National- - Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper

/national

  • Israeli artist Shira Geffen takes the heat for criticizing the war in Gaza - Movies & Television - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/life/movies-television/.premium-1.653671

    In the last few months writer and filmmaker Shira Geffen found herself in the eye of two media storms sparked by the explosive friction between artists who dare to express an opinion about their surrounding reality — and that painful, forlorn reality, which displays ever decreasing tolerance of criticism.

    It first happened last summer during Operation Protective Edge at the Jerusalem Film Festival, when Geffen asked the audience at a screening of her film to stand for a minute of silence in memory of four Palestinian children killed that day by Israel Defense Forces fire. The second time was a few weeks ago when her father, the songwriter Yehonatan Geffen, was assaulted at home for comments he made about the left’s less of the election.

    In an interview two weeks after the incident, Shira Geffen demonstrated steadfastness and determination by not retracting previous statements. Instead of panicking over the venomous criticism directed at her, she explains her position. Instead of caving into pressure she insists she will keep expressing her views the way she was taught to do. Instead of apologizing for politics penetrating her work, she expresses hope it will engender change.

    Amid the storms, Gefen’s creative projects still remain at the core, and as usual she skips with surprising ease between different, varied fields. Last December her sixth children’s book, “Sea of Tears,” was published. She is now promoting her second film, “Self Made,” while writing her first television drama series with her partner writer Etgar Keret. She is also busy writing her next feature film, “Accompanying Parent,” about a girl’s coming of age. Her other interests — theater, dance, acting and songwriting — have to patiently wait their turn. Even Geffen has her limits.

    Being multidisciplinary does not make her work shallower, Geffen says. She certainly isn’t sorry her multiplicity of tasks prevents her from specializing in one profession.

    “I’m not a linear person at all. I’m all about breadth, being associative,” she says. “That’s how I write and think. That’s how I think I develop.”

    Geffen, born in 1971, never studied film, but this fact didn’t stop “Jellyfish” — the film based on her script and co–directed with Keret (who also has no film education) — from debuting at the 2007 Cannes Film Festival. It even won the Camera d’Or, the prize for best first feature film. Seven years later, when she finished the first film she had written and directed on her own, she was invited back to the prestigious French film festival. The critics praised “Self Made,” and the film made the long festival circuit around the globe. Along the way, Geffen won AFI’s New Auteurs Critics’ Award and picked up two awards at the Jerusalem Film Festival.

    The heroine of “Self Made,” which will debut next weekend (translated into English) in Israel, is Michal (Sarah Adler), a successful Jerusalem artist. One morning, just before going abroad for an important event, her bed breaks. She hits her head and loses her memory. One army roadblock away lives Nadine (Samira Saraya), a young Palestinian woman whose internal reality is also a bit shaken. By coincidence, the two women exchange identities at the roadblock. Nadine is sent off to live the life of the Jerusalem artist, and Michal is sent to live Nadine’s life in her Palestinian village.

    Shopping instead of exploding

    Geffen conceived the film’s original idea a decade ago, when she read a Haaretz interview with Arin Ahmad, a Bethlehem student whose fiance was killed by soldiers.

    “They contacted her when she was in pain and sadness, and recruited her for a suicide operation, to be a shahida ("women martyrs"). They dressed her as an Israeli woman, put an explosive belt on her and sent her to the Rishon Lezion pedestrian mall,” recalls Geffen. In the interview she said she reached the mall, saw people shopping, and what she wanted to do was go into the stores and shop. That moment aroused in me the question when and where does the will to live awaken? Suddenly, I imagined the continuation. What would have happened if she had entered the stores and because of the explosive belt looked like a pregnant woman, and would start trying on maternity dresses and buying things for the expected baby. My imagination suddenly went there. In reality, Arin Ahmad suddenly had regrets and decided not to blow herself up, but this moment basically drove me to write the script.”

    Geffen consequently researched the subject of shahidas. She visited Ramallah six years ago to see the home of the first female suicide bomber, Wafa Idris.

    “I was scared. It was my first time in Ramallah, and before I entered her home, I was really afraid of what I would say, how I would speak with her mother. I had a lot of fears,” she says. “And then, when I went in, I saw an elderly, tired woman, and the first thing she did when she saw me was hug me. I saw behind her a huge poster of her dead daughter, and during this hug I suddenly felt her daughter, the one she didn’t have. It was all mixed in my head. I was suddenly her daughter, who wanted to kill me, and this confusion — the understanding that all is one, and suffering is suffering, and that a woman who loses her daughter is a woman who loses her daughter no matter where, and that I can be anyone’s daughter — is basically one of the things that brought me to writing the script.”

    Geffen recalls that she then said to herself that if she chose to live in this complex, volatile place, she had to say something about it, so she decided that would be the next thing she’d do.

    Neither shock nor dismay

    Last summer, “Self Made” was screened in Jerusalem’s International Film Festival just as Operation Protective Edge was beginning. The directors whose films were competing in the Israeli festival got together and decided to use this stage to protest the war. They convened a press conference and called on the government to agree to a ceasefire. They protested the tendency of the local press not to investigate what was transpiring in Gaza and read the names of 30 Palestinian children killed in IDF bombings there.

    Culture Minister Limor Livnat called the protest a “disgrace” on her Facebook page, but Geffen and her colleagues kept protesting throughout the festival. Geffen took the most flak after calling for a moment of silence. Some in the audience jeered her. Some left the hall in protest. Social media went wild. The curses and invectives spread across the Internet, and the news broadcasts and newspapers reported it widely.

    Looking back, Geffen explains that she had read the headline about the children’s deaths that morning and was filled with pain and sorrow. She felt she couldn’t remain quiet.

    “I felt the need to present the names of the children, who in another moment would be forgotten. So I did what I did. I didn’t think at that moment about how it would reverberate, and I was surprised to discover how much rage people have,” she recalls. “When I mentioned the minute of silence, a minute when people are used to standing and remembering the soldiers, it was suddenly perceived as treason. But for me it was instinctive, and I’m not sorry about it. I am not sorry that I am humane. I think I acted from a place of connectedness, and all the harsh criticism about me was very sad and also very scary.”

    The threats she endured for expressing her opinion are nothing new to the Geffen family. Eight months later, a man showed up at her father’s front door, and attacked and beat him, calling him a murderer and traitor, a few days after comments he made at a concern. The elder Geffen had said that Election Day, March 17, would be declared “the peace camp’s Nakba Day,” referring to what Palestinians call their catastrophe, the day Israel was established. Gefen also called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a “racist,” and charged that Netanyahu’s regime was based on “scaring the people.”

    Ynet wrote the Geffen family was in shock and dismay [over the election results], but Shira Geffen says the family was neither in shock nor dismay.

    “All these years, which have encouraged polarization, have led to this. All the walls and barriers between the Palestinians and us, and among us, this racism, what Netanyahu said (on Election Day) about Arab droves — these things don’t come out of nowhere,” she says, referring to the prime minister’s warning that the Arabs are “coming out to vote in droves.”

