, in an interview with Kurdish Rudaw.

      Jalal further said the body of one child is yet to be found. “The search continues. We are in contact with the consulates of Iraq, Turkey and Greece after the tragic boat incident. The other immigrants were rescued by Greek police,” Jalal said.

      Turkey is used as a key and main route by thousands of refugees who want to cross into Europe through Greece, especially since 2011, when the Syrian civil war began.

      According to Greece police, the number of migrants registered and arrested after crossing the border was 3,543 by last October, an 82% increase over the same month in the preceding year.


      https://ipa.news/2019/02/04/three-kurdish-children-drown-as-more-refugees-try-to-make-their-way-into-greec
      #décès #morts

    • The new normality: Continuous push-backs of third country nationals on the Evros river

      The Greek Council for Refugees, ARSIS-Association for the Social Support of Youth and HumanRights360 publish this report containing 39 testimonies of people who attempted to enter Greece from the Evros border with Turkey, in order to draw the attention of the responsible authorities and public bodies to the frequent practice of push-backs that take place in violation of national, EU law and international law.

      The frequency and repeated nature of the testimonies that come to our attention by people in detention centres, under protective custody, and in reception and identification centres, constitutes evidence of the practice of pushbacks being used extensively and not decreasing, regardless of the silence and denial by the responsible public bodies and authorities, and despite reports and complaints denouncements that have come to light in the recent past.
      The testimonies that follow substantiate a continuous and uninterrupted use of the illegal practice of push-backs. They also reveal an even more alarming array of practices and patterns calling for further investigation; it is particularly alarming that the persons involved in implementing the practice of push-backs speak Greek, as well as other languages, while reportedly wearing either police or military clothing. In short, we observe that the practice of push-backs constitutes a particularly wide-spread practice, often employing violence in the process, leaving the State exposed and posing a threat for the rule of law in the country.
      Τhe organizations signing this report urge the competent authorities to investigate the incidents described, and to refrain from engaging in any similar action that violates Greek, EU law, and International law.

      https://www.gcr.gr/en/news/press-releases-announcements/item/1028-the-new-normality-continuous-push-backs-of-third-country-nationals-on-the-e

      Pour télécharger le #rapport:


      https://www.gcr.gr/en/news/press-releases-announcements/item/download/492_22e904e22458d13aa76e3dce82d4dd23

    • Απάντηση Γεροβασίλη για τις επαναπροωθήσεις

      Επιστολή στον επικεφαλής της Υπατης Αρμοστείας στην Ελλάδα, Φιλίπ Λεκλέρκ, έστειλε η Όλγα Γεροβασίλη απαντώντας στη δική του στην όποια, όπως αναφέρει υπουργός Προστασίας του Πολίτη, « παρατίθενται περιγραφές και μαρτυρίες μεταναστών για περιστατικά και πρακτικές προσώπων, που φέρονται να ανήκουν σε Σώματα Ασφαλείας, στην περιοχή του Έβρου.

       »Συγκεκριμένα, οι αναφορές αφορούν σε άτυπες αναγκαστικές επιστροφές στην Τουρκία, χωρίς την τήρηση των νόμιμων διαδικασιών, σε περιστατικά βίας και σοβαρών παραβιάσεων των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, καθώς και σε περιστατικά σύμφωνα με τα οποία δεν επετράπη η πρόσβαση προσφύγων και μεταναστών στο μηχανισμό του ασύλου.

      Η κ. Γεροβασίλη υποστηρίζει πως « οι καταγγελλόμενες συμπεριφορές και πρακτικές ουδόλως υφίστανται ως επιχειρησιακή δραστηριότητα και πρακτική του προσωπικού των Υπηρεσιών Συνοριακής Φύλαξης, το οποίο κυρίως εμπλέκεται σε δράσεις για την αντιμετώπιση του φαινομένου της παράνομης μετανάστευσης στα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα. Από την διερεύνηση των μέχρι σήμερα καταγγελλομένων περιστατικών και από τις εσωτερικές έρευνες που έχουν πραγματοποιηθεί από τις αρμόδιες Υπηρεσίες, προκύπτει το συμπέρασμα ότι αυτά δεν δύνανται να επιβεβαιωθούν ».

      Ισχυρίζεται δε ότι « η εμπειρία, ο επαγγελματισμός και το ήθος του αστυνομικού προσωπικού των Υπηρεσιών Συνοριακής Φύλαξης, δεν αφήνουν ουδεμία αμφιβολία ότι το έργο της διαχείρισης συνόρων επιτελείται με υψηλό αίσθημα ευθύνης και ανθρωπισμού. Προς επίρρωση αυτού, σημειώνεται ότι, στον ποταμό Έβρο έχουν λάβει χώρα, πολλές φορές υπό άκρως αντίξοες συνθήκες, επιχειρήσεις διάσωσης μεταναστών που κινδύνευαν από πνιγμό, από το αστυνομικό προσωπικό, το οποίο και με κίνδυνο της ζωής του επιδιώκει την προστασία της ζωής των μεταναστών όταν εγκλωβίζονται σε επικίνδυνα σημεία του ποταμού Έβρου, αποσπώντας θετικά σχόλια από την κοινή γνώμη.

      Επίσης, η υπουργός σημειώνει πως « οι Έλληνες αστυνομικοί που πραγματοποιούν εθνικές επιχειρησιακές δράσεις επιτήρησης συνόρων στην περιοχή του Έβρου, τα τελευταία έτη, υποστηρίζονται από Φιλοξενούμενους Αξιωματούχους διαφόρων ειδικοτήτων, στο πλαίσιο Κοινών Επιχειρήσεων του Frontex που υλοποιούνται στην περιοχή. Ο εν λόγω Ευρωπαϊκός Οργανισμός ενισχύει την επίγνωση της κατάστασης και την επιχειρησιακή ανταπόκριση στα ελληνοτουρκικά χερσαία σύνορα. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, ουδέποτε έγινε αναφορά από ξένους Φιλοξενούμενους Αξιωματούχους του Frontex, περιστατικού παράτυπης επαναπροώθησης ή παραβίασης δικαιώματος μεταναστών, με εμπλοκή ελλήνων αστυνομικών ».

      Στην επιστολή επισημαίνεται πως « τόσο σε κεντρικό όσο και σε περιφερειακό επίπεδο, το αστυνομικό προσωπικό λαμβάνει ειδικότερες οδηγίες και διαταγές, ενώ παρακολουθεί και εκπαιδευτικά προγράμματα, σχετικά με την προστασία των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων των μεταναστών, με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στις ευάλωτες ομάδες. Οι οδηγίες εστιάζουν στην προστασία της ανθρώπινης ζωής και αξιοπρέπειας, την αποφυγή των διακρίσεων, την νόμιμη χρήση βίας και την αρχή της μη-επαναπροώθησης. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, το αστυνομικό προσωπικό εποπτεύεται και αξιολογείται σε μόνιμη βάση, από την ιεραρχία του σώματος.

      Τέλος, η κ. Γεροβασίλη υπενθυμίζει ότι « η Ελλάδα έχει διαχειρισθεί αποτελεσματικά, από το 2015 μέχρι και σήμερα, περισσότερους από 1.350.000 πρόσφυγες/μετανάστες, έχοντας ως γνώμονα την προστασία της ανθρώπινης ζωής και αξιοπρέπειας. Ειδικότερα, επισημαίνεται πώς, κατά το πρώτο 4μηνο του 2019 στην περιοχή δικαιοδοσίας των Δ.Α. Ορεστιάδας και Αλεξανδρούπολης έχουν πραγματοποιηθεί 3.130 συλλήψεις υπηκόων τρίτων χωρών, γεγονός που έρχεται σε αντίθεση με τις καταγγελίες περί επαναπροωθήσεων. Επιπλέον και κατά το συγκεκριμένο χρονικό διάστημα που αναφέρεται στις καταγγελίες (25-29.04.2019), πραγματοποιήθηκαν στην συγκεκριμένη περιοχή 101 συλλήψεις υπηκόων τρίτων χωρών ».

      https://www.efsyn.gr/node/193868

      Traduction de Vicky Skoumbi via la mailing-list Migreurop :

      La ministre grecque de Protection du Citoyen (euphémisme pour l’Ordre Public) Olga Gerovassili a démenti les accusations de refoulements illégaux à Evros –frontière nord-est de la Grèce avec la Turquie. En réponse à la lettre que lui avait adressée Philippe Leclerc, représentant de l’UNHCR en Grèce, où celui-ci évoque des témoignages des migrants concernant des mauvais traitements et des refoulements effectués par des forces de sécurité de la région d’Evros, la ministre a tout nié en bloc.

