a magazine of culture and polemic


  • We Don’t Need Elon Musk to Explore the Solar System

    The real business of SpaceX was never a Martian colony but rather servicing a mature satellite market, stealing government space contracts from the likes of Boeing, and kicking off a terrestrial rocket transport sector. The dream of Mars is, in this case, not really any different from the adman’s fiction of romance and aspiration that sells a can of Pepsi or a Jeep.

  • We Should Be Very Worried About Joe Biden’s “Domestic Terrorism” Bill

    Joe Biden used to brag that he practically wrote the Patriot Act, the Bush-era law that massively increased government surveillance powers. Now he’s hoping to pass a further “domestic terrorism” law once in office. The danger is real that the January 6 Capitol attack will be used as an excuse to severely curtail our civil liberties. Nearly two decades since its initial passage in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the Patriot Act has continued to linger in our collective memory. Though few (...)

    #FBI #anti-terrorisme #BlackLivesMatter #PatriotAct #surveillance #ACLU

  • Une histoire de réseau

    Wobblies of the World, Unite

    True to its name, the Industrial Workers of the World spanned the globe — an international history that has long been forgotten.
    Even Americans familiar with labor history might be surprised by the slogan of the Congress of South African Trade Unions: “An injury to one is an injury to all.” More commonly associated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the motto was likely brought to South Africa by IWW members (“Wobblies”) shortly after the revolutionary union’s founding in 1905.

    That the IWW was global enough to spread its phraseology across the Atlantic Ocean belies its popular conception, which tends to focus exclusively on the union’s organizing in the US. But the IWW’s revolutionary ideals found purchase among workers throughout the world, eventually gaining members in at least twenty countries on all six of the inhabited continents.

    The IWW inspired activists in the Ghadr movement, which sought Indian independence from the British Empire. Its members interacted with Chinese republican revolutionaries led by Sun Yat-sen and the anarchists of the Partido Liberal Mexicano as well as its hero, Emiliano Zapata. Its ranks included everyone from socialist tribune Eugene Debs to Ghadr movement leader Pandurang Khankhoje to border-hopping migrant laborers in the American Southwest.

    A new anthology, Wobblies of the World, explores the IWW’s rich international history for the first time. I recently spoke with coeditor Peter Cole about how the IWW fits into global labor history, what attracted disparate workers to the Wobblies, and why this aspect of the IWW has been overlooked for so long. Our discussion has been edited for clarity and brevity.


    #IWW #industrial_workers_of_world #wobblies #syndicat #socialisme #histoire #Peter_Cole

  • In These Stunning Images, Ordinary Yugoslav Partisans Captured Their Revolution on Camera

    In These Stunning Images, Ordinary Yugoslav Partisans Captured Their Revolution on Camera

    By Davor Konjikušić

    Most of the fighters who joined the partisan struggle in World War II Yugoslavia had never even held a camera, let alone considered themselves photographers. Yet organized efforts to create a “partisan photography” helped carry the image of their struggle to the masses — and showed that artistic production wasn’t just for professionals.

    #WWII #jugoslavie #partisan #photographie #balkans #

  • “When You Arrest as Many People as We Do, You Cannot Protect Against Infectious Spread”

    About five million people nationally cycle through jails every year. Roughly 42 percent of them, according to an American Economic Review study that looks specifically at Philadelphia County and Miami-Dade County, will be proven innocent. And 95 percent nationally are taken to jail for nonviolent offenses — most of them for petty alleged crimes.


  • The Return of the Super-Elite

    American economic inequality hit a historic peak in 1928, when the country’s richest 1 percent captured nearly a quarter of the nation’s total income. But now, in thirty American metro areas and five whole states, the 1 percent has broken that previous record — and in some cases has doubled it.

    Economists Estelle Sommeiller and Mark Price released a paper last week through the Economic Policy Institute titled “The new gilded age: Income inequality in the U.S. by state, metropolitan area, and county.” Their research concludes that, on average, the income of America’s 1 percent is twenty-six times higher than the average of the bottom 99 percent.

    #inégalité #concentration_des_richesses

  • Bill Gates’s Philanthropic Giving Is a Racket

    But Bill Gates and his foundation are the perfect picture of why this model of billionaire philanthropy is so flawed. Gates’s foundation was originally cooked up as a feel-good gloss to cover up his shredded reputation during Microsoft’s antitrust trial, putting him in the long tradition of obscenely rich people using the occasional generous gift to try justifying their enormous wealth and power.