    “My father said it most precisely: It’s not a matter of right and left. There is no more right and left. There’s humanism and fascism. And in this place they’ve already forgotten what it is to be humanistic, what it is to be a human being,” she says. “My father was attacked because he spoke against the [last] war and the next war. And people, like Michal Kayam, the character from my film, have a very short memory. Repressing wars is something this place is expert at. No one here talks anymore about Protective Edge and the people who died and the soldiers who died, except for Michal Kasten Keidar (widow of Lt. Col. Dolev Keidar, who fell in the operation), who broke the automatic circle of mourning and expressed pain, and even then they came down hard on her,” she says referring to the widow who spoke out against the Gaza war in a recent interview in Haaretz. "Why was my father attacked? Because he spoke about this taboo, about the war that was and the children who will die in the next superfluous war.”

    #Shira-Geffen

    • Avant la fille, Yonathan Geffen, son père, avait été attaqué à son domicile
      http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.648048
      Writer Yehonatan Geffen was attacked at his home near Netanya on Friday afternoon, when an intruder burst into his house, tried to hit him, branded him a leftist traitor and then fled.

      Geffen has been a vocal critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s reelection last week.

      Israel Police combed the area around Moshav Beit Yitzhak but could not find the assailant. The police said they assumed the incident was premeditated.

      The author and journalist’s manager, Boaz Ben Zion, said he hoped the incident was a one-off, adding, “We don’t know yet why Yehonatan was attacked, and we hope the police catch the assailant.”
      #Yonathan-Geffen

  • On va vers une restriction de la liberté d’expression en Israël, comme l’explique si bien l’article de S. Cypel sur Orientxxi

    Israel’s nuclear whistleblower detained over ’long conversation’ with foreigners - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.654095

    Almost 30 years after Mordechai Vanunu exposed Israel’s alleged nuclear secrets, it seems he remains a hot target for the police and intelligence services. Vanunu disappeared last Thursday, on Israel’s Independence Day. A small group of his friends and acquaintances searched for him, but he did not answer his cell phone or respond to messages.

    The mystery was only solved the next morning. Michael Sfard, a lawyer and human rights activist, revealed Wednesday that Vanunu spent many hours that evening at the police station in the Russian Compound in Jerusalem. In a post on his Facebook page, Sfard said Vanunu was arrested by a group of seven Border Police officers and a female police officer, on suspicions he had violated the conditions governing his release from prison - when by chance he held a conversation in public with foreigners for more than half an hour.

    Vanunu was sentenced in 1986 to 18 years in prison for treason and espionage, and was released in 2004 with harsh restrictions on his rights, including the requirement to report on his movements, a ban on his leaving Israel or approaching its borders, as well as a ban on speaking to foreigners.

    Five years ago, Vanunu was imprisoned for three months for violating these restrictions. Last December, after Vanunu filed a petition, the head of the Home Front Command, Maj. Gen. Eyal Eisenberg, signed an order that somewhat eased these conditions. Under the new conditions, Vanunu is still not allowed to speak with foreigners, but he is allowed to “hold a chance conversation in person with foreign citizens or foreign residents, as long as it is a one-time conversation that is held face-to-face, not planned in advance, takes place in a public space open to the general public and which lasts for a period of no more than 30 minutes.”

    Sfard said that on Independence Day, Vanunu sat in the international book store at the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem. While he was there, he spoke with two tourists who happened to enter the store. At some point the police entered the bookstore and arrested Vanunu and one of the people involved in the conversation. During his questioning at the Russian Compound police station, there was a long discussion over the question of how long the conversation in the bookstore went on, whether it lasted more than 30 minutes and how the calculation should be made because Vanunu spoke to two people at the same time.

    Vanunu was released that evening after hours of questioning. Sfard included in his post two responses Vanunu sent from his Facebook account, which include photographs of the arrest. Vanunu can be seen being lead by two police officers, and he added captions to the pictures. Since his release, Vanunu has avoided contact with the Israeli media, and says he will continue to do so until he is allowed to speak to the foreign press too.

    #liberté-d'expression-Israël

  • Entre le marteau et l’enclume.
    Les Arabes israéliens, sommés de s’identifier au récit juif et sioniste pour devenir des citoyens à part entière. En Israël, le mois d’avril est riche en commémorations nationale : Jour de l’indépendance, Jour de la Shoah, Journée du Souvenir des soldats tombés pour la défense d’Israël.
    Comment un Arabe israélien peut-il s’identifier ?
    « Toutes les histoires nationales me touchent. Mais pour s’identifier véritablement aux histoires de l’Holocauste, nous devons lutter contre le racisme et la persécution des minorités. Et ce n’est pas du tout le cas en Israël. C’est douloureux », explique Ayman Odeh.

    « Les juifs n’ont pas le sentiment d’être une majorité. La plupart sont forts, mais ils ont peur, et cela est terrible pour la minorité, ajoute le chef de file de la Liste arabe unie à la Knesset… Il y a quelque chose de psychologique dans la Knesset. Dans chaque coin, il y a un symbole de la nation, mais il n’y a presque aucun symbole civique. »

    Israeli Arab leader strives to teach Netanyahu something about suffering - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.653396

    Between Holocaust Remembrance Day and Independence Day, Israel’s week of national holidays, Joint Arab List chief Ayman Odeh felt suffocated in the Knesset. State symbols watched him from all sides — the flag, the menorah, Theodor Herzl — and he felt excluded by them all.

    “There’s something psychological here. In every corner of the Knesset there’s a symbol of the nation, but there are almost no civic symbols. There are no pictures of the country’s landscapes, nature, Arabs and Jews together,” he says.

    “It seems the Jews don’t feel like a majority. Most of the Jews are strong, but they’re also afraid, and that’s awful for the minority. When there’s a majority that feels like a minority and is strong but feels weak and threatened, we pay the price.”

    Odeh has started his first Knesset term heading the grouping that contains four Arab parties in an artificial marriage. The goal was to eclipse the increased 3.25-percent electoral threshold, which the party did with ease — its 13 seats make it the Knesset’s third largest party.

    If Isaac Herzog’s Zionist Union enters a unity government — he insists he won’t — Odeh will probably become Israel’s first-ever Arab opposition leader. He was actually supposed to enter the Knesset before the election and replace Mohammed Barakeh as head of the Arab-Jewish Hadash party, but the vote was moved up to March 17.

    Alongside his 10-year plan to reduce inequality between Jews and Arabs, Odeh wants to help the poor and have the unrecognized Bedouin communities in the Negev recognized. He also wants to increase funding for Arab culture. He has already spoken with key Likud MK Zeev Elkin.

    “I told him: ‘The opposition rarely manages to pass bills when you’re coalition whip, so tell me what you can accept.’ He told me Jews should learn Arabic starting in the first grade. I said: ‘Okay, I’ll propose it.’”

    Before the swearing-in ceremony at the Knesset, Joint Arab List MKs had to decide whether to stand during the singing of the national anthem, which talks about “the Jewish soul.”

    “There was an argument in the party,” says Odeh. He says he asked the other MKs to treat it as an official ceremony and not walk out. In the end, no agreement was reached and Odeh and the other Hadash MKs remained along with Osama Saadia of Ta’al, a component of the Arab ticket. The others left.

    Odeh says that for nearly two weeks he argued with himself over whether to stay. “Sometimes I regret I stayed, sometimes not,” he says.