      Philippe Leclerc faisait état des témoignages qui dénoncent d’une part des renvois forcés vers la Turquie, sans que les procédures légales soient respectées, et d’autre part des violences et des violations graves des droits humains, ainsi que des cas où on a interdit aux réfugiés et aux migrants l’accès au mécanisme de l’asile.

      Mme Gerovassili soutient que « les comportements et les pratiques dénoncées ne font nullement partie des modes opératoires et des pratiques du personnel de la Garde-Frontière, qui est surtout impliqué à des actions de contrôle du phénomène d’immigration illégale aux frontières gréco-turques. L’investigation des incidents dénoncés jusqu’à aujourd’hui et les enquêtes internes réalisées par les services compétents ont conduit à la conclusion que ces incidents ne peuvent pas être confirmés ».

      La ministre prétend que « l’expérience, le professionnalisme et l’éthos du personnel policier de la Garde-Frontière, ne laissent aucun doute sur le fait qu’ils opèrent avec un très haut sens de responsabilité et d’humanisme. Pour corroborer ce fait, elle souligne le fait qu’à Evros des opérations de sauvetage ont eu lieu plusieurs fois sous de conditions extrêmement dangereuses : les policiers opèrent au péril de leur propre vie pour la protection de la vie des migrants, lorsque ceux-ci sont bloqués à des endroits dangereux du fleuve Evros.

      La ministre ajoute que les officiers de Frontex qui sont impliqués dans des opérations conjointes avec les policiers grecs n’ont jamais dénoncé des cas de refoulement illégal ou de violation de droit de migrants de la part des agents grecs.

      Dans la lettre que la ministre a adressée à Philippe Leclerc, il est dit que le personnel policier agit sous des consignes et ordres spécifiques, tandis qu’il est souvent amené à suivre des programmes de formation spécifiques à la protection des droits fondamentaux de migrants. D’après la ministre, les consignes données mettent en avant la nécessité de protéger la vie et la dignité humaine, d’éviter toute discrimination, de s’en tenir à l’usage légal de la violence et au principe du non-refoulement. « Dans ce cadre, les agents de police sont contrôlés et évalués en continu, par leurs supérieurs hiérarchiques », dit la ministre.

      Enfin Mme Gerovassili met en avant le fait que 3.130 arrestations de ressortissants de pays tiers ont été effectuées pendant les quatre premiers mois de 2019 dans les régions d’Orestiada et d’Alexandroupolis- proches d’Evros- ce qui, d’après la ministre, contredit les accusations de refoulements illégaux. « Qui plus est, pendant la période précise où les faits dénoncés auraient pu avoir lieu (25-29.04.2019), 101 arrestations de ressortissants de pays tiers ont eu lieu dans cette région ».

      Avec ce commentaire :

      N’en déplaise à la ministre, les faits sont têtus et aucun démenti ne saurait entamer la crédibilité de rapports des ONG et des témoignages comme ceux par ex. rapportés par le Conseil Grec pour les Réfugiés

      https://www.gcr.gr/en/news/press-releases-announcements/item/1067-gcr-and-cear-publish-a-joint-video-documenting-the-harsh-reality-of-pushbac

    • Εvros Pushbacks

      The Greek Council for Refugees and CEAR (C​omisión Española de Ayuda al Refugiado), with the support of the Municipality of Madrid, publish together a video on pushbacks in Evros, today, March 20, three years since the implementation of the EU-Turkey Joint Statement, of which the consequences are obvious in Greece’s northern border, as well as on the Eastern Aegean islands. The shattering testimonies of people who attempted to enter Greece from the Turkish border and were violently pushed back to Turkey, without ever being given the opportunity to apply for asylum, reveal the systematic nature of the pushbacks practice, in direct violation of Greek, EU and international law.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LAyuOlohOss


      #routes_migratoires #accord_UE-Turquie #parcours_migratoires #Pavlos_Pavlidis #identification #corps

      Le #cimetière :


      ... qui ne semble plus être le même que celui qu’on avait visité en 2012 :

    • Ces migrants mystérieusement refoulés de Grèce en Turquie

      C’est un sujet qui, régulièrement, vient mettre en porte-à-faux les autorités grecques : l’accueil des migrants qui traversent le fleuve Evros. Frontière entre la Turquie et la Grèce, ce fleuve sert de point d’entrée en Europe pour les migrants venus d’Asie, d’Afrique ou tout simplement de Turquie.

      Et si la traversée du fleuve n’est pas insurmontable, en revanche, les conditions d’accueil sont sujettes à critique par les ONG et même par les migrants.

      L’équipe d’euronews à Athènes en a rencontrés. Ils racontent comment les policiers grecs ont pour habitude de les refouler, sans ménagement.

      Mikail est turc, demandeur d’asile en Grèce. Il explique qu’il a traversé le fleuve avec un groupe de 11 personnes. Lorsqu’ils sont arrivés sur le sol grec, des policiers les ont arrêtés. « Les types portaient des tenues militaires, raconte-t-il. Et ils avaient des matraques. On aurait dit qu’ils partaient en guerre. Nous, on a essayé de comprendre pourquoi ils se comportaient ainsi. Ils nous ont simplement dit : "On va vous renvoyer chez vous". »

      « Mes enfants étaient à côté de moi, ajoute Gulay, réfugiée turque_. Ils m’ont dit : "Maman, y vont nous tuer ?" Je leur ai dit : "Non, ils ne vont pas nous tuer. Ils veulent juste nous renvoyer en Turquie"._ »

      Le groupe de ces 11 migrants parviendra malgré tout à rester en Grèce. D’autres n’ont pas eu cette chance.

      Le 4 mai, trois personnes, deux hommes et une jeune femme, ont traversé le fleuve. Craignant d’être refoulés, ils ont prévenu un proche vivant déjà en Grèce ainsi qu’un avocat. Ils ont envoyé une photo prise dans la ville de #Nea_Vyssa.


      https://twitter.com/zubeyirkoculu/status/1124764045024821249?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed&ref_url=https

      Ils ont ensuite été emmenés dans un commissariat de police à Neo Xeimonio. Et là, on a perdu leur trace. On a appris plus tard qu’ils avaient été renvoyés en Turquie, et qu’ils étaient désormais emprisonnés dans la ville turque d’Edirne.

      Ishan, le frère de la jeune femme raconte qu’il est allé au commissariat de police pour savoir ce qui était advenue de sa sœur. « Je leur ai dit : "je sais que ma sœur a été arrêtée et qu’elle était ici". Ils m’ont juste dit : "On n’est au courant de rien". »

      « Nous avons sollicité les autorités grecques pour en savoir davantage sur cette affaire, ajoute Michalis Arampatzoglou, journaliste d’euronews . Le ministère de la Protection civile a dit n’avoir aucune information sur cet incident. Pour autant, des cas comme celui-là, il y en a de plus en plus. Les avocats des victimes comptent engager des poursuites judiciaires, pour que enquêtes soient menées et que la lumière soit faite. »

      https://fr.euronews.com/2019/05/16/ces-migrants-mysterieusement-refoules-de-grece-en-turquie


    • https://twitter.com/zubeyirkoculu/status/1124764045024821249?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed&ref_url=https

      Je copie-colle ici le thread twitter:

      Breaking: 3 Turkish nationals, Kamil Y, Ayse E, Talip N, have crossed the Turkish-Greek border through Evros on May 4 at 5 am, they were taken into custody at #Xeimonio police station. A family member and a lawyer in the region, however, were told by the Police they are absent.
      Ms. Ayse E. sent her location at Xeimonio before they were detained, she also shared a video urging Greek authorities to stop any possible push-back.
      We are Turkish political asylum seekers. We fled persecution back in Turkey and crossed Evros on May 4 at 5 am. We are hiding near Nea Vyssa in fear of push-back. We urge the United Nations and Greek authorities to protect us from being pushed back."

      The latest live location Ms. Ayse shared with me was from #Xeimonia Police station which proves 3 Turkish asylum seekers taken into custody. The Greek police currently inform their lawyer that there are no such persons in the custody which might mean another push-back on the way.

    • ’Masked men beat us with batons’: Greece accused of violent asylum seeker pushbacks

      Scores of Turkish asylum seekers have been pushed back — sometimes violently — from Greece in the last three weeks, lawyers and family members told Euronews.

