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  • 我们已经老了,无所谓
    Wǒmén yǐjīng lǎole , wúsuǒwèi .
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zhao_Ziyang


    赵紫阳 Zhao Ziyang , 17.10.1919 – 17.1.2005
    C’était un homme droit qui en 1989 a failli provoquer comme secrétaire général du Parti communiste chinois la même catastrophe en Chine comme Gorbatchev en URSS.

    The phrase “We are already old, and do not matter” (我们已经老了,无所谓) and Zhao’s speech, have since become a well known part of the protests.

    #Chine #1989

    • Je crois que les états unis s’en foutent que la Chine soit démocratique. Je dis ca parce qu’on nous parle sans cesse de ça quand les dirigeants étrangers leur rendent visite. Un petit chuchotage à l’oreille de Xi Jinping sur les droits humains quand les journalistes n’écoutent pas.
      Foutaises.
      Ce que Regan et tous les autres ont toujours voulu, c’est d’un pays docile qui permette l’investissement, l’installation d’usines pour profiter de la main d’oeuvre (pas chère à l’époque), le tout sans trop faire de bénéfices ou d’espionnage industriel au passage.

      En gros, ca me ferait chier que des libéraux croient en la démocratie (dans leur pays oui, mais pas à la concurrence).

    • La Chine, qu’est-ce que c’est comme genre d’état et type de société ?
      D’abord il est évident qu’en matière de droits de l’homme la Chine peut se montrer de manières différentes, suivant des raisons qui sont difficiles à comprendre de l’extérieur. Une chose est sûre c’est qu’aucune intervention de l’extérieur qui risquait de faire perdre face au pays n’a jamais eu le moindre résultat souhaité.

      Ensuite il y a l’éternel débat si c’est un état socialiste ou capitaliste, et ce dernier temps on entend des qualifications risibles comme « impérial ».

      Démocratique ou non c’est encore une discussion qui mène nulle part si on la pose du point de vue occidental. C’est une société qui pratique les décisions collectives à tous les niveaux en prenant en compte des choses qui n’intéressent pas nos dirigeants ou leurs sbires.

      La Chine est loin d’être parfaite et se montre parfois comme choquante simplement à cause des dimensions qui dépassent notre expérience d’habitants de petits pays d’Europe.

      Bref, il faut dire byebye aux mythes sur la #Chine qu’on nous raconte et écouter les Chinois à la place. Quand je dis « Chinois » je ne parle pas des gens qui ont réussi une carrière d’ennemi professionnel du gouvernement chinois au solde des #USA.

      Voilà une sinologue qui le fait très bien :
      Mechthild Leutner (罗梅君, Luó Méijūn)
      https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mechthild_Leutner

      Commençon donc en écoutant notre dictateur de prédilection « Mao Tse Tung » : « Si le chat est noir ou blanc n’a pas d’importance tant qu’il attrappe les souris. » Je ne sais même pas s’il l’a vraiment dit mais c’est un si joli Chéngyǔ (成语) , alors on s’en fout ...

      #langue #culture #proverbes

    • @sandburg La catastrophe que les Chinois ont observé en URSS et prévenu dans leur pays après 1989 est le résultat de la libération des pires traits du caractère humain par l’introduction du marché libre sans freins. L’URSS a été détruite par un putsch. Ensuite la prise en mains du processus de transformation économique inspirée par des conseillers libéraux états-uniens a produit une démocratie relative sous domination de voyous sans scrupules. En Chine l’introduction de l’économie du marché a également fait des dégâts mais jamais le fondement de l’état n’a été mis en danger et sa politique a pu contrebalancer et parfois éliminer ses pires dérapages.

      Le gouvernement chinois pose des limites au pouvoir des capitaines de l’industrie et de la finance alors que dans les démocraties de l’Ouest c’est l’inverse. La disparition temporaire de Jack Ma a servi d’exemple salutaire pour ses semblables qui n’agissent en général que dans les limites qu’impose le parti communiste.
      https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Ma#During_tech_crackdown

      Les droits du peuple et les abus causés par la transformation capitaliste sont des sujets de discussion permanents dans le pays où ils sont traités dans des films à grand budget. Après tout les processus politiques et sujets de discussions ne sont pas si loin de ce que nous connaissons en Europe.

      Exemples

      Qiu Ju, une femme chinoise (1992)
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qiu_Ju,_une_femme_chinoise
      A Touch of Sin (2013)
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Touch_of_Sin

      Il y a une question essentielle qui n’est que rarement posée à propos de la politique internationale chinoise :

      Est-ce que le pays suivra sa tradition vielle de deux millénaires de n’entrer en guerre que sous des contraintes extrêmes ou est-ce que les forces innées du capitalisme feront agir ses dirigeants suivant le même besoin d’expansion et de conquête de marchés par les armes comme les pays impérialistes occidentaux ?

      Pour le moment j’ai l’impression que le primat de la politique sur le militaire et l’économie permet au pays de poursuivre son ascension à la place dans le monde qui lui est dû sans se laisser perturber par les impulsions impérialistes de ses grands groupes capitalistes.
      J’avoue que ce n’est qu’une impression. Je n’ai toujours pas retrouvé cette boule de cristal prophétique ;-)

  • Siege of Leningrad
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Leningrad


    Two little girls assemble submachine guns during the siege of Leningrad, 1943

    Avec un million de victimes de la famine imposée aux habitants de Leningrad pendant deux ans et demi et deux millions de morts quand on compte le demi million de soldats allemands qui sont morts sur ce front, le siège de Leningrad est le plus meurtrier de l’histoire. C’est un crime d’une dimension telle que la tentative d’éradication des habitants de Gaza paraît comme un vol à la tire par rapport aux viols et assassinats d’un Ted Bundy. Pourtant à chaque fois les actes génocidaires en disent long sur leurs auteurs.

    The 872 days of the siege caused extreme famine in the Leningrad region through disruption of utilities, water, energy and food supplies. This resulted in the deaths of up to 1,500,00 soldiers and civilians and the evacuation of 1,400,000 more (mainly women and children), many of whom died during evacuation due to starvation and bombardment. According to journalist Harrison E. Salisbury on the death toll of the siege, “A total for Leningrad and vicinity of something over 1,000,000 deaths attributable to hunger, and an over-all total of deaths, civilian and military, on the order of 1,300,000 to 1,500,000 seems reasonable.” According to military historian David M. Glantz, “the number of soldiers and civilians who perished during the Battle for Leningrad amounted to the awesome total of between 1.6 and two million souls. These figures associated with the defence of a single city are six times greater than the United States’ total death toll during the entirety of World War II” and that “In terms of drama, symbolism and sheer human suffering, however, the Battle for Leningrad has no peer either in the Great Patriotic War or in any other modern war”. Military historian Victor Davis Hanson further affirmed that “Leningrad was civilization’s most lethal siege” and that “More than one million died at Leningrad amid mass starvation, epidemic, cannibalism and daily barrages—a greater death toll than any siege in history”.

    Pour retourner le mythe de l’éternelle obligation allemande envers les juifs et l’état d’Israël contre ses auteurs on pourrait poser la question de l’effet qu’a l’alliance de la victime avec son bourreau sur l’état mental et moral de la victime.

    Je préfère ne pas trop baser ma réflexion sur des analogies psychologiques. Les intérêts de classe, les rackets comme structures traversant verticalement les classes et l’impérialisme du vingt et unième siècle sont des notions de base plus fructueuses pour une analyse des événements.

    Il est d’ailleurs intéressant de voir comment le texte dans Wikipedia de langue allemande minimise la signification du siège historique alors que la version française et surtout l’article approfondi en anglais lui accordent un poids important dans l’histoire humaine.

    #épuration_éthnique #racisme #génocide #histoire #guerre_totale #guerre_d_extermination

  • The Mask of Anarchy, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Written on the Occasion of the Massacre at Manchester
    https://en.m.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Poetical_Works_of_Percy_Bysshe_Shelley_(ed._Hutchinson,_1914)/The_Mask_of_Anarchy

    L’attitude du poète ressemble à la notre par rapport aux événements à Gaza.

    On August 16th, 1819, approximately 100,000 millworkers and their families congregated at Saint Peter’s Field in Manchester in a peaceful demonstration of protest calling for reform in the working class’s role. The local ruling class was sent to arrest the leader of the protest, Henry Hunt, and in turn wounded hundreds, and killed a dozen.

    As I lay asleep in Italy
    There came a voice from over the Sea
    And with great power it forth led me
    To walk in the visions of Poesy.

    I met Murder on the way—
    He had a mask like Castlereagh—
    Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
    Seven blood-hounds followed him.

    All were fat; and well they might
    Be in admirable plight,
    For one by one, and two by two,
    He tossed the human hearts to chew
    Which from his wide cloak he drew.

    Next came Fraud, and he had on,
    Like Eldon, an ermined gown;
    His big tears, for he wept well,
    Turned to mill-stones as they fell:

    And the little children, who
    Round his feet played to and fro,
    Thinking every tear a gem,
    Had their brains knocked out by them.

    Clothed with the Bible, as with light,
    And the shadows of the night,
    Like Sidmouth, next, Hypocrisy
    On a crocodile rode by.

    And many more Destructions played
    In this ghastly masquerade,
    All disguised, even to the eyes,
    Like Bishops, lawyers, peers, or spies.

    Last came Anarchy: he rode
    On a white horse, splashed with blood;
    He was pale even to the lips,
    Like Death in the Apocalypse.

    And he wore a kingly crown;
    And in his grasp a sceptre shone;
    On his brow this mark I saw—
    ’I AM GOD, AND KING, AND LAW!’

    With a pace stately and fast,
    Over English land he passed,
    Trampling to a mire of blood
    The adoring multitude.