    After the swearing-in, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech was out of touch and nationalist, as if it came out of history 3,000 years ago, Odeh says, adding that Netanyahu spoke so heatedly he was more like an actor.

    A week ago Odeh took part in the Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony. This time he left before the national anthem, but not because of it. “I’ve read ‘The Diary of Anne Frank’ — and also it hurts me how [a Holocaust survivor] collapsed during the Eichmann trial,” he says.

    “All nations’ stories touch me. But to identify in a true and deep way with the stories about the Holocaust, we must fight racism and the persecution of minorities. And that’s not what’s happening in this country. It hurts.”

    Odeh says Netanyahu backs racist laws and wants to discard democracy. He says he has greater credibility talking about the Holocaust than Netanyahu because he’s fighting racism and represents a minority that seeks cooperation based on respect.

    Odeh is due to meet Netanyahu soon, a meeting he says he learned about in the newspapers. Even though he considers the tête–à–tête a media exercise and the prime minister’s attempt to put out the fires he set on Election Day, Odeh asked his MKs whether he should attend — and they all said yes.

    “The burden of proof is on Bibi,” Odeh adds. “He needs to convince us he wants a serious meeting.”

    Odeh will also be meeting with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in the next two weeks, as well as with President Reuven Rivlin and Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life terms for terror activity.

    Regarding the criticism that Israeli Arab leaders worry more about the Palestinians than their own voters, Odeh says he wants to lead the battle here in Israel. But he also believes that real equality will be only be possible by solving the Palestinian issue, because the country of which he’s a citizen is at war with the people he belongs to.

    “We’re between the hammer and the anvil,” he says.

    Odeh distinguishes between civil rights, which he thinks can be achieved now, and national rights. Issues such as employment for Arab women and public transportation “don’t need to be part of an ideological dispute. As for national rights, we can disagree.”

  • No exit: An Israeli Arab city’s second-class status Umm al-Fahm has roads that lead to nowhere and until two years ago no public transportation at all.
    By Tali Heruti-Sover | Apr. 26, 2015 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.653323

    On one side of the Arab city of Umm al-Fahm is a two-lane road that ends suddenly — the money ran out — and on the other side is the main exit, a bottleneck that narrows even further the closer it gets to Route 65, the main highway that runs through Wadi Ara.

    A visit to the second largest Arab city in Israel, where 53,000 residents live, in the Wadi Ara area of northern Israel illustrates the impasse faced by many Arab towns in the country.

    The afternoon we visited traffic flowed easily. But that’s not the case during rush hour at 5:30 a.m., seven days a week, when some 20,000 drivers try to leave town.

    “It takes 20 to 45 minutes [to get out],” says Saliman Mahamid, the long-serving city engineer. “Every resident knows that in order to get to work they must make it through the traffic jam, and 12 hours later they will get stuck on the way back,” says Mahamid, noting that over 50% of the population works out of town. “People work all over the country so they leave early, but everyone sits in the same unbearable traffic jam. There is no city in Israel, certainly not of this size, where the exit and entrance are controlled by one small traffic light. I assume that in a Jewish city of the same size they would have already dealt with the matter,” he says.

    It seems Mahamid is right: Over 10 million shekels ($2.5 million) was invested recently in another interchange for the second largest neighborhood in Hadera, Givat Olga, where some 12,000 residents suffered from an infuriating, but much smaller, traffic jam. Today they enjoy a new and impressive road that connects to the coastal road (Highway 2). In Umm al-Fahm, by comparison, they will wait — and not because there are no plans, which there have been for decades. This traffic jam is the parable and moral of the story of generations of Israeli governments whose actions are defined by discrimination and Chelm-like stupidity.

  • Israeli Arab leader strives to teach Netanyahu something about suffering
    ‘To identify with the stories about the Holocaust, we must fight racism and the persecution of minorities,’ Ayman Odeh says. ’And that’s not what’s happening in this country.’
    By Ofra Edelman | Apr. 26, 2015 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.653396

    Between Holocaust Remembrance Day and Independence Day, Israel’s week of national holidays, Joint Arab List chief Ayman Odeh felt suffocated in the Knesset. State symbols watched him from all sides — the flag, the menorah, Theodor Herzl — and he felt excluded by them all.

    “There’s something psychological here. In every corner of the Knesset there’s a symbol of the nation, but there are almost no civic symbols. There are no pictures of the country’s landscapes, nature, Arabs and Jews together,” he says.

    “It seems the Jews don’t feel like a majority. Most of the Jews are strong, but they’re also afraid, and that’s awful for the minority. When there’s a majority that feels like a minority and is strong but feels weak and threatened, we pay the price.”

    Odeh has started his first Knesset term heading the grouping that contains four Arab parties in an artificial marriage. The goal was to eclipse the increased 3.25-percent electoral threshold, which the party did with ease — its 13 seats make it the Knesset’s third largest party.

    If Isaac Herzog’s Zionist Union enters a unity government — he insists he won’t — Odeh will probably become Israel’s first-ever Arab opposition leader. He was actually supposed to enter the Knesset before the election and replace Mohammed Barakeh as head of the Arab-Jewish Hadash party, but the vote was moved up to March 17.

    Alongside his 10-year plan to reduce inequality between Jews and Arabs, Odeh wants to help the poor and have the unrecognized Bedouin communities in the Negev recognized. He also wants to increase funding for Arab culture. He has already spoken with key Likud MK Zeev Elkin.

    “I told him: ‘The opposition rarely manages to pass bills when you’re coalition whip, so tell me what you can accept.’ He told me Jews should learn Arabic starting in the first grade. I said: ‘Okay, I’ll propose it.’”

    Before the swearing-in ceremony at the Knesset, Joint Arab List MKs had to decide whether to stand during the singing of the national anthem, which talks about “the Jewish soul.”

    “There was an argument in the party,” says Odeh. He says he asked the other MKs to treat it as an official ceremony and not walk out. In the end, no agreement was reached and Odeh and the other Hadash MKs remained along with Osama Saadia of Ta’al, a component of the Arab ticket. The others left.

    Odeh says that for nearly two weeks he argued with himself over whether to stay. “Sometimes I regret I stayed, sometimes not,” he says.

    After the swearing-in, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech was out of touch and nationalist, as if it came out of history 3,000 years ago, Odeh says, adding that Netanyahu spoke so heatedly he was more like an actor.

    A week ago Odeh took part in the Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony. This time he left before the national anthem, but not because of it. “I’ve read ‘The Diary of Anne Frank’ — and also it hurts me how [a Holocaust survivor] collapsed during the Eichmann trial,” he says.

    “All nations’ stories touch me. But to identify in a true and deep way with the stories about the Holocaust, we must fight racism and the persecution of minorities. And that’s not what’s happening in this country. It hurts.”

    Odeh says Netanyahu backs racist laws and wants to discard democracy. He says he has greater credibility talking about the Holocaust than Netanyahu because he’s fighting racism and represents a minority that seeks cooperation based on respect.

    Odeh is due to meet Netanyahu soon, a meeting he says he learned about in the newspapers. Even though he considers the tête–à–tête a media exercise and the prime minister’s attempt to put out the fires he set on Election Day, Odeh asked his MKs whether he should attend — and they all said yes.

    “The burden of proof is on Bibi,” Odeh adds. “He needs to convince us he wants a serious meeting.”