    Retour sur le parcours de #Bill_Gates #philanthrocapitalisme

  • Why Basic Income Failed in Finland

    Political maneuvers and bureaucratic resistance helped sink Finland’s widely watched basic income experiment. But the most important factor behind the policy’s demise was its uneasy relationship with widespread social norms about work and fairness.

    C’était aussi une merde en-dessous de la ligne de flottaison, censée compléter des revenus du travail indécents pour que les entreprises n’aient pas tout « à charge »...
    #libéralisme #Finlande #revenu_garanti

  • Pour un antispécisme débarrassé de Peter Singer

    Peter Singer serait « le “père” du mouvement moderne de la cause animale ». Ainsi, massivement cité et pris comme référence, la critique de ses travaux est rare, voire absente. Pourtant, ses théories utilitaristes autour des autres animaux sont, entre autres, anthropocentrées et validistes. Sur d’autres sujets tels que les exilé·es et la pauvreté, il défend des idées racistes et néocoloniales. S’il est autant connu, c’est entre autres grâce aux soutiens de plusieurs milliardaires, et il leur rend bien la pareille en développant une caution philosophique qui justifie leur fortune et le système capitaliste. C’est dans la volonté de démontrer ces éléments que ce texte a été écrit car il semble nécessaire de ne plus le citer à la légère. Ses théories sont, heureusement, moins présentes en France. Ne faisons pas (...)

    #P #Antispécisme,_végétarisme #Infokiosque_fantôme_partout_ #Antinaturalisme

  • The Right Has Power in Latin America, but No Plan

    Across Latin America, the Right has swept to power. But its achievements pale in comparison to the Pink Tide — and it has no compelling vision for how to address the region’s challenges.


  • Invasion par la Turquie

    Carte de l’offensive mise à jour régulièrement

    The Annihilation of Rojava

    A US withdrawal from Syria that cleared the way for the destruction of the Kurds’ radical democratic experiment would not serve the cause of peace — and it would not be a blow to US imperialism.

    New education system was central to the Kurds’ Rojava Revolution in northern Syria – now it’s under attack

    #Kurdes #Rojava #revolution_Rojava

  • The #Gilets_Noirs Are in the Building

    Paris’s tourist economy relies on a hidden army of undocumented migrants. But these workers are no longer happy to remain in the shadows — and their protests for regular status are drawing inspiration from the gilets jaunes.

    On July 12, a collective of undocumented migrants (known in French as sans-papiers) occupied the Panthéon, a mausoleum and popular tourist site in Paris’s Latin Quarter. Calling themselves the gilets noirs, the collective has carried out occupations of several high-profile locations in recent weeks, even taking over a wing of the capital’s Charles de Gaulle airport.

    Building on previous sans-papiers struggles (and, by their very name, the spirit of the gilets jaunes), the protesters have asserted a radical decolonial agenda. Their protests have highlighted their conditions as undocumented migrants in France but also the harm done by French business and military interference in their own (mostly African) homelands.

    On July 20, the gilets noirs marched to demand justice for Adama Traoré, a 24-year-old who died in police custody in 2016. In this article appearing that day on Mediapart, Mathilde Mathieu and Rouguyata Sall explained how migrants who are usually reduced to the most invisible living and work conditions have begun to make their voices heard.

    After the gilets noirs occupied the Panthéon on July 12, the undocumented migrants’ collective found themselves surrounded and even outright trampled on by the police. Some of those arrested were handed “compulsory orders to leave French territory”; fifteen of them were detained, awaiting their expulsion.

    But that wasn’t the whole story. This young movement of sans-papiers, which arose in November 2018 with the demand for mass regularizations, had long remained in a media blind spot. Now it claimed a “victory.”

    This was, firstly, a “legal victory.” The fifteen people who were detained were all freed, thanks to the aid of a pool of “anti-repression” lawyers who had been mobilized in advance of the action. One participant was called back before the courts for “public indecency.”

    But this was, above all, a “political victory.” For years, it seemed that undocumented workers’ struggles had been rendered invisible, as public debate instead polarized around the refugee question — that is, the matter of who had the right to asylum and who had what Interior Minister Christophe Castaner called the “vocation” to get back on the plane home.

