𝗖𝘂𝗮𝗻𝘁𝗼 𝗺á𝘀 𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗮𝗹 𝗲𝘀 𝗲𝗹 𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗱𝗼 𝗱𝗲 𝗯𝗶𝗲𝗻𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗿, 𝗺á𝘀 𝗹𝗶𝗯𝗿𝗲 𝗲𝘀 𝗲𝗹 𝗽𝘂𝗲𝗯𝗹𝗼
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2022/04/esping-andersen-welfare-state-social-democracy-benefits
Los países con los mejores estados de bienestar del mundo ofrecen beneficios universales que emancipan a las personas de los caprichos del mercado laboral. Y esos estados de bienestar se ganaron a través de la lucha de clases
Suharto’s US-Backed Coup in Indonesia Supplied a Template for Worldwide Mass Murder
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2022/02/suharto-indonesia-us-coup-communism-history-mass-murder-postcolonial-sta
This lesson was not lost on the Vietnamese leadership in Hanoi. They saw what the Americans were capable of, and it clearly impacted the way they ran the war after 1966. In Cambodia, both the Left and the Right paid attention. As early as 1967, enemies of the fledgling Khmer Rouge movement were saying “we don’t lack Suhartos in Cambodia,” meaning “we can move against the Khmer Rouge.” A decade later, there was a Khmer Rouge document that mentioned the Indonesian mass violence against the PKI as a justification for why the Khmer Rouge had to take such a hard line. Both left and right were radicalized in Southeast Asia by this example.
In Chile, the 1973 coup against Salvador Allende was code-named “Operation Jakarta,” echoing Suharto’s violence. Pinochet’s soldiers rounded up the same kind of people in Chile: party members, union leaders, and activists. Even the Chilean folk singer Victor Jara was killed as a political opponent. In his book The Jakarta Method , Vincent Bevins has detailed the multiple links between the Indonesian example and cases in Latin America.
...
Truth be told, it would have been difficult for the CIA to do very much on the ground in Indonesia in the years leading up to 1965. With martial law and Sukarno’s increasingly hostile attitude toward the United States, it would have been very difficult for them to gather much intelligence.
That said, the United States cultivated an important group of Indonesian officers and recruited them for training at Fort Benning, which would go on to be the home of the School of the Americas. They created a cadre of pro-American officers. Many of those officers stepped up in 1965–66 and were instrumental in the mass murder.
It’s very likely that United States, British, and Australian intelligence were pushing the army to move, and it’s clear from recent research that there was coordination ahead of time, possibly with the likes of Suharto. It’s tough to prove this, because obviously the Indonesian government and military doesn’t want these documents released. But at the very least, it looks as if Western intelligence was calling for some kind of scenario like the Reichstag fire in Germany in 1933 — a crisis that could be blamed on the PKI.
But Indonesians did this killing for their own reasons, with some help and encouragement from the West, and with guaranteed impunity. The Western capitalist democracies made it clear that they would not hold the Indonesian military accountable for these crimes. Indeed, the United States actually celebrated Suharto’s move against the PKI and organized labor.
–—
Ce n’est pas la première fois que Mimmo Lucano doit comparaître devant la justice, voir aussi:
Octobre 2018, première #arrestation:
►https://seenthis.net/messages/726208
Le #procès:
►https://seenthis.net/messages/786538
►https://seenthis.net/messages/812190
Décembre 2019:
#Mimmo_Lucano, nuovo avviso di garanzia per l’ex sindaco di Riace: “Rilasciò documenti di identità a immigrati senza permesso”
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/817791
Pour plus de contexte :
►https://blogs.mediapart.fr/benedicte-monville/blog/031018/hier-matin-laube-ils-ont-arrete-mimmo-lucano-maire-de-riace
▻https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/le-focus-de-la-semaine/le-focus-de-la-semaine-20-octobre-2018 (10 minutes)
#immigration #Italie #racisme #xénophobie #solidarité #inclusion
Je n’avais pas très bien suivi cette affaire, c’est vraiment affligeant (et je reste poli).
Pro-refugee Italian mayor sentenced to 13 years for abetting illegal migration
Domenico Lucano, who welcomed migrants to tiny town of #Riace, also convicted of ‘irregularlities’
The former mayor of an Italian town who revitalised his community by welcoming and integrating migrants has been sentenced to more than 13 years in jail for abetting illegal migration and for “irregularities” in managing the asylum seekers.
Domenico Lucano, 63, known locally as Mimmo, the former mayor of Riace, a tiny hilltop town in the southern Calabria region, was put under house arrest in 2018 for allegedly abetting illegal immigration, embezzlement, and fraud.
According to the magistrates, Lucano had flouted the public tender process by awarding waste collection contracts to two cooperatives that were set up to help migrants look for work.
His arrest came a week after Italy’s former far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, announced a series of anti-immigration measures, which included slashing funds for migrant reception and integration. It also followed the suspension by the public broadcaster, Rai, of a TV show about Riace during the investigation.
During his mandate, Lucano, a former schoolteacher, made Riace famous for its much-lauded model of integration as a means of reversing depopulation. He was hailed in 2016 by Fortune magazine as one of the world’s 50 greatest leaders, having settled more than 500 refugees in Riace, a town of 1,800 inhabitants, and preventing the closure of the local school.
On Thursday, the former mayor was sentenced to 13 years and two months in jail.
The ruling came as a shock in Italy. It was almost double the seven years and 11 months requested by prosecutors.
Lucano was also charged for organising “marriages of convenience” after he helped arrange a wedding between a Nigerian woman and Italian man so that the woman, who had been forced into sex work in Naples, could live and work in Italy legally. The charge was previously struck down by the supreme court of cassation, Italy’s highest court of appeal.
“I have no words, I didn’t expect it,’’ Lucano told reporters after the sentence. “I spent my life chasing ideals, I fought against the mafia; I sided with the last ones, the refugees. And I don’t even have the money to pay the lawyers … today it all ends for me. There is no justice.”
News of the sentence was hailed by Salvini – a fierce opponent of Lucano’s pro-migrant policy – who is standing for the regional council. With Lucano also a candidate in a regional election, Salvini wrote: “The left is running candidates sentenced to 13 years in prison.”
Lucano said he would appeal his sentence. He will remain under house arrest, as in Italy sentences become definitive only after two appeals, the second to the supreme court.
▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/sep/30/pro-refugee-italian-mayor-sentenced-to-13-years-for-abetting-migration
Onde de choc en Italie après la condamnation d’un ancien maire à 13 ans de prison pour incitation à l’immigration clandestine
La condamnation, jeudi, de l’ancien maire de Riace en Calabre (sud de l’Italie), Domenico Lucano, à plus de 13 ans de prison pour incitation à l’immigration clandestine a provoqué une onde de choc en Italie. L’ancien édile est une figure emblématique de l’accueil et de l’intégration des migrants en Italie. Une politique qui lui avait valu d’être nommé troisième « meilleur maire au monde » en 2010, et parmi les 100 personnalités les plus influentes au monde dans le classement du magazine Fortune.
C’est une sentence lourde, généralement réservée aux membres de la mafia sicilienne ou aux grands criminels. L’ancien maire de Riace en Calabre, région du sud de l’Italie, a été condamné jeudi 30 septembre à plus de 13 ans de prison pour incitation à l’immigration clandestine et pour des irrégularités dans la gestion des demandeurs d’asile.
« Je n’ai pas de mots, je ne m’y attendais pas », a déclaré Domenico Lucano à l’annonce du verdict. « J’ai passé ma vie à défendre des idéaux, à me battre contre les mafias. Je me suis toujours mis du côté des déshérités, des réfugiés qui ont débarqué. J’ai imaginé que je pouvais contribuer à la rédemption de ma terre. Je dois prendre acte que c’est fini. »
Troisième « meilleur maire au monde »
L’ancien maire de 63 ans, connu localement sous le nom de « Mimmo », était accusé notamment d’avoir organisé des mariages de convenance pour aider des femmes déboutées du droit d’asile à rester en Italie. Il lui était aussi reproché de s’être passé d’appels d’offres pour attribuer la gestion des ordures de son village de 1 800 habitants à des coopératives liées aux migrants.
Il avait été arrêté à l’automne 2018 et placé en résidence surveillée.
Élu maire de Riace en 2004, Domenico Lucano accueillait des migrants dans son village dépeuplé afin de relancer le développement et les emplois. Il y développe la formation professionnelle des réfugiés, et relance les traditions artisanales locales, laissées à l’abandon faute de main-d’œuvre. Des ateliers-boutiques de céramiques, de broderie et de tissage, où se mêlent salariés italiens et réfugiés, voient le jour, et des postes se créent dans l’agriculture et les services d’entretien.
Une politique d’accueil qui le hisse en 2016 parmi les 100 personnalités les plus influentes au monde dans le classement du magazine Fortune. En 2010, il avait déjà été distingué comme troisième « meilleur maire au monde ».
Une peine « énorme et disproportionnée »
Sa condamnation a provoqué une onde de choc en Italie, et chez les défenseurs des migrants. La sentence est presque le double des sept ans et 11 mois demandés par les procureurs.
Pour le secrétaire du PD (Parti démocratique, centre gauche), Enrico Letta, « cette condamnation est terrible car elle va renforcer la défiance envers la justice de notre pays ».
L’eurodéputé italien Pietro Bartolo, ancien « médecin des migrants » sur son île de Lampedusa, a quant à lui jugé jeudi « énorme et disproportionnée » la peine infligée à Domenico Lucano. « [J’apporte] à Mimmo tout mon soutien, en attendant qu’un [autre] jugement annule cet opprobre et lui rend la ’vraie justice’ », a-t-il déclaré sur son compte Twitter.
L’ancienne maire de Lampedusa a tenu elle aussi à apporter son soutien à Domenico Lucano. « Mimmo a montré qu’un accueil différent est possible, contrecarrant le dépeuplement de Riace. (...) Pour moi Mimmo Lucano, c’est un homme juste, un constructeur de paix et d’humanité ».
L’ancienne capitaine du navire Sea Watch Carola Rackete, également poursuivie en Italie pour être entrée de force en 2019 au port de Lampedusa afin d’y débarquer des migrants secourus au large de la Libye, a de son côté dénoncé un « énorme scandale ».
▻https://twitter.com/CaroRackete/status/1443570171730296835
Oscar Camps, le fondateur de l’ONG d’aide aux migrants en mer Open Arms, a pour sa part estimé qu’une « injustice a été commise ». « Si vous vous battez pour une société meilleure, ils vous condamnent à 13 ans, si vous sauvez des milliers de personnes en mer, ils bloquent votre navire. Nous devons remettre les droits et la vie au centre et recommencer à construire des sociétés fondées sur le droit », a écrit le militant sur Twitter.