    Odeh will also be meeting with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in the next two weeks, as well as with President Reuven Rivlin and Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, who is serving five life terms for terror activity.

    Regarding the criticism that Israeli Arab leaders worry more about the Palestinians than their own voters, Odeh says he wants to lead the battle here in Israel. But he also believes that real equality will be only be possible by solving the Palestinian issue, because the country of which he’s a citizen is at war with the people he belongs to.

    “We’re between the hammer and the anvil,” he says.

    Odeh distinguishes between civil rights, which he thinks can be achieved now, and national rights. Issues such as employment for Arab women and public transportation “don’t need to be part of an ideological dispute. As for national rights, we can disagree.”

  • IDF cites rise in number of overseas volunteers joining its ranks -

    | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652927

    A resurgent desire to defend the Jewish state, along with improved support for recruits from abroad, have boosted the number serving over the past two years.
    By Alona Ferber | Apr. 22, 2015 |

    He was the youngest of four, from a comfortable Jewish home, with loving parents who gave him everything he wanted, and he had always dreamed of being a soldier in the Israel Defense Forces.

    Then, last summer, three “lone soldiers” — an IDF term for recruits alone in Israel, often from abroad — died in Gaza. Their deaths gave this young Diaspora Jew the final push he needed to enlist.

    “They put their lives on the line for us, for Israel, for all the Jewish people,” says the lone soldier, who asked to remain nameless. He is referring to Max Steinberg, 24, from Los Angeles, Sean Carmeli, 21, an American-Israeli, and Jordan Bensemhoun, 22, a French-Israeli — the three will be added to a list of more than 20,000 names when the country marks Memorial Day on Wednesday.

    As he puts it, “If they can do it, I can do it, too.”

    Military service is mandatory for Israelis and immigrants under a certain age, depending on gender and other factors. The term “lone soldier” refers both to ordinary conscripts who lack a support network, such as orphans, Israelis whose parents are abroad for part or all of the year, and the more than 1,000 from countries around the world who every year become soldiers, exchanging their civilian clothes for an IDF uniform.

    At the end of 2014, there were 3,484 such soldiers in the IDF, according to army figures, including non-Israelis who joined through Machal, a program for volunteers who don’t have Israeli citizenship. Today the army has soldiers from more than 70 countries; a quarter of these foreign recruits are from the United States.

    Around 2,700 are recent immigrants, according to Nefesh B’Nefesh, an organization that works with Israeli immigrants. Nefesh B’Nefesh runs its Lone Soldiers Program in partnership with the army and a U.S. nonprofit group, Friends of the IDF, which provides funding for lone soldiers. 

    The numbers are small, but the increase last year was marked. By the end of 2014, the number of foreign lone soldiers in active service — both immigrants and non-immigrant volunteers — had increased by 330 from 2013, army figures show. That rise was a mere five soldiers the previous year and 11 the year before that.

    “There’s no doubt that in the past two years we see a bigger increase than before,” a senior officer in the army’s Manpower Directorate told Haaretz.

    A banner year in 2014

    Among new immigrant recruits, the numbers have increased steadily between 5 and 10 percent over the last three years since Nefesh B’Nefesh founded its Lone Soldiers Program, the organization says.

    Between 2002 and 2012, the average number of lone soldiers in total — both Israeli and foreign — was 5,500 a year, with a high of 6,332 in 2002 and low of 5,110 in 2005, according to army figures cited in a 2013 Knesset report. The total last year was 6,191, according to IDF figures.

    One reason given for the recent jump among foreign recruits is the snowballing word-of-mouth recommendation network back home. “A friend brings a friend; these soldiers are our best ambassadors,” the senior officer says.

    Meanwhile, Israel’s increasing isolation and the perceived rise in global anti-Semitism has galvanized Zionist Jews around the world to help defend the Jewish state, she says.

    A full 57 percent of lone soldiers serve in combat units, both as fighters and in support roles such as combat engineering. But with many joining after college, the army often uses their maturity and language skills in intelligence roles, the senior officer says.

    Women, who make up 30 percent of lone soldiers, also serve in combat units; as paramedics, for instance. “Today, girls can do almost everything, and foreign girls come highly motivated,” she says. The number of female recruits has been increasing, she adds, though the army declined to give figures.

    Still, the low number of women compared to men makes sense, the senior officer says. “In most countries, women don’t go to the army .... It’s harder for parents to send a girl to a country alone to join an army,” she says. “But yes, there is an increase in women joining, also in the army in general. There is an increase in women in higher ranks and in combat roles.”

    Female lone soldiers also serve in combat units as lookouts. “Today girls can do almost everything, and foreign girls come highly motivated,” the officer says.

    Laura Himmelstein from Atlanta, 27, is one of the 30 percent. With a BA in business and an MA in public policy, she works in the International Cooperation Division, in a section managing the information flow with foreign militaries. She has nearly completed her one-year enlistment period, which started just before the the Gaza war last summer.

    Laura Himmelstein.

    Twenty-six when she became an Israeli citizen in 2013, she was past the age where she had to serve but insisted on volunteering, even though that meant being told what to do by 19-year-olds.

    She wanted to learn Hebrew quickly, to assimilate and grasp the Israeli mentality, but her thinking was also ideological. “People can live here because others take their turn,” she says. “I wanted to take my turn.”

    The Gaza war contributed “without a doubt” to the increase in lone-soldier enlistment, says Dar Iwler of the Tel Aviv branch of the Lone Soldiers Center in Memory of Michael Levin. This organization, which provides support for these soldiers, was named for a lone soldier who died in the Second Lebanon War.

    Thinking back to last summer, Iwler recalls how “people arrived and said ‘I want a draft,’ or reserve soldiers came to me and said ‘I want to be on reserve duty.’ People asked me, ‘what can I do just to help in the fighting?’”

    Facebook and Instagram

    The majority of immigrant lone soldiers that Nefesh B’Nefesh works with come from the United States, Russia, Ukraine, France and Canada. A full 35 percent come from the States.

    With soldiers sharing their experiences with family and friends back home on Facebook and Instagram, there is a greater awareness of the option, which has helped feed the increase, says a 27-year-old reserve soldier from the United States who preferred to remain nameless. “People see their friends, cousins, classmates or whatever posting pics in IDF uniforms, and it makes it seem possible,” he says.

    ‬Lone soldiers serve between six and 30 months, depending on age, sex and pathway into the army. Applying for lone-soldier status is part of the draft process; benefits include monthly salary stipends, food vouchers, and days off if parents are in town for a visit. The army also provides language classes for troops who need to brush up their Hebrew.

    Meanwhile, outside the army, a range of initiatives for lone soldiers have sprung up in recent years. Garin Tzabar, which places lone soldiers together on kibbutzim, has been around since the ‘90s. The Lone Soldier Center was founded in 2009 by a group of former lone soldiers, friends of the late Michael Levin.

    The Benjy Hillman Foundation, named for another lone soldier who fell in Lebanon, was founded in 2006 and opened its home for lone soldiers — Habayit Shel Benjy — in Ra’anana in 2013. Nefesh B’Nefesh launched its Lone Soldiers Program three years ago.