      Witnesses claim various groups of masked men in military uniform, as well as those in plain clothes collaborating with the police, used physical force against those who resisted.

      There have been 82 people from Turkey, including children, that have sought political asylum in neighbouring Greece and been sent back since April 23.

      Around half have been detained or arrested by Turkish authorities upon their return to their home country on terrorism charges.

      They have been linked to the Gulen Movement, which Ankara blames for the failed 2016 coup, or the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), who have been involved in an armed struggle with the Turkish state over independence.

      The European Commission has urged Greece to follow up on the allegations that Euronews has detailed in this article.

      ’Violently pushed back’

      “We are Turkish political asylum seekers,” began Ayse Erdogan in a video she sent to a family member.

      “We fled persecution in Turkey and crossed [at] Evros on May 4, at 5 am. We are hiding near Nea Vyssa [on the Greek-Turkey land border] in fear of a push back. We urge the United Nations and Greek authorities to protect us from being pushed back.”

      Ayse, who had crossed the border with friends Kamil and Talip, was picked up by Greek police and taken into custody at a police station in the village of Nea Cheimonio. Hours later, Ayse would be part of a group of migrants that were allegedly violently pushed back to Turkey by Greek police.

      Nea Cheimonio was the last place that Ayse’s family was able to pick up a location signal from her phone.

      The same day, accompanied by a lawyer, Ayse’s twin brother, Ihsan Erdogan, who is a registered asylum seeker in Greece, went to the police station in Nea Cheimonio, based on her last location information. He was told his sister and her friends had never been held there.

      On May 5, Ihsan received a phone call from a family member saying his sister had been imprisoned by a court in the northwestern province of Edirne, over the border in Turkey.

      The relative had spoken to Ayse, who said her Turkish group, along with a number of Syrians, had been handed over to a group of masked men soon after they left the police station in Nea Cheimonio. Greek police, she claimed, seized their belongings including her phone.

      Ihsan rues that his sister was seemingly sent back just before he arrived in Nea Cheimonio. “I urge Greek authorities not to send others like my sister back to prison,” he told Euronews.
      ’Masked men beat us with batons’

      Freshly-graduated as a mathematics teacher, Ayse had spent 28 months in prison over alleged affiliation with the Gulen Movement, an organisation Turkish authorities have outlawed.

      Hundreds of people were arrested in the aftermath of the failed putsch in 2016 and accused of links to US-based Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen.

      Ayse was not the only political asylum seeker allegedly sent back to Turkey in what appears to be a violation of international asylum law.

      On April 26 this year, at Soufli, a border town near Evros River, a group of 11 people — including three children, a pregnant woman and another one that was disabled — was sent back by masked men after being beaten violently, according to a journalist in the group.

      “Masked men beat us with batons,” said Tugba Ozkan, who is 28 and pregnant. "We are in a very dire situation. We are afraid to be pushed back again. We need help.

      “I had forgotten about my pregnancy,” she added. “I tried to stop Greek police by moving ahead but they pushed me, too. It was unbelievable and unforgettable to see my husband beaten in front of my eyes.”
      No acknowledgement from Athens

      According to the account of the group, the police cooperated with a group of masked men who forced them to return to Turkey. The group managed to cross the border again the next day, only to be detained officially and come face-to-face with a police officer who had pushed them back at Soufli. They were released under the protection of a UNHCR officer on April 30.

      Greek NGOs published reports last year with testimonies from people from various nationalities who were allegedly sent back to Turkey via Evros after being beaten by masked men.

      The UN’s refugee agency (UNHCR) and the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe urged Greek authorities to investigate those reports.

      The claims of violent push back operations at Evros river, however, have never ended. None have been officially acknowledged by Athens.

      Greece police declined to comment after requests by Euronews regarding the latest push back allegations.

      A European Commission spokesman, speaking to Euronews, said that they were aware of the recent push back claims.

      “The Commission expects that the Greek authorities will follow up on the specific allegations and will continue to closely monitor the situation,” he said.

      https://www.euronews.com/2019/05/11/masked-men-beat-us-with-batons-greece-accused-of-violent-asylum-seeker-pus

    • Migrants tortured by Greek police, illegally pushed back to Turkey

      Three migrants allegedly tortured by Greek security forces and illegally pushed back to neighboring Turkey were found by Turkish border units and are being provided medical treatment in northwestern Edirne province.

      Iraqi national Ibrahim Khidir (35) and Egyptian nationals Hassan Mahmoud (18) and Ahmed Samir (26) were found in a rural area, half-naked and exhausted with deep marks from plastic bullets and battering on their bodies. They were taken under protection by soldiers, who gave first aid to the migrants before handing them over to the provincial migration management directorate.

      The migrants told reporters that they crossed into Greece with a group of seven other illegal migrants after making arrangements with human smugglers in Istanbul’s Esenyurt district. They were held by the Greek police at the coach station in the border district of Didymoteicho while trying to travel to Thessaloniki. They were then taken to a local police station, where they spent two days along with 35 other illegal migrants and were denied any food.

      The migrants said they were divided into groups of 10 and boarded boats with two Greek police officers accompanying each and six officers watching guard. They were pushed back to Turkey through the Maritsa River (Meriç in Turkish, or Evros in Greek) forming the border with Greece.

      The violence that began at the police station, which included battering with truncheons, shooting with plastic bullets and electroshocks, continued at the riverside and on the boats.

      Khidir told reporters that Greek security forces captured him in Didymoteicho and tortured him with electroshocks, rear-handcuffing and plastic bullets fired at his body. His clothes and money were taken when he was detained.

      Turkish soldiers treated them very well and took care that they received treatment, according Khidir.

      Mahmoud and Samir also said that they were pushed back to Turkey after being stripped of their clothes and beaten up.

      Under international laws and conventions, Greece is obliged to register any illegal migrants entering its territory; yet, this is not the case for thousands of migrants were forcibly returned to Turkey especially since the beginning of refugee influx into Europe in 2015. Security sources say that accounts of migrants interviewed by Turkish migration authority staff and social workers show that they were subjected to torture, theft and other human rights abuses. Several migrants were also found frozen to death after being left in desolate areas.

      Similar incidents have also taken place on the Aegean, in which migrants and Turkish locals accused the Greek coast guard of deflating their boats or re-routing them back to Turkish territorial waters.

      Turkey and the European Union signed a deal in 2016 to curb illegal immigration through the dangerous Aegean Sea route from Turkey to Greece. Under the deal, Greece sends back migrants held in the Aegean islands they crossed to from nearby Turkish shores and in return, EU countries receive a number of Syrian migrants legally. The deal, reinforced with an escalated crackdown on human smugglers and more patrols in the Aegean, significantly decreased the number of illegal crossings.

      Bulgarian border authorities were also accused of abuses targeting migrants and pushing them back to Turkey in several incidents.

      However, some desperate migrants still take the route across the better-policed land border between Turkey, Greece and Bulgaria, especially in winter months when a safe journey through the Aegean is nearly impossible aboard dinghies.

      https://www.dailysabah.com/turkey/2019/05/30/migrants-tortured-by-greek-police-illegally-pushed-back-to-turkey/amp
      #torture

    • Greece continues to push asylum seekers back to Turkey

      Greek border forces along the Evros River pushed 59 migrants back into Turkey on Friday morning, signaling the continuation of a policy that started before the arrival of the new government.

      The pushback was reported by Zübeyir Koçulu, an Athens-based Turkish journalist who tweeted, “It seems nothing has changed on the Evros regarding pushbacks following a recent government change in Greece.”

      A total of 59 asylum seekers, nine of them Turkish and the remainder Afghans, Syrians and Somalis, were illegally sent back to Turkey, according to Koçulu.

      “The Greek police collected the group soon after their arrival and held them in custody at the Tychero police station for four hours,” he said. “After seizing their phones, security officers pushed the 59 people through the river near Soufli by force, perpetrating violence, according to witnesses.”

      He further claimed that Turkish political asylum seekers in the group were detained by Turkish security forces soon after the pushback. Three children in the group were delivered to their relatives.

      The Evros River, which forms most of the land border between the two countries, was one of the main routes used by Turkish asylum seekers fleeing government persecution as well as migrants of other nationalities until a series of violent pushback operations a few months ago stopped the flow.

      “Ironically, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, the new PM of Greece, fled with his parents into exile in Turkey when he was a year old in 1968 during the Greek junta,” Koçulu said. “He knows what it is to be a migrant from his own experience.”

      https://www.turkishminute.com/2019/07/21/greece-continues-to-push-asylum-seekers-back-to-turkey

    • What is happening on the Greece-Turkey border?