    And a mighty troop around,
    With their trampling shook the ground,
    Waving each a bloody sword,
    For the service of their Lord.

    ...

    Peterloo Massacre
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peterloo_Massacre

    #poésie #Grande_Bretagne #histoire #lutte_des_classes #Gaza

  • Gaza : des navires américains échouent près de la jetée artificielle destinée à acheminer l’aide
    Publié le : 26/05/2024 - 02:25
    https://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20240526-gaza-des-navires-am%C3%A9ricains-%C3%A9chouent-pr%C3%A8s-de-la-jet%C3%A

    Les quatre navires étaient amarrés au port flottant provisoire mis en place par les États-Unis pour livrer l’aide humanitaire aux Gazaouis. Selon le Commandement militaire américain pour le Moyen-Orient (Centcom), ils se sont détachés en raison d’une « mer agitée », rapporte notre correspondante à New York, Loubna Anaki.

    Deux d’entre eux « sont désormais amarrés à la plage près du ponton » de Gaza, indique un communiqué. Les deux autres, emportés par le courant, se « sont échoués sur la côte israélienne près d’Ashkelon ».

    L’armée israélienne a été appelée à la rescousse pour remettre les navires à flot et « aucun (militaire) américain n’entrera dans Gaza », a insisté le centre de commandement.

    Aucun personnel n’a été blessé, précisent les autorités militaires américaines et « le ponton reste pleinement fonctionnel ». (...)

    • Berlin Blockade
      https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin_Blockade


      Ah, nos amis américains sont toujours un peu en retard et se croient ecore en 1948/48 quand ils ont héroïquement défendu avec un pont aérien leur part de Berlin contre les méchants communistes . Aujourd’hui il y a le méchant Hamas et ils font tout pour protéger les pauvres Palestiniens contre les méchants. J’aime les USA ! Ils sont tellement dévoués aux bien-aller des habitants des pays qu’ils envahissent (ou font envahir par leurs sbires).

      Seventeen American and eight British aircraft crashed during the operation. A total of 101 fatalities were recorded as a result of the operation, including 40 Britons and 31 Americans, mostly due to non-flying accidents.

      The Berlin Blockade served to highlight the competing ideological and economic visions for postwar Europe. It played a major role in aligning West Berlin with the United States and Britain as the major protecting powers, and in drawing West Germany into the NATO orbit several years later in 1955.

      #USA #Allemagne #Israel #wtf

  • Who are the Falun Gong ? | Foreign Correspondent
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QzlMQyM8p74

    Tu penses que le #catholicisme est réactionnaire ? Vas d’abord voir chez les Falun Gong .

    Dans ce reportage #Foreign_Correspondent publie des témoignages sur les conséquences pratiques du culte #Falun_Gong sur la vie de ses disciples. On comprend que c’est d"abord une secte religieuse comme d’autres. Le reportage fournit des informations qui soutiennent que c’est aussi une organisation fasciste sans le qualifier ouvertement comme tel. Tous les éléments sont là dont le soutien que Falun Gong apporte à #Donald_Trump.

    L’idée que les métis sont la conséquence d’intrigues d’extraterrestres semble d’abord risible, mais pris au sérieux par des millions de disciples c’est un élément d’idéologie fasciste. L’idée des 81 exterminations de l’humanité n’ajoute pas un iota d’humanisme à l’idéologie suicidaire et génocidaire du falun gong.

    Avec sa puissance financière, son empire d’organisations et ses activités médiatiques dans le monde entier le gourou fondateur #Li_Hongzhi et ses disciples sont un danger derrière une façade souriante. Leur propagande pour le retour à « la Chine avant le communisme » défend un modële de société sans état de droit pratiquant les pieds bandés et l’extermination de la famille entière des délinquents.

    Histoire de Falun Gong (2001)
    https://www.persee.fr/doc/perch_1021-9013_2001_num_64_1_2604
    https://hub.hku.hk/bitstream/10722/194523/2/Content.pdf

    Voilà du racisme, même s’il ne peut avoir d’importance au niveau individuel que pour les croyants : Li Honzhi nous laisse qu’un toute petite part du paradis. Le gros est réservé aux « Chinois ».

    Le souci de pureté de Li Hongzhi s’étend aux races humaines. « II n’est pas permis de mélanger les races du monde. Maintenant que les races sont mélangées, cela crée un problème extrêmement grave ». Car chaque race a son propre monde céleste : la race blanche a son Paradis, qui occupe une toute petite partie de l’univers ; la race jaune possède ses mondes du Bouddha et du Tao qui remplissent presque tout l’univers. Or les enfants issus de mélanges raciaux ne sont liés à aucun monde céleste, « ils ont perdu leur racine » . La loi cosmique interdit les mélanges culturels et raciaux : ainsi, selon Li Hongzhi, Jésus interdit à ses disciples de transmettre sa foi vers l’Orient. C’est pour cela qu’à l’origine, l’Occident et l’Orient étaient séparés par d’infranchissables déserts, une barrière que la technique moderne a détruite.
    Lorsqu’il y a mélange racial [...], le corps et l’intelligence des enfants sont malsains. [...] La science moderne le sait, chaque génération est inférieure à la précédente

    Il y un élément très efficace dans le Falun Gong Dafa qui met à sa juste place la caste médicale, toujours si on est disciple de Li. Le gourou chinois se définit en guérisseur suprême par l’esprit comme dans les temps quand la médecine moderne dite scientifique n’avait pas encore poussé de leur piédestal les superstitions anciennes.

    Le véritable disciple de Li Hongzhi ne doit pas prendre de médicament en cas de maladie. Les soins thérapeutiques ne font que déplacer la maladie , qui provient d’un corps subtil dans un espace profond qui n’est nullement touché par le traitement. La maladie est un moyen de repayer sa dette karmique : il faut donc la laisser suivre son cours naturel, à moins que Li Hongzhi lui- même n’intervienne pour l’éradiquer. Si l’homme ordinaire peut prendre des médicaments, l’adepte de l’ascèse, s’il veut éliminer son mauvais karma, doit s’en abstenir. Il lui est également interdit de soigner d’autres personnes par le Falun Gong.
    ...
    Ceux qui prétendent soigner ont le corps possédé.

    Vu d’aujourd’hui le Falun Gong s’est développé à partir d’un courant chinois sectaire du qui gong dans une organisation fasciste internationale qui recrute de nouveaux disciples parmi les perdus du monde capitaliste qui ont besoin d’une explication de leurs souffrances et d’une idéologie qui les élève au dessus de leurs concitoyens qui demeurent dans le cercle vicieux de la course à la réussite individuelle.

    Le sectarisme du Falun Gong renforce cette dynamique génératrice d’antagonisme confirmant la vision d’un monde partagé entre les disciples sauvés de Li Hongzhi et le reste du monde possédé par les démons. Le fondamentalisme du Falun Gong qui appelle à l’exclusion mutuelle des croyances, des pratiques et des races, et qui interdit d’absorber des idées, des techniques ou des substances (médicaments) étrangers à l’œuvre du Maître, contrarie la tendance syncrétique d’une certaine tradition chinoise toujours soucieuse d’intégrer dans l’harmonie les meilleurs éléments du monde. ... La mort d’adeptes pour cause de refus de soins thérapeutiques attira l’attention critique des médias sur le Falun Gong vers la même période, ajoutant au complexe de persécution de la secte. Et les manifestations répétées d’adeptes avant et après le commencement de la répression officielle, devant les bureaux de journaux, autour de Zhongnanhai, sur la Place Tiananmen — qui ne peuvent que durcir la réaction ô combien prévisible de l’Etat dans la logique du système politique chinois — semblent calculées pour engager le pouvoir sur un champ de bataille moral opposant le Démon persécuteur aux Héros martyrs.
    ...
    L’épisode du Falun Gong montre que le millénarisme chinois n’est pas mort : quelle sera sa prochaine manifestation ?

    Nine familial exterminations
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nine_familial_exterminations

    Extermination des homosexuels
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teachings_of_Falun_Gong
    Dans « Wikipedia/Teachings of Falun Gong » on trouve des passages critiques comme le suivant.

    Li additionally stated in a 1998 speech in Switzerland that, "gods’ first target of annihilation would be homosexuals."Although gay, lesbian, and bisexual people may practice Falun Gong, founder Li stated that they must “give up the bad conduct” of all same-sex sexual activity.

    Le texte de l’article « History of Falun Gong » dans Wikipedia par contre fait évidamment partie des campagnes de propagande de la secte contre la Chine. On n’y trouve aucune analyse de la croissance du culte et de son organisation. Les mesures de la Chine y sont présentées comme injustifiées et cruelles.

    Je souffre d’une allergie innée aux croix gammées, alors en espérant d’en partager la sensation avec vous voilà le symbole officiel de la secte.


    Il est composé de cing swastikas dont je ne veux même pas apprendre la signification. Le design en soi est suffisament écoeurant.


    N. B. vous remarquez l’expression de l’esprit originel allemand : nos designers #nazis ont inversé le sens des crochets de la swastika religieuse. En Asie ça tourne vers la gauche, en Allemagne on l’a établi en symbole conséquent qui est orienté à droite ;-)

    #Chine #Taiwan #USA #Australie #presse #médias #religion #sectes #fascisme #anticommunisme #qui_gong

  • Le Mahabharata de C. Rajagopalachari
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_works_by_C._Rajagopalachari

    Pourquoi les mythes fondateurs des nations sont-ils toujours aussi violents ?