Les avocats de Domenico Lucano ont annoncé qu’ils feront appel du jugement de leur client. Ce dernier restera assigné à résidence le temps du recours.
Non è giustizia
Mimmo Lucano, già sindaco di Riace, è stato condannato dal Tribunale di #Locri alla pena di 13 anni e 2 mesi di reclusione per una serie impressionante di delitti (associazione a delinquere, abuso d’ufficio, truffa in danno dello Stato, peculato, falsità ideologica, favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e chi più ne ha più ne metta). Risuonano forti le parole di Piero Calamandrei, pronunciate davanti al Tribunale di Palermo il 30 marzo 1956 in difesa di Danilo Dolci, arrestato mentre guidava un gruppo di braccianti a lavorare in una strada di Partinico abbandonata all’incuria: «Questa è la maledizione secolare che grava sull’Italia: il popolo […] ha sempre sentito lo Stato come un nemico. Lo Stato rappresenta agli occhi della povera gente la dominazione. Può cambiare il signore che domina, ma la signoria resta: dello straniero, della nobiltà, dei grandi capitalisti, della burocrazia. Finora lo Stato non è mai apparso alla povera gente come lo Stato del popolo». Sono passati, da allora, 65 anni ma la condanna di Mimmo Lucano mostra che, sul punto, assai poco è cambiato. Ancora una volta – come spesso mi accade ‒ è una “giustizia” in cui non mi riconosco.
Le sentenze non si valutano in base all’utilità contingente o al gradimento soggettivo ma alla luce della loro conformità ai principi costituzionali, alle regole del diritto e alle risultanze processuali. Ed è proprio questa conformità che manca nel caso di specie, in cui c’è l’amaro gusto di una sentenza già scritta sin dalle prime battute.
Nell’organizzare l’accoglienza dei migranti a Riace, Lucano ha reagito ai ritardi e alle inadempienze dell’Amministrazione dell’interno con numerose e ripetute forzature amministrative. Lo ha fatto alla luce del sole e rivendicato in mille interventi e interviste. Ci sono in ciò dei reati? Io non lo credo ma la cosa è possibile e non sarebbe uno scandalo accertarlo in un processo. Non è stato questo, peraltro, l’oggetto del processo di Locri in cui l’accusa fondamentale mossa a Lucano e su cui si è articolata l’intera istruttoria dibattimentale è stata quella di avere costituito, con i suoi più stretti collaboratori, un’associazione «allo scopo di commettere un numero indeterminato di delitti (contro la pubblica amministrazione, la fede pubblica e il patrimonio)» orientando i progetti di accoglienza finanziati dallo Stato «verso il soddisfacimento di indebiti e illeciti interessi patrimoniali privati». È questa la chiave di volta dell’intera vicenda giudiziaria. In essa l’imputato, a ben guardare, non è Mimmo Lucano ma il modello Riace, trasformato da sistema di salvataggio e accoglienza (▻https://comune-info.net/a-tutte-le-ore-del-giorno) in organizzazione criminale. È il mondo all’incontrario (►https://volerelaluna.it/commenti/2018/10/02/larresto-di-mimmo-lucano-il-mondo-al-contrario) in cui la solidarietà e l’umanità sono degli optional e il modello è l’ottusità burocratica: l’importante non è accogliere, inserire, dare dignità alle persone ma avere i registri formalmente in regola. Il mondo della solidarietà e dei diritti disegnato nella Costituzione e quello dei giudici di Locri stanno agli antipodi e sono destinati a non incontrarsi. Di più. Il teorema di fondo sotteso al processo, non scalfito dai mancati riscontri probatori, esclude finanche che possano trovare applicazione istituti, come lo stato di necessità, previsti dal sistema penale per consentire l’integrazione tra legalità formale e giustizia.
L’intera conduzione del processo da parte della magistratura calabra ha seguito il filo rosso del pre-giudizio colpevolista. Lucano è stato arrestato, sottoposto per quasi un anno a misure cautelari (dapprima gli arresti domiciliari, poi il divieto di tornare a Riace), sospeso dalla carica di sindaco, rinviato a giudizio e condannato con forzature evidenti. Alcuni esempi per tutti. L’attività del sindaco di Riace è stata monitorata e scandagliata dalla Procura di Locri e dalla Guardia di finanza per anni e facendo ricorso a prolungate intercettazioni telefoniche: in terra di ‘ndrangheta, in una regione in cui le condanne per corruzione si contano sulle dita di una o due mani e la distruzione dell’ambiente è la regola, questa vicenda meritava il primo posto (o quasi) nelle priorità dell’ufficio? Il giudice per le indagini preliminare, che pure ha respinto la richiesta di custodia cautelare avanzata dal pubblico ministero per i reati più gravi (ritenuti non sorretti da prove adeguate), ha motivato l’arresto di Lucano per due reati minori evocando il rischio, ictu oculi inesistente a processo iniziato, di commissione di nuovi delitti collegati al ruolo di sindaco, non ha spiegato perché quel rischio non poteva essere fronteggiato con una misura meno afflittiva e ha concluso affermando, contro ogni evidenza, che può «tranquillamente escludersi», in caso di condanna, la concessione della sospensione condizionale della pena (►https://volerelaluna.it/commenti/2018/10/02/larresto-di-mimmo-lucano-il-mondo-al-contrario). Pur dopo la sentenza 26 febbraio 2019 della Corte di cassazione che, nell’annullare con rinvio la misura cautelare in corso, ha letteralmente demolito l’impianto accusatorio (▻https://volerelaluna.it/commenti/2019/04/29/domenico-lucano-litalia-la-giustizia), il giudice per le indagini preliminari di Locri e il tribunale del riesame hanno continuato, come se nulla fosse, a respingere le istanze di revoca della misura, incredibilmente ignorando le argomentazione del giudice di legittimità.
La sentenza di condanna e la pena inflitta sono il coronamento di tutto ciò. L’entità della pena, in particolare, è la sintesi di questo pre-giudizio e svela l’infondatezza del principio che ha aleggiato, anche sulla stampa, intorno al processo: Lucano ha sbagliato, magari a fin di bene, ma ha violato la legge e dunque deve essere condannato. Non è questo il caso. L’intervento giudiziario presenta sempre ampi margini di discrezionalità, cioè di scelta. Le pene previste per i reati variano da un minimo a un massimo, spesso con una forbice assai ampia, e la loro determinazione va effettuata dal giudice tenendo conto della gravità del fatto e delle caratteristiche del condannato; non solo, esistono attenuanti e cause di esclusione della punibilità legate a giudizi che è il giudice a dover formulare interpretando i princìpi fondamentali dell’ordinamento. La stessa interpretazione delle norme, lungi dall’essere un sillogismo formalistico simile a un gioco enigmistico, è un’operazione che implica giudizi di valore, bilanciamento di princìpi, opzioni culturali. Il riferimento alla discrezionalità sta a significare che, al di là dei (limitati) casi di patologie, ciò che viene in discussione allorché si valutano i provvedimenti giudiziari non è la loro legittimità formale ma la congruità delle interpretazioni adottate e delle scelte operate nell’ambito di una pluralità di opzioni possibili. Orbene, la pena scelta dai giudici per Lucano è quasi doppia rispetto a quella, già abnorme, richiesta dal pubblico ministero e superiore a quelle inflitte ai responsabili di “mafia capitale” e a Luca Traini per il raid razzista di Macerata del 3 febbraio 2018, pur qualificato come strage: ▻https://volerelaluna.it/controcanto/2018/02/04/buio-mezzogiorno-terrorismo-macerata). Difficile negare che vi sia in ciò un che di eccessivo, inadeguato, vessatorio.
Resta da chiedersi il perché di tutto questo. La risposta è, in realtà, agevole. Riace è stata, nel panorama nazionale, un unicum. Altri paesi e altre città hanno accolto migranti, anche in misura maggiore e con risultati altrettanto positivi. Ma Riace non si è limitata ad accogliere e a integrare. L’accoglienza è diventata il cuore di un progetto comprensivo di molti elementi profondamente innovativi: la pratica di una solidarietà gratuita, l’impegno concreto contro la ‘ndrangheta, un modo di gestire le istituzioni vicino alle persone e da esse compreso, il rilancio di uno dei tanti luoghi destinati all’abbandono e a un declino inarrestabile. Incredibilmente, quel progetto, pur tra molte difficoltà, è riuscito. La forza di Riace è stata la sua anomalia. La capacità di rompere con gli schemi formali e le ottusità burocratiche. Il trovare soluzioni ai problemi delle persone anche nella latitanza o nel boicottaggio di altre istituzioni. E poi, l’elezione di Lucano per tre mandati consecutivi è stata la dimostrazione che l’accoglienza può generare consenso, che si possono tenere insieme gli ultimi e i penultimi, che c’è un’alternativa allo status quo. Tutto questo non poteva essere tollerato nell’Italia dei predicatori di odio, degli sprechi, della corruzione, dell’arrivismo politico, della convivenza con le mafie, dell’egoismo localistico, del rifiuto del diverso. Da qui la reazione dell’establishment, le ispezioni e il taglio dei fondi, la delegittimazione e l’invocazione (a sproposito) della legalità, il processo e l’arresto di Lucano e, infine, la sua condanna.
In questo intervento normalizzatore la magistratura ha avuto un ruolo decisivo. Non è la prima volta che accade. È avvenuto e avviene, con riferimento a comportamenti e movimenti che si discostano dai desiderata del pensiero dominante, con preoccupante frequenza, da Torino a Catania, da Trieste a Reggio Emilia (▻https://volerelaluna.it/controcanto/2021/04/07/la-democrazia-autoritaria-che-e-dietro-langolo), ma la cosa, lungi dall’essere una giustificazione, rende ancor più necessaria una presa di distanza critica. Nei momenti di crisi sociale ed economica – come quello che attraversiamo – la tendenza dei magistrati ad allinearsi alle politiche d’ordine è fortissima. Talora inarrestabile, nonostante le eccezioni e le resistenze, anche interne al corpo giudiziario. È in questa cultura che si colloca la vicenda giudiziaria di Domenico Lucano, spia di una deriva di cui dovrebbe occuparsi chi si preoccupa dello stato della giustizia, troppo spesso immerso nelle distrazioni di massa veicolate dai vari Palamara e dai loro epigoni.