    Today, with the Panthéon occupation, the gilets noirs proclaim that “the fear has passed over to the other side.” Now counting in the hundreds, they address themselves to none other than the prime minister himself, refusing to be “managed by Castaner and the police prefects.”

    On July 12, Prime Minister Édouard Philippe was indeed forced to react, faced with images of the (peaceful) occupation as well as the radical speeches — delivered over the tombs of Victor Hugo and Voltaire — with their talk of “France perpetuating slavery by other means.”

    Galvanized, the gilets noirs have announced that fresh actions are coming soon. As one active member, Houssam, puts it, “we’re ready to take action — civil disobedience.”
    Who Are the Gilets Noirs?

    But what do the gilets noirs want to achieve? Why has their movement arisen now? And in what sense do they mark a change from more “traditional” sans-papiers collectives?

    Fundamentally, their aims can be summarized as follows: “We are not just fighting for papers [to be regularized] but against the whole system that produces sans-papiers.” Houssam adds: “We want to destroy all the actors in the racist system, or at least go on the attack against them.” And they’re doing so with a kind of risk-taking that’s rarely been seen in recent years.

    “We’ve already lived through hell in the Sahara and in Libya,” explains Camara — a well-known name in the movement, in a migrants’ hostel in Paris’s nineteenth arrondissement. “So, we won’t be giving up.” A Malian, he arrived in France only in September 2018 and is already working on building sites: “The employers pay us fifty euros a day, they profit. And if you ask for a Cerfa form [to present an application to the prefecture, requesting regularization on the basis of your work] they get rid of you and take someone else on instead. And so on and so forth.”

    Camara’s not the only gilet noir bearing the scars of what was once the land of Gaddafi. In Libya, almost all migrants are thrown into detention cells and camps, and sometimes traded by Mafiosi, tortured, and reduced to slavery. Nor is Camara the only one who’s survived being cast off in a raft on the Mediterranean. The French authorities endeavor to distinguish the people on these rafts who are potential refugees and those who are “economic migrants.” Yet the raft-goers all show one same face: an expression of terror. After all this, should they then have to play a waiting game in France, hiding away and begging at their employers’ feet for “a Cerfa form”?

    “The fear is over. If we don’t take risks, we won’t get anything,” insists Mamadou, a 21-year-old Malian who arrived in France in 2016 via Libya and Italy. Arrested in front of the Panthéon on July 12 and slapped with a “compulsory order to leave French territory” (the very first one he’s received in France), he was subsequently locked up in the Vincennes detention center before being released by a judge.

    “I’ll be there for the next action,” Mamadou promises. “We don’t win rights just sitting at home.” His older brother Samba, employed in the building trade, will also participate: “On the building sites, in restaurants, in cleaning, there’s no one but sans-papiers working there. It’s time the prime minister listened to us. We’re a bigger sight than the #Panthéon!”

    Kaba also took a big risk on July 12. A 24-year-old from Mauritania, she explains how she fled abuse and a forced marriage. After arriving in France less than two years ago, she saw her asylum application rejected by the Ofpra (the office responsible for granting or denying refugee status) and then the National Asylum Rights Court (in a case that is still on appeal). If she gets checked by police, a police prefect could decide that she will be subject to “forced displacement” (as the administrative euphemism puts it) within just two hours.

    Kaba had already taken part in several gilets noirs actions, without getting arrested. The actions in which she participated included the one at Charles de Gaulle airport on May 19, in order to buttonhole the CEO of Air France (“the French state’s official deporter”) and the one on June 12 at the headquarters of the Elior Group, a specialist in collective catering with a reputation for hiring sans-papiers (who, a company spokesman claims, provide “aliases” when they sign up, i.e. the papers of some other person who does indeed have regularized status).

    This time, in front of the Panthéon, “the police asked if I had papers, and I said no.” Kaba was taken to the police station, only to be released an hour and a half later without being given a “compulsory order to leave French territory.” According to her comrades, this was just another case of the reign of “arbitrary rules.”

    “Thanks to the gilets noirs I’ve found work,” she points out — lining up cleaning and “garbage removal” jobs in offices from 5:30 AM to 8:30 AM, and then working afternoons for a perfume brand, for 500 to 700 euros a month. But what about the crackdown with which these actions meet? “We have no choice.”