    C’est comme l_’Anneau des Nibelungen_ que certains extrémistes prennent pour le mythe national allemand.
    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%27Anneau_des_Nibelungen

    Le Mahabharata en bref

    A long time ago, two families were to inherit a vast kingdom known as the Kuru Empire. The five sons of Pandu, called the Pandavas, were brave warriors, each of them born with divine blood running through their veins. They were virtuous, examples of humanity at its peak. They were endowed with wisdom, patience, strength, knowledge and compassion. Their cousins, the hundred sons of Dhritarashtra, were called the Kauravas. The Kauravas were greedy, always hankering after more wealth. Since neither Pandu nor Dhritarashtra were suited to reign over the kingdom, the throne had to be equally divided between these two families. However, the Kauravas cheated the Pandavas out of their share and drove them into a long exile. They constantly try to kill them throughout their exile, but the Pandavas persist. At long last, they return to claim their rightful inheritance, but the Kauravas are not ready to part with even a portion of the kingdom. With the stage set, the Pandavas and the Kauravas meet in an epic battle on a field which had already been washed several times over with the blood of warriors. On Kurukshetra, they would fight a mighty war which would leave both sides crippled. And on this battlefield, the Blue God, Krishna, explains the righteous duty the Pandavas have to fulfill by exterminating their vile cousins. This is a story of love, avarice, wisdom, patience and respect for one’s fellow man. Every known moral lies hidden in the Mahabharata, and it is for this reason that it is considered one of the greatest stories ever composed.

    Hinduva
    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindutva

    Vue par de la persoective des protagonistes du Mahabharata la religion hindoue est effrayante et l’idéologie Hindutva lui correspond mieux que le blabla qu’on nous fait avaler à propos du grand pacifiste Ghandi.

    Selon la philosophe scientifique indienne Meera Nanda, résumée par Alan Sokal, l’Hindutva propage un message relevant des pseudosciences. Plusieurs de ses théoriciens rejettent la prétention occidentale à une raison scientifique universelle considérée comme un « rejeton posthume du colonialisme », voire une forme de violence envers les autres cultures. Ils voient dans les textes sacrés hindous comme le Rig-Veda l’expression de connaissances très avancées en physique des particules, en cosmologie, en biologie et mathématiques : ainsi, la mention dans un hymne d’une « forme à dix doigts » voudrait dire que l’univers a dix dimensions, comme dans la théorie physique des supercordes. En 2001, sous le gouvernement du BJP, les nationalistes hindous ont obtenu la création dans les universités indiennes de cursus d’astrologie védique, de karmakāṇḍa (rituel hindouiste), de vastu shastra (architecture sacrée), de yoga et de « mathématiques védiques ». Ils font réécrire les manuels d’histoire pour effacer les contributions des savants musulmans et autres non-hindous. Cette politique suscite des protestations chez les scientifiques indiens eux-mêmes. Un des promoteurs de cette politique pseudoscientifique est Narendra Modi, premier ministre du Gujarat en 1999 : selon lui, les anciens brahmanes connaissaient l’arme nucléaire et la télévision et c’est seulement leur sagesse qui leur interdisait d’en faire un plus grand usage. Il a d’abord fait appliquer cette doctrine dans le système d’enseignement de son État ; il l’étend à toute l’Inde lorsqu’il arrive au pouvoir comme Premier ministre en 2014, tout en écartant des programmes tout ce qui se rattache au monde musulman ou à des formes plus éclairées de l’hindouisme. 1 600 scientifiques indiens ont signé une pétition contre ce qu’ils appellent la « Modi-fication » de l’enseignement. La dynastie musulmane des Moghols, l’assassinat du Mahatma Gandhi, le changement climatique et, en 2023, la théorie de l’évolution de Darwin ont ainsi été rayés des programmes scolaires.

    Tout cela est assez incroyable vu le statut de pays de puissance informatique, pharmaceutique et spatiale. Il faudrait se rappeller que sous les nazis aussi la recherce scientifique avancée faisait bon ménage avec l’idéologie farfelue du « Ahnenerbe » de Heinrich Himmler.

    #religion #hindouisme #Inde #hindutva #fascisme #nazis

  • #IranIsHappy
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/politik-gesellschaft/geopolitik/irans-praesident-ist-tot-staatstrauer-jubel-im-netz-und-feuerwerk-a
    Vraiment ?

    Die iranische Aktivistin Mariam Memarsadeghi ging in einem Post auf X auf den Vorwurf ein, das Jubeln über den Tod Raisis sei „pietätslos“, und schrieb: „Es ist keineswegs falsch, den Tod eines Massenmörders zu feiern – vor allem, wenn es keinen Rechtsweg gibt und die demokratische Welt keine Absicht gezeigt hat, ihn zu isolieren und zu bestrafen.“
    ...
    Raisi sei nicht nur einer der konservativsten Präsidenten, die der Iran je gehabt habe, sondern erlangte auch durch das brutale Justizsystem der Islamischen Republik Bekanntheit, wo der Präsident Mitglied der berüchtigten „Todeskammer“ war und Tausende von politischen Gefangenen hinrichten ließ. Nicht umsonst sei er auch unter dem Namen „Schlächter von Teheran“ bekannt, sagt Jonathan Harounoff

    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerre_des_Malouines

    Les expressions de joie rappellent le succès des tubes « Dingdong the witch is dead » pour Margaret Thatcher et « I don’t like mondays » pour le vice-roi des Indes Lord Mountbatten.


    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_des_gouverneurs_g%C3%A9n%C3%A9raux_des_Indes

    The Master of War
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KGFagK-LuQo

    #Iran #politique #accident #aviation#hélicoptère #Ebrahim_Raïssi #bourreau

  • The Kaleidoscope of Catastrophe - On the Clarities and Blind Spots of Andreas Malm
    https://viewpointmag.com/2021/04/14/the-kaleidoscope-of-catastrophe-on-the-clarities-and-blind-spots-of-an

    La critique marxiste du capitalisme extractiviste est-elle possible ?

    14.4.2021 by Bue Rübner Hansen
    ...
    The choices that structure The Progress of this Storm root Malm’s focus on agency and action in the philosophy of science. Malm valuably steers us away from the mystifications of theories of climate change and ecological degradation that neglect capital and towards the need for urgent, intentional action. Yet his polemical stress on the catastrophe, nature/society dualism, and agency-as-will pulls us into a timeline and temporality which mirrors capitalism’s accelerating drive towards ecological destruction. This is a contest between two uprooted subjects: fossil capital and humanity. We are in a race with two finishing lines: “no extractions and no emissions” (The Progress, 227).

    On the face of it, Malm’s sharp focus on fossil fuels is salutary, as it trains our sights upon the single greatest threat to the habitability of the planet. However, fossil fuels play such a fundamental role in social reproduction today that it is doubtful they can be replaced by renewables fast enough to avoid a simultaneous and fundamental reorganisation of the reproduction and metabolism of human societies. Most obviously, fossil fuels will have to be cut so fast that a significant energy shortfall is increasingly unavoidable. In other words, constructing the problem of climate change as a problem of agency in relation to fossil capital is not wrong, but one-sided. To approach the problem of the fossil economy as a problem of action is very different from constructing it as a problem of (natural) history, ecology, or care.

    In the first preface to Capital, Marx invites us to conceive of the history of the economic formation of society as “a process of natural history”. In this process, Marx writes, individuals are bearers of class relations and interests, and the creatures rather than creators of economic processes.19 Posing the problem this way shifts attention from agency and will to more structural questions of how the reproduction of human societies can be disentangled from the reproduction of capital. Such a transformation cannot simply be willed, and natural history cannot simply be disrupted, only rearticulated. How was social reproduction disentangled from non-human life – and how may it be re-entangled? Or rather, how was the entanglement of social with natural ecologies pushed to the edges of social ecologies, so that a core was insulated from damage and afforded carelessness? Such problems will not be resolved by arriving at what Malm calls “a planful mode of production” (Corona 153), which is more likely to maintain an environmental imaginary than replace it with ecological thought, attention, and practice. To do that, we need to pay heed to and reweave networks of interdependence, beyond any clear boundaries between social and natural ecologies. Such matters raise questions of entanglement and hybridity, and the corresponding agency is more a matter of care than of will.

    Instead, Malm is focused on whatever agency is responsible for global warming and whatever agency may disrupt the production of fossil fuel. Malm’s focus on agency in terms of culpability and intentionality is filtered through his vision of history. As world history is subsumed by a unified vision of capitalist history, it becomes necessary and possible to imagine a unified concept of humanity in two senses: humanity as the unified substance of capitalist history (understood in terms of the unique human “capacity for abstraction” which Malms sees as a trait of true intentionality and a “prerequisite for capitalist property relations”; The Progress, 167), and humanity as the unified subject necessary to end fossil capital. This provides a way to imagine climate change as an epic battle between fossil capital and humanity, considered in the future tense as “a self-conscious global subject” (Corona, 174), which mirrors the global quasi-subject of capital. Malm intuits the difficulty of navigating this hall of mirrors: But “[w]here is that global subject? Who is it? Merely asking such questions is to weigh up the void in which we fumble” (Corona, 174).