▻https://volerelaluna.it/in-primo-piano/2021/10/01/non-e-giustizia
#tribunal #procès
"La condanna di Mimmo Lucano è scandalosa. Frutto di settarismo giudiziario"
Il filosofo del diritto #Luigi_Ferrajoli: «Sentenza vergognosa e iniqua. Sull’accoglienza ci stiamo giocando l’identità del Paese»
“Qui non ci troviamo davanti alla mera applicazione del principio dura lex, sed lex. Questa sentenza colpisce un modello, quello dell’accoglienza, e non si spiega in alcun modo”. È netto e radicale Luigi Ferrajoli - filosofo del diritto, professore emerito all’Università di Roma 3 ed ex magistrato - mentre commenta con Huffpost la sentenza nei confronti dell’ex sindaco di Riace, Mimmo Lucano. Una pena pesantissima: 13 anni e 2 mesi. “Tutto il mondo giuridico si aspettava una condanna mite, o addirittura l’assoluzione. Questo dispositivo è incredibile. Ma da un punto di vista tecnico non deve stupire che sia potuto arrivare”, aggiunge il professore, che domani terrà una lectio magistralis dal titolo Diritti umani e diritto disumano, durante un convegno organizzato da Magistratura democratica e dall’Associazione studi giuridici per l’immigrazione. Con Lucano il diritto è stato disumano? “Sì, anche se il tema - ci risponde - è stato pensato molto prima di questa sentenza. Il termine disumano si riferisce alla nostra legislazione sull’immigrazione. Che dimentica che migrare è un diritto universale”.
Professore, possiamo dire che, nel caso della sentenza su Mimmo Lucano, ci troviamo di fronte a un caso di conflitto tra legge e morale, tra legalità e giustizia?
Ma per carità. Questa sentenza è vergognosa, direi scandalosa. Non si spiega in alcun modo se non con la volontà di attaccare questa forma di integrazione sociale dei migranti, il modello Riace, appunto. Io trovo che da questo dispositivo, espressione di una forma di settarismo giudiziario, possa derivare anche un danno al senso morale del Paese,
A questa affermazione, però, il giudice potrebbe tranquillamente rispondere che ha solo applicato la legge.
Non è questo il caso, non c’era solo un modo per interpretare ed applicare le norme. Chiunque abbia una qualche minima esperienza di processi sa benissimo che i giudici dispongono di un’enorme discrezionalità giudiziaria, sia nell’interpretazione della legge che nella valutazione dei fatti e delle prove; e che dunque era ben possibile una pronuncia diversa, quanto meno nella determinazione della pena: quasi il doppio della pena già incredibilmente alta chiesta dal pubblico ministero. Si poteva, tanto per cominciare, concedere come circostanza attenuante l’aver agito per motivi di particolare valore morale o sociale, del resto Lucano ha solo aiutato della povera gente. Invece la scelta è stata un’altra.
Ma allora come è stata possibile una condanna tanto dura?
Non dobbiamo essere sorpresi per il fatto che tecnicamente, da un punto di vista burocratico, sia possibile. La legislazione italiana è così confusa, contraddittoria, pletorica, che è facile far ricadere su un cittadino un’accusa molto pesante. Nel caso specifico non è stato fatto valere il vincolo della continuazione tra reati e ciò ha comportato il fatto che le pene per ciascun illecito siano state sommate. Ma al di là degli aspetti tecnici, la cosa più grave è che questo tipo di decisioni rischiano di produrre un consenso di massa nei confronti della disumanità quando, invece, uno dei principi fondanti di una democrazia è il rispetto reciproco, la solidarietà.
La portata sociale di questa decisione è enorme. Dobbiamo però ricordare che delle irregolarità nella gestione nel modello Riace - celebrato in tutto il mondo - ci sono state. Le ha ammesse lo stesso Lucano.
Certo, è immaginabile che la mancanza di cultura giuridica lo abbia portato a commettere degli illeciti. Però, vede, la decisione di un giudice deve basarsi anche sulla comprensione del fatto, deve tenere conto del suo contesto. Sotto questo aspetto, la sentenza di ieri è decisamente iniqua, oltre che un segno dei tempi orrendi che stiamo vivendo. Mi lasci dire che i giudici hanno espresso la personale volontà di penalizzare quel modello d’accoglienza.
Luigi Manconi oggi su La Stampa sostiene che la giustizia con questo verdetto si è mostrata scollata dalla realtà. Condivide?
Ovvio. E aggiungo una cosa: qui ci stiamo giocando l’identità democratica del nostro Paese. Anzi, di tutta l’Unione europea. Da un lato riempiamo le Carte di principi sulla dignità della persona, dall’altro facciamo morire la gente in mare e, con una sentenza del genere, è come se volessimo dire che è sbagliato accogliere i migranti e integrarli. Ecco perché io spero che questa decisione, che sta già producendo indignazione e sconcerto, sia modificata in appello.
▻https://www.huffingtonpost.it/entry/la-condanna-di-lucano-frutto-di-settarismo-giudiziario_it_615726c3e4b
+COSA È SUCCESSO A LUCANO+
Lucano nel 2018 viene accusato dalla Procura di Locri di truccare gli appalti della raccolta di rifiuti e di organizzare matrimoni di comodo.
Il PM chiede gli arresti, ma la misura che viene concessa è un banale divieto di dimora.
Dovrebbe già sembrare strano in un Paese dove nel 90% dei casi i Gip copiano e incollano i provvedimenti suggeriti dai PM, ma ciò che impressiona sono le motivazioni del diniego:
il Gip afferma che «buona parte dell’indagine è basata su congetture, errori procedurali e inesattezze» e che «le ipotesi sono così vaghe e generiche da rendere il capo d’imputazione inidoneo a rappresentare una contestazione»!!!
Lucano impugna comunque anche questa misura.
La Cassazione si esprime ancora più duramente e finisce di distruggere l’impianto accusatorio.
Nelle motivazioni di annullamento della misura del divieto di dimora il Giudice Supremo dice che:
«mancano indizi di comportamenti fraudolenti che Domenico Lucano avrebbe materialmente posto in essere per assegnare alcuni servizi, (a due cooperative) dato che le delibere e gli atti di affidamento
sono stati adottati con collegialità e con i prescritti pareri di regolarità tecnica e contabile da parte dei rispettivi responsabili del servizio interessato».
La Cassazione precisa che «è la legge che consente l’affidamento diretto di appalti in favore delle cooperative sociali finalizzate all’inserimento lavorativo delle persone svantaggiate a condizione che gli importi del servizio siano inferiori alla soglia comunitaria».
Ma è sull’accusa di combinare matrimoni di comodo che la Cassazione scrive il meglio, aggiungendo che essa «poggia sulle incerte basi di un quadro di riferimento fattuale non solo sfornito di significativi e precisi elementi di riscontro ma, addirittura,
escluso da qualsiasi contestazione formalmente elevata in sede cautelare».
Dopo una figura così il Pm dovrebbe pensare seriamente a cambiare mestiere.
E invece la Procura di Locri, fa finta di nulla, non si arrende e ripropone le stesse identiche accuse al Gup per chiedere il rinvio a giudizio.
+++++++ ATTENZIONE +++++++
La Procura non reitera le indagini, né prende nella minima considerazione gli argomenti di Gip e Cassazione, ma si limita a riproporre le stesse accuse sapendo che sul rinvio a giudizio si esprimerà un giudice diverso.
In sostanza LA PROCURA SE NE SBATTE di Gip e Cassazione (gente stupida che passa per lì caso) e tenta la fortuna, come si fa al luna park.
Stavolta gli va bene PERCHÉ ANCHE IL GUP SE NE SBATTE e nel 2019 rinvia Lucano a giudizio PER TUTTI I CAPI D’ACCUSA.
Sappiamo come finisce primo grado.
Il Tribunale di Locri condanna Lucano a 13 anni. 13 anni per due appalti e qualche matrimonio.
++++++++++ERGO++++++++++
Non un pirla su Twitter, non un tifoso, non un intellettuale del Pd, NON UNO CHE NON HA LETTO LE CARTE, MA GIP E CASSAZIONE SONO DEI POVERI STRONZI LA CUI OPINIONE CONTA ZERO, perché Procura e Tribunale di Locri dicono così.
QUESTO È QUELLO CHE È SUCCESSO A MIMMO LUCANO.
Non altro.
LE SENTENZE SI RISPETTANO SE IL GIUDICE CHE LE PRONUNCIA CONOSCE IL SUO MESTIERE.
(End)
▻https://twitter.com/luciodigaetano/status/1443680229621387266
Pro-Refugee Mayor Mimmo Lucano Is Being Jailed, But He Has Justice on His Side
Mimmo Lucano is famous as the Italian mayor who rejuvenated his long-abandoned town by allowing refugees to live in empty homes. Yesterday, he was sentenced to thirteen years in jail for the crime of helping human beings in need.
Riace in southern Italy may be a small town, but during Domenico “Mimmo” Lucano’s spell as mayor it became famous around the world. In the postwar decades, the number of people living in this Calabrian settlement had slumped from 2,500 to just 400, not least because of locals emigrating in search of work. Yet under Lucano’s leadership, Riace became known as a “model” of integration. Empty homes were loaned to refugees, Italian classes were offered to children, and jobs and public works were created to breathe life back into the town.
Mimmo Lucano’s solidarity efforts were also deeply political, in an era in which xenophobic nationalism has come to dominate Italian politics. A target for the far right throughout his spell as mayor from 2004 onward, he was ultimately arrested in 2018, while far-right Matteo Salvini was interior minister. This Thursday, a court in Locri sentenced him to thirteen years and two months in prison for “aiding and abetting illegal immigration” and related charges.
In this article, philosopher Donatella Di Cesare writes of the shock that the verdict has produced in Italy, and the use of the legal system to issue a punishment that has nothing to do with justice.
–-
There are sentences which, beyond being unjust, and thus more than questionable, openly defy justice and our sense of what is fair, what is right, what ought to be. The verdict passed by the judges in Locri was not issued “in the name of the Italian people,” a large part of which is instead in shock and deeply angered today. Rather, this is a shameful conviction delivered by a repressive and xenophobic nation-state, which has for some time already been waging an undeclared war on migrants under the banner of sovereigntism and closed borders.