      While migrant camps on the Aegean islands have reached breaking point, and with Turkey threatening to ’open the gates’, migrants continue to arrive in Greece in the hundreds every week. Most come by sea, but in recent months, growing numbers have crossed via the land route across the Evros River. Many claim they are subjected to violent and illegal treatment by authorities at the border.
      Since the deaths of 39 Vietnamese migrants smuggled by lorry into the UK, there have been many more reports of migrants stowing away in trucks and vans. The latest group of 41 people hiding in a truck crossing from Turkey into northern Greece were reportedly mostly Afghan men between the ages of 20 and 30. Some reports said they were in danger of suffocation when they were discovered.

      On the Greek-Turkish border, smugglers are regularly caught transporting migrants in minibuses or trucks. There are mixed reports about how many people cross via this border. According to the UN migration agency, IOM, the number has risen steadily in recent months – from 255 arrivals in May to 1,233 in September.

      While the focus remains on the overcrowded migrant camps on the Aegean islands, which have seen a much bigger surge in arrivals during the same period, there has been less attention given to what is happening on the land border.

      ’Brutal treatment’

      There have been reports of violence and illegal activities by some Greek authorities against migrants crossing the Evros river since as early as mid-2017. These have included claims that migrants have been arrested, beaten up, robbed, detained, and forcibly returned or “pushed back” into Turkey.

      Dorothee Vakalis from Naomi, a refugee aid organization in Thessaloniki, says migrants continue to be subjected to “brutal treatment” by authorities at the border. “Everything gets taken away from them, phones, money, sometimes clothing as well. They are sent back to the other side practically naked,” she said on German radio on Tuesday. “We hear from relatives about families with small children, pregnant women being pushed back,” Vakalis said.

      Beaten by masked men

      According to an account of a case in April reported in Euronews, men wearing masks beat several migrants with batons before sending them back. In the group was a 28-year-old pregnant woman, Tugba Ozkan. “I had forgotten about my pregnancy,” Ozkan told Euronews. “I tried to stop Greek police by moving ahead but they pushed me, too. It was unbelievable and unforgettable to see my husband beaten in front of my eyes.”

      InfoMigrants was also in contact last year with a Kurdish couple who said they were locked in a small dark room with many others before being taken by masked commandos back across the border into Turkey.

      It is not clear who is carrying out the push backs, because they often wear masks and cannot be easily identified. The Hellenic League for Human Rights (HLHR) and Human Rights Watch describe them as paramilitaries. Eyewitnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch said people who “looked like police officers or soldiers, as well as some unidentified masked men, carried handguns, handcuffs, radios, spray cans, and batons,” and others carried gear such as “armored gloves, binoculars and knives and military-grade weapons such as rifles.”

      The HLHR has suggested that the Greek police are either unaware of the existence of these paramilitaries or they turn a blind eye to them. According to Human Rights Watch, accounts suggest "close and consistent coordination “between police and unidentified men.” ..."Commanding officers knew, or ought to have known, what was happening," HRW’s report claims.

      Calls for investigation

      The Greek Refugee Council and other NGOs published a report in 2018 containing testimonies from people who said they had been beaten, sometimes by masked men, and sent back to Turkey. The UNHCR and the European Human Rights Commissioner have called on Greece to investigate the claims. Late last year another report by Human Rights Watch also based on testimonies of migrants, said that violent push backs were continuing.

      Turkey has also urged Greece to stop the practice of push backs. The Turkish foreign ministry recently claimed that a total of 25,404 irregular migrants were pushed back to Turkey in the first month of this year, according to the IPA news service. Turkey says it has evidence that the push backs are occurring and has invited the Greek government to “work on correcting the policy.” Greece has not acknowledged that violent push backs are occurring.

      According to some of the testimonies in the report by the Greek Refugee Council, Turkey is also responsible for carrying out push backs of Syrian and Iraqi single men.

      I believe these illegal push backs are not even known about or discussed in Europe or in Germany.
      _ Dorothee Vakalis, humanitarian worker with ’Naomi’ in Thessaloniki

      The European Commission spokesperson Natasha Bertaud has confirmed that the Commission contacted Greek authorities about reports of alleged push backs earlier this year. “The Commission expects that Greek authorities will follow up on the specific allegations and will continue to monitor the situation closely,” Bertaud said.

      Legal returns and illegal push backs

      The Evros River runs along 194 km of the 206 km of land border between the EU and Turkey. This border is not covered by the so-called EU-Turkey Statement, the agreement signed between Turkey and Europe in 2016 which allows the return to Turkey of Syrian migrants who arrive irregularly in Greece by sea.

      The land border was covered by a separate bilateral migrant readmission deal between Turkey and Greece. Turkey canceled that agreement last June because Greece refused to hand over several Turkish officers who escaped to Greece after Turkey‘s failed military coup in 2016.

      Push backs are prohibited by Greek and EU law, as well as international treaties and agreements, including the Geneva Convention on Refugees, which guarantees the right to seek protection. They go against the principle of non-refoulement, which means the forcible return of a person to a country where they are liable to be subject to persecution.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/20626/what-is-happening-on-the-greece-turkey-border
      #statistiques #chiffres

    • Griechenland soll 60.000 Migranten illegal abgeschoben haben

      Menschenrechtler und die Türkei beschuldigen Griechenland, Migranten und Flüchtlinge illegal abzuschieben. Türkische Dokumente, die dem SPIEGEL vorliegen, sollen die Anschuldigungen belegen.

      Am 3. November 2019 greift die die türkische Polizei 252 Migranten in der Nähe des Grenzübergangs Kapikule auf. Danach wird sie einen brisanten Aktenvermerk anfertigen: Die Migranten hätten es über die Grenze nach Griechenland geschafft, schreiben die türkischen Beamten später in ihrem Bericht. Aber dann seien sie gegen ihren Willen zurückgebracht worden, ohne Chance auf einen Asylantrag.

      „Push-Backs“ nennen sich diese illegalen Rückführungen von Migranten und Flüchtlingen. Sie sind nach europäischem und internationalem Recht verboten. Dieses schreibt den Staaten vor, potenziellen Asylbewerbern den Zugang zu einem effektiven Asylverfahren zu gewähren.

      Seit Jahren beschuldigen Menschenrechtsorganisationen und Anwälte griechische Behörden, Migranten am Grenzfluss Evros illegal in die Türkei abzuschieben. Der SPIEGEL hat nun türkische Dokumente erhalten, darunter auch die Aufzeichnungen der Polizisten über den Vorfall am 3. November. Diese legen nahe, dass Griechenland im großen Stil illegale Push-Backs an der Grenze zur Türkei durchführt.

      Harte Anschuldigungen gegen Griechenland

      In der Migrationspolitik liegen die Türkei und Griechenland schon lange im Clinch, Anfang November erreichte der Konflikt zwischen den Erzrivalen einen neuen Höhepunkt: Das türkische Außenministerium beschuldigte die griechischen Behörden, Flüchtlinge verhaftet, sie geschlagen, ihre Kleider geraubt, Habseligkeiten beschlagnahmt und sie dann in die Türkei zurückgeschickt zu haben. „Wir haben Fotos und Dokumente“, fügte das Ministerium hinzu.

      Der griechische Premierminister Kyriakos Mitsotakis reagierte knapp. „Diejenigen, die die Flüchtlingskrise ausgenutzt haben, indem sie die Verfolgten als Spielball für ihre eigenen geopolitischen Ziele benutzt haben, sollten vorsichtiger sein, wenn sie sich auf Griechenland beziehen.“

      Mehr als 58.000 Push-Backs in einem Jahr

      Das türkische Material umfasst Fallberichte und Interviewprotokolle. Zudem Fotos, die angeblich Migranten zeigen sollen, die von griechischen Behörden misshandelt wurden. Dazu enthält es bisher unveröffentlichte Daten, die vom türkischen Innenministerium zusammengestellt wurden.

      Diesen Daten zufolge hat Griechenland in den zwölf Monaten vor dem 1. November 2019 insgesamt 58.283 Migranten zurückgeschafft. Die meisten registrierten Fälle betrafen pakistanische Staatsangehörige (16.435), gefolgt von Afghanen, Somaliern, Bangladeschern und Algeriern. Dazu kommen mehr als 4.500 Syrer.