    Despite such admitted ignorance, Malm treats humanity as the answer rather than the question. Or, put differently, he takes humanity for granted, and ignores the problem of anthropogenesis. That problem concerns the question of how humanity emerged as an infinitely variable species (think of the multitude of social, climatic, and ecological adaptations and inventions), and the more narrow question of how the idea of humanity as separate from nature arose. Had Malm posed the question of anthropogenesis, he would have been more hesitant to affirm the idea of humanity as separate from nature. He would, importantly, have been more sensitive to the blindspots of the idea of humanity-as-separate: what fails to be counted in this notion is those modes of cognition and activity, often cast as “indigenous” or “female”, which refuse to see themselves or act as separate from what, in a gesture of grand abstraction, is called “nature”. Put crudely, the definition of humanity as opposed to Nature, while loosely rooted in monoteistic cosmology, has only become established through the material and ideological separations produced by capitalism and colonialism

    dans https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andreas_Malm

    #capitalisme #extractivisme #écologisme #révolution #réformisme #anthropocène #capitalicène #rechauffement_climatique #énergie #humanité

  • Dans « Our country has lost its moral compass »
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1034287
    Arundhati Roy dit

    –-> In 1937, Winston Churchill said of the Palestinians, I quote, “I do not agree that the dog in a manger has the final right to the manger even though he may have lain there for a very long time. I do not admit that right. I do not admit for instance, that a great wrong has been done to the Red Indians of America or the black people of Australia. I do not admit that a wrong has been done to these people by the fact that a stronger race, a higher-grade race, a more worldly wise race to put it that way, has come in and taken their place.” That set the trend for the Israeli State’s attitude towards the Palestinians. In 1969, Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir said, “Palestinians do not exist.”
    ...
    Thiruvananthapuram on December 13. 2023

    merci @cdb_77

    Finalement Churchill et Hitler n’étaient pas si loin l’un de l’autre à la différence que l’homme d’état savait ce que c’était de gouverner un empire mondial alors que le peintre autrichien rêvait d’en « construire » un. Son antisemitisme fanatique comme plein d’autres de ses particularités rendaient le mouvement politique nazi incmpatible avec la domination internationale recherchée.

    Racial views of Winston Churchill
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racial_views_of_Winston_Churchill

    Some academics, such as Kehinde Andrews, go so far as to suggest Churchill was “the perfect embodiment of white supremacy”, while others like historian Andrew Roberts, say that Churchill could certainly be accused of paternalism, but not race-hatred.

    Pas besoin de haïr les gens qui travaillent pour toi.

    Source de la citation d’Arundhati Roy :
    Roberts, Andrew (2018). Churchill : Walking with Destiny. London : Allen Lane. ISBN 978-11-01980-99-6. page 106

    #colonialisation #racisme #impérialisme #antisemitisme #fascisme #Allemagne #Grande_Bretagne

  • Surf Nazis Must Die (1987)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d32G8o6qnJ8


    Film entier en HD et VO. Avec le beau temps de retour il était temps de nous rappeller que les #nazi_surfer guettent leur proie sur les plages.

    Les nuls de chez les nuls.


    Elle veut more franklins mails elle est trop nulle pour se maquiller d’une croix gammée sérieuse ... #LOL

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Surf_Nazis_Must_Die

    Surf Nazis Must Die is a 1987 American post-apocalyptic exploitation action film directed by Peter George, and starring Gail Neely, Barry Brenner and Robert Harden. It was produced by The Institute, a production company formed by George, Craig A. Colton and Robert Tinnell, and distributed by Troma Entertainment, a company known for low-budget exploitation films.

    L’histoire promet ...

    An earthquake leaves the California coastline in ruins and reduces the beaches to a state of chaos. A group of neo-Nazis led by Adolf (Brenner), the self-proclaimed “Führer of the new beach”, takes advantage of the resulting chaos by fighting off several rival surfer gangs to seize control of the beaches.

    Meanwhile, an African American oil well worker named Leroy (Harden) is killed by the surf Nazis while jogging on the beach. Leroy’s mother, “Mama” Washington (Neely), devastated by the loss of her son, vows revenge. After arming herself with a handgun and grenades, she breaks out of her retirement home and exacts vengeance on the Surf Nazis.

    La bande d’annonce
    https://seenthis.net/messages/81000#message81005 (2012) @arno
    https://seenthis.net/messages/314382 (2014) @klaus
    https://seenthis.net/messages/416220 (2015) @supergeante

    #merci @baroug pour les #nazisharks

    #nanar #nazis #Californie

  • Threads (1984)
    https://archive.org/details/1984-threads-remastered

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Threads_(1984_film)

    Threads is a 1984 British-Australian apocalyptic war drama television film jointly produced by the BBC, Nine Network and Western-World Television Inc. Written by Barry Hines and directed and produced by Mick Jackson, it is a dramatic account of nuclear war and its effects in Britain, specifically on the city of Sheffield in Northern England. The plot centres on two families as a confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union erupts. As the nuclear exchange between NATO and the Warsaw Pact begins, the film depicts the medical, economic, social and environmental consequences of nuclear war

    Die Rückkehr der Atombombe: Vom Kollaps der Vernunft - 23.4.2024
    https://www.telepolis.de/features/Die-Rueckkehr-der-Atombombe-Vom-Kollaps-der-Vernunft-9694598.html

    #guerre_froide #guerre_nucléaire #film #fiction

  • À un ami qui part faire un tour à vélo en Irlande du Nord.
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nordirland

    Nordirland (englisch Northern Ireland, irisch Tuaisceart Éireann) ist ein Landesteil des Vereinigten Königreichs Großbritannien. Es besteht aus sechs der neun Grafschaften der historischen irischen Provinz Ulster im Nordosten der Insel Irland. Nordirland ist dichter bevölkert und kleiner als die Republik Irland in der Mitte und im Süden der irischen Insel. Es hat einen höheren Industrialisierungsgrad, aber die Republik Irland hat heute (ab etwa dem Jahr 2000) ein höheres Bruttoinlandsprodukt pro Kopf.

    Je te conseille de lire le lien suivant :

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Mountbatten,_1st_Earl_Mountbatten_of_Burma#Assassination


    Il existe également une version allemande de l’article biographique, qui ne mentionne toutefois que brièvement l’attentat contre le dernier roi colonial de l’Empire britannique.

    Fun fact : Wikipedia ne mentionne pas que la chanson des Boomtown Rats « I Don’t Like Mondays », sortie en juillet 1979, est devenue en septembre le numéro un des hits en Irlande du Nord, que tous les nationalistes irlandais et les nationalistes d’Ulster ont joyeusement porté sur leurs lèvres.

    Regarder/écouter :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Kobdb37Cwc

    L’explication généralement connue de la chanson est la suivante :

    “Brenda Ann Spencer (16) opens fire at a school in San Diego, California, Her justification for the action, “I don’t like Mondays”, inspires the Boomtown Rats to make a song of the same name.”

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cleveland_Elementary_School_shooting_(San_Diego)

    Ce qui est intéressant dans cette histoire, c’est que l’action de Brenda Ann Spencer et l’assassinat commis par Thomas McMahon étaient tous deux l’expression d’une rébellion contre des conditions de vie insupportables.
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_McMahon_(Irish_republican)

    Thomas McMahon
    Born: 1948 (age 75–76) Monaghan, County Monaghan, Ireland
    Allegiance: Provisional Irish Republican Army
    Years of service: 1970–1990
    Rank: Volunteer
    Conflict: The Troubles

    Pour les catholiques d’Irlande du Nord, qui ont souffert des assassinats et du harcèlement britanniques, la chanson est devenue l’expression du lien entre la rébellion individuelle et politique. Tu pouvais mettre ta propre vie, toujours en danger, et la vie de tiers dans la balance de l’oppression et de la libération. Cette logique était aussi incompréhensible pour les punks de Sham 69 qu’elle l’est restée jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour les critiques occidentaux de l’islamisme et des actes de « terrorisme » commis par les colonisés.

    L’histoire de la réception enthousiaste de la chanson des Boomtown Rats en Irlande du Nord m’a été rapportée par une amie qui revenait d’un long séjour dans le pays à la fin de l’automne 1979.

    Commentaire punk anglais de 1978 :
    Sham 69 - Ulster Boy
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2OPgkiw6ZZk

    Parole
    https://genius.com/Sham-69-ulster-lyrics

    “There ain’t no winners (Ulster)
    ...
    No more fun for you ain’t no more
    You’ve ended like the rest and now you’re dead”

    La justice britannique était et reste un produit de son passé impérial et une justice de classe à l’état pur. Cela n’a rien d’étonnant, car la législation de common law est le plus souvent l’affaire de ces juges et de ces membres de la classe que Friedrich Engels avait déjà décrite de manière pertinente. Au niveau parlementaire, la gentry s’assure jusqu’à aujourd’hui de son influence directement au sein de la Chambre des Lords.

    Autant les punks britanniques du Sham 69 ont fait preuve d’incompréhension à l’égard de la résistance irlandaise, autant ils ont défendu avec engagement les victimes de l’impérialisme britannique.

    Sham 69 - George Davis Is Innocent
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sKpA78cXHZc

    Paroles
    https://genius.com/Sham-69-george-davis-is-innocent-lyrics

    “They’re never gonna leave you alone
    They’re never gonna leave you alone
    They know where you bloody live
    East London is your home”

    Et alors aujourd’hui ?

    Gareth Peirce
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gareth_Peirce

    „Ihr Engagement im Falle der Guildford Four wurde auch in der Verfilmung des Falls mit dem Titel Im Namen des Vaters zentral thematisiert. Die Filmrolle der Gareth Peirce übernahm Emma Thompson.“

    En 2010, l’avocate Gareth Peirce décrit le mode de domination britannique, depuis son traitement de l’Irlande à la fin du 19e siècle jusqu’à la fin des « Troubles », et sa continuité dans les procès contre ses clients immigrés. On y reconnaît l’attitude des juges de Julian Assange :

    „We have lost our way in this country. We have entered a new dark age of injustice and it is frightening that we are overwhelmed by it. I know I am representing innocent people; innocent people who know that a jury they face will inevitably be predisposed to find them guilty.“

    Un court message illustré que j’ai reçu aujourd’hui du sud du Pakistan (l’ancien Raj britannique gouverné par Lord Mountbatten) m’a rappelé que le vécu des véritables opprimés nous est totalement fermé. Nous ne pouvons le deviner qu’à travers leur expression culturelle.