    Some of the gilets noirs even sleep in the street. Indeed, this a novelty of the movement: while the struggles of undocumented workers have traditionally been led by solidarity networks and by West Africans (Malians, Mauritanians, Senegalese people, etc.) boasting no few years in France, the gilets noirs also include Sudanese, Eritrean, or even Afghan migrants who have only just seen their asylum claims rejected, or even been “Dublinized” (that is, they risk being sent back to the first EU country where their fingerprints were taken — an application of the “Dublin agreement” on asylum).

    “Among the gilets noirs there are new arrivals who are still looking for a place to put their suitcases,” confirms Anzoumane Sissoko — one of the spokespeople for the CSP 75 (a longstanding Paris sans-papier collective). “The only possibility they have is to accept any job going.” At a personal level, Sissoko — who has already been fighting for “eighteen years” — gives hearty support to the gilets noirs: “There’s 700 of them — if we joined together with the other collectives and unions, there’d be maybe 2,000 of us.”

    Indeed, behind this movement, we find just two organizations: most importantly, La Chapelle Debout (“La Chapelle, Stand Up!”) — an association created in northern Paris in 2015 in order to help out migrants on the streets — and Droits devant !! (“Rights First!” — a pun on “Straight Ahead!”), an association founded by figures like popular scientist Albert Jacquard at the end of 1994, not long before the months-long occupation of the Saint-Bernard church by some 300 sans-papiers.

    These two associations worked on their own, without either the “traditional” sans-papiers collectives (for years weakened by divisions, or even internecine struggles) or the unions who have engaged on these issues. They directly mobilized in the workers’ hostels, one by one (some forty such structures are already involved).

    “Yes, we took a step back from some collectives (like the Union Nationale des Sans-Papiers, UNSP) who have lowered their ambitions and now settle for deals in the police prefectures to push a few people’s files under the radar, while losing sight of the goal of a general regularization,” reports Jean-Claude Amara, a longtime leading light in Droits devant !! (and co-founder of Droit au logement — Right to Housing). “This gave us more chance of taking forward steps.”
    “It’s State Racism”

    As one member of La Chapelle Debout insists, “Our aim is to smash the criteria of the Valls circular of 2012” (a circular issued by then-Interior Minister Manuel Valls, which defined the possible justifications for regularization in terms of employment or family and private life).

    After the gilets noirs’ action outside the Comédie-Française theatre (one of their very first actions), in January they nonetheless sent a delegation to the Paris police prefecture — getting at least one regularization into the bargain. But after that, “case by case” measures were over.

    This ruffled feathers among the classic actors in the sans-papiers movement. As one of them (wishing to remain anonymous) put it, “We found that a dynamic toward unity had been set in motion.” Since fall 2018, all kinds of collectives and union bodies have worked on combining their efforts, cooking up fresh actions for after the summer break. They have been mobilized both by former Interior Minister Gérard Collomb’s “asylum and immigration” law (promulgated in September 2018), with its battery of repressive measures, and by the lies the Right and far right have spread about the “Marrakesh pact” (a United Nations agreement on sharing refugees among different countries). But they have also been given fresh impulse by the gilets jaunes protests.

    “We took part in meetings,” acknowledges Jean-Claude Amara of Droits devant !!. “There was, it seemed, a will to go beyond little demos that no longer worried anyone . . .  But nothing came of it.”

    “It’s a mistake not to work together,” laments Alioune Traoré — a representative of the UNSP. “Faced with the arrests, it’s an obligation on all of us to give our support, and we should try and do that all together. But I have my differences with La Chapelle Debout: we shouldn’t say we can hope for regularization or housing for everyone. People come [to the protests] for that — that’s what they hope for — but most gilets noirs don’t meet the criteria. We, too, raise slogans to demand that everyone should be able to move and live, wherever they want. But in reality, you can’t go along to the prefecture taking people who haven’t racked up the [required] time [staying in France] . . .  Personally, I think there’s manipulation going on.”

    Alioune Traoré isn’t a fan of the choice to stage the action at the Panthéon: “The cemetery is sacred ground. Even [to occupy] a church is pushing it. People have been occupying them ever since Saint-Bernard. But even in the case of the Saint-Denis Basilica, when we went in there [to denounce the ‘Collomb law’] in 2018, Marine Le Pen denounced this as ‘profaning’ a place of worship . . .  We should seek out different targets, so the far right and the government won’t be able to exploit the situation.” Others like him fear that ultimately the July 12 occupation will merely harden the government’s stance, and the effect will be to step up the repression a notch — against everyone. It’s a question of strategy.