    For the army, lone soldiers are seen as ambassadors, and the IDF actively tries to spread the word to potential recruits abroad through groups like Nefesh B’Nefesh.

    “They are our spokesmen, they go home and explain what Israel is really like,” the senior officer says. A big part of Nefesh B’Nefesh’s work comes before future immigrants move to Israel, ensuring they are aware of what is involved once they enlist, says Eric Michaelson, vice president of the organization.

    Still, though the initiatives provide support, and activities such as Passover seders and

    Independence Day barbecues help foster a lone-soldier community, little can be done to soothe the rough edges of serving in a new country. Any lone soldier will tell you that homesickness is one of the toughest challenges.

    Nir Katz, 29, a reserve soldier who lives in the United States and flies back annually for reserve duty on his own dime, recalls the loneliness of coming home to an empty apartment during his service. “No one is there waiting for you,” he says. “In the winter your house is cold, and it takes a few hours for the heating to get the house warm.”

    For new immigrants, a second challenge comes after serving in the army: acclimatizing to civilian life. “We refer to this as aliyah shniyah” — second immigration — says Michaelson, who estimates that around 10 to 20 percent of new immigrants who find it hard to adjust leave Israel after the army.

    As for the lone solider who asked to remain nameless, he probably won’t stick around after he finishes serving. Aside from the fact that his mother wants him home already, he thinks he can forge a better life across the Atlantic. There are bigger opportunities there, he says — “Thank God Jews in New York live well; there isn’t much anti-Semitism.”

  • Joint List leader: A real apology from Netanyahu would be true equality for Arabs - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/1.648460

    The leader of the Joint List of Arab parties, Ayman Odeh, rejected on Monday Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s apology for the offense his remarks on Election Day caused, saying that a true apology would include true equality for Israeli Arabs and minority groups.

    “I want to see if he recognizes the unrecognized Bedouin villages [in the Negev],” Odeh told Channel 2. “He will keep pushing the racist legislation and will sit with [Habayit Hayehudi’s Naftali] Bennett to legislate the Jewish nation-state law. This isn’t a true apology.”

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed regret Monday for his statements during the elections last week, in which he called on his supporters to vote, warning that “the Arabs are voting in droves.” "I know the things I said a few days ago hurt some Israeli citizens," Netanyahu said during a meeting Tuesday with representatives of Israeli monitory groups.

    During another interview with Channel 10 news, Odeh said that Netanyahu’s “racism didn’t start or end with this inflammatory statement,” adding that “zig-zagging positions are part of Netanyahu’s personality.”

    The head of the third-largest party also criticized the fact that Joint List leaders were not invited to the meeting with Netanyahu, accusing him of turning one community against the other.

    “Therefore we have no choice but to continue the struggle of democratic Arab and Jewish citizens together against Netanyahu’s destructive policy, and for a future of peace, equality, democracy and social justice for all of the country’s citizens,” Odeh said.

    Netanyahu’s comments on Election Day drew harsh criticism in Israel and abroad. The White House said it was “deeply concerned” by “divisive rhetoric” that sought to marginalize Israeli Arabs, and Netanyahu’s remarks against Israel’s Arab citizens were also brought up by Obama in his conversation with Netanyahu a few days after the elections.

    In Israel, President Reuven Rivlin took the prime minister to task over the remarks, saying such remarks have no place in a country where people must live as equals. Zionist Union head Isaac Herzog also slammed Netanyahu, saying he “humiliated 20 percent of Israeli citizens for the sake of his election campaign” with those remarks.

  • Joint Arab List turns down invite from Arab League - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652757

    Knesset Members of the Joint Arab List decided on Monday to turn down an invitation by the Arab League’s for a meeting at the League’s headquarters in Cairo, saying they would rather focus on issues directly related to the Israeli Arab public.

    After holding consultations, party members said that the timing was not right for such a meeting, but that party would revisit the proposal in the future.

    Despite these official explanations, however, Haaretz has learned that party members were concerned that attending a meeting with the Arab League would draw criticism from their constituents for focusing on foreign affairs rather than urgent domestic issues.

    The Arab League has shown great interest in the Joint Arab List - which has become the third-largest party in the Knesset – and is keen to hear its views on the political developments in Israel.

    The invitation was relayed on Saturday night by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to party leader Ayman Odeh. While the party deliberated on whether to accept the invite, differences emerged between the different parties who make up the list regarding the scope of relations with the Arab world - particularly in the context of the crises in Arab countries such as Syria and Yemen. 

    According to Palestinian sources, a suggestion was made to hold the meeting in Doha, Qatar, rather than in Cairo. This idea, however, was turned down: “Qatar is perceived as a divisive element over which there is no consensus among the Arab Israeli public,” a party member explained. Qatar, the official added, is involved in almost every development in the Arab world, including the situation in Syria. “As far as we’re concerned, the Arab League’s headquarters is in Cairo, and such a visit – if it comes to fruition – should take place there,” the official said.

    This issue and others were discussed in the Joint Arab List’s meeting on Monday. Some members in the list – which is made up of four parties – are wary of Palestinian and Arab attempts to “smother” them. “We receive and hear things as if the List won the prime minister’s office,” said a party MK, “and there is a high level of expectations that is incongruous with Israel’s political map.”

    The party is still awaiting an exact date for a meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. While the premier offered to meet on April 27 – a day before the planned strike over house demolitions in Kafr Kana and Dahamesh – the Joint Arab List prefers to meet as early as this week or postpone the meeting by one week. Postponing the meeting would allow the party to present the prime minister with a working plan rather than hold what would amount to a courtesy meeting.

  • La crise du logement et de la construction en Israël n’existera pas à Jérusalem.

    Planners eye Jerusalem Hills as site for new city of 100,000 - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652273

    Jerusalem could be getting a giant satellite city in what is today verdant, rolling countryside.

    The city would cover 14,000 dunams (3,500 acres) of the Jerusalem Hills, encompassing the existing small towns of Tsur Hadassah and Mevo Beitar with 20,000 new housing units, just inside the Green Line dividing “Israel proper” from the West Bank.

    Plans for the proposed city of Bat Harim, which could one day be home to 100,000 people, are due to get their first hearing at a meeting of the Israel Lands Authority Council on Sunday.

    But long before the first ground is broken, opposition to the planned city has already been quietly coalescing. The ILA and the Interior Ministry’s Planning Administration favor the idea, but the Jerusalem municipality, which is supposed to take over the area, is opposed.

    The area is now under the jurisdiction of Yehuda Regional Council, but plans call for putting the area under the jurisdiction of Jerusalem, even though the capital lies two kilometers northeast of the region.

    The area’s existing residents are fighting the idea as well. The Yehuda Regional Council, which would lose control of the area, is leading the battle, backed by residents of Tsur Hadassah and Mevo Beitar, who are loathe to give up their quiet small-town life for decades of construction and urban sprawl.

    As it is, even while plans for Bat Harim are just getting started, plans have been approved to build 2,500 homes in Tsur Hadassah, which would double its population and turn the Jerusalem suburb into a small city in its own right.

    Plans for about 1,000 of those units were presented a few months ago to a special committee created to speed building approvals to alleviating Israel’s housing crunch. There are also plans for 1,400 homes in Mevo Beitar.

    Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat, who apparently has not been party to the plans, made known his opposition in a letter to Interior Minister Gilad Erdan and the director general of the ministry, Shuki Amrani, a month ago.

    “I was disappointed and surprised to discover in recent months that the Finance Ministry, Housing Ministry, ILA and National Planning and Building Council have been advancing … in an aggressive way – irresponsibly and without coordinating with the Jerusalem municipality – a massive building program in the environs of Jerusalem and its metropolitan area,” he wrote, referring for Bat Harim.

    Barkat said that after a slowdown last year in housing starts in Jerusalem, the pace had been recovering and there was no reason for officials to be looking for places outside the city to start massive building projects.

    Barkat expressed concern that Bat Harim would destroy the green belt that now surrounds most of Jerusalem and undermine his efforts to keep people from leaving the city because of the high cost of housing and lack of jobs.

    “We are talking about erecting a new neighborhood [Bat Harim] that would attract quality population away from Jerusalem and undermine our efforts to strengthen neighborhoods,” he said. “It’s unacceptable that outside forces that don’t understand the national strategy for Israel’s capital are operating over the head of Jerusalem’s mayor.”

    In fact, an earlier plan for a new city back in 1999 was ultimately rejected in favor of increasing population density in Jerusalem. A city spokesman said Barket had not yet decided what he would do next to block Bat Harim.

    The Interior Ministry had not responded by press time to the report of Barkat’s letter. But the ILA, Environmental Protection Ministry and the Society for the Protecting of Nature in Israel are attacking the plans as an unnecessary assault on open countryside, even as there is plenty of undeveloped land inside Jerusalem still available for development.

    The SPNI, which estimates that Jerusalem still has land available to build 100,000 housing units, launched a campaign in February to stop the plans and is organizing a rally outside ILA Council meeting on Sunday.

    “Expanding Jerusalem westward by developing an area unconnected geographically from the city will require huge infrastructure investment,” David Leffler, the Environmental Protection Ministry’s director general, said in a letter to Erdan and Amrani last week, calling on them to abandon the plan entirely.

    For its part, the ILA says it has little choice but to open up new areas for development to meet the area’s housing needs. It estimates that the Jerusalem area needs 2,500 new homes to be built every year, or 50,000 over the next two decades.

    “The solution is the p’nui u’vinui program [enlarging existing buildings] and urban renewal, and also through new cities,” the ILA said in a statement to TheMarker, saying the area slotted for Bat Harim is one of “relatively low environmental sensitivity.”

    Despite the opposition, the ILA in October budgeted 1 million shekels ($250,000) for initial planning for Bat Harim by an outside architectural firm. Its proposals will be presented at Sunday’s meeting.

    The SPNI contends that the entire process violates the law, noting that planning authorities have in the recent past rejected any attempt to develop the area. The decision to build a new city can only be made by the government, it contends.

    “We are amazed that such an ambitious and significant planning undertaking can get underway solely because of an internal decision taken by the ILA,” said SPNI’s attorney Tal Tsafrir.

  • Et une autre décision de la Cour suprême autorise la confiscatin de terres palestiniennes à Jérusalem Est en vertu de la « Loi des Absents »
    Supreme Court rules : Israel can confiscate Palestinian property in Jerusalem - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/1.652231

    Supreme Court rules: Israel can confiscate Palestinian property in Jerusalem
    The justices said the controversial Absentee Property Law is applicable in East Jerusalem, but warned it should be used only rarely, and with explicit approval of the attorney general.

    Only a day after the High Court of Justice upheld most of the sections of the “Anti-Boycott Law,” the justices of the Supreme Court approved the use of another controversial law: The application of the Absentee Property Law to assets in East Jerusalem. The practical effect of the ruling is that it allows the state to take control of property in East Jerusalem whose owners live in the West Bank or Gaza.

    (…)

    #expropriation-terres-Jerusalem

    • C’est assez pratique. Les autorités israéliennes ont inventé un système d’appropriation des terres assez efficace bien qu’un peu long. D’abord, on expulse et/ou on détruit les habitations. Ou on construit des murs et des grillages et/ou on ferme les accès aux nombreux ghettos créés par les circonvolutions du mur de séparation. Les palestiniens n’ont plus accès, ou alors c’est cauchemardesque de continuer de vivre dans un endroit d’où on ne peut ni sortir ni entrer, et donc, ils déménagent. Ils deviennent « absent ». Et en vertu de la « loi des absents » après x années (trois, je crois) lss propriétés et ls terres deviennent propriétés de l’Etat israélien. CQFD.

  • Les Israéliens légifèrent sur le boycott qui peut devenir un délit. A voir

    Legitimizing the anti-boycott bill harms Israeli democracy - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652199

    Just prior to the end of his three months after retirement – the last occasion on which a justice can sign off on rulings related to cases he adjudicated – former Supreme Court President Asher Grunis added his signature to the ruling on the so-called Anti-Boycott Law. This ruling captures the spirit of his entire term – one of judicial passivism, which leaves a broad area open for interpretation by the legislative body, as well as a fondness for the “immaturity” rationale, used in order to dismiss the court’s intervention in cases in which a new bill has not yet been implemented.

    The ruling Grunis supported on Wednesday was written by Justice Hanan Melcer, who was joined by the court’s President Miriam Naor, as well as justices Elyakim Rubinstein and Isaac Amit. Thus, a slim 5-4 majority approved the contested part of the law, which states that a public call for boycotting Israel constitutes a civil wrong (or tort) liable to be sued for damages.

    “Boycotting Israel” is defined here as a “purposeful avoidance of economic, cultural or academic ties with a person or other entity due solely to their affinity to Israel, one of its institutions or an area under its control, in a manner that would cause financial, cultural or academic harm.”

    The justices noted that the law infringes on freedom of speech, but this could be justified since the infringement was proportional and directed at a worthy cause.

    However, all the justices concurred that the clause allowing the person calling for a boycott to be forced to pay compensation, even in the absence of proven damage to anyone, was unconstitutional and should be struck down. Justice Melcer emphasized that only a person who could prove being directly affected by a call for a boycott could sue for damages – and that in order to succeed in such a suit, that person would need to prove a causal relationship between the call for a boycott and harm incurred by that call.

    This limits the ability to employ this law, since it will not be possible to use it for blanket litigation against people calling for boycotts. Despite this, as pointed out by the minority justices, the grave issue of freedom of speech and the chilling effects of the law are not resolved. Ironically, this ruling creates a situation in which anyone calling for a boycott should hope that his call fails – since only its success can lead to him being sued.

    Despite the final result, the ruling will be remembered as the first in which the High Court struck down a law’s clause due to an infringement of free speech: Refusing to endorse a clause that allows for compensation without proof of damage anchors the approach that freedom of speech derives from the right to human dignity, which is protected by Israel’s Basic Law on Human Dignity and Freedom, even though freedom of speech is not specifically mentioned in the Basic Law.

    This is hardly a source of comfort or consolation. This is a ruling determining that anyone calling for a boycott can end up being sued. It should be emphasized that the majority of justices made no distinction between the part of the law dealing with calls for boycotting Israel and the part dealing with calls for boycotting areas under Israel’s control. This means that calls for boycotting produce from the West Bank settlements or for boycotting the cultural center in Ariel can lead to a person being sued if this leads to financial damage. This imposes problematic limitations on political freedom of speech.