Various means have been deployed in this conflict: sequestering NGO rescue boats, indiscriminate pushbacks, having people tortured in Libyan camps, and leaving them to die at sea. But also striking against those citizens who won’t accept being complicit and who help those who arrive here. This is the context in which we should read the thirteen-year-long prison sentence against Mimmo Lucano — an eminently political decision. Not only because it is double the length of jail time sought by the prosecution, not only because it is the same as the sentence handed down to Luca Traini, the fascist who shot “blacks” (in the Macerata attack, which took place just weeks before the 2018 general election) or the sentence handed down to a member of the ’Ndranghetà (Calabrian mafia) with several crimes behind him. But also because it is an explicit message against anyone who dares to imitate his example in the future. The message is that those who welcome migrants are criminals.
And yet the question goes even further than migrant reception. To understand this, we should briefly look back to that summer day two decades ago when a sailboat heading from the Turkish coast was spotted at sea. Its cargo: Kurdish refugees who had escaped persecution. That was in July 1998. Suddenly, the forgotten town of Riace, stuck in the postwar decades, almost emptied out by emigration, asleep and resigned to the diktats of the world’s most powerful mafia, woke up to new life. The school reopened, the streets of the village were repopulated, abandoned houses were restored, and sales resumed in the shops.
Lucano, who had himself been an emigrant for some years, founded the #Città_Futura association upon his return home. It was inspired by the utopia of #Tommaso_Campanella, the philosopher who was born in Stilo (just a few miles from Riace) and died in Paris in 1634, after years of trials and imprisonment. Lucano was guided by the idea of overcoming private property. Riace became a common good for foreigners and residents. Countless initiatives were taken under the banner of this policy. Old houses in the village were given on loan to asylum seekers, while commercial activities were self-managed. The benefits were enjoyed by all. In 2001, Riace was the first municipality, together with Trieste, to introduce the system of accoglienza diffusa — migrants being welcomed into the homes of citizens across the territory. It soon crossed borders and the “Riace model” attracted attention everywhere. In 2010, director Wim Wenders celebrated it in his short film Il Volo. Lucano has received countless awards everywhere. In 2016, Fortune magazine listed him among the world’s fifty most important and symbolic political leaders. Riace became a point of reference for activists, intellectuals, and artists.
In 2017, as a threatening sovereigntist wind was picking up, first from Democratic Party interior minister Marco Minniti and then from Lega leader Matteo Salvini, a devious plan began to take shape, seeking to dismantle everything that had been built up in Riace. Funding for the municipality was cut, and Lucano, who had been mayor for three terms, was arrested and had numerous charges leveled against him. Two are worth noting that are especially serious, and telling: one, having facilitated the collection of waste by two cooperatives that employed immigrants; and two, having helped a Nigerian woman, whose child was seriously ill, to receive a residence permit through marriage. If there is talk of fraud, those who know Mimmo Lucano know of his honesty, his enormous sacrifices, his life of toil and hardship. Faced with the accusation of “aiding and abetting illegal immigration,” Lucano said: “If it is a crime to help those in difficulty, I plead guilty.”
Unfortunately, the consequences of the Locri verdict could be devastating both for Riace, where very little remains of the model that made the town famous far and wide, and for Mimmo Lucano, who, with understandable bitterness, said he was “dead inside.” Those enemy judges are defying all of us and our sense of justice. This sentence is a wound to justice itself, which goes far beyond the legalism of a miserable judicial system. Mimmo Lucano is not an outlaw, but an exemplary citizen who has always acted in the name of justice. Now, it’s up to us to respond to this shameful sentence with a mobilization of solidarity with Riace and with Mimmo.
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/10/italy-mimmo-lucano-raice-immigration-imprisonment-far-right
Crise migratoire : en Italie, le maire de Riace condamné à une lourde peine de prison
Domenico Lucano, le maire qui a fait renaître un petit village de Calabre en y accueillant des dizaines de migrants, a écopé de treize ans et deux mois de prison, à la grande satisfaction de l’extrême-droite italienne.
▻https://www.liberation.fr/resizer/Is6IFaISgpq-tnzJCbSKwIARtqA=/800x0/filters:format(jpg):quality(70)/cloudfront-eu-central-1.images.arcpublishing.com/liberation/UUTAPVMERZAZZIWYN7CKWNPUQI.jpg
En réclamant six ans de réclusion à l’encontre de Domenico « Mimmo » Lucano, l’ancien maire de Riace, célèbre pour avoir transformé son petit village de Calabre en refuge pour les migrants, le procureur de Locri avait demandé une punition exemplaire. Allant bien au-delà de la requête de la magistrature, le tribunal a finalement condamné l’ancien élu de gauche à treize ans et deux mois de réclusion.
Un verdict de plomb réservé généralement aux complices de Cosa nostra ou aux grands criminels. Mimmo Lucano était, lui, accusé d’escroquerie, d’abus de biens sociaux, de fraude aux dépens de l’Etat et d’aide à l’immigration clandestine. Dans son petit bourg méridional de 1 900 âmes, il se serait notamment passé d’appel d’offres pour attribuer la gestion des ordures ou encore aurait organisé des « mariages de convenance » afin d’aider des femmes déboutées du droit d’asile à rester en Italie. Alors que « l’enrichissement personnel » a été exclu par les enquêteurs, il a été également condamné à restituer 500 000 euros reçus de l’Union européenne et du gouvernement italien.
« Sentence extravagante »
« C’est extrêmement dur », a commenté l’intéressé à l’annonce de la sentence. « J’ai passé ma vie à défendre des idéaux, à me battre contre les mafias. Je me suis toujours mis du côté des déshérités, des réfugiés qui ont débarqué. J’ai imaginé que je pouvais contribuer à la rédemption de ma terre. Je dois prendre acte que c’est fini. » Ses avocats ont immédiatement annoncé qu’ils feraient appel, en dénonçant « une sentence extravagante et exorbitante qui contraste totalement avec les évidences du procès ».
Dans son livre autobiographique publié l’an dernier (Grâce à eux, comment les migrants ont sauvé mon village, ed. Buchet Chastel), Domenico Lucano avait admis avoir pu commettre des erreurs bureaucratiques mais il s’étonnait : « Comment était-il possible que, de notre action, les institutions ne retiennent que les petites irrégularités administratives ? Comment pouvait-on passer sous silence tous les points forts de notre projet, ceux-là mêmes qui l’avait fait qualifier de « modèle » par tant de personnes en Italie et au delà ? » A partir de sa première élection en 2004, Riace est en effet devenu un exemple d’intégration, l’arrivée de centaines de migrants permettant de relancer le développement et les emplois du village dépeuplé. Ce qui a déclenché les foudres de l’extrême-droite, le leader de la Ligue Matteo Salvini traitant Lucano de « zéro » et repoussant l’idée que « le développement des villages de Calabre, de Sardaigne ou de Lombardie à travers l’immigration de masse soit un futur pour l’Italie ».
Dans son réquisitoire au procès, le procureur avait cherché à éviter le terrain politique : « Ceci n’est pas le procès à l’objectif noble et réel de l’accueil. […] L’enquête a concerné la mauvaise gestion des projets d’accueil et les vraies victimes sont les immigrés eux-mêmes, vu qu’ils n’ont reçu que les miettes des financements de l’Etat. » Mais la peine démesurée rendue jeudi a immédiatement ranimé la bataille entre la gauche italienne, qui défend l’ancien maire de Riace, et la droite xénophobe. Des mobilisations en soutien à Mimmo Lucano sont prévues dans les prochains jours. « La gauche présente des candidats qui sont condamnés à treize ans de prison », a de son côté ironisé Matteo Salvini en référence aux élections régionales de Calabre de ce week-end, où l’ancien édile de Riace est tête de liste.
▻https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/crise-migratoire-en-italie-le-maire-de-riace-condamne-a-une-lourde-peine-
Quanti sono 13 anni? Una vita. Anzi, tante...
Da giurista vi spiego perché la condanna a Mimmo Lucano è oggettivamente abnorme
Il tribunale per arrivare a 13 anni e 2 mesi ha aumentato la pena base per il peculato (4 anni) quasi fino al triplo, cioè nella misura massima consentita e senza riconoscere attenuanti, sebbene Lucano sia incensurato,
Cosa possiamo capire leggendo il dispositivo della sentenza contro Mimmo Lucano? Come si è giunti ad irrogargli una condanna di 13 anni e 2 mesi (quasi il doppio di quanto chiesto dall’accusa)? Quali gli elementi emersi contro di lui dal dibattimento?
Sono questi gli interrogativi che, all’indomani di un verdetto definito da molti sproporzionato e abnorme ed in attesa di leggere le motivazioni, tutti si pongono.
Lucano è stato assolto dal reato di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e dagli altri reati ad esso collegati, ma è stato condannato per alcune ipotesi di falsità in certificazioni e per i reati contro la pubblica amministrazione, la fede pubblica ed il patrimonio (peculato, abuso d’ufficio, truffa e turbativa d’asta), associazione a delinquere. Su questi reati, il collegio non sembra aver tenuto conto delle considerazioni fatte prima dal TAR e poi dal Consiglio di Stato nell’accogliere il ricorso proposto contro la revoca dei finanziamenti pubblici al comune di Riace.
outstream
Lucano è stato ritenuto promotore di un’associazione per delinquere: un capo anomalo, dato che è emerso dalle stesse dichiarazioni del comandante della GdF che non si sia mai messo in tasca un solo euro e che abbia ostinatamente rifiutato qualsiasi altro ipotetico tornaconto, come diverse candidature politiche.
Di più, sia il GIP, che aveva adottato la misura cautelare nei suoi confronti in relazione all’accusa di turbativa d’asta, sia il Riesame, che aveva annullato la misura parlando di «quadro indiziario inconsistente», avevano affermato che le accuse di peculato e di abuso d’ufficio non trovavano alcun riscontro nelle indagini.
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L’accusa di turbativa d’asta, poi, ha dell’inverosimile: la condotta illecita consiste, secondo i giudici, nell’aver affidato un servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti a due cooperative non iscritte nell’albo provinciale previsto dal Testo Unico, albo che - come è emerso - non esisteva.
Che dire, poi, della quantificazione della pena? Il Tribunale ha escluso l’unicità di disegno criminoso (continuazione) tra le due tipologie di reati ed ha sommato le pene inflitte per ciascun gruppo (10 anni e 4 mesi + 2 anni e 6 mesi). Lo ha fatto aumentando la pena base per il peculato (4 anni) quasi fino al triplo, cioè nella misura massima consentita e senza riconoscergli alcuna attenuante, sebbene Lucano sia incensurato, tanto meno quelle generiche che sarebbero state pienamente giustificate dalla comprovata finalità di accoglienza che nessuna prova, nel corso del processo, ha mai smentito.
