• « مجمع المسجد الأقصى » : الحرب... على المصطلحات أيضاً
    https://al-akhbar.com/Palestine/353067

    La question de la dénomination de "Al-Aqsa" dans les médias, analysée dans cet article qui s’intéresse surtout à la formulation en arabe. Tout de même, en cherchant des illustrations, je suis tombé sur cet article sur le site du Monde (en anglais : https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/01/04/why-is-the-al-aqsa-mosque-compound-such-a-flashpoint-site_6010313_4.html) qui s’inscrit très bien dans l’esprit de l’article et des analystes qui y sont cités, celui (en gros) de dénier le caractère purement islamique d’Al-Aqsa pour préparer les esprits à une conception plus "large" (et donc pro-juive) du " compound d’Al-Aqsa".

    (PS : la traduction automatique est compréhensible, même si elle n’est pas parfaite, cela va de soi...)

    مع اقتحام الوزير الإسرائيلي المتطرّف، إيتمار بن غفير، ساحات المسجد الأقصى في مطلع كانون الثاني الجاري، أقحمت وسائل إعلام غربية ودولية وعربية، مصطلحاً مريباً نعتت من خلاله «المسجد الأقصى المبارك»، أو «الحرم القدسي الشريف» وفق التسمية التاريخية والرسمية له، بـ«مجمع المسجد الأقصى». بدا الأمر وكأن تعميماً وصل إلى وكالات دولية وقنوات غربية ناطقة بالعربية والإنكليزية، لتعويم هذا المصطلح في يوم واحد. إذ إنه وقبل تاريخ الثالث من الشهر الجاري، لم يكن قد سمع أحد من قَبل بالتعبير الجديد، الذي تولّت وكالات وقنوات دولية بحجم «رويترز»، «BBC» ،«CNN» ،«DW» ،«SWI» السويسرية، «الشرق الأوسط»، و«المونيتور» مهمّة الترويج له.