      Dem Dokument nach lag die Zahl der gemeldeten Push-Backs allein im Oktober bei mehr als 6.500. Ein endgültiger Beweis sind die Dokumente nicht, die Anschuldigungen der Migranten lassen sich nicht unabhängig verifizieren. Und Griechenland bestreitet die Vorwürfe. Allerdings stimmen sie mit ähnlichen Berichten von Menschenrechtsorganisationen überein. Die Menge der Zeugenaussagen verschärft die Zweifel an den griechischen Unschuldsbeteuerungen.

      Die am 3. November festgenommenen Asylbewerber wurden nach türkischen Angaben später von der türkischen Polizei befragt und in ein Abschiebezentrum in Edirne gebracht, die Stadt liegt etwa 10 Kilometer von der Grenze entfernt. Alle bis auf die Syrer würden in ihre Herkunftsländer zurückgeschickt, erklärte ein türkischer Beamter. Die Syrer würden an den türkischen Ort zurückgebracht, an dem sie sich zuerst registriert hätten.

      Beraubt, eingesperrt, zurückgebracht: Die Geschichte eines Syrers

      Einer der acht Syrer, die am 3. November von der türkischen Polizei verhaftet worden sind, gibt an, mit seiner Frau vier Jahre zuvor aus Aleppo geflohen zu sein. So geht es aus der Abschrift des Interviews hervor. Zunächst habe der studierte Jurist demnach als Kassierer in Istanbul gearbeitet. Dann habe er „aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen“ beschlossen, nach Griechenland zu gehen.

      Mit einem Schmuggler überquerte der Syrer die Grenze, in der griechischen Stadt Alexandroupolis schließlich stellten er und seine Frau sich der Polizei, um Asyl zu beantragen. Stattdessen seien allerdings ihre Besitztümer beschlagnahmt, sie selbst in eine Zelle gesteckt worden. Laut Interviewabschrift wurden die beiden Syrer zwei Tage später von der griechischen Polizei zusammen mit anderen Migranten zurückgebracht.

      14 Polizisten sollen die Gruppe zum Fluss Evros begleitet haben, auf 150 Kilometern markiert er die natürliche Grenze zwischen den beiden Ländern. Anschließend hätten zwei Polizisten das Paar in einem Boot zurück auf die türkische Seite befördert.

      Griechisch-türkisches Grenzgebiet

      In letzter Zeit würden vermehrt Migranten zurückgebracht, nachdem sie mit Booten den Evros überquert hätten, heißt es in dem Bericht der türkischen Behörden. So gibt der Gouverneur von Edirne in einem Schreiben vom 29. Oktober an das türkische Innenministerium an, dass zwischen Anfang Januar und Ende September insgesamt 91.681 illegale Migranten in seiner Provinz aufgegriffen worden seien.

      Dies sei ein dramatischer Anstieg im Vergleich zu den knapp 30.000 Festgenommenen im Jahr 2016. Laut türkischen Behörden gaben mehr als 55 Prozent der festgenommenen Migranten an, es nach Griechenland geschafft zu haben, aber trotzdem zurückgebracht worden zu sein.

      Die Zahl spiegelt den erhöhten Druck an den Außengrenzen Europas wider. Seit dem Frühsommer steigt die Zahl der Migranten, die auf den griechischen Inseln in der Ägäis ankommen. In den vergangenen Monaten versuchen auch wieder deutlich mehr Migranten, den Evros auf illegalem Weg zu überqueren. Nach den Daten des UNHCR kamen 2018 über den Evros mehr als 18.000 Migranten in die EU - ein Anstieg von 173 Prozent gegenüber 2017.

      Die Überquerung des reißenden Grenzflusses ist gefährlich, immer wieder endet sie tödlich. Die Route hat aber auch Vorteile: Wer es unerkannt über den Fluss schafft, wird nicht wie auf den griechischen Ägäis-Inseln unter unmenschlichen Bedingungen in ein Lager gepfercht. Zudem liegt die Region viel näher an der Balkan-Route, die von Nordgriechenland nach Mittel- und Nordeuropa führt und wieder verstärkt genutzt wird.

      Die griechischen Behörden weisen die türkischen Vorwürfe zurück. Es gebe keine Push-Backs, teilte ein Sprecher des griechischen Ministeriums für Bürgerschutz auf Anfrage mit. Bisher haben griechische Behörden nur wenige der Beschwerden überprüft - und fanden demnach keine Beweise für Fehlverhalten.

      Nicht nur türkische Behörden sprechen allerdings von systematischen illegalen Abschiebungen: Menschenrechtler werfen Griechenland und anderen europäischen Staaten an der Außengrenze schon seit Jahren Push-Backs vor und dokumentieren diese. Auch in der griechischen und internationalen Presse wird immer wieder über einzelne Vorfälle berichtet (lesen Sie hier einen SPIEGEL-Bericht). Der Europarat spricht von „glaubwürdigen Anschuldigungen“, und auch das Flüchtlingshilfswerk der Uno zeigte sich bereits besorgt.

      Die Menschenrechtskommissarin des Europarates, Dunja Mijatovic, erklärte auf SPIEGEL-Anfrage, dass in den letzten Jahren sowohl in der Türkei als auch in Griechenland illegale Abschiebungen dokumentiert worden seien - und mahnte eine menschlichere Migrationspolitik an.

      https://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/griechenland-soll-zehntausende-migranten-illegal-in-die-tuerkei-abgeschoben-

      #renvois #expulsions #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Turquie #Grèce #push-back #refoulement #refoulements

    • Greece illegally deported 60,000 migrants to Turkey: report

      Greece illegally deported 60,000 migrants to Turkey, documents released by Turkey reportedly show. The process involves returning asylum seekers without assessing their status.

      Greece illegally deported about 60,000 migrants to Turkey between 2017 and 2018, according to a report on the online news portal of weekly German magazine Spiegel, published on Wednesday evening.

      Turkey is accusing Greece of not properly dealing with the asylum status of migrants. Instead, Turkish Interior Ministry files claim that Greece illegally transported 58,283 people to Turkey in the 12 month period leading up to November 1, 2018.

      Greece is disputing the accusations, with Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsokasis saying Ankara was playing games: “Those people who have used the refugee crisis to their own ends should be more careful when dealing with Greece.”

      A Greek Foreign Ministry spokesman told German news agency dpa that Athens had denied similar accusations “many times” already.

      This so-called “push back” of asylum seekers is illegal under European and international law. The state is obliged to assess the asylum status of new migrants rather than sending them to another country.

      Where were the migrants from?

      According to the Turkish documents, the largest proportion of migrants sent away from Greece were Pakistani, with large numbers from Somalia, Algeria and Bangladesh. 4,500 were Syrians.

      Turkish officials said they sent back most of the people back to their countries of origin except for the Syrians, who were sent back to the Turkish town where they originally registered as refugees.

      The governor of the Turkish-Greek border region of Edirne reported that over 90,000 migrants were arrested between January and September 2019, a big increase from the 30,000 arrested in the same region in 2016.

      https://www.dw.com/en/greece-illegally-deported-60000-migrants-to-turkey-report/a-51234698?maca=en-Twitter-sharing

    • Thousands of ’illegal’ Syrians and other migrants ejected from Istanbul

      Turkey says it has expelled nearly 50,000 migrants from Istanbul, including more than 6,000 Syrians. The government says the migrants were in the city illegally and will be made to leave Turkey.
      The Istanbul governor’s office said on Friday that 42,888 “illegal” migrants had been arrested and sent to repatriation centers, to be removed later from Turkey. It said 6,416 Syrians had been placed in “temporary refugee centers.”

      A campaign from July through to the end of October was aimed at reducing the number of unregistered refugees in Turkey’s biggest city. The country hosts about 3.6 million Syrians — more than any other country.

      Syrians who are registered in Turkey are given “temporary protection”, as the Turkish government does not offer them formal refugee status. Under the system, the Syrians have to stay in the province to which they were initially assigned, and can only visit other cities with short-term passes.

      In July, officials said that 547,000 Syrians were officially registered in Istanbul, and that no new registrations were being accepted. Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu said at the time that the aim was to expel 80,000 undocumented migrants by the end of the year.

      •••• ➤ Watch: Syrian refugees not ready to go home

      Public sentiment in Turkey towards Syrian refugees has worsened in recent years. The Turkish government wants to settle some of them in an area it now controls in northeast Syria, after it launched an offensive last month against the Kurdish YPG militia.

      Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch last month published reports saying Turkey was forcibly sending Syrian refugees to northern Syria. Turkey’s foreign ministry called the claims in the reports “false and imaginary.”