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Un trattamento sanzionatorio ancor più abnorme, se soltanto si considera che le attenuanti generiche sono state frequentemente riconosciute per reati efferati, come omicidi e violenze carnali.
Il quadro che emerge da questa condanna è quello di un’esasperazione intransigente di una condotta che, tentando di superare i formalismi manichei della burocrazia e la colpevole inerzia di uno Stato latitante, miri a realizzare un sistema di accoglienza e solidarietà che proprio lo Stato dovrebbe garantire.
▻https://www.globalist.it/news/2021/10/02/da-giurista-vi-spiego-perche-la-condanna-a-mimmo-lucano-e-oggettivamente-a
Communiqué de presse - Soutien à Mimmo Lucano face à une sentence démesurée
Ce 30 septembre 2021, l’ancien maire de Riace (Italie), Mimmo Lucano, a été condamné en première instance à 13 ans et 2 mois d’emprisonnement, le reconnaissant coupable « d’association de malfaiteurs visant à aider à l’immigration clandestine, d’escroquerie, de détournement de fonds et d’abus de fonction ».
Si les erreurs administratives commises sont incontestables, la lourdeur de la sentence semble démesurée. Le procureur de Locri lui-même requérait quasiment moitié moins, soit 7 ans et 11 mois. Si le parquet affirme vouloir éviter le terrain politique (« Ceci n’est pas le procès à l’objectif noble et réel de l’accueil »[2]), nous, collectivités territoriales et élu·es membres de l’Association Nationale des Villes et Territoires Accueillants (ANVITA), affirmons que cette sentence lourde et démesurée est bien au contraire politique et qu’elle illustre, à nouveau, un procès de l’hospitalité.
Notre réseau appelle à un soutien large à Mimmo Lucano, à son noble combat pour l’accueil digne des personnes. L’ancien maire de Riace a non seulement accueilli inconditionnellement, mais a également permis de redynamiser son village et de démontrer que cet accueil est possible, mais aussi bénéfique pour nos territoires[3].
Hier Cédric Herroux, Pierre-Alain Mannoni, Martine Landry et tant d’autres en France et ailleurs, aujourd’hui Mimmo Lucano en Italie, les condamnations contre les solidaires doivent cesser. La question de l’hospitalité ne doit plus peser sur une condamnation.
L’ANVITA condamne toutes les atteintes à la solidarité, visant des personnes ayant aidé et accueilli, alors qu’une crise européenne de l’accueil entre les pays de l’Union européenne s’est installée et empêche, encore aujourd’hui, les collectivités territoriales d’accueillir dignement les personnes en situation de vulnérabilité.
▻https://www.anvita.fr/fr/nos-actualites/view/communique-de-presse-soutien-a-mimmo-lucano-face-a-une-sentence-demesuree
Impératif de solidarité
Pendant quinze ans, Domenico « Mimmo » Lucano a redonné vie à sa bourgade calabraise de Riace, dans l’extrême sud de l’Italie, en accueillant dignement les migrantes et les migrants tout juste débarqué·es d’Afghanistan, du Kurdistan, d’Erythrée ou du Nigeria. Dans cette région aux prises avec la mafia et oubliée de Rome, Riace est devenue, sous la férule de son maire et avec l’aide de l’Union européenne, un exemple de développement et d’intégration, où plusieurs centaines de réfugié·es vivaient, créaient, travaillaient parmi quelque 1500 « indigènes ». Les rues du village ont repris vie, l’école communale a rouvert, et l’inexorable exode vers les villes a été freiné.
Constamment réélu depuis 2004, « Mimmo », lui-même ancien migrant, incarnait loin à la ronde un engagement social pragmatique et efficient, au point d’attirer les regards du Courrier, de Forbes ou encore de Wim Wenders. Le 30 septembre, un tribunal calabrais de première instance l’a pourtant condamné à plus de treize ans de prison ferme.
Plus zélée que le procureur, la Cour de Locri a appuyé sa sentence sur les libertés prises par le maire à l’égard des règles de la concurrence, afin de favoriser des coopératives locales de migrant·es. Des mariages auraient également été arrangés. Des charges bien légères – aucun enrichissement n’a été mis en évidence – en regard de la macro-enquête menée contre lui depuis 2017. Et surtout en regard de la peine infligée.
Le crime de « Mimmo » est bien sûr tout autre : Riace a prouvé des années durant que la solidarité entre pauvres – d’Italie et d’ailleurs – est plus féconde que la peur et le rejet. Qu’une autre politique migratoire, volontariste, ouverte et généreuse serait possible, et souhaitable pour le plus grand-nombre. Un précédent dangereux pour celles et ceux qui font commerce des ressentiments.
Matteo Salvini l’a bien compris, et le chef de la Lega a fait de Domenico Lucano l’une de ses cibles favorites. En automne 2018, le politicien d’extrême droite était d’ailleurs à la tête du Ministère de l’intérieur lorsque le maire de Riace était arrêté, suspendu de ses fonctions, placé aux arrêts domiciliaires, avant d’être interdit de séjour dans sa propre commune ! Aux municipales de 2019, la Lega parvient à ses fins, elle remporte la mairie calabraise désertée par « Mimmo ».
Deux ans plus tard et après le terrible jugement de Locri, il semble plus urgent que jamais de refaire de Riace un symbole. Celui de la résistance à une justice indigne et politisée mais aussi à l’avancée d’une pensée politique, elle, réellement criminelle. Qui lorsqu’elle aura terminé de déshumaniser les migrant·es s’attaquera à chacun·e d’entre nous.
Domenico Lucano : quand accueillir dignement devient un délit
Depuis sa condamnation le 30 septembre à 13 ans et deux mois de prison, les manifestations de soutien en faveur de Domenico Lucano, ancien maire du village de Riace en Calabre, se multiplient en Italie et ailleurs. Alors que la politique d’accueil menée par « Mimmo » Lucano avait fait de Riace et de son maire les symboles d’un projet de société alternative, fondé sur l’entraide, sa condamnation est largement perçue comme une énième attaque contre la solidarité avec les personnes migrantes.
Si le détail de la décision du tribunal de Locri n’est pas connu, puisqu’elle n’a pas encore été rendue publique, on sait qu’aucune accusation liée à l’aide à l’immigration irrégulière n’a finalement été retenue contre Mimmo Lucano (▻https://www.asgi.it/asilo-e-protezione-internazionale/riace-costituzione). Derrière ce jugement, il faut lire la volonté de faire prévaloir une politique orientée vers la gestion d’urgence, négligeant le parcours d’intégration des personnes migrantes rendu possible avec le modèle alternatif et inclusif que proposait l’ancien maire à Riace. Il est possible que Mimmo soit responsable de failles dans la gestion administrative du dispositif qu’il a mis en place, en essayant d’adapter les contraintes du système national d’accueil à une réalité locale spécifique, caractérisée par une situation socio-économique particulière. Mais, lorsque le procureur de Locri le traite de « bandit idéaliste de western » en allant jusqu’à faire référence à la mafia, non seulement il place ces irrégularités au même plan que de graves infractions criminelles mais, en plus, il laisse entendre que le maire de Riace serait un ennemi de l’État, au seul motif qu’il contestait la politique de non-accueil mise en place par les gouvernements italiens successifs.
La condamnation de Mimmo Lucano est bel et bien un #jugement_politique. Parce qu’elle sanctionne, au-delà de ce qui est imaginable, une expérience alternative de société, de communauté, qui va à l’encontre de celle que voudrait imposer une droite xénophobe et souverainiste.
L’accueil des personnes exilées à Riace allait au-delà d’un objectif purement humanitaire. En l’organisant, Domenico Lucano a voulu démontrer qu’il était tout à fait possible de construire un modèle de #cohabitation viable dans un contexte socio-économique difficile, à l’opposé de la vision étatique qui ne conçoit cet accueil qu’au prisme de l’assistance et de l’exclusion, minimisant voire ignorant l’autonomie des personnes migrantes.
Si Mimmo est coupable, c’est d’avoir mis en échec, par son expérience alternative empreinte d’un idéal de justice et d’égalité, la logique d’un État qui discrimine et sépare, qui marginalise et exclut.
Le réseau Migreurop exprime tout son soutien et son respect à M. Lucano qui, par le courage et l’énergie dont il a fait preuve toutes ces années, n’a poursuivi d’autre objectif que la réalisation d’un projet « utopique » de progrès social, d’intégration, de respect de l’autre. Il appelle toutes et tous à rejeter le signal alarmant envoyé par la justice italienne, qui voudrait faire croire qu’on ne peut penser la migration qu’en termes de contrôle et de sécurité. Il invite les élu.e.s locaux à poursuivre l’action de Mimmo afin de créer de véritables « villes accueillantes » (▻https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6315), remparts contre les politiques d’inhospitalité de l’Union européenne et de ses États membres.
Juin 2022, le #procès en appel s’ouvre...
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/963112
Publié en décembre 2021 :
Accueil des réfugiés : un maire italien condamné à 13 ans de prison
Il avait fait de son petit village italien « une terre d’accueil » pour les réfugiés. Il a été condamné à 13 ans de prison pour avoir favorisé l’immigration clandestine. Pour Brut, l’ancien maire de Riace Domenico Lucano raconte pourquoi il a mené ce combat.
▻https://www.brut.media/fr/international/accueil-des-refugies-un-maire-italien-condamne-a-13-ans-de-prison-ded48782-8
We Don’t Need Elon Musk to Explore the Solar System
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/05/elon-musk-space-exploration-mars-colonization
The real business of SpaceX was never a Martian colony but rather servicing a mature satellite market, stealing government space contracts from the likes of Boeing, and kicking off a terrestrial rocket transport sector. The dream of Mars is, in this case, not really any different from the adman’s fiction of romance and aspiration that sells a can of Pepsi or a Jeep.
We Should Be Very Worried About Joe Biden’s “Domestic Terrorism” Bill
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/01/joe-biden-domestic-terrorism-bill-capitol-building
Joe Biden used to brag that he practically wrote the Patriot Act, the Bush-era law that massively increased government surveillance powers. Now he’s hoping to pass a further “domestic terrorism” law once in office. The danger is real that the January 6 Capitol attack will be used as an excuse to severely curtail our civil liberties. Nearly two decades since its initial passage in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the Patriot Act has continued to linger in our collective memory. Though few (...)
#FBI #anti-terrorisme #BlackLivesMatter #PatriotAct #surveillance #ACLU
Une histoire de réseau
Wobblies of the World, Unite
True to its name, the Industrial Workers of the World spanned the globe — an international history that has long been forgotten.