    Justice Melcer writes in his ruling that calls for a boycott or participation in such actions could sometimes constitute acts of “political terror,” ignoring the historic role boycotts played repeatedly as nonviolent means of resistance. Was the boycott of South Africa during the apartheid years “political terror” or a nonviolent form of protest?

    One can also criticize the broad comparison made by the justices between the boycott law and laws against discrimination, stating that the new law in fact implements the laws forbidding discrimination. However, the existence of these antidiscrimination laws shows that the boycott law is superfluous. There are already laws in place that proscribe discrimination in many areas, such as employment or supply of goods and services, and these laws could be expanded. These are the laws that should combat wrongful discrimination, such as refusal to hire someone based on their nationality or political opinions.

    Calls for a boycott can be annoying and objectionable, but the High Court – even though it restricted the law – has failed to protect freedom of expression in areas where it is particularly important, such as when dealing with unpopular opinions that annoy many people. Consequently, it gave legitimacy to legislation that is part of a wave of proposed antidemocratic bills, designed to “kill the messenger” rather than dealing with the content of the relevant criticism.

    The ruling can perhaps be best summarized by the words of Justice Rubinstein, who quoted from the Passover Haggadah, which states: “In every generation, they rise against us to annihilate us. However, the Holy One, blessed be He, saves us from their hand.” Rubinstein added, “There is nothing wrong in anchoring laws passed by the Knesset in the struggle against those who wish to annihilate us.” This is a viewpoint that perceives the BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) Movement as a threat to Israel’s existence – a view that sees Israel as a perpetual victim, and only a victim. In light of this perception, the High Court legitimized a bill that harms our democracy.

  • Trois maisons « illégales » détruites par des bulldozers israéliens ce mercredi dans le village de Dahamesh, près de la ville de Lod. D’autres maisons avaient été précédemment détruites à Kfar Kana.
    Appel à la grève le 28 avril dans le « secteur arabe », comme on dit en Israël. Le Premier ministre a demandé à rencontrer le chef de file de la Liste arabe unie Ayman Odeh, qui s’entretiendra au préalable avec les autres formations de la liste.

    Israeli Arabs call for general strike over home demolitions - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652009

    Israeli Arabs call for general strike over home demolitions
    Israel demolishes third illegal Arab construction in 48 hours.
    By Jack Khoury

    Three homes were destroyed Wednesday under a demolition order in the unrecognized village of Dahamesh, near Lod – the third demolition of illegal construction in an Arab community within 48 hours. The demolition in Dahamesh began at 4 A.M., when hundreds of policemen, including riot control units, surrounded the area to secure the entrance of three bulldozers that destroyed three homes belonging to the Assaf family that were under construction.

    Walid Assaf told Haaretz that he had struggled for years to secure a building permit, and “whoever knows the story of Dahamesh knows that we are doing everything to get recognition and a permit to build a home. We’ve gone all the way to the Supreme Court. They demolished today, but I’m not giving up. We aren’t leaving. This is our land; we were born here and here we will die.”

    On Monday, a home was demolished in Kafr Kana in the Lower Galilee, and on Tuesday three structures were knocked down in the unrecognized village of Kafr Saua in the Negev.

    The Arab Higher Monitoring Committee, the main Israeli Arab leadership body, announced a general strike in the Arab sector on April 28, including in schools, because of the demolitions. The committee also said it would help the affected families rebuild their homes without any help from international organizations. Many Israeli Arabs believe that the recent spate of demolitions signifies a change of policy in the wake of the recent Knesset election,

    The Prime Minister’s Office made contact Wednesday afternoon with aides of Joint Arab List chairman Ayman Odeh to arrange a meeting between Odeh and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Odeh’s associates said he would like the meeting to take place as soon as possible given the recent demolitions, but needed to consult with the heads of the other factions that comprise the list.

    The Assafs’ attorney, Kais Nasser, said that there had been a hearing earlier this week at the Lod District Court on delaying the demolition order, and the court had asked the state for a response within 48 hours. “We were waiting for a response in writing; we didn’t expect the response to be demolition.”

    The Interior Ministry said there was no connection between the demolition in Kafr Kana and the one in Dahamesh. “The demolition [in Dahamesh] was carried out in accordance with the District Court decision handed down two days ago that rejected the request to postpone the demolition. These are illegal, unoccupied structures of between 120 and 150 square meters that were built on land zoned for agriculture.”

  • Discussions secrètes entre Netanyahu et Herzog sur une union nationale : les militants du Camp sioniste sont stupéfaits et angoissés, les ténors ne seraient pas contre. Quelle que soit la solution trouvée, elle suscitera de fortes déceptions et tensions dans certains secteurs de la population

    Likud official : Netanyahu mulling unity government with Herzog - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.651679

    Although there have been no coalition talks between Likud and Zionist Union as yet and members of both parties believe that the chances of them forming a government together are slim, there are increasing signs that the parties are considering such a possibility.

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told a senior Likud figure in recent days that he does not reject the idea of a unity government with Zionist Union.

    “Netanyahu understands the importance of a centrist coalition, both domestically and abroad,” the senior figure said. Nevertheless, since the election Netanyahu has consistently denied he would form a coalition with Zionist Union head Isaac Herzog.

    Meanwhile, Zionist Union sources claim that senior Labor faction officials, led by Herzog, have spoken with President Reuven Rivlin about joining a Netanyahu-led government. As far as is known, Rivlin is not dealing with the matter, having decided to avoid getting involved in political processes. Herzog denied having the discussion with Rivlin.

    According to a report on Channel 1, Netanyahu and Herzog met several days ago outside the framework of the routine briefings between the premier and the head of the opposition. According to the report, even their close associates and aides didn’t know about the meeting.

  • For first time in years, Israeli authorities raze house in Galilee Arab town
    Calls mount for Arab general strike after illegally built home in Kafr Kana is demolished.
    By Jack Khoury | Apr. 14, 2015 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.651666

    State authorities demolished an illegally built home in Kafr Kana late Sunday night, marking the first time in years a demolition order in a Galilee Arab town has been carried out. A call for a nationwide Arab general strike starting Tuesday was issued in an emergency meeting of the Kafr Kana local council and the town’s residents committee, and echoed by local councils in the Wadi Ara region.

    Arab communities in the north fear the demolition could mark the beginning of a new wave of such actions by the state. The Arab Higher Monitoring Committee, the main Israeli Arab leadership body, was expected to meet on Monday night to decide what steps to take.

    The demolished house belonged to Tarak Khatib, and was located inside his family’s olive grove, Khatib said. Shortly after midnight on Sunday, hundreds of police arrived unannounced and surrounded the house. They blocked roads leading to the house, removed the family and some of their belongings, then destroyed the house, said Khatib.

    Hundreds of local residents came to the site that night, with police using tear gas to keep them away from the house. After removing the debris, the residents started rebuilding the house with the local council’s support.

    Khatib admitted to Haaretz that his house was built illegally, without permits, two years ago, and lay outside the residential zone in the town’s master plan. But he pointed out that the government’s refusal to expand this zone in Kafr Kana’s master plan left him with no choice but to build his home illegally.