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/20903/thousands-of-illegal-syrians-and-other-migrants-ejected-from-istanbul

    • Refugees ‘tortured and beaten by Greek soldiers’ before being sent back to Turkey

      Bruised and bandaged, a group of refugees show off the injuries they claim were caused by Greek soldiers. One says he was blindfolded and burnt with a cigarette while another said his foot ended up broken in several places. A third migrant claims the authorities confiscated his money and clothes while others say they have been hit over the head with sticks. Their allegations form part of a growing number of complaints made against Greek soldiers at the border with Turkey. In the past year, hundreds of people claim to have been tortured and abused before being physically pushed back over the border.

      Under international law, Greece is obliged to register any illegal immigrant that enters its territory. But Turkey claims they forcibly reject them and this year alone they allege Greece returned some 25,404 undocumented migrants. That figure has not been independently verified but there are allegations of severe abuse, which includes withholding food and water. Musaddiq Javed from Pakistan was one of 30 men who entered Greece last week on foot. He said the group were arrested as they walked towards #Xanthi but the police handed them over to Greek soldiers who allegedly ripped the Turkish liras they found on them. He recalled: ‘The soldiers brought me in a room and blindfolded me. They then burned my hand with a cigarette and kicked my feet.’

      Muhammad Nainiya from Morocco added: ‘They brought us near a river and put us on a boat and hit our heads with sticks.’ He said they were made to walk back into Turkey and eventually reached a village where local residents gave them clothes. Muhammed added: ‘The doctor told me that I had three broken bones on my foot and that it would need surgery. I had the surgery and stayed in the hospital for a week.’ The men are now staying at a refugee centre in Turkey after receiving medical treatment while the Greek authorities have yet to comment on the claims.

      Greece is struggling with the number of refugees on both the mainland and the islands. It has camps on five Aegean islands (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Kos and Leros) with an official capacity of 6,178 people. Two days ago it was holding 35,590 men, women and children in unsanitary and dangerous conditions. The Greek government has pledged a crackdown and plans to convert the refugee camps into detention centres. Human rights groups say it would make it easier for Greece to detain asylum seekers for longer and scrap protections for already vulnerable people. Turkey and the EU signed a refugee deal in March 2016 which aimed to discourage irregular migration through the Aegean Sea. People arriving by boat to the Greek islands were to be returned to Turkey in exchange for EU nations to take Syrian refugees from Turkey.

      https://metro.co.uk/2019/11/26/refugees-tortured-beaten-greek-soldiers-sent-back-turkey-11223565/?ito=article.desktop.share.top.twitter

    • Illegal push-backs in Evros. Evidence of human rights abuses at the Greece/Turkey border


      https://static1.squarespace.com/static/597473fe9de4bb2cc35c376a/t/5dcd1da2fefabc596320f228/1573723568483/Illegal+Evros+pushbacks+Report_Mobile+Info+Team_final.pdf
      #Mobile_Info_Team

      Résumé ici:

      Mobile Info Team have published a new report on pushbacks from Greece to Turkey in the Evros region. They have been gathering data since August 2018 and have brought together 27 testimonies from people who have experienced this illegal practice.

      The procedure is similar in all cases. Firstly, arrest and capture by Greek police inside Greek territory, then detention and confiscation of personal property, followed by coordinated handoffs/transfers to authorities and finally, collective expulsion across the Evros River in small boats.

      The violent practices of Greek police are of critical concern. Established legal procedures stipulate that Greek police would meet asylum seekers on Greek land, escort them to police stations, take their personal data and register their requests for asylum. Their reported actions however ranged from complicit handovers to unidentified ‘commando’ groups, to perpetrating acts of violence and theft themselves.

      Many of the testimonies are deeply disturbing, although all pushbacks are illegal regardless of whether an individual or group is subjected to violence. Often people reported the deprivation of food and water, theft of property, detention in dirty and cramped spaces, unprovoked violent beatings and even electric shocks.

      https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-27-11-19-evros-pushbacks-report-human-rights-abuses-at-gree

    • Έξι Μετανάστες Πέθαναν Από το Κρύο στον Έβρο

      Μια νέα θανάσιμη διαδρομή ανησυχεί τις Αρχές, ενώ οι ροές στον Έβρο αυξάνονται.

      Έξι μετανάστες βρέθηκαν νεκροί από το κρύο στον Έβρο, σε διάστημα 48 ωρών. Είναι η πρώτη φορά που καταγράφεται αντίστοιχος αριθμός θανάτων από υποθερμία, σε τόσο μικρό διάστημα. Επιπλέον, τα σημεία όπου εντοπίστηκαν τα τέσσερα από τα έξι θύματα, μαρτυρά ότι οι άνθρωποι που περνούν τον Έβρο και κατευθύνονται προς την ενδοχώρα επιλέγουν μια νέα διαδρομή, που ακολουθεί παράλληλα τα ελληνο-βουλγαρικά σύνορα και αποδεικνύεται θανάσιμη λόγω του άγριου εδάφους και των εξαιρετικά χαμηλών θερμοκρασιών.

      Το VICE πληροφορείται ότι οι έξι νεκροί μετανάστες βρέθηκαν στη διάρκεια του Σαββατοκύριακου, σε διαφορετικά σημεία. Πρόκειται για τέσσερις άντρες και δύο γυναίκες. Δεν υπάρχει κανένα στοιχείο για την ταυτότητά τους, καθώς δεν είχαν έγγραφα. Οι δύο γυναίκες είναι αφρικανικής καταγωγής, ενώ η ηλικία των θυμάτων εκτιμάται μεταξύ 18 και 30 ετών.

      Τα δύο πρώτα θύματα βρέθηκαν κοντά στο ποτάμι, σε χωράφι έξω από το χωριό Γεμιστή. Οι υπόλοιποι τέσσερις άνθρωποι, όμως, εντοπίστηκαν πολύ μακριά από τον Έβρο. Πιο ειδικά, δύο στο 17ο χιλιόμετρο της επαρχιακής οδού Μεγάλου Δέρειου-Σαπών και δύο έξω από το χωριό Κόρυμβος. Οι Αρχές προσπαθούν να διαπιστώσουν αν οι τέσσερις νεκροί στον ορεινό όγκο ήταν στην ίδια ομάδα που είχε περάσει τον Έβρο.

      Οι τελευταίοι θάνατοι, αλλά και μαρτυρίες ανθρώπων που κατάφεραν να φθάσουν στη Θεσσαλονίκη, αποκαλύπτουν ότι υπάρχει μια νέα διαδρομή μεταναστών. Προσπαθώντας να αποφύγουν την Εγνατία Οδό και τους ελέγχους της Αστυνομίας, οι μετανάστες περνούν το ποτάμι και κατευθύνονται στον ορεινό όγκο πίσω από το Σουφλί. Έπειτα, περπατούν κατά μήκος των ελληνο-βουλγαρικών συνόρων, ακολουθώντας χωμάτινους δρόμους και τις οδηγίες διακινητών που λαμβάνουν μέσω στιγμάτων στο GPS. Εκτός από τις οδηγίες, δεν έχει διαπιστωθεί φυσική παρουσία διακινητών κατά μήκος της διαδρομής, αναφέρουν πηγές.

      Οι μετανάστες θέλουν να φθάσουν στην Κομοτηνή και από εκεί να πάρουν το λεωφορείο για τη Θεσσαλονίκη. Το ταξίδι με τα πόδια από τον Έβρο ως την Κομοτηνή, μπορεί να διαρκέσει ως και επτά μέρες, ανάλογα με τις καιρικές συνθήκες. Η απότομη αλλαγή του καιρού και η σφοδρή κακοκαιρία που έπληξε την περιοχή, φαίνεται ότι ευθύνονται για τους μαζικούς θανάτους των τελευταίων ημερών, σε συνδυασμό με το γεγονός ότι στο βουνό δεν υπάρχουν σημάδια για να ακολουθήσουν.

      Όσοι μετανάστες επιλέγουν την παραπάνω διαδρομή, επιθυμούν να συνεχίσουν βόρεια προς την Ευρώπη, χωρίς να καταγραφούν στην Ελλάδα. Υπάρχει κάτι ακόμη. Άνθρωποι που περπάτησαν κατά μήκος των ελληνο-βουλγαρικών συνόρων ανέφεραν ότι έπεσαν θύματα ληστείας από αγνώστους, που φορούσαν ρούχα παραλλαγής, όπως περιέγραψαν. Σε μια περίπτωση, τους άρπαξαν χρήματα και κινητά. Σε μια δεύτερη, γυναίκα από το Ιράν ανέφερε ότι τους άφησαν να συνεχίσουν, επειδή εκείνη τους μίλησε στα τούρκικα, στοιχείο που δείχνει πιθανή εμπλοκή ατόμων από τα μειονοτικά χωριά.