    La réalité de la vie des chauffeurs de taxi et de voitures de location à Berlin est déjà totalement inimaginable pour les Allemands qui ont des « conditions de travail normales » sécurisées. Le monde des sujets de l’empire colonial britannique nous est encore plus étranger, que ce soit au Pakistan ou en Irlande du Nord.

    Tu percevras des échos des Troubles. Il y aura peut-être aussi d’autres choses à voir. Ce sera certainement un voyage intéressant.

    Amicalement

    #tourisme #Irlande_du_Nord #histoire #Troubles #guerre #impérialisme

  • How Jane McAlevey Transformed the Labor Movement | The New Yorker
    https://www.newyorker.com/news/persons-of-interest/how-jane-mcalevey-transformed-the-labor-movement

    Avec son programme O4P (Organize for Power) Jane McAlevey encourage et soutient les inistiatives syndicales dans le monde entier.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jane_McAlevey#Personal_life

    In 2009, McAlevey was diagnosed with early-stage ovarian cancer, and underwent a year of intensive treatment. On April 14, 2024, McAlevey announced on her website that she had entered home-hospice care the week before, a result of a multiple myeloma cancer diagnosed in the Fall of 2021.

    October 17, 2023 by Eleni Schirmer - The renowned organizer and theorist has a terminal-cancer diagnosis. But she has long been fighting the clock.

    This past January, Jane McAlevey spent a week in Connecticut leading an organizing blitz. In union parlance, a blitz is a quick, concentrated organizing effort, designed to engage as many workers as possible in a short period of time. The campaign’s goals were ambitious—to bring some twenty-five thousand home health-care workers into a fight not just against their bosses but against the broader social and economic problems weighing on them, including issues such as a lack of affordable housing, insufficient public transportation, and the need for debt relief. For seven days, McAlevey and about two hundred other organizers went door to door, talking to thousands of people—mostly Black and brown women employed by nursing homes, group homes, and home health-care companies. McAlevey and her team told them, “This is a new program to bring power all of you have, but often aren’t aware of, to the table.”

    For McAlevey, one of the nation’s preëminent labor organizers and strategists, the project presented a chance to revisit a strategy that she had advanced twenty-some years ago in Stamford, Connecticut, known as the “whole worker” method. In the nineties, a lack of affordable housing in Stamford—located in one of the wealthiest counties in the country—overshadowed nearly every other issue on workers’ minds. This was not a problem that could be solved by unions alone, but unions, if strategically harnessed, had the horsepower to fight it. McAlevey began organizing workers in four different sectors—janitors, cabdrivers, city clerks, and nursing-home aides—and determined that they could exert influence through the city’s churches. (“Note to labor,” McAlevey wrote about this campaign, years later. “Workers relate more to their faith than to their job, and fear God more than they fear the boss.”) Soon the city’s most powerful preachers were hosting bargaining sessions in church basements. By the time the campaign finished, more than four thousand workers had their first union and new contracts to boot. Their efforts also saved multiple public-housing projects from demolition, won fifteen million dollars for the units’ improvements, and secured new ordinances that mandated affordable-housing levels going forward.

    In the intervening decades, McAlevey has become not just an expert organizer but a social scientist of organizing’s methodology. She has written four books that have become touchstones for a new generation of labor leaders. Rather than instructing organizers to run as hard as they can in whatever direction they happen to be facing, McAlevey emphasizes strategy. She advises organizers to first conduct what she calls a power-structure analysis, which asks who has the power to change an issue (not always the most obvious targets) and what power workers have to influence those actors. She then leads workers through a series of escalating actions, from attending a meeting to wearing buttons to work to joining walkouts: she calls these “structure tests.” During the past decade, Amazon warehouse workers and Los Angeles teachers have drawn on McAlevey’s approach. (McAlevey informally advised the New Yorker Union during negotiations for its first contract, which was signed in 2021.) If at any point during this past hot labor summer, or the decade leading up to it, you encountered a group of workers strutting on a picket line or jubilantly making demands well beyond the scope of their own wages, chances are that many of them had been reading McAlevey.

    When McAlevey went back to Connecticut this past winter, she hoped that the campaign would form the basis for a book about the whole-worker methodology. The project is significant for two reasons. First, it’s her most ambitious research effort to date, involving not only tens of thousands of health-care workers but also their churches, tenants’ unions, and neighborhood councils. Unions generally limit their organizing sphere to the workplace, leaving broader social issues to political campaigns. But this approach cedes what McAlevey calls the third front of power: workers’ relationships to their communities. Without this degree of coördination, workers were unlikely to achieve anything close to their goals, which include winning a twenty-five-dollar-an-hour minimum wage and affordable health insurance.

    More fundamentally, the project is likely to be McAlevey’s last. In September, 2021, she was diagnosed with a high-risk variety of multiple myeloma. Since her diagnosis, each treatment option that her medical team has offered her has failed, faster than expected. Days prior to leading the blitz this January, McAlevey was hospitalized to receive an emergency treatment; she was thought to be living her last days. She persuaded doctors to release her—she had a blitz to lead, and the clock was running out.

    For McAlevey, relentlessness is a way of life. She talks fast, swears often, is blunt to the point of brashness, laughs easily. She has little tolerance for mediocrity, particularly on the left. Trade-union leadership, she once remarked, “choose every day . . . to lose.” When I was preparing to visit her in New York, on a cloudy April weekend, McAlevey sent me an agenda for my stay: on Saturday, we had drinks with an organizer, dinner at seven, and then all serious conversation wrapped up by tipoff. It was the Warriors vs. the Kings, Game One of the playoffs. McAlevey, who has lived part time in the Bay Area for the past twenty years, is a diehard Golden State fan.

    When I arrived at McAlevey’s place, a rent-controlled apartment in Manhattan, she welcomed me warmly, in jeans, heeled sandals, and a Warriors jersey. For most of her recent public events, she had taken to wearing a wig, concealing the effects of chemotherapy, but at home she goes without. When I visited, a layer of fine, downy hair was just beginning to grow back.

    I sat at the table while she bustled around, making salad and thawing a jar of homemade pesto for pasta. When I had first approached her about writing this piece, she’d told me that she didn’t want her cancer diagnosis to appear in the story. This was understandable but not possible: among other things, doing so would require me to strip a thread from McAlevey’s life. When Jane was about three years old, her mother, Hazel McAlevey, who was very ill with breast cancer, was taken to live elsewhere, in order to prevent Jane from witnessing her mother’s decline. At age forty-four, Hazel died. Jane was five.

    The family lived in Sloatsburg, forty miles outside New York City. There, Jane’s father, John McAlevey, became a politician, winning office first as the mayor and then as a supervisor in the county. Jane spent most of her early years grubby and unsupervised, trailing her older siblings everywhere. She became dearly attached to her older sister Catherine, who became the family’s caretaker as a young adolescent. As her reward for doing all the cooking, cleaning, tending, minding of the house, and minding of the children, Catherine was granted the largest bedroom, replete with a stereo, a television, and a prime location next to the bathroom. “I would do anything to get into that room,” Jane recalled. Though the younger siblings envied Catherine’s belongings, she was the heart of the family. “We always said she was the most loved McAlevey,” Jane recalled, “because she was everyone’s sister, mother. She played every role.”

    Raising seven kids on the wages of one public servant was difficult. When Jane was around ten, her father nearly went bankrupt, an experience that Jane only later understood as an embarrassment. Around this time, he remarried. At odds with her stepmother, Jane left home at age sixteen. As her stepbrother explained, “Jane was always at the bottom of something awful growing up. Her mother was taken off to die. Our father had no clue how to take care of family. And Jane was always at the bottom of the pile.”

    For a time, McAlevey stayed with her older sister Bri, who was living in a radical co-op in Manhattan, before enrolling at SUNY Buffalo, where she waited tables to pay for her schooling. When Governor Mario Cuomo proposed tuition hikes, she got swept up in campus organizing. As she told me, “I literally could not afford more than two hundred dollars a semester.” In her first semester at SUNY, Jane and others packed bus after bus with enraged students to register their complaints in Albany. Cuomo dropped his proposed increase. SUNY students claimed the victory.

    Shortly thereafter, McAlevey ran a successful campaign for president of the student body at SUNY Buffalo, as part of a slate whose platform was no tuition increases, no rent increases, no military-defense programs on campus, and no athletic fees. McAlevey effectively began working full time as the president of the Student Association of State University of New York. Divestment from apartheid South Africa had been a priority for SUNY student organizers for more than a decade, but Janice Fine, a former S.A.S.U. student organizer who is now a labor-studies professor at Rutgers, told me that their efforts had been poorly focussed. McAlevey changed that, shifting the target from the SUNY chancellor, Clifton R. Wharton, Jr., to Governor Cuomo. As Fine explained, “We went from targeting somebody who was an appointed official to someone who was elected, someone much more vulnerable to national perception.” In 1985, the board of trustees voted to divest $11.5 million in stock from companies who did business in apartheid South Africa.

    McAlevey got her first job in the labor movement running the Stamford, Connecticut, campaign. Afterward, she was hired by the Service Employees International Union (S.E.I.U.) to organize hospital workers in Las Vegas. McAlevey wrote in a memoir, “The union had no discernible power in any field. The workers were weak as hell in terms of anything that had to do with organizing or mobilizing. And I’d been sent there to clean the place up in general, and specifically to organize new hospital workers into the union.”