    “I need a roof over the heads of my five children and I had nowhere to build,” he said. “For two years I’ve been in a battle to prevent the demolition and to start the process of getting a permit, but the government insisted on demolishing.”

    The head of the local council, Majhad Awawdeh, said: “It is private property, which is the natural continuation of the houses in the neighborhood.” The house is a few hundred meters from the neighboring homes.

    The local council has filed expansion plans for Kafr Kana (pop. 21,000) and repeatedly asked the Interior Ministry and regional planning committee to approve the town’s expansion, which would have allowed construction on the Khatib family’s land, said Awawdeh. The last time the town was expanded was in 1999. But the council head said they have run into bureaucratic foot-dragging and rejection from the government and Interior Ministry, who, he said, “need to decide whether we are citizens of this country.”

    Demolition sends a message

    Because it has been years since a Galilee Arab home was demolished, this one appears to be a message to Israeli Arabs of a change of policy in the wake of the recent Knesset election, said Arfan Khatib, a local council member and a relative of Tarak Khatib. The house that was demolished was “easy pickings” because it is at the very edge of the town, meaning police didn’t have to go inside Kafr Kana, he said.

    “There are another 26 houses that were built without permits in the community,” Councilman Khatib noted. “If you think about the natural [population] growth in the town it is possible to understand the distress it is in. ... Some of the neighborhoods look like refugee camps.”

    The lack of housing in the Arab community has been steadily worsening. On the eve of Land Day two weeks ago, Haaretz reported that some 100,000 housing units would have to be built in Israeli Arab communities over the next decade to meet the demand. Arabs own only some 5 percent of Israel’s land, and freeing up state land for housing construction requires a bureaucratic process that can take up to a decade. The result is massive construction without permits and thousands of demolition orders.

    The Interior Ministry had yet to respond by press time.

  • Netanyahu expected to appoint ministers in coming week - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.651349

    Far-reaching demands by the Kulanu and Habayit Hayehudi parties had stymied talks before the Passover break, with one Likud MK saying, “Netanyahu will have to take meaningful decisions regarding ministerial appointments at the beginning of next week, or else the negotiations won’t go anywhere.”

    Netanyahu presumably would prefer to wait for the negotiations with Kulanu and Habayit Hayehudi to gel, in order to sign a coalition agreement with all the partners in the incoming government at the same time, rather than going ahead and closing the deal with the parties with which understandings have been reached on most substantive issues – namely, Shas, United Torah Judaism and Yisrael Beiteinu.

    Last Thursday, Netanyahu held a meeting with senior figures in his party over the coalition negotiations. The discussion centered around the demands of Kulanu and Habayit Hayehudi. Likud’s position is that the parties headed by Moshe Kahlon and Naftali Bennett, respectively, are holding firm because they believe Netanyahu cannot form a coalition without them.

    Kulanu and Habayit Hayehudi would appear to be correct in their assessment. Despite loud pronouncements about the possibility of turning to other potential coalition partners, Likud has made it clear that it has no intention of approaching Zionist Union about forming a unity government. One Likud lawmaker said any such claims were a red herring that was part of the negotiating strategy.

    Netanyahu met with Shas chairman Arye Dery last Thursday in an attempt to solve one of the key obstacles to the coalition – the demand by both Shas and Kulanu for authority over the state’s planning and zoning agencies.

    While Dery is expected to serve as interior minister, Kahlon is demanding the transfer of the Israel Land Authority from the Interior Ministry into the hands of his party.

    Likud sources said that since MK Yitzhak Cohen (Shas) is expected to be named deputy finance minister, the ILA could be moved without upsetting either Shas or Kulanu.

    Estimates are that Kahlon’s demands for ministerial portfolios in the coalition negotiations will not derail the finalizing of an agreement with him, and that he is ultimately likely to receive the finance, housing and environmental protection ministries as he demands.

    Sources within Kulanu have recently mentioned the party’s No. 2, MK Yoav Galant, as a surefire candidate for a cabinet position, and No. 3, Eli Alaluf, or Kahlon crony and former Bezeq CEO Avi Gabay (who was not a Knesset candidate) as possible candidates for the party’s third cabinet spot.

    Beyond the issue of the Israel Land Authority, there are a number of outstanding disagreements between the various parties that are making the finalizing of the coalition agreement difficult.

    For example, there is a great deal of daylight between the positions of Habayit Hayehudi and Yisrael Beiteinu on the issue of abolishing reforms to the Jewish conversion process. Likud is not a party to this dispute.

    Meanwhile, Likud has yet to rule on the demands by both Shas and Habayit Hayehudi for the Religious Affairs Ministry, and those of both Habayit Hayehudi and Yisrael Beiteinu for the Foreign Ministry. Likud figures say the latter portfolio will remain with Yisrael Beiteinu, but Habayit Hayehudi still insists that its chairman, Naftali Bennett, must be the next foreign minister.

    The issue of who heads the powerful Knesset Finance Committee has also not been resolved, but sources in Likud said they expected that Kahlon will eventually agree that MK Moshe Gafni (United Torah Judaism) should retain the position.

    Members of both the Habayit Hayehudi and Kulanu negotiating teams agreed that the ball is in Netanyahu’s court. “We have submitted most of our demands, and the Likud team said they’d give us an answer soon. We’re waiting,” said one negotiator.

    Netanyahu and Likud received an initial 28 days to form a coalition, with that deadline set to expire on April 22.

  • Le yoyo de la politique israélienne : de l’art de ménager la chèvre et le chou en se tirant une balle dans le pied, avant de retourner sa veste, pour sauver les apparences, en vue de réaliser toujours le même but : grignoter des territoires

    Habayit Hayehudi pushing legislation to increase settlement construction - National - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.650790

    In coalition negotiations with Likud on Monday, Habayit Hayehudi demanded that the new government’s guidelines include support for a bill to alter the Israeli justice system, and an increase in construction of settlements in the West Bank.

    The right-wing, largely religious party tried to advance this legislation in the previous government, but failed.

    Habayit Hayehudi’s representatives in the coalition negotiations demanded the advance of legislation to weaken the judiciary in relation to the Knesset. One of their demands was to enable the Knesset to reenact a law that the High Court of Justice had struck down because it contradicted the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.

    They also insisted on reducing the number of Supreme Court judges on the Judicial Appointments Committee and thus increase the influence of the politicians on the panel. The Likud’s representatives said they would examine the request and respond in the next few days.

    Both parties said they were examining how to draft Habayit Hayehudi’s demand to include an increase in settlement construction in the government’s guidelines.

    MK Yariv Levin, a member of Likud’s negotiation team, said he would advance the changes in the Judicial Appointments Committee as part of broader legislation he was planning to change “the face of Israel’s justice system.”

    The two parties also agreed to advance legislation restricting NGOs – in effect, leftist NGOs – from raising funds from foreign states. The final draft submitted by Habayit Hayehudi stipulates that an NGO seeking a tax exemption for a contribution from a foreign state will require the approval of the defense and foreign ministers and the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

    Habayit Hayehudi sources said no real progress was made on Monday but they believed Likud was interested in the party’s joining the coalition. During the campaign, Habayit Hayehudi, headed by Naftali Bennett, claimed that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu preferred a coalition with Zionist Union.

    The two sides are scheduled to meet again next Monday.