    “The risk taken at the Pantheon was disproportionate — there’s a suicidal aspect to it,” worries one long-standing participant in sans-papiers struggles. “And even looking at public opinion, I think in the current context, we’d do better to choose targets that underscore what unites all of us, around work or around schools, like RESF does” (referring to the Réseau Éducation Sans Frontières — Education Without Borders Network).

    As for the unions, they remain principally attached to a strategy of strikes and picket lines — the CGT (France’s largest union federation) had put pressure on Elior long before the gilets noirs occupation. “[The gilets noirs] handed us twenty-three case files, which are still being analyzed,” a representative of the catering firm reports. “We are working [to facilitate regularizations that meet the necessary criteria] with tried and tested methods — we’re already working on that with the CGT. Now, we’ve had another actor come and attach themselves to things.”

    As for the risks the gilets noirs ran at the Panthéon, one member of La Chapelle Debout replies: “Yes, the sans-papiers are taking risks, but that’s not something we’ve imposed — it’s discussed collectively. And police harassment is an everyday affair: they can be arrested at any moment. Every day, far more people are thrown into detention centers than engage in political activity. And then we also take ‘anti-repressive’ measures: the participants have lawyers’ names in advance and are much better defended than they would be by a court-appointed!”

    Houssam, a member of La Chapelle Debout and a “son of an immigrant,” refuses to consider migrants “as fragile types.” “The goal is precisely that migrants should speak for themselves as political subjects” And he remembers how often the Right spreads suspicions that the sans-papiers are being “instrumentalized” politically. Such arguments were also pulled out by former socialist Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve regarding the clashes between migrants and police in Calais. “For us it’s worrying to see arguments of that type being made on the Left.”

    “We need to break the sans-papiers struggle out of the logic of a tug-of-war with the interior minister alone — and do that permanently” argues Jean-Claude Amara. He put it bluntly: “If we don’t, we remain within the framework of colonial administration.”

    This “decolonial” dimension of the struggle has irritated some on the Left who identify as “universalists.” They take issue with the choice of the name gilets noirs — a reference to the dark fury (colère noire) of the sans-papiers, of course, but also to a certain skin color. This irritation only intensified in June after one of the gilets’ petitions was signed by the Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR) (a decolonial group critical of “colorblind” secularism, accused by others on the Left of promoting identitarian “Islamo-leftist” and even anti-semitic ideas).

    “Some put up barriers — it made things difficult for some associations,” reports Jean-Claude Amara, who is “not overly committed” to the choice of name (“perhaps not the best label to widen our ranks”). “But we haven’t given in. Even if Droits devant !! isn’t necessarily on the same page as the PIR comrades on everything, we don’t want to give in to the blackmail that says ‘if they’re signing, then we won’t.’ That’s also been the great failing of the sans-papiers movement in recent years: forgetting what the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggle is really about.”

    “Do some people really want to deny us legitimacy by saying we’re decolonial?” asks an annoyed Houssam. “That’s not our problem. But do we think that the fate imposed on migrants is a case of state racism? Yes.”

    One trade unionist asks, “Is the point to show that the state is racist, or to win rights? Can you even still negotiate with an actor you characterize as racist?”

    It’s not certain that the gilets noirs are going to be a magnet for a lot of trade unionists in the months to come. And still less clear that that’s what they’re aiming for.

    #économie #exploitation #sans-papiers #tourisme #économie_touristique #résistance #manifestation #protestation

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Qu’est-ce que le mouvement des “Gilets noirs” ?

      Depuis novembre, les “Gilets noirs”, ce mouvement “des sans-papiers, des sans-voix, des sans-visages”, multiplient les actions pour demander la régularisation de “tous et toutes” mais aussi des logements et des conditions de vie dignes.

      “Ni rue ni prison, papiers et liberté.” Mardi 16 juillet, non loin du Tribunal de Grande instance (TGI) de Paris, une banderole affichant ce message a été installée. Au-dessus, inscrits au marqueur sur du papier cellophane, ces deux mots : “Gilets noirs.” Quelques membres de ce mouvement de “sans-papiers, sans-voix, sans-visages” - créé en Île-de-France en novembre 2018 pour demander la “régularisation de tous les sans-papiers” dans le pays mais aussi des logements et des conditions de vie dignes - ont fait le déplacement ce matin. Ils attendent des nouvelles : plusieurs de leurs “camarades” passent actuellement devant le juge des libertés et de la détention, pour contester leur placement en centre de rétention administrative.