    Inspired by union tactics from the thirties, McAlevey began running open bargaining sessions, in which hundreds of workers sat head to head with the boss. “The idea is to demonstrate to the boss and to the workers themselves that the workers are standing together and the union is in charge,” McAlevey wrote, years later. Rather than having negotiators present demands, she identified workers who were passionate about each issue, and could speak directly to the employer about patient-nurse ratios, schedules, or wages. Fredo Serrano, a local nurse, told me, “Jane could figure out people. She knew what we needed. She knew where the influence had to be. She knew who the leaders were.”

    During one session, workers found themselves facing off against a notoriously hostile management negotiator, who was also a vigorous gum chewer. The more irritated he became, the louder he would chomp, scornfully blowing bubbles. “It became an outward sign of his contempt for the workers and for Jane,” Kristin Warner, a fellow-organizer, recalled. During a break, a worker wondered how the negotiator would respond if everyone started chewing gum. Jane and the staff organizers jumped at the idea and ran out to get supplies. The next time the negotiations hit an impasse, two hundred health-care workers in the bargaining room carefully unwrapped their gum and chewed it—one loud, smacking wall.

    But McAlevey’s vision of a worker-led, militant union put her at odds with the national union’s leaders, who hoped that the union would strike a deal with hospital corporate leadership. In the fall of 2006, when Vegas hospital workers were on the verge of a strike, the S.E.I.U.’s national legal leader called McAlevey. “It was a most unusual phone call,” McAlevey told me. The legal leader warned McAlevey that the national union had just renegotiated a national labor-peace accord; strikes were now off the table. If the locals disobeyed the national’s directives, they could run the risk of being placed under trusteeship, removing much of their hard-earned democratic character. (The S.E.I.U. declined to comment.)

    McAlevey told all of the worker leaders to come to her house for an emergency meeting. When they arrived, McAlevey explained the choice: they could follow national orders and call off their strike vote, or they could go forward with their plan and risk having their union doors padlocked by the national leadership. The group agreed to proceed with the strike vote. “Those workers didn’t give a shit. We were doing this,” McAlevey said. When the team notified the national legal staff the next morning, McAlevey knew that it would be only a matter of time until she would have to leave the S.E.I.U.

    Within weeks, Jane received another life-changing phone call: her sister Catherine had just been diagnosed with breast cancer. Jane got on the next flight to New York, where Catherine lived. “We spent forty-eight hours hugging and crying, and then making a plan, with me committing to regularly come home to visit,” McAlevey said. Like Jane, Catherine had long blond hair. “I told Catherine’s partner that when the first sign of hair falling out happened, to call me, and I’d be there,” McAlevey recalled. Weeks later, McAlevey was sitting with her sister at a wig store in New York, holding her hand while her sister’s head got shaved, clumps of hair falling to the floor. “Catherine was crying so hysterically, they had to keep stopping with the razor,” McAlevey told me. “I just remember thinking to myself, Act like you’re going to get through this.”

    Her sister’s diagnosis confirmed a deep foreboding. As McAlevey put it, “I always believed I was going to die in my early forties from breast cancer, just like my mother.” In early 2008, roughly a year into treatments, Catherine learned that she carried a BRCA1 gene mutation that is associated with increased risks of aggressive cancer. Catherine’s results prompted Jane to get tested. She was positive. Preventive surgeries revealed that she had early-stage ovarian cancer. As McAlevey wrote some years later, “The fuse was lit and burning early in my 40s. Just like my mother. Just like my sister.”
    Jane McAlevey standing outside on a balcony wearing jeans and a pink top
    Organizing is not an art of telling people what to do, McAlevey explains, but of listening for what they cannot abide.

    During the next year, McAlevey recovered from multiple surgeries related to her ovarian cancer and the BRCA1 gene. Stuck at home, she began writing. The resulting book, her memoir, “Raising Expectations,” reads like a shotgun spray, a fusillade of labor-organizing battle stories. Some of Jane’s mentors, including the sociologist Frances Fox Piven, wanted something more measured. Piven nudged her toward graduate school to work through her insights. So, just weeks shy of forty-five, McAlevey enrolled in a sociology doctoral program at CUNY Graduate Center.

    McAlevey spent her second summer of graduate school in the Adirondacks, on a writing retreat at the Blue Mountain Center, to finish revisions of “Raising Expectations.” One Friday in August, Catherine and her partner were planning to pick up McAlevey to spend the weekend in Saratoga Springs. But, the day before, Harriet Barlow, a mentor of Jane’s and the director of the Blue Mountain Center, approached Jane to let her know that her sister’s partner was on the phone. She told Jane that Catherine’s cancer was back. “I walked out of the office, and I remember looking at Harriet and saying, ‘My sister’s going to die,’ ” McAlevey recalled. The following spring, Catherine passed away.

    McAlevey, who had taken time away from graduate school to care for Catherine, returned to CUNY to finish her degree. Shortly after she graduated, her dissertation was published as a book, “No Shortcuts,” dedicated to Catherine. “No Shortcuts” describes three common pathways to create change: advocating, mobilizing, and organizing. Advocacy relies on lawyers, consultants, and lobbyists to secure one-time wins, often via backroom deals. Mobilizing draws in activists to participate in rallies or protests. McAlevey distinguishes both of these activities from organizing, which she defines as something stronger and more abiding. For McAlevey, organizing means that “ordinary people help make the power analysis, design the strategy, and achieve the outcome.” The book outlines the key elements of McAlevey’s method, from conducting a power-structure analysis and stress tests to identifying leaders in the rank and file. But it also offers a radical theory of power. Organizing is not an art of telling people what to do, McAlevey explains, but of listening for what they cannot abide. “Anger is there before you are,” the opening page of “No Shortcuts” declares. “Channel it, don’t defuse it.”

    Almost instantly, “No Shortcuts” became an underground bible of organizing. In the summer of 2017, a West Virginia history teacher named Jay O’Neal started a labor-themed reading group with some colleagues. “We were, like, the teaching conditions suck in West Virginia,” he told me. “How can we get our unions moving and doing something?” McAlevey’s distinctions between advocacy, mobilizing, and organizing gave the group language for their frustration, and her emphasis on power structures helped them decide to target the state legislature. “It’s like when you’re growing up and you hear, like, a love song, and you’re, like, Oh, that’s exactly how I’ve been feeling,” O’Neal explained. Within months, O’Neal and his colleagues led a statewide walkout that set off the #RedForEd teachers’ strikes. In 2017, the leaders of Los Angeles’s teachers’ union had a chapter-by-chapter discussion of “No Shortcuts” that guided the buildup to the union’s successful strike in 2019.

    McAlevey’s influence spread to other progressive struggles. Naomi Klein, the leading climate activist and writer, told me that McAlevey’s focus on winning helped the movement to reframe the climate crisis as a power struggle. “We’re not losing because people don’t know there’s a problem,” Klein told me. “We’re losing because there are vested interests who may not be large in number, but they are mighty in their political and economic power.” McAlevey’s work, she went on, asked, “Where’s your war room? Where’s your power map? Have you stress-tested?” I recently found myself talking to a McGill professor from Nigeria who studies African diasporic social movements. “Oh, Jane!” she exclaimed, when I told her about this piece. “My Nigerian comrades have trained with her.”

    Some union organizers similarly concerned with building worker power have wondered if McAlevey’s path from union complacency to union militancy breezes over a critical component: union democracy. Mike Parker—a veteran labor organizer, educator, and author, who died last year—once observed that workers often must win the fight for the union presidency before they can win the fight with the boss. But such struggles get little airtime in McAlevey’s work. “It’s as if she hopes that current leaders will see the light and ‘empower’ their members from above,” Parker wrote. Others have taken this argument further, charging McAlevey with an overreliance on professional staff at the expense of a radically empowered rank-and-file. McAlevey throws up her hands at this critique. “The idea that you’re just gonna beat Amazon when you’ve never run a campaign in your life is, like, seriously? Gimme a fucking break,” she told me.

    After Amazon workers in Alabama failed to unionize, in the spring of 2021, McAlevey published a column in The Nation about the campaign’s weak points. “When there are more outside supporters and staff being quoted and featured in a campaign than there are workers from the facility, that’s a clear sign that defeat is looming,” she wrote. The piece drew heated criticism. Some saw it as punching down. Union leadership blamed high employee turnover for their failures. McAlevey, however, stood by her assessment. “When you do something that’s stupid, I’m gonna call it out,” she told me. “I will not take a word of that article back.”

    What some may perceive as arrogance is perhaps better understood as impatience. McAlevey has no time to waste. In fact, none of us do. She just perceives this scarcity more acutely than most. In recent months, she said, she has been working harder than ever: “I feel great and I feel horrible. I feel frenetic.”

    In March of 2022, after five months of intensive chemotherapy, McAlevey received a stem-cell transplant. For three months, she sealed herself in her apartment, recovering, but also revising a new book, which had just received peer reviews. Published this spring, “Rules to Win By,” which she co-authored with Abby Lawlor, is part theory and part nuts and bolts; its focus is McAlevey’s strategy of using big, open bargaining sessions to secure winning contracts.

    When autumn arrived, McAlevey, who is a senior policy fellow at the Labor Center at the University of California, Berkeley, joined thousands of her U.C. co-workers on strike. One day, on the picket line, she collapsed—probably the result of a long bike ride the day before, she thought. She went to the hospital, where a panel of blood work revealed that the stem-cell transplant had failed; a treatment that typically results in five to seven years of remission had lasted her less than a year. McAlevey was put on high-dose chemotherapy and underwent radiation treatments on her hip and jaw.

    By Christmas, it became clear that the treatment plan wasn’t working. The most promising treatment for multiple myeloma was a course of cellular immunotherapy, but McAlevey’s doctors believed that her condition wasn’t stable enough to make her a promising candidate. “It wasn’t worth it to any doctors to get me in their clinical trials,” McAlevey told me. Uncharacteristically, she paused. “That was pretty intense.”