Even Americans familiar with labor history might be surprised by the slogan of the Congress of South African Trade Unions: “An injury to one is an injury to all.” More commonly associated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the motto was likely brought to South Africa by IWW members (“Wobblies”) shortly after the revolutionary union’s founding in 1905.
That the IWW was global enough to spread its phraseology across the Atlantic Ocean belies its popular conception, which tends to focus exclusively on the union’s organizing in the US. But the IWW’s revolutionary ideals found purchase among workers throughout the world, eventually gaining members in at least twenty countries on all six of the inhabited continents.
The IWW inspired activists in the Ghadr movement, which sought Indian independence from the British Empire. Its members interacted with Chinese republican revolutionaries led by Sun Yat-sen and the anarchists of the Partido Liberal Mexicano as well as its hero, Emiliano Zapata. Its ranks included everyone from socialist tribune Eugene Debs to Ghadr movement leader Pandurang Khankhoje to border-hopping migrant laborers in the American Southwest.
A new anthology, Wobblies of the World, explores the IWW’s rich international history for the first time. I recently spoke with coeditor Peter Cole about how the IWW fits into global labor history, what attracted disparate workers to the Wobblies, and why this aspect of the IWW has been overlooked for so long. Our discussion has been edited for clarity and brevity.
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/12/wobblies-of-the-world-peter-cole-iww
#IWW #industrial_workers_of_world #wobblies #syndicat #socialisme #histoire #Peter_Cole
In These Stunning Images, Ordinary Yugoslav Partisans Captured Their Revolution on Camera
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/07/yugoslavia-partisan-photography-red-light
In These Stunning Images, Ordinary Yugoslav Partisans Captured Their Revolution on Camera
By Davor Konjikušić
Most of the fighters who joined the partisan struggle in World War II Yugoslavia had never even held a camera, let alone considered themselves photographers. Yet organized efforts to create a “partisan photography” helped carry the image of their struggle to the masses — and showed that artistic production wasn’t just for professionals.
https://images.jacobinmag.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/06121424/Picture7_yugoslavia-900x600.png 
https://images.jacobinmag.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/06121855/Picture10_yugoslavia-541x675.png 
https://images.jacobinmag.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/06121929/Picture11_yugoslavia-900x621.png #WWII #jugoslavie #partisan #photographie #balkans #
“When You Arrest as Many People as We Do, You Cannot Protect Against Infectious Spread”
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/06/coronavirus-jails-prisons-cook-county-spread
About five million people nationally cycle through jails every year. Roughly 42 percent of them, according to an American Economic Review study that looks specifically at Philadelphia County and Miami-Dade County, will be proven innocent. And 95 percent nationally are taken to jail for nonviolent offenses — most of them for petty alleged crimes.
The Return of the Super-Elite
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/07/income-inequality-super-rich-economic-policy-institute
American economic inequality hit a historic peak in 1928, when the country’s richest 1 percent captured nearly a quarter of the nation’s total income. But now, in thirty American metro areas and five whole states, the 1 percent has broken that previous record — and in some cases has doubled it.
Economists Estelle Sommeiller and Mark Price released a paper last week through the Economic Policy Institute titled “The new gilded age: Income inequality in the U.S. by state, metropolitan area, and county.” Their research concludes that, on average, the income of America’s 1 percent is twenty-six times higher than the average of the bottom 99 percent.
Bill Gates’s Philanthropic Giving Is a Racket
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/04/bill-gates-foundation-philanthropy-microsoft
But Bill Gates and his foundation are the perfect picture of why this model of billionaire philanthropy is so flawed. Gates’s foundation was originally cooked up as a feel-good gloss to cover up his shredded reputation during Microsoft’s antitrust trial, putting him in the long tradition of obscenely rich people using the occasional generous gift to try justifying their enormous wealth and power.
Retour sur le parcours de #Bill_Gates #philanthrocapitalisme
Why Basic Income Failed in Finland
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/12/basic-income-finland-experiment-kela
Political maneuvers and bureaucratic resistance helped sink Finland’s widely watched basic income experiment. But the most important factor behind the policy’s demise was its uneasy relationship with widespread social norms about work and fairness.
C’était aussi une merde en-dessous de la ligne de flottaison, censée compléter des revenus du travail indécents pour que les entreprises n’aient pas tout « à charge »...
#libéralisme #Finlande #revenu_garanti
Democratize the Internet
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/12/democratize-internet-ramesh-srinivasan-bernie-sanders-google
We spoke to Ramesh Srinivasan, Bernie Sanders campaign surrogate and author of a new book on big tech companies, community-driven alternatives, and the battle for the future of the internet.
Pour un antispécisme débarrassé de Peter Singer
▻https://infokiosques.net/spip.php?article1710
Peter Singer serait « le “père” du mouvement moderne de la cause animale ». Ainsi, massivement cité et pris comme référence, la critique de ses travaux est rare, voire absente. Pourtant, ses théories utilitaristes autour des autres animaux sont, entre autres, anthropocentrées et validistes. Sur d’autres sujets tels que les exilé·es et la pauvreté, il défend des idées racistes et néocoloniales. S’il est autant connu, c’est entre autres grâce aux soutiens de plusieurs milliardaires, et il leur rend bien la pareille en développant une caution philosophique qui justifie leur fortune et le système capitaliste. C’est dans la volonté de démontrer ces éléments que ce texte a été écrit car il semble nécessaire de ne plus le citer à la légère. Ses théories sont, heureusement, moins présentes en France. Ne faisons pas (...)
#P #Antispécisme,_végétarisme #Infokiosque_fantôme_partout_ #Antinaturalisme
▻https://www.thelifeyoucansave.org/about-us
▻http://christianebailey.com/eventsevenements/singer-animal-liberation-40-critique
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com
▻https://www.adacil.org/princeton-university-protest
▻https://infokiosques.net/IMG/pdf/Pour_un_antispecisme_debarasse_de_Peter_Singer-36p-fil.pdf
▻https://infokiosques.net/IMG/pdf/Pour_un_antispecisme_debarasse_de_Peter_Singer-36p-cahier.pdf
The Right Has Power in Latin America, but No Plan
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/08/latin-america-united-states-donald-trump-right-wing
Across Latin America, the Right has swept to power. But its achievements pale in comparison to the Pink Tide — and it has no compelling vision for how to address the region’s challenges.
Invasion par la Turquie
Carte de l’offensive mise à jour régulièrement
►https://syria.liveuamap.com
The Annihilation of Rojava
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/10/rojava-syria-erdogan-turkey-united-states-military
A US withdrawal from Syria that cleared the way for the destruction of the Kurds’ radical democratic experiment would not serve the cause of peace — and it would not be a blow to US imperialism.
New education system was central to the Kurds’ Rojava Revolution in northern Syria – now it’s under attack
▻http://theconversation.com/new-education-system-was-central-to-the-kurds-rojava-revolution-in-
▻https://twitter.com/jdomerchet/status/1183610489693261825
@jdomerchet
Comme les États-Unis, la France retire ses Forces spéciales face à l’offensive turque. « Des mesures seront prises dans les prochaines heures pour assurer la sécurité des personnels français militaires et civils présents dans la zone » a annoncé l’Elysee cette nuit.
Les commentaires du tweet dénoncent le volte face de la france.
No Third Way for the Planet
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/05/third-way-environment-third-stage-environmental-defense-fund-neoliberali
An environmentalism that can actually save the planet must do battle with corporations. Mainstream environmental groups have done the opposite.
The #Gilets_Noirs Are in the Building
Paris’s tourist economy relies on a hidden army of undocumented migrants. But these workers are no longer happy to remain in the shadows — and their protests for regular status are drawing inspiration from the gilets jaunes.
On July 12, a collective of undocumented migrants (known in French as sans-papiers) occupied the Panthéon, a mausoleum and popular tourist site in Paris’s Latin Quarter. Calling themselves the gilets noirs, the collective has carried out occupations of several high-profile locations in recent weeks, even taking over a wing of the capital’s Charles de Gaulle airport.
Building on previous sans-papiers struggles (and, by their very name, the spirit of the gilets jaunes), the protesters have asserted a radical decolonial agenda. Their protests have highlighted their conditions as undocumented migrants in France but also the harm done by French business and military interference in their own (mostly African) homelands.
On July 20, the gilets noirs marched to demand justice for Adama Traoré, a 24-year-old who died in police custody in 2016. In this article appearing that day on Mediapart, Mathilde Mathieu and Rouguyata Sall explained how migrants who are usually reduced to the most invisible living and work conditions have begun to make their voices heard.
Trampled
After the gilets noirs occupied the Panthéon on July 12, the undocumented migrants’ collective found themselves surrounded and even outright trampled on by the police. Some of those arrested were handed “compulsory orders to leave French territory”; fifteen of them were detained, awaiting their expulsion.
But that wasn’t the whole story. This young movement of sans-papiers, which arose in November 2018 with the demand for mass regularizations, had long remained in a media blind spot. Now it claimed a “victory.”
This was, firstly, a “legal victory.” The fifteen people who were detained were all freed, thanks to the aid of a pool of “anti-repression” lawyers who had been mobilized in advance of the action. One participant was called back before the courts for “public indecency.”
But this was, above all, a “political victory.” For years, it seemed that undocumented workers’ struggles had been rendered invisible, as public debate instead polarized around the refugee question — that is, the matter of who had the right to asylum and who had what Interior Minister Christophe Castaner called the “vocation” to get back on the plane home.
Today, with the Panthéon occupation, the gilets noirs proclaim that “the fear has passed over to the other side.” Now counting in the hundreds, they address themselves to none other than the prime minister himself, refusing to be “managed by Castaner and the police prefects.”
On July 12, Prime Minister Édouard Philippe was indeed forced to react, faced with images of the (peaceful) occupation as well as the radical speeches — delivered over the tombs of Victor Hugo and Voltaire — with their talk of “France perpetuating slavery by other means.”
Galvanized, the gilets noirs have announced that fresh actions are coming soon. As one active member, Houssam, puts it, “we’re ready to take action — civil disobedience.”
Who Are the Gilets Noirs?
But what do the gilets noirs want to achieve? Why has their movement arisen now? And in what sense do they mark a change from more “traditional” sans-papiers collectives?
Fundamentally, their aims can be summarized as follows: “We are not just fighting for papers [to be regularized] but against the whole system that produces sans-papiers.” Houssam adds: “We want to destroy all the actors in the racist system, or at least go on the attack against them.” And they’re doing so with a kind of risk-taking that’s rarely been seen in recent years.