      Όλα αυτά συμβαίνουν, ενώ οι ροές στον Έβρο αυξάνονται και η κυβέρνηση σχεδιάζει να λάβει επιπλέον μέτρα για την ανάσχεσή τους, μεταξύ αυτών την επέκταση του φράχτη που υπάρχει από το 2012 στο μοναδικό χερσαίο τμήμα των συνόρων. Ο φράχτης έχει μήκος 12 χιλιόμετρα και εκ του αποτελέσματος απλώς μετάφερε τα περάσματα προς τα νότια, σε άλλα σημεία του ποταμού. Στον σχεδιασμό της κυβέρνησης περιλαμβάνεται επίσης η δημιουργία μιας δεύτερης ζώνης ελέγχου στην Εγνατία Οδό, καθώς και η ανάπτυξη των ηλεκτρονικών μέσων με τα οποία ελέγχονται τα περάσματα στον Έβρο.

      https://www.vice.com/gr/article/a355mk/e3i-metanastes-pagwsan-kai-pe8anan-apo-to-krio-ston-ebro

      –----------

      Source : un tweet de Bruno Tersago :

      Bodies of 6 #refugees/#migrants found near #Evros river (border #Greece/#Turkey). Aged between 18 and 30. Apparently frozen to death.

      https://twitter.com/BrunoTersago/status/1204405077936627717

      #décès #morts #mourir_de_froid

    • Six migrants retrouvés morts de froid à la frontière gréco-turque

      Six migrants ont été retrouvés morts de froid ces derniers jours dans la région de l’Evros, à la frontière entre la Grèce et la Turquie, a annoncé mardi Pavlos Pavlidis, le médecin légiste de l’hôpital d’Alexandroupoli en charge des autopsies.

      Les six migrants, deux femmes africaines et quatre hommes dont les âges étaient évalués de 18 à 30 ans, sont morts d’hypothermie entre jeudi et dimanche derniers, a précisé à la presse le médecin légiste. Aucun document d’identité n’a été retrouvé sur ces migrants, rendant le processus d’identification complexe. La région frontalière de l’Evros séparant la Grèce de la Turquie est un lieu de passage privilégié par les passeurs depuis la signature de l’accord UE-Turquie en 2016 et le renforcement des patrouilles navales en mer Égée.

      Malgré un mur de 12 km de long à la frontière gréco-turque, les trafiquants ont trouvé des points de passage pour les migrants, situés au sud des barbelés. Le gouvernement grec a annoncé en novembre l’embauche de 400 gardes-frontières dans la région de l’Evros et le renforcement de la surveillance à la frontière avec des radars infrarouges. La traversée de la rivière est particulièrement dangereuse. De nombreux migrants ont été retrouvés noyés ces dernières années. Des réseaux de passeurs entassent également souvent des dizaines de migrants dans des voitures, conduites à grande vitesse pour échapper aux contrôles policiers, entraînant des accidents fréquents.

      Début novembre, quarante-et-un migrants ont été découverts vivants, cachés dans un camion frigorifique intercepté sur une autoroute du nord de la Grèce. Pour la première fois depuis 2016, la Grèce est redevenue cette année la principale porte d’entrée des demandeurs d’asile en Europe. Le flux migratoire via les îles de la mer Egée face à la Turquie reste le plus important avec plus de 55000 arrivées en 2019 selon le HCR, l’Agence des Nations unies pour les réfugiés. Mais les arrivées via la frontière terrestre avec la Turquie sont en augmentation depuis 2018. En 2019, plus de 14000 personnes ont emprunté ce chemin périlleux selon le HCR.

      https://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/six-migrants-retrouves-morts-de-froid-a-la-frontiere-greco-turque-20191210

    • Statement: Four Push-Back Operations at the Greek-Turkish Land Border Witnessed by the Alarm Phone

      The Alarm Phone witnessed four illegal push-back operations at the Greek-Turkish land border over the course of ten days.

      CASE 1: The first case occurred on Saturday the 30th of June 2018. In the early morning, we had been informed about a group of people along the Turkish-Greek land border that was in need of support. Five of them were from Syria, five from Sierra Leone, six men, two women, and two children. We contacted the travellers, received their GPS position, and notified the police to their whereabouts, as the travellers had asked us to do. The police confirmed to us that they would search for them. Hours later, in the early afternoon, one of the members of the group told us that she was on her way back to Istanbul. She informed us about what had happened to them: At around 9am local time, they had been found by Greek officers in blue & black uniforms. Their belongings was taken away, and at least 5 of them were forced back to Turkey. They had not taken any pictures as their phones had been taken away. Our contact person had been able to hide her phone. They were kept in confinement for about one hour and treated badly, “like dogs” she said, before being forced onto a boat that returned them illegally to Turkey.

      CASE 2: On Thursday the 5th of July, the second push-back operation was observed by the Alarm Phone. We had received a distress call from a group of Syrian, Iraqi, Yemeni and Sudanese migrants who had crossed into Greece seeking international protection. The group was found by the Greek police. The police handed the group to Greek officers who did not hesitate to use violence and intimidation. They were beaten, robbed, and forced onto a boat that returned them to Turkish territory.

      CASE 3: In the night of 5th-6th of July 2018, a group of 12 people from Syria and Iraq, including two women, one of whom was elderly, two children (six and eleven years old), and eight men, was reportedly apprehended on Greek soil near Mikrochori in Evros region and pushed back to Turkey. It remains unclear what happened to them upon return to Turkey.

      CASE 4: In the night of 9th-10th of July 2018, 19 people from Syria and Iraq, including a one-year-old child, a pregnant woman and a man with a broken leg, were reportedly pushed-back from Greece to Turkey at the land border in Evros. They arrived on 9th July and had sent a SOS-call to the Alarm Phone. The first GPS coordinates received showed their position near Filakto. The group said they had sick kids with them and they were very hungry. A second set of GPS coordinates sent showed them at a position near Provatonas. Communications with the group broke down in the afternoon and only in the late morning of the next day, the group answered again – now from Turkey. They reported that ‘the police’ had found them around 5pm on the 9th of July. They brought them to a place the migrants described as ‘a prison’. At 10pm, the officers allegedly wearing blue trousers and camouflage sweaters, told the group that they would be moved to a camp so that they could apply for international protection. However, instead, they brought them back to the river. There, according to one testimony, the men of the group were beaten. Their belongings such as phones, money, passports and the food for the infant were taken away. They were then put onto a boat at the river and were threatened not to come back to Greece again.

      Reacting to our questions concerning cases 3 and 4, the Greek police stated that they had not found anyone at the positions we had provided them with.

      The Alarm Phone, when receiving distress calls from groups in the Evros border region who report to have persons among them with special needs, such as pregnant women, people with disabilities, toddlers and infants, elderly or sick, informs the respective authorities (Greek and /or Turkish) upon request of the people in need. In these four cases, GPS positions shared with us showed clearly locations on Greek soil. Despite this fact and despite many requests for assistance made toward the responsible authorities, the people ended up back in Turkey. Instead of getting access to protection in Greece as requested in their calls for help and their claims to asylum, they were returned to a place where they stated they would be in danger.

      The Alarm Phone is very concerned about repeated testimonies of illegal push-backs at the Greek-Turkish land border. We demand respect for the people’s human rights and dignity, as well as for the international law, which is clearly beached in such push-back operations.

      https://alarmphone.org/en/2018/07/06/four-push-back-operations-at-the-greek-turkish-land-border-witnessed-by-

    • The Turkish Woman Who Fled Her Country only To Get Sent Back

      #Ayşe_Erdoğan was persecuted in Turkey as an alleged follower of the Gülen movement. The young teacher fled to Greece to seek refuge. This is how she wound up back in a Turkish prison.

      As Ayşe Erdoğan reached for her mobile phone to film herself, she was already aware of the risk she was facing. She had managed to cross over into Greece from Turkey, meaning she had made it to Europe. But she still wasn’t home free.