      Le contexte : vendredi 12 juillet, plusieurs centaines de Gilets noirs investissent le Panthéon, dans le Ve arrondissement de Paris. Cette action s’inscrit alors dans une campagne nommée “Gilets noirs cherchent Premier ministre”, dont le but est “d’instaurer un rapport de force avec l’Etat”, comme nous le raconte une membre de La Chapelle debout, collectif avec lequel l’action a été menée, tout comme l’association Droits devant ! “Celui-ci est composé d’habitants d’une cinquantaine de foyers d’Ile-de-France, mais aussi de locataires de la rue. En tout, 17 nationalités sont représentées.” Il s’agit donc à la fois de sans-papiers mais aussi de demandeurs d’asile et de personnes sans-abris - les situations pouvant se combiner -, même si la Chapelle debout réfute “toutes les différences que l’Etat veut créer pour diviser les gens".

      "Des Gilets jaunes qui ont été noircis par la colère”

      Au Panthéon, les Gilets noirs demandent un rendez-vous avec le Premier ministre, en sus de leurs revendications. Selon les journalistes sur place, la situation est calme. Ils seront finalement évacués, et 37 d’entre eux interpellés par les forces de l’ordre pour des vérifications d’identité - un membre de la Chapelle debout, lui, emploie le terme de “rafle”, évoquant plusieurs charges policières “très violentes”, une quarantaine de blessés, des insultes racistes et une “volonté de faire peur et casser le mouvement”. Comme le souligne ce papier de France info, plusieurs journalistes sur place ont en effet constaté des tirs de gaz lacrymos, des charges policières et des évacuations de blessés (voir par exemple ce long papier de Basta !, qui publie aussi plusieurs vidéos).

      Une vingtaine de Gilets noirs ont au final été placés en rétention administrative. Lundi 15 juillet, La Chapelle debout expliquait dans un communiqué que “huit Gilets noirs [avaient] été libérés grâce à la mobilisation politique” mais aussi grâce au “soutien financier” de tous et toutes, une cagnotte ayant été créée pour payer des avocats. Lesquels ont, selon le collectif, constaté des irrégularités dans les procédures, d’où la libération de leurs clients. Mardi 16 juillet, ce sont sept autres personnes qui passaient devant le TGI.

      L’action au Panthéon n’était pas la première organisée par le mouvement, dont le nom a été trouvé, selon la Chapelle debout, par un Gilet noir qui a eu cette formule lors de la marche “contre le racisme d’Etat et les violences policières”, en mars, à Paris : “On est des Gilets jaunes qui ont été noircis par la colère.”

      En janvier, un rassemblement avait eu lieu devant la Préfecture de police de Paris. En mai, rebelote avec l’occupation du terminal 2F de Roissy. Selon un membre de la Chapelle debout, le but était de “dénoncer la participation d’Air France” aux expulsions - “Nous on dit déportation” - de personnes immigrées hors de l’Etat français. Enfin, en juin, plusieurs centaines de "gilets noirs" avaient investi les locaux du groupe de restauration collective Elior, à la Défense, de façon à “dénoncer l’exploitation de sans-papiers et leurs conditions de travail” dans cette entreprise, qui, selon eux, capitaliserait sur le “business” de l’emploi de personnes sans-papiers de façon à les “faire travailler gratuitement”.

      “Les Gilets noirs, c’est un mouvement social”

      “On va organiser la riposte, ajoute ce membre du collectif, qui se félicite du soutien de plusieurs personnes et associations, par exemple Assa Traoré et le comité Vérité et justice pour Adama (c’est moins le cas de Marine Le Pen, qui a parlé d’occupation "inadmissible", ou encore d’Edouard Philippe, qui a mis en avant "le respect des monuments publics"). Les Gilets noirs, c’est un mouvement social, pas un mouvement de sans-papiers. C’est un mouvement qui appartient à tous ceux qui combattent le racisme, qui sont d’accord qu’aucun être humain n’est illégal, et qui veulent une vie digne pour tout le monde.” Et d’ajouter : “C’est un mouvement d’impatience : on en a marre d’attendre pour une vie digne, marre d’attendre pour sortir de l’isolement.”