“We’ve already lived through hell in the Sahara and in Libya,” explains Camara — a well-known name in the movement, in a migrants’ hostel in Paris’s nineteenth arrondissement. “So, we won’t be giving up.” A Malian, he arrived in France only in September 2018 and is already working on building sites: “The employers pay us fifty euros a day, they profit. And if you ask for a Cerfa form [to present an application to the prefecture, requesting regularization on the basis of your work] they get rid of you and take someone else on instead. And so on and so forth.”
Camara’s not the only gilet noir bearing the scars of what was once the land of Gaddafi. In Libya, almost all migrants are thrown into detention cells and camps, and sometimes traded by Mafiosi, tortured, and reduced to slavery. Nor is Camara the only one who’s survived being cast off in a raft on the Mediterranean. The French authorities endeavor to distinguish the people on these rafts who are potential refugees and those who are “economic migrants.” Yet the raft-goers all show one same face: an expression of terror. After all this, should they then have to play a waiting game in France, hiding away and begging at their employers’ feet for “a Cerfa form”?
“The fear is over. If we don’t take risks, we won’t get anything,” insists Mamadou, a 21-year-old Malian who arrived in France in 2016 via Libya and Italy. Arrested in front of the Panthéon on July 12 and slapped with a “compulsory order to leave French territory” (the very first one he’s received in France), he was subsequently locked up in the Vincennes detention center before being released by a judge.
“I’ll be there for the next action,” Mamadou promises. “We don’t win rights just sitting at home.” His older brother Samba, employed in the building trade, will also participate: “On the building sites, in restaurants, in cleaning, there’s no one but sans-papiers working there. It’s time the prime minister listened to us. We’re a bigger sight than the #Panthéon!”
Kaba also took a big risk on July 12. A 24-year-old from Mauritania, she explains how she fled abuse and a forced marriage. After arriving in France less than two years ago, she saw her asylum application rejected by the Ofpra (the office responsible for granting or denying refugee status) and then the National Asylum Rights Court (in a case that is still on appeal). If she gets checked by police, a police prefect could decide that she will be subject to “forced displacement” (as the administrative euphemism puts it) within just two hours.
Kaba had already taken part in several gilets noirs actions, without getting arrested. The actions in which she participated included the one at Charles de Gaulle airport on May 19, in order to buttonhole the CEO of Air France (“the French state’s official deporter”) and the one on June 12 at the headquarters of the Elior Group, a specialist in collective catering with a reputation for hiring sans-papiers (who, a company spokesman claims, provide “aliases” when they sign up, i.e. the papers of some other person who does indeed have regularized status).
This time, in front of the Panthéon, “the police asked if I had papers, and I said no.” Kaba was taken to the police station, only to be released an hour and a half later without being given a “compulsory order to leave French territory.” According to her comrades, this was just another case of the reign of “arbitrary rules.”
“Thanks to the gilets noirs I’ve found work,” she points out — lining up cleaning and “garbage removal” jobs in offices from 5:30 AM to 8:30 AM, and then working afternoons for a perfume brand, for 500 to 700 euros a month. But what about the crackdown with which these actions meet? “We have no choice.”
Some of the gilets noirs even sleep in the street. Indeed, this a novelty of the movement: while the struggles of undocumented workers have traditionally been led by solidarity networks and by West Africans (Malians, Mauritanians, Senegalese people, etc.) boasting no few years in France, the gilets noirs also include Sudanese, Eritrean, or even Afghan migrants who have only just seen their asylum claims rejected, or even been “Dublinized” (that is, they risk being sent back to the first EU country where their fingerprints were taken — an application of the “Dublin agreement” on asylum).
“Among the gilets noirs there are new arrivals who are still looking for a place to put their suitcases,” confirms Anzoumane Sissoko — one of the spokespeople for the CSP 75 (a longstanding Paris sans-papier collective). “The only possibility they have is to accept any job going.” At a personal level, Sissoko — who has already been fighting for “eighteen years” — gives hearty support to the gilets noirs: “There’s 700 of them — if we joined together with the other collectives and unions, there’d be maybe 2,000 of us.”
Indeed, behind this movement, we find just two organizations: most importantly, La Chapelle Debout (“La Chapelle, Stand Up!”) — an association created in northern Paris in 2015 in order to help out migrants on the streets — and Droits devant !! (“Rights First!” — a pun on “Straight Ahead!”), an association founded by figures like popular scientist Albert Jacquard at the end of 1994, not long before the months-long occupation of the Saint-Bernard church by some 300 sans-papiers.
These two associations worked on their own, without either the “traditional” sans-papiers collectives (for years weakened by divisions, or even internecine struggles) or the unions who have engaged on these issues. They directly mobilized in the workers’ hostels, one by one (some forty such structures are already involved).
“Yes, we took a step back from some collectives (like the Union Nationale des Sans-Papiers, UNSP) who have lowered their ambitions and now settle for deals in the police prefectures to push a few people’s files under the radar, while losing sight of the goal of a general regularization,” reports Jean-Claude Amara, a longtime leading light in Droits devant !! (and co-founder of Droit au logement — Right to Housing). “This gave us more chance of taking forward steps.”
“It’s State Racism”
As one member of La Chapelle Debout insists, “Our aim is to smash the criteria of the Valls circular of 2012” (a circular issued by then-Interior Minister Manuel Valls, which defined the possible justifications for regularization in terms of employment or family and private life).
After the gilets noirs’ action outside the Comédie-Française theatre (one of their very first actions), in January they nonetheless sent a delegation to the Paris police prefecture — getting at least one regularization into the bargain. But after that, “case by case” measures were over.
This ruffled feathers among the classic actors in the sans-papiers movement. As one of them (wishing to remain anonymous) put it, “We found that a dynamic toward unity had been set in motion.” Since fall 2018, all kinds of collectives and union bodies have worked on combining their efforts, cooking up fresh actions for after the summer break. They have been mobilized both by former Interior Minister Gérard Collomb’s “asylum and immigration” law (promulgated in September 2018), with its battery of repressive measures, and by the lies the Right and far right have spread about the “Marrakesh pact” (a United Nations agreement on sharing refugees among different countries). But they have also been given fresh impulse by the gilets jaunes protests.
“We took part in meetings,” acknowledges Jean-Claude Amara of Droits devant !!. “There was, it seemed, a will to go beyond little demos that no longer worried anyone . . . But nothing came of it.”
“It’s a mistake not to work together,” laments Alioune Traoré — a representative of the UNSP. “Faced with the arrests, it’s an obligation on all of us to give our support, and we should try and do that all together. But I have my differences with La Chapelle Debout: we shouldn’t say we can hope for regularization or housing for everyone. People come [to the protests] for that — that’s what they hope for — but most gilets noirs don’t meet the criteria. We, too, raise slogans to demand that everyone should be able to move and live, wherever they want. But in reality, you can’t go along to the prefecture taking people who haven’t racked up the [required] time [staying in France] . . . Personally, I think there’s manipulation going on.”
Alioune Traoré isn’t a fan of the choice to stage the action at the Panthéon: “The cemetery is sacred ground. Even [to occupy] a church is pushing it. People have been occupying them ever since Saint-Bernard. But even in the case of the Saint-Denis Basilica, when we went in there [to denounce the ‘Collomb law’] in 2018, Marine Le Pen denounced this as ‘profaning’ a place of worship . . . We should seek out different targets, so the far right and the government won’t be able to exploit the situation.” Others like him fear that ultimately the July 12 occupation will merely harden the government’s stance, and the effect will be to step up the repression a notch — against everyone. It’s a question of strategy.
“The risk taken at the Pantheon was disproportionate — there’s a suicidal aspect to it,” worries one long-standing participant in sans-papiers struggles. “And even looking at public opinion, I think in the current context, we’d do better to choose targets that underscore what unites all of us, around work or around schools, like RESF does” (referring to the Réseau Éducation Sans Frontières — Education Without Borders Network).
As for the unions, they remain principally attached to a strategy of strikes and picket lines — the CGT (France’s largest union federation) had put pressure on Elior long before the gilets noirs occupation. “[The gilets noirs] handed us twenty-three case files, which are still being analyzed,” a representative of the catering firm reports. “We are working [to facilitate regularizations that meet the necessary criteria] with tried and tested methods — we’re already working on that with the CGT. Now, we’ve had another actor come and attach themselves to things.”
As for the risks the gilets noirs ran at the Panthéon, one member of La Chapelle Debout replies: “Yes, the sans-papiers are taking risks, but that’s not something we’ve imposed — it’s discussed collectively. And police harassment is an everyday affair: they can be arrested at any moment. Every day, far more people are thrown into detention centers than engage in political activity. And then we also take ‘anti-repressive’ measures: the participants have lawyers’ names in advance and are much better defended than they would be by a court-appointed!”
Houssam, a member of La Chapelle Debout and a “son of an immigrant,” refuses to consider migrants “as fragile types.” “The goal is precisely that migrants should speak for themselves as political subjects” And he remembers how often the Right spreads suspicions that the sans-papiers are being “instrumentalized” politically. Such arguments were also pulled out by former socialist Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve regarding the clashes between migrants and police in Calais. “For us it’s worrying to see arguments of that type being made on the Left.”
“We need to break the sans-papiers struggle out of the logic of a tug-of-war with the interior minister alone — and do that permanently” argues Jean-Claude Amara. He put it bluntly: “If we don’t, we remain within the framework of colonial administration.”
This “decolonial” dimension of the struggle has irritated some on the Left who identify as “universalists.” They take issue with the choice of the name gilets noirs — a reference to the dark fury (colère noire) of the sans-papiers, of course, but also to a certain skin color. This irritation only intensified in June after one of the gilets’ petitions was signed by the Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR) (a decolonial group critical of “colorblind” secularism, accused by others on the Left of promoting identitarian “Islamo-leftist” and even anti-semitic ideas).
“Some put up barriers — it made things difficult for some associations,” reports Jean-Claude Amara, who is “not overly committed” to the choice of name (“perhaps not the best label to widen our ranks”). “But we haven’t given in. Even if Droits devant !! isn’t necessarily on the same page as the PIR comrades on everything, we don’t want to give in to the blackmail that says ‘if they’re signing, then we won’t.’ That’s also been the great failing of the sans-papiers movement in recent years: forgetting what the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggle is really about.”
“Do some people really want to deny us legitimacy by saying we’re decolonial?” asks an annoyed Houssam. “That’s not our problem. But do we think that the fate imposed on migrants is a case of state racism? Yes.”