      On the morning of May 4, 2019, Erdoğan, a 28-year-old math teacher from Turkey, hid near the Greek village of Nea Vyssa. Accompanied by two Turkish traveling companions, she had succeeded in crossing the Evros, a wild river that forms a natural border between the two countries but whose current is so strong that it often sweeps migrants away to their deaths.

      Erdoğan, who bears no relation to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, had been sentenced to more than six years in prison in Turkey. Authorities there had accused her of belonging to the sect of the Islamist cleric Fethullah Gülen, which Ankara considers a terrorist organization. Erdoğan was allowed to leave prison until the start of her appeal, but only under the condition that she remain in Turkey.

      Shortly after her release, she fled. She traveled to the north to reach Europe, just as thousands of other Turks who are persecuted as Gülen supporters have done.

      Erdoğan wanted to file an application for political asylum. The Turkish national wanted to exercise the right the European Union grants to every individual who reaches European soil — at least in theory.

      “We are Turkish political asylum-seekers,” Erdoğan said in one video she recorded on her phone. “We fled persecution back in Turkey. We are hiding near Nea Vyssa in fear of pushback.” She sent the videos to her brother Ihsan, who was already in Athens. A journalist later posted the video on Twitter, and the Greek daily Kathimerini also reported on her case.

      Using WhatsApp, Erdoğan sent her location to her brother. She also sent emails to Greek human rights lawyers and the head of the UNHCR, the UN refugee agency. “If we push back to Turkey, our life will be in danger,” she wrote.

      That same day, Erdoğan was taken back across the Evros. Turkish border officials apprehended her and the two Turkish nationals traveling with her the next morning at 8:10 a.m. and put them in jail. A court convicted Erdoğan the next day for violating the terms of her parole by leaving the country.

      For the first time, Forensic Architecture, a research agency based at Goldsmiths College at the University of London, has reconstructed the precise events in the hours leading up to Erdoğan’s capture. DER SPIEGEL also interviewed the brother and Ayşe Erdoğan’s lawyers in addition to reviewing Turkish court documents.

      The data and documents lead to just one conclusion: Ayşe Erdoğan had made it to Greece and was in the hands of Greek authorities before she was returned to Turkey. These were presumably Greek border guards or police. Erdoğan herself claims to have been picked up at a Greek police station by masked men.

      Responding to a request for comment from DER SPIEGEL, the Greek police stated that they "always comply with Greek and European law in the performance of their duties.” Officials would not comment on the specific case in question. Back in December, DER SPIEGEL and Forensic Architecture analyzed videos showing how the illegal pushbacks along the Evros apparently take place: Masked men speaking with Greek accents are seen taking people who have fled to Greece across to the Turkish side of the Evros in motorized dinghies. Refugees who claim they were pushed back also say they were abused and that their mobile phones were rendered unusable.

      All available evidence suggests that the Greek authorities are carrying out systematic pushbacks. DER SPIEGEL has previously reported on Turkish documents which suggest that Greece is illegally deporting tens of thousands of migrants and refugees. Following the revelations, the European Commission demanded an investigation into the accusations, though this has yet to happen.

      The only person who has followed up on the pushback allegations is the Greek ombudsman, the agency responsible for independently monitoring the country’s authorities. The agency opened a general investigation into the issue in June 2017. It is now investigating more than half a dozen cases, including the videos published by DER SPIEGEL.

      However, the Greek authorities have expressed little interest in the videos. A police spokesman told DER SPIEGEL in January: “There won’t be any investigation because there are no pushbacks on the Evros.”

      But Ayşe Erdoğan’s case suggests it is very likely that this statement isn’t true. It underscores suspicions that Greek border officials are deporting even Turkish asylum-seekers without granting them any asylum procedures, even though these people are the subject of political persecution in their home country.

      The pushbacks violate international law, European Union law as well as Greek law, since every refugee has the right to fair asylum proceedings. Moreover, those who apply for asylum cannot be sent back to countries where they could be in danger or threatened with persecution. That, however, appears to be exactly what happened to Erdoğan.

      The fact that Erdoğan repeatedly shared her location with her brother on WhatsApp and took a selfie together with the two people accompanying her in the village center of Nea Vyssa has been helpful in the effort to reconstruct events. A government building can be seen in the photo, including its logo. Another lawyer, Nikolaos Ouzounidis, met with the group in Nea Vyssa and also took a photo of them.

      In collaboration with the Greek NGO HumanRights360, Forensic Architecture analyzed the photos, videos, WhatsApp messages, emails, court files and police reports. Among other steps, the agency compared the photos to images from Google Earth. This made it possible to verify that Erdoğan had, in fact, entered Greece before her arrest.

      There is no doubt that Ayşe and the two accompanying her had been in Nea Vyssa that day. “I saw them with my own eyes,” said Ouzounidis.

      Erdoğan contacted the police station in Nea Vyssa, near the Turkish border, to apply for asylum. But Greek police brought them to a police station in Neo Cheimonio, a town 18 kilometers (11 miles) south of Nea Vyssa. This is evidenced in Erdoğan’s WhatsApp locations and her testimony in court, which has been obtained by DER SPIEGEL.

      Ouzounidis tried to speak to Erdoğan at the police station twice — first on his own and later with her brother, Ihsan, who had come from Athens. Both times, police informed the lawyer that no one with that name was being held at the station. Officially, at least, there was never any arrest or charges filed.

      At 6:53 p.m., Erdoğan once again shared her location with her brother on WhatsApp, with the pin pointing to the police station. It would be the last message that Ayşe Erdoğan would send from Greece.

      “I thought Ayşe was safe,” said Ihsan Erdoğan. “But they just brushed us off at the police station.” Ihsan found out the next day from his parents that his sister had been deported to Turkey and arrested there.

      The Turkish court documents provide details about how Erdoğan experienced her pushback. They describe how masked men put them in a car and took them back to the Evros River. "They put us in a car, took us to Meriç river (Eds. note: as the Evros is known in Turkey) again, put us in an inflatable boat, and took us back to the Turkish banks. Thus, we weren’t able to apply for asylum.”

      Turkish police officers apprehended Erdoğan the next morning. A court in the province of Edirne convicted her the following morning on charges of illegally fleeing the country. The court transcript states that, “The accused violated the rules of her parole and left the country via illegal routes but was deported and returned to Turkey.”

      As part of her defense, Erdoğan claimed that she had felt isolated after her release from prison, that she was no longer able to find work and that even her friends weren’t speaking to her anymore. She told the court that she regretted having fled. “I am the victim,” Erdoğan said, according to the court transcript.

      Her brother Ihsan also denied to DER SPIEGEL that he or Ayşe were members of the Gülen sect.

      Turkish President Erdoğan has blamed the Gülen movement for the attempted coup in July 2016. In response, the Turkish state ordered the arrest of tens of thousands of Gülen supporters.

      Gülen, who has lived in exile in the United States since the 1990s, has denied the accusations. In public, he presents himself as a modern reformer of moderate Islam. His followers run schools, universities, media organizations, hospitals and foundations in more than 100 countries.

      But people who have left the community have described it as a secret society. “Infiltrating state agencies, maximizing political influence and gaining control of the state is seen as the goal by all those who have been interviewed,” reads one document from Germany’s Foreign Ministry.

      Tens of thousands of the Islamist movement’s followers have found refuge in European countries in recent years. More than 10,000 Turks have applied for asylum in Greece alone since 2016.

      But it’s not clear how many of those applications have been approved. The Greek authorities don’t want to publish that kind of information out of fear of provoking Turkish President Erdoğan, with whom the Greek government already has a tense relationship.

      However, Greek bureaucratic sources say that most of the Turkish refugees who apply for it are granted asylum in Greece. That had also been Ayşe Erdoğan’s hope. Instead, she now finds herself locked up by the Turkish government in a prison in the Gebze province near Istanbul.

      Greece has already thrown out a lawsuit submitted by her lawyers. Erdoğan’s attorney, Maria Papamina of the Greek Council for Refugees, says that all the prosecutor did was obtain assurances from the Greek police that Ayşe Erdoğan had never been registered there.

      She claims that evidence of the pushback wasn’t even taken into consideration. Papamina says she wants to appeal the case and take it right up to Greece’s highest court if she has to — and even further up to the European Court of Human Rights, if need be.

      But the only likely real chance Ayşe Erdoğan would have of getting released from prison would be through her appeal to Turkey’s highest court, but her chances are slim. There’s much to suggest that Ayşe Erdoğan will spend years in a Turkish prison.

      https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/the-turkish-woman-who-fled-her-country-only-to-get-sent-back-a-fd2989c7-0439