      L’idée de collectif est en effet très forte au sein des Gilets noirs, comme nous le raconte Camara, qui vit dans un foyer et milite aux côtés du mouvement depuis novembre 2018 : “Il est important de s’organiser et de se mobiliser collectivement. Ce qu’on vit, c’est de l’esclavage moderne. La police veut nous faire peur, mais on n’a plus peur. On va aller jusqu’au bout : tout ce qui arrive, c’est notre destin.” Même discours du côté de Samba, dont le petit-frère, interpellé au Panthéon, était présenté au TGI ce mardi : “On va se battre, ensemble, jusqu’au bout de nos ongles. On n’arrêtera pas.” Quelques heures plus tard, un membre de la Chapelle debout nous envoie ce sms : “Tout le monde est libre, on est partis ensemble.” Il précise que la préfecture a fait appel sur "quelques dossiers".


  • The Tories Think Voting Is Too Easy

    Aux USA et en grande Bretagne les réformes électorales de la droite suppriment le droit matériel de vote à tout un tas de gens.
    Ne croyez pas que ce serait différent en France. Les conservateurs et les néolibéraux détestent profondément le vote.

    Voting in Britain is incredibly easy. Often, you receive a card, reminding you of your polling station, usually a school, church or community center. On election day, you can arrive without the card, state your name and address to two volunteers, then mark your preference on the ballot with a pencil. In Northern Ireland, an electoral identity card is required to prove your age and name, and is issued for free. The process is straightforward, and remaining registered is just a matter of registering online or returning one of the letters the local council regularly sends to each property.

    But that’s changing in many areas: the Conservatives are piloting a scheme that requires identification before individuals can cast their vote. Citing concerns around electoral fraud, passports and driving licenses are accepted, but the trial is clearly designed to prevent the poorest and most vulnerable in society from being able to vote at all. Those who are homeless often lose paperwork and identification. And for many people the cost of a passport, £75.50, is prohibitive. Many people never learn to drive — I have epilepsy so am banned from even holding a provisional license. The people affected by the change are the poorest and most vulnerable in society — and also the least likely to vote Conservative.

  • Organize. Strike. Organize
    Review of Riot. Strike. Riot

    In his lively and engaging book Riot. Strike. Riot, Joshua Clover presents a unique (and avowedly Marxist) argument for why he thinks employed workers are less likely to be the source of social upheaval and why, he argues, riots are replacing strikes as the major expression of social revolt in today’s turbulent capitalism.

    There is a lot of interesting and original material in this book. Much of what Clover says about the turbulence of contemporary capitalism and even its apparent slowing down is on the money, even if one disagrees with some specifics of his analysis. More than that, he points to a rise in social struggle, a promise that everyone on the Left is certain to relish.

    #livres #édition #théorie #communisme #communisation

  • Why Israel Kills

    Nonviolent struggle against violent occupiers is politically effective. That is why Israel fears it, represses it, and seeks to push it into violent confrontation (as they did in 2000, in the first weeks of the “second intifada,” in which a million bullets were fired against unarmed demonstrators). Nonviolent struggle changes the prevailing Israel-Palestine narrative from an occupiers’ fight against terrorism to an anticolonial struggle against occupation. — Permalink

    #israël #palestine

  • The Problem With Capitalist Philanthropy
    T. Rivers, Jacobin, le 6 février 2018

    The IWMF stresses that it does not influence its grant recipients’ stories, and in an interview said that they find it “unacceptable for a funder to influence the editorial content of the stories [they] facilitate.” However, their preferred areas of focus, particularly food security and conservation, are chosen in partnership with the Howard G. Buffett Foundation.

    Ironically, Buffett’s investment in the IWMF exists alongside his support for a dictatorship that has decimated its local press. As Anjan Sundaram documents in Bad News, Rwandan president Paul Kagame has killed, tortured, exiled, and imprisoned journalists across the country. The Committee to Protect Journalists has documented that seventeen journalists have been killed in Rwanda since 1992. Yet Buffett has called Rwanda “the most progressive country on the continent,” and, like many Western donors, enjoys a cozy relationship with its leader.

    #Congo #Rwanda #Afrique #Philantropie #corruption #capitalisme #Howard_Buffett #Paul_Kagame #ONG #journalistes #IWMF