    Shortly after the New Year, a group of McAlevey’s closest friends met at her home in California to help arrange her affairs. Together, they packed up nearly fifty boxes of McAlevey’s favorite belongings—clothing, pottery, art work, jewelry, books—which would be sent to close friends and family upon her death. The next week, she flew to New York to begin an intensive treatment regimen at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. If this treatment did not take, she would be heading to hospice. Friends and family from around the world lined up next to her hospital bed, crying, telling her they loved her. “I called it death tourism,” McAlevey told me. She was grateful for it.

    When the treatment ended, with no hitches, McAlevey began negotiating her release. The blitz in Connecticut was to start at the end of the month. “I mean, I hadn’t reacted badly to any of their tests or treatments,” she told me. “I just wanted them to let me the hell out of here. And my doctor was, like, We’re not getting you out of here to go do some crazy thing with a bunch of people, and I said, ‘Yeah, actually, you are.’ ” McAlevey, the expert negotiator, won.

    By this past spring, Jane had defied doctors’ predictions: she was not dead. This piece of good news coincided with another—“Rules to Win By” was about to launch. On March 25th, McAlevey’s friends held a party to toast her accomplishments, including still being alive and completing a book.

    The party was at the People’s Forum, a political-education and event space in midtown Manhattan. In the morning, fifty or so guests joined a live discussion of McAlevey’s legacy for the podcast “The Dig.” McAlevey, who was wearing jeans, puffy purple shoes, and a sleeveless, peach blouse, took the stage, along with her interviewer, the Jacobin editor Micah Uetricht. Uetricht lobbed slow, arching questions at McAlevey that allowed her to reflect on her life’s work. Organizing is a craft. Everyone can do it, but it depends on concrete methods and skills. “Every day, for organizers, there’s a strategic choice, the possibility of choosing a way to win. I write books to call people out and say, ‘Let’s try to win today,’ ” McAlevey explained.

    When the session ended, I looked around the room. A few rows from me, an older, mustached man wearing a flannel shirt caught my eye. I recognized him as Marshall Ganz, a famed labor organizer with Cesar Chavez’s United Farm Workers campaign, who is widely credited with developing the grassroots model for Barack Obama’s 2008 Presidential run. Speaking softly, almost musically, he told me, “Jane and I, we belong to the same church. We fundamentally believe that people have power—not as props, not as resources, but as people with agency.” We were among the last guests still in the room when he pulled out his phone and began reading me a Mary Oliver poem that, he said, reminds him of McAlevey. “I look upon time as no more than an idea,” Ganz read. “Each body a lion of courage, and something / precious to the earth.”

    By evening, the rows of folding chairs had been cleared out to make a dance floor, bottles of wine and champagne had replaced the coffee carafes, and hot trays of catered Lebanese food lined the back walls. McAlevey had changed out of her jeans and wore a sweeping red dress and heels, with her head bare. The crowd milled around, sipping champagne, until the party’s m.c.s, two comedians, announced the first activity: Icebreaker Jane Bingo. Everyone received a bingo grid with squares containing phrases like “Too intimidated by Jane to hit on her”; “Have a selfie with Bernie Sanders”; “Are also dying.”

    In a toast, Janice Fine, Jane’s longtime friend and comrade, reported that McAlevey had fired her from the party-planning committee. “I was making things too emotional,” she chuckled. Bronwyn Dobchuk-Land, a friend of Jane’s from graduate school at CUNY and a criminal-justice professor at the University of Winnipeg, teased, “Well, Jane, if you had known your life was going to be cut short, do you think you would have come to Winnipeg three times? Joke’s on you.” Dobchuk-Land told of a time when Jane took a very pregnant Bronwyn on a vigorous walk to the top of Winnipeg’s “Garbage Hill,” precipitating Bronwyn’s labor. While Bronwyn was in the hospital, Jane cleaned her house, stocked her fridge, and did her laundry. She was the first friend to hold Bronwyn’s daughter. “And I believe she planned it that way,” Dobchuk-Land said. “To know Jane is to be organized by her.”

    #syndicalisme #USA

  • Keyser Söze
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/052763-000-A/usual-suspects

    Le chef d’oeuvre qui fait peur. A ne pas manquer. A revoir si vous l’avez regardé à sa sortie en 1995.

    Son message ne commence qu’à se révéler aujourd’hui dans l’ambiance des conjurations omniprésentes. The Usual Suspects bat Fight Club car nous y sommes tous désignés comme les vrais fous. Le mal d’outre mer, en bientôt trente ans nous avons appris à le reconnaître. Dans ce film nous rencontrons sa personification.

    The Usual Suspects
    Interpellé à la suite de l’explosion d’un cargo, Kint se met à table : avec quatre autres gangsters, il s’est vu imposer une mission périlleuse par Keyser Söze, un mystérieux malfrat craint de tous... Un polar paranoïaque tendu, porté par une mise en scène millimétrée signée Bryan Singer et un jeu d’acteurs de haut vol (Gabriel Byrne, Kevin Spacey, Stephen Baldwin et Benicio Del Toro).

    En pleine nuit, une explosion ravage un cargo amarré dans le port de Los Angeles. Deux hommes ont échappé à la mort : un matelot hongrois et « Verbal » Kint, un petit escroc infirme. Interrogé par l’agent des douanes, ce dernier assure qu’il ignore les circonstances du drame. En échange d’une impunité, il commence pourtant à raconter comment, six semaines plus tôt, à New York, soupçonné d’avoir participé à un vol, il a été convoqué par la police. À ses côtés, quatre autres suspects : Dean Keaton, ancien flic ripou reconverti dans la restauration, Todd Hockney, spécialiste des explosifs, Michael McManus, fin tireur aux réactions imprévisibles, et Fred Fenster, son acolyte. Tous ont passé la nuit dans la même cellule, et McManus leur a proposé un coup : faire main basse sur les émeraudes d’un trafiquant escorté par des policiers corrompus. Après un autre braquage, Kobayashi, l’avocat d’un certain Keyser Söze, leur confie une mission…

    Éblouissant
    Qui donc est ce diable de Keyser Söze, insaisissable baron de la drogue et cruel criminel dont le nom revient tel un leitmotiv ? De la côte ouest à la côte est, le réalisateur Bryan Singer alterne scènes d’action et interrogatoires d’un Kevin Spacey au jeu époustouflant. Le cinéaste nous entraîne dans les méandres d’un scénario éblouissant, en multipliant les fausses pistes jusqu’au dénouement. De la première à la dernière minute, un polar tendu à la mise en scène millimétrée.

    Réalisation Bryan Singer
    Scénario Christopher McQuarrie
    Production Polygram Filmed Entertainment, Spelling Entertainment, Blue Parrot, Bad Hat Harry Productions
    Producteurs Bryan Singer, Michael McDonnell
    Image Newton Thomas Sigel
    Montage John Ottman
    Musique John Ottman

    Avec

    Gabriel Byrne (Dean Keaton)
    Stephen Baldwin (Michael McManus)
    Chazz Palminteri (Dave Kujan)
    Kevin Pollak (Todd Hockney)
    Kevin Spacey (Roger « Verbal » Kint)
    Pete Postlethwaite (Kobayashi)
    Benicio Del Toro (Fred Fenster)
    Suzy Amis (Edie Finneran)

    Pays Etats-Unis
    Année 1995

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keyser_S%C3%B6ze

    The Usual Suspects consists mostly of flashbacks narrated by Roger “Verbal” Kint (Kevin Spacey), a con artist with cerebral palsy. Kint was arrested after an apparent drug-related robbery gone wrong which resulted in the destruction of a freighter ship and the deaths of nearly everyone on board. He has been granted immunity from prosecution provided he assists investigators, including Customs Agent David Kujan (Chazz Palminteri), and reveals all details of his involvement with a group of career criminals who are assumed to be responsible for the bloodbath. While Kint is telling his story, Kujan learns the name Keyser Söze from FBI agent Jack Baer (Giancarlo Esposito) and orders Kint to tell him what he knows.

    Kint states that Söze was believed to be of Turkish origin, but some have said that he was half German through his father.

    According to Kint, Söze began his criminal career as a small-time drug dealer. Horrifically though, one afternoon while Söze is away from home rival Hungarian gangsters attempt to intimidate him by taking his family hostage and raping his wife, then when he returns home, slitting the throat of one of his children right before his eyes. Determined to show these men of will, what will really was, Söze shoots and kills his own family and all but one of the Hungarians, letting the last leave so he can tell his cohorts what happened. Once his family is buried, Söze massacres the Hungarian Mafia, their families, their friends, and even people who owe them money. He goes underground, never again doing business in person, operating instead through oblivious underlings.

    #film.#polar #racket #conjuration #allégorie #personification

  • Japanese Red Army - FIlms
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_Red_Army

    Sekigun – PFLP. Sekai Sensō Sengen, Red Army – PFLP: Declaration of World War, 1971, shot on location in Lebanon, produced by Kōji Wakamatsu. Patricia Steinhoff translates its title Manifesto for World Revolution which makes perhaps more sense. A propaganda film for the Red Army sympathisers in Japan.

    One of the people showing the film around Japan with the producer was Mieko Toyama, a close friend of Fusako Shigenobu. She was murdered in the winter training camp massacre.