One trade unionist asks, “Is the point to show that the state is racist, or to win rights? Can you even still negotiate with an actor you characterize as racist?”
It’s not certain that the gilets noirs are going to be a magnet for a lot of trade unionists in the months to come. And still less clear that that’s what they’re aiming for.
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/07/gilets-noirs-france-protesters-sans-papiers
#économie #exploitation #sans-papiers #tourisme #économie_touristique #résistance #manifestation #protestation
Qu’est-ce que le mouvement des “Gilets noirs” ?
Depuis novembre, les “Gilets noirs”, ce mouvement “des sans-papiers, des sans-voix, des sans-visages”, multiplient les actions pour demander la régularisation de “tous et toutes” mais aussi des logements et des conditions de vie dignes.
“Ni rue ni prison, papiers et liberté.” Mardi 16 juillet, non loin du Tribunal de Grande instance (TGI) de Paris, une banderole affichant ce message a été installée. Au-dessus, inscrits au marqueur sur du papier cellophane, ces deux mots : “Gilets noirs.” Quelques membres de ce mouvement de “sans-papiers, sans-voix, sans-visages” - créé en Île-de-France en novembre 2018 pour demander la “régularisation de tous les sans-papiers” dans le pays mais aussi des logements et des conditions de vie dignes - ont fait le déplacement ce matin. Ils attendent des nouvelles : plusieurs de leurs “camarades” passent actuellement devant le juge des libertés et de la détention, pour contester leur placement en centre de rétention administrative.
Le contexte : vendredi 12 juillet, plusieurs centaines de Gilets noirs investissent le Panthéon, dans le Ve arrondissement de Paris. Cette action s’inscrit alors dans une campagne nommée “Gilets noirs cherchent Premier ministre”, dont le but est “d’instaurer un rapport de force avec l’Etat”, comme nous le raconte une membre de La Chapelle debout, collectif avec lequel l’action a été menée, tout comme l’association Droits devant ! “Celui-ci est composé d’habitants d’une cinquantaine de foyers d’Ile-de-France, mais aussi de locataires de la rue. En tout, 17 nationalités sont représentées.” Il s’agit donc à la fois de sans-papiers mais aussi de demandeurs d’asile et de personnes sans-abris - les situations pouvant se combiner -, même si la Chapelle debout réfute “toutes les différences que l’Etat veut créer pour diviser les gens".
"Des Gilets jaunes qui ont été noircis par la colère”
Au Panthéon, les Gilets noirs demandent un rendez-vous avec le Premier ministre, en sus de leurs revendications. Selon les journalistes sur place, la situation est calme. Ils seront finalement évacués, et 37 d’entre eux interpellés par les forces de l’ordre pour des vérifications d’identité - un membre de la Chapelle debout, lui, emploie le terme de “rafle”, évoquant plusieurs charges policières “très violentes”, une quarantaine de blessés, des insultes racistes et une “volonté de faire peur et casser le mouvement”. Comme le souligne ce papier de France info, plusieurs journalistes sur place ont en effet constaté des tirs de gaz lacrymos, des charges policières et des évacuations de blessés (voir par exemple ce long papier de Basta !, qui publie aussi plusieurs vidéos).
Une vingtaine de Gilets noirs ont au final été placés en rétention administrative. Lundi 15 juillet, La Chapelle debout expliquait dans un communiqué que “huit Gilets noirs [avaient] été libérés grâce à la mobilisation politique” mais aussi grâce au “soutien financier” de tous et toutes, une cagnotte ayant été créée pour payer des avocats. Lesquels ont, selon le collectif, constaté des irrégularités dans les procédures, d’où la libération de leurs clients. Mardi 16 juillet, ce sont sept autres personnes qui passaient devant le TGI.
L’action au Panthéon n’était pas la première organisée par le mouvement, dont le nom a été trouvé, selon la Chapelle debout, par un Gilet noir qui a eu cette formule lors de la marche “contre le racisme d’Etat et les violences policières”, en mars, à Paris : “On est des Gilets jaunes qui ont été noircis par la colère.”
En janvier, un rassemblement avait eu lieu devant la Préfecture de police de Paris. En mai, rebelote avec l’occupation du terminal 2F de Roissy. Selon un membre de la Chapelle debout, le but était de “dénoncer la participation d’Air France” aux expulsions - “Nous on dit déportation” - de personnes immigrées hors de l’Etat français. Enfin, en juin, plusieurs centaines de "gilets noirs" avaient investi les locaux du groupe de restauration collective Elior, à la Défense, de façon à “dénoncer l’exploitation de sans-papiers et leurs conditions de travail” dans cette entreprise, qui, selon eux, capitaliserait sur le “business” de l’emploi de personnes sans-papiers de façon à les “faire travailler gratuitement”.
“Les Gilets noirs, c’est un mouvement social”
“On va organiser la riposte, ajoute ce membre du collectif, qui se félicite du soutien de plusieurs personnes et associations, par exemple Assa Traoré et le comité Vérité et justice pour Adama (c’est moins le cas de Marine Le Pen, qui a parlé d’occupation "inadmissible", ou encore d’Edouard Philippe, qui a mis en avant "le respect des monuments publics"). Les Gilets noirs, c’est un mouvement social, pas un mouvement de sans-papiers. C’est un mouvement qui appartient à tous ceux qui combattent le racisme, qui sont d’accord qu’aucun être humain n’est illégal, et qui veulent une vie digne pour tout le monde.” Et d’ajouter : “C’est un mouvement d’impatience : on en a marre d’attendre pour une vie digne, marre d’attendre pour sortir de l’isolement.”
L’idée de collectif est en effet très forte au sein des Gilets noirs, comme nous le raconte Camara, qui vit dans un foyer et milite aux côtés du mouvement depuis novembre 2018 : “Il est important de s’organiser et de se mobiliser collectivement. Ce qu’on vit, c’est de l’esclavage moderne. La police veut nous faire peur, mais on n’a plus peur. On va aller jusqu’au bout : tout ce qui arrive, c’est notre destin.” Même discours du côté de Samba, dont le petit-frère, interpellé au Panthéon, était présenté au TGI ce mardi : “On va se battre, ensemble, jusqu’au bout de nos ongles. On n’arrêtera pas.” Quelques heures plus tard, un membre de la Chapelle debout nous envoie ce sms : “Tout le monde est libre, on est partis ensemble.” Il précise que la préfecture a fait appel sur "quelques dossiers".
▻https://www.lesinrocks.com/2019/07/17/actualite/actualite/qui-se-cache-derriere-le-mouvement-des-gilets-noirs
The @gilets_noirs report that #Diakité, an organiser and spokesperson from their group, has been arrested and is being held in a detention centre.
They say he was targeted because he is “black, immigrant, militant and undocumented”, and “because he fights for dignity.”
▻https://twitter.com/lukejbutterly/status/1200069802624241664
The Tories Think Voting Is Too Easy
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/02/voting-rights-conservative-party-uk
Voting in Britain is incredibly easy. Often, you receive a card, reminding you of your polling station, usually a school, church or community center. On election day, you can arrive without the card, state your name and address to two volunteers, then mark your preference on the ballot with a pencil. In Northern Ireland, an electoral identity card is required to prove your age and name, and is issued for free. The process is straightforward, and remaining registered is just a matter of registering online or returning one of the letters the local council regularly sends to each property.
But that’s changing in many areas: the Conservatives are piloting a scheme that requires identification before individuals can cast their vote. Citing concerns around electoral fraud, passports and driving licenses are accepted, but the trial is clearly designed to prevent the poorest and most vulnerable in society from being able to vote at all. Those who are homeless often lose paperwork and identification. And for many people the cost of a passport, £75.50, is prohibitive. Many people never learn to drive — I have epilepsy so am banned from even holding a provisional license. The people affected by the change are the poorest and most vulnerable in society — and also the least likely to vote Conservative.
Droit au beau, même pour le logement social
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/11/beautiful-public-housing-red-vienna-social-housing
We Can Have Beautiful Public Housing
Meagan Day
Magnifiques ces logements avec les boiseries extérieures !
C’est pas pour rien que les forets sont détruites !
Merci du rappel @rastapopoulos
Un film visionnaire.
Le revoir, le lien :
▻http://wwv.french-stream.co/15134-film-ccc039est-arriv-prs-de-chez-vous-streaming-vf.html
Je ne savais pas que les parements en bois étaient responsables du déboisement, @bce_106_6 !
Par contre, je sais qu’en 1919, à Vienne, on a entièrement rasé les parcs et les bois alentours pour se chauffer et se construire des cabanes. Voir : ▻https://wien.orf.at/news/stories/2872070
Un mouvement de « bâtisseurs sauvages » s’est alors organisé pour construire de vraies maisons et des architectes et urbanistes visionnaires, comme Margarethe Schütte-Lihotzkhy, ou alors le génial Otto Neurath, leur ont emboité le pas et développé des habitations sociales qui alliaient confort et esthétique. Voir : ►https://visionscarto.net/neurath-politics-of-orchestration
La municipalité austro-marxiste a ensuite réalisé le programme des Höfe, dont le Karl-Marx-Hof, que tu peux visiter pour te rendre compte de ce que peut être le logement social quand il tient compte de la qualité esthétique du complexe et de la qualité de vie des habitants.
Excellente satire, @rastapopoulos, des politiques d’urbanisation des années 1960/70, quand il fallait pallier l’urgence. Aujourd’hui, le problème est autre : on ne construit pas assez de logement social. Sauf (peut-être) à Vienne...
Les parements en bois seraient ils fabriqués avec des déchets recyclés, ou sont ils là pour que les bétonneurs se payent une nouvelle facade écolo ? @nepthys
A part cela merci pour le rappel sur Vienne, qui a des années d’avance sur le plan du logement.
J’ai visité, et cela vaut le déplacement.
Organize. Strike. Organize
Review of Riot. Strike. Riot
▻https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/05/riot-strike-riot-joshua-clover-review
In his lively and engaging book Riot. Strike. Riot, Joshua Clover presents a unique (and avowedly Marxist) argument for why he thinks employed workers are less likely to be the source of social upheaval and why, he argues, riots are replacing strikes as the major expression of social revolt in today’s turbulent capitalism.
There is a lot of interesting and original material in this book. Much of what Clover says about the turbulence of contemporary capitalism and even its apparent slowing down is on the money, even if one disagrees with some specifics of his analysis. More than that, he points to a rise in social struggle, a promise that everyone on the Left is certain to relish.
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