    Jitsuroku Rengō Sekigun, Asama sansō e no michi, United Red Army (The Way to Asama Mountain Lodge), 2007, shows the horrors of the United Red Army winter camp, but also the history of the militant Japanese student movement. See also United Red Army (film)
    Suatu Ketika... Soldadu Merah (Once Upon A Time... Red Soldier), an 8 episode Malaysian TV drama series based on the Japanese Red Army attack in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 1975. Produced by NSK Productions (Malaysia), the series was shot in 2009 and currently airs on Malaysia’s local cable channel, ASTRO Citra 131. Read Hostage Drama article by TheStar newspapers.
    In 2010, Fusako Shigenobu and Masao Adachi were featured in the documentary Children of the Revolution, which tells the story of Shigenobu and the Japanese Red Army through the eyes of Mei Shigenobu.
    In the 2010 French-German TV Film Carlos, members of the Japanese Red Army feature when they stormed the French Embassy in The Hague and associating with the PFLP and the German Revolutionary Cells.
    The 2011 Bangladeshi film The Young Man Was, Part 1: United Red Army by visual artist Naeem Mohaiemen is about the 1977 hijacking of JAL 472 and the subsequent consequences inside Bangladesh.
    Rabih El-Amine’s documentary Ahmad the Japanese, Lod-Roumié-Tokyo made in 1999 tells Okamoto’s story from the perspective of five major personalities that knew him in Beirut.
    Philippe Grandrieux and Nicole Brenez’s documentary Masao Adachi. Portrait – First episode of the collection The Beauty May Have Strengthened Our Resoluteness, 2012, shot on location in Tokyo, which tells the daily life of Adachi and his reminiscences.

    #Japon #Liban #histoire #terrorisme #gauchisme #cinéma

  • South Park (S04/E04) Chickenlover (9/9)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2tqPD8AX-DY


    Officer Barbrady a lu le premier livre de sa vie, Atlas Shrugged d’Ayn Rand. Sa conclusion :

    Reading totally sucks ass.

    Voilà ses arguments :

    At first I was happy how to learn to read, it seemed exciting and magical. But then I read this, Atlas Shrugged by Ayn Rand. I read every last word of this garbage and because of this piece of shit I am never reading again.

    C’est une allusion à la pratique pédagogique de donner à lire du Ayn Rand aux adolescents dans les high schools états-uniens. The Perks of Being a Wallflower (1999) de Stephen Chbosky contient plusieurs réfécences au livre Fountainhead et le place parmi les livres préférés du protagoniste Charlie .

    Extraits du texte du livre

    May 21, 1992
    ...
    So, in school Bill gave me my final book to read for the year. It’s called The Fountainhead, and it’s very long.

    When he gave me the book, Bill said, “Be skeptical about this one. It’s a great book. But try to be a filter, not a sponge.”

    Sometimes, I think Bill forgets that I am sixteen. But I am very happy that he does.
    I haven’t started reading it because I am very behind in my other classes because I spent so much time with Patrick.
    ...

    May 27, 1992 Dear friend,

    I’ve been reading The Fountainhead for the past few days, and it’s an excellent book. I read on the back cover that the author was born in Russia and came to America when she was young. She barely spoke English, but she wanted to be a great writer. I thought that was very admirable, so I sat down and tried to write a story.

    “Ian MacArthur is a wonderful sweet fellow who wears glasses and peers out of them with delight.”

    That was the first sentence. The problem was that I just could’t think of the next one. ...
    I wonder what it will be like when I leave this place. The fact that I will have to have a roommate and buy shampoo.
    ...
    I don’t know. The Fountainhead is a very good book. I hope I am being a filter.

    On comprend l’infamie d’Ayn Rand. Elle fait appel à l’estime de soi des adolescents qui oscille entre mégalomanie et dépression. Ses héros sont d’excellentes figures d’identification dans cette phase de la constitution du caracère de ses jeunes lecteurs.

    June 2, 1992
    ...
    Incidentally, I finished The Fountainhead. It was a really great experience. It’s strange to describe reading a book as a really great experience, but that’s kind of how it felt. It was a different book from the others because it wasn’t about being a kid. And it wasn’t like The Stranger or Naked Lunch even though I think it was philosophical in a way. But it wasn’t like you had to really search for the pliilo sophy. It was pretty traightforward, I thought, and the great part is that I took what the author wrote about and put it in terms of my own life. Maybe that’s what being a filter means.

    I’m not sure.

    Normal, tes jeune et tu ne dais pas encore. Donc ...

    There was this one part where the main character, who is this architect, is sitting on a boat with Inis best friend, who is a newspaper tycoon. And the newspaper tycoon says that the architect is a very cold man. The architect replies that if the boat were sinking, and there was only room in the lifeboat for one person, he would gladly give up his life for the newspaper tycoon. And then he says something like this ...

    “I would die for you. But I won’t live for you.”

    Et voilà l’effet que lui fait cette simple exposition d’idées trop faciles.

    Something like that. I think the idea is that every person has to live for his or her own life and then make the choice to share it with other people. Maybe that is what makes people “participate.” I’m not really certain. Because I don’t know if I would mind living for Sam for a while. Then again, she wouldn’t want me to, so maybe it’s a lot friendlier than all that. I hope so anyway.

    L’attitude de son psy n’améliore rien.

    I told my psychiatrist about the book and Bill and about Sam and Patrick and all their colleges, but he just keeps asking me questions about when I was younger.

    Vers la fin des années de high school son prof lui pose des questions sur Fountainhead.

    June 13, 1992
    ...
    Bill asked me about The Fountainhead, and I told him, making sure that I was a filter.
    ...
    “Charlie,” he said. “Do you know why I gave you all that extra work?”
    I shook my head no. That look on his face. It made me quiet.
    “Charlie, do you know how smart you are?”
    I just shook my head no again. He was talking for real. It was strange.
    “Charlie, you’re one of the most gifted people I’ve ever known. And I don’t mean in terms of my other students. I mean in terms of anyone I’ve ever met. That’s why I gave you the extra work. I was wondering if you were aware of that?”
    “I guess so. I don’t know.” I felt really strange. I didn’t know where this was coming from. I just wrote some essays.
    “Charlie. Please don’t take this the wrong way. I’m not trying to make you feel uncomfortable.

    June 16, 1992

    I gave Patrick On the Road, Naked Lunch, The Stranger, This Side of Paradise, Peter Pan, and A Separate Peace.
    I gave Sam To Kill a Mockingbird, The Catcher in the Rye, The Great Gatsby, Hamlet, Walden, and The Fountainhead.

    Under the books was a card that I wrote using the typewriter Sam bought me. The cards said that these were my copies of all my favorite books, and I wanted Sam and Patrick to have them because they were my two favorite people in the whole world.

    Chickenlover
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chickenlover

    Original air date : May 27, 1998

    Plot

    Stan Marsh, Kyle Broflovski, Kenny McCormick, and Eric Cartman visit the Booktastic Bus, a mobile library. They are initially intrigued, but become uninterested in reading after meeting the strange driver. Word spreads that a pervert is molesting chickens in town. When Officer Barbrady starts the investigation, he is confronted with his illiteracy, which is depicted as a medical condition where a person literally sees strange symbols in place of letters. He resigns in shame and anarchy immediately breaks out. Later, he is put into the boys’ class to learn to read.

    Barbrady recruits the boys to help him with his task, showing his knowledge of the police code. From then on, Cartman patrols the town on his Big Wheel, enforcing his own brand of justice. The molester is finally caught in the petting zoo and turns out to be the bookmobile driver. He plotted this all along to encourage Barbrady to learn to read. After being given a copy of Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged, Barbrady knocks the man out cold with a club to the head to teach Cartman how to properly deal with criminals, leaving him unconscious as blood pools from his head. The town holds a parade for Barbrady, and when he is asked to give a speech, he reveals how Atlas Shrugged convinced him to never read again. And at the end, Kenny finally dies after numerous attempts of deaths.

    Apparemment il faut être au courant de la lecture de Fountainhead par le protagniste Charlie si on veut avoir beaucoup de points dans la section lettres du high school exam .

    Course Hero > Literature Study Guides > The Perks Of Being A Wallflower > Part 4 May 21 1992 June 9 1992 Summary
    https://www.coursehero.com/lit/The-Perks-of-Being-a-Wallflower/part-4-may-21-1992-june-9-1992-summary

    May 21, 1992

    The school year is winding down. Charlie continues to do well in his classes, particularly English. (English teacher) Bill has given him a last book to read, Ayn Rand’s The Fountainhead. Bill tells him to “be skeptical about” it and “to be a filter, not a sponge.”

    #objectivisme #police #analphabétisme

  • Paul Robin
    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Robin


    Je découvre par la lecture de "Suicide, mode d"emploi" ce militant anarchiste à la pensée néoalthusienne répandue à l’époque, pratiquée à Auschwitz, réitérée dans la démagogie des inscriptions sur les « Georgia Guidestones » et totalement opposée à toute pensée progressive d’aujourd’hui.

    « La science officielle de l’éducation ne trouve rien de mieux à faire des jeunes adolescents que de les enfermer : les privilégiés au collège, les vulgaires à l’atelier, les parias en prison »

    C’est beau et toujours vrai, d’ailleurs Ivan Illich arrive à une découverte semblable dans « Deschooling Society ». Pourtant ni les idées du viel arnar ni du jésuite un peu trop libertaire contiennent la formule qui répond à nos interrogations actuelles. Intéressant.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia_Guidestones

    #anarchisme #éducation #jeunesse

  • Tu connais le Suffrajitsu ?

    C’est quand le #jiujitsu était utilisé par les suffragettes qui militaient pour que les #femmes obtiennent le droit de #vote au UK.

    Le besoin d’apprendre à se défendre est notamment survenu après le raid du Black Friday.

    Des policiers en civil ont agressé physiquement et sexuellement des femmes non armées qui tentaient de forcer l’entrée à la Chambre des communes lors d’une action de protestation.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suffrajitsu

    https://invidious.fdn.fr/watch?v=WLIE1GKfluk

    #LeSachiezTu