    يلفت الباحث المختصّ في شؤون المسجد الأقصى، بسام أبو سنينة، إلى أنه لم يُستخدم تاريخياً مصطلح «مجمع المسجد الأقصى»، وأن المصطلح القانوني والتاريخي المتَّفق عليه هو «المسجد الأقصى المبارك/ الحرم القدسي الشريف»، الذي يشير بشكل قطعي إلى المسجد الذي تبلغ مساحته 144 ألف متر مربّع، ويشمل المسجد القبلي وقبة الصخرة والمصلى المرواني وباب الرحمة وعشرات المآذن والساحات المحيطة وأكثر من 200 معلم إسلامي وتاريخي، أي كامل المنطقة المحاطة بسور المسجد الأقصى الواقع في أقصى الزاوية الجنوبية الشرقية من البلدة القديمة. ويرى أبو سنينة، في حديثه إلى «الأخبار»، أن «تدشين مصطلح كهذا في ظلّ مساعي الحكومة الإسرائيلية المحمومة إلى تغيير الواقع التاريخي في الأقصى، إنما يشكّل محاولة لاختراق الوعي الجمعي العربي والدولي، من خلال حصر المسجد الأقصى في حدود المسجد القبلي، دوناً عن باقي المعالم التي يضمّها السور، مثل قبة الصخرة والمصلى المرواني والساحات والقباب والأقواس، وذلك تمهيداً إلى تعميم فكرة أن الأقصى هو مكان مقدس مشترك بين اليهود والمسلمين، وهو أمر يخالف ما هو موثق في تقارير عصبة الأمم المتحدة والمنظّمات التابعة لها، التي تقرّ بأن المسجد الأقصى بمساحته البالغة 144 دونماً، هو ملكية إسلامية خالصة، لا علاقة لليهود به». والجدير بالذكر هنا أن دولة الاحتلال انسحبت، عام 2018، من منظّمة «اليونسكو»، وأبدت اعتراضها على جميع قراراتها. 
    بدوره، يَعتبر المحلّل السياسي، أيمن الرفاتي، «(أننا) أمام مصطلح جديد ذي دلالات استيطانية، وهو جزء من برنامج متكامل، يهدف إلى تغيير الواقع التاريخي للأقصى؛ إذ يعطي “مجمع الأقصى” انطباعاً بأن ثمّة خلافاً دينياً على الأحقية المكانية، وهوية المساحات، وزمن العبادات، وهو بالضبط ما نعنيه بمخطّط تقسيم المسجد مكانياً وزمانياً». ويعدّ الرفاتي، في حديثه إلى «الأخبار»، تساوُق بعض وسائل الإعلام العربية، والعربية التي تبثّ بالإنكليزية، مع المصطلح»، «سقوطاً وانحلالاً وتخلّياً عن صفّ الأمة وآمالها وهمومها»، لافتاً إلى أن «التعبير الجديد يهيّئ الرأي العام الدولي لقبول فكرة إقامة الهيكل المزعوم، ويحاول استنساخ المخطّط الذي طُبّق على الحرم الإبراهيمي في الخليل»، مشدّداً على أن «مكانة المسجد الأقصى وخصوصيته تحتاج إلى قوة ناعمة، تواكب الخطوات العملية والمخطّطات المتدرّجة». 
    وكان المحلّل السياسي الأردني، خالد شنيكات، حذر من أن «استحداث مصطلح كهذا، يجلّي حقيقة المخطّط الإسرائيلي القائم على التقليل من دلالة اقتحام بن غفير للمسجد الأقصى، على اعتبار أن الوزير المتطرّف دخل باحات “المجمع” المتنازَع عليه، وليس مسجد المسلمين القبلي». وقال شنيكات، في تصريح صحافي: «يعني ذلك أن الإسرائيليين يخطّطون لترك المسجد القبلي للمسلمين للصلاة فيه، أمّا باقي المساحة فهي لليهود، وهذه خطّة خبيثة ومحكمة، تعمل إسرائيل على الترويج لها مستقبلاً، ومن باب ممارسة حرية الديانة والعبادة».

  • The plight of sub-Saharan domestic workers in Morocco: ’I was told I would not be paid for the first few months while I paid off my plane ticket’

    Female workers, most of them from Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal, find themselves in jobs that amount to modern slavery, without the official status necessary to defend themselves.

    When she arrived in Tangier in early 2021, a car arrived to pick her up at the train station. She was taken to a house without being told the address. Her passport was confiscated, her belongings were taken away and she was put to work. Housework, cooking, ironing, childcare... She was expected to do everything. She could not leave the house. She would have no days off, no vacations. She would start her days at 6am and could only go to bed when her bosses were asleep.

    After three months, Awa* fled. “I no longer had the strength,” said the 33-year-old woman from Côte d’Ivoire, who has been living in Casablanca ever since. Her migration dream has turned into a nightmare. A year and a half after she arrived in Morocco, she decided to go back home and approached the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which has an assisted voluntary return program.

    Awa’s story is tragic, but it is not unique. Many West African women, mostly Ivorian and Senegalese, go to Morocco to become domestic workers. Most come via human trafficking networks. Some arrive through more informal networks, family or friends, operating by word of mouth. Some also come on their own. Without the appropriate papers, they are often exploited and mistreated, without the ability to defend themselves. This type of “modern slavery” has been condemned by human rights associations in Morocco.

    While it is impossible to know how many workers in this position there are – since their work is mainly informal – everything seems to suggest that the market for foreign maids is robust. On social networks, multiple ads relayed by so-called “agencies” offer the services of African or Asian women, even though this “intermediary activity” is prohibited by Moroccan law.

    These “agencies” offer “catalogs” of available women. “Sub-Saharan women” are recommended for their “flexibility.” One such entry reads: “Because they are not at home, they are more committed, more docile. They are also reliable. And they speak good French.” They are also touted as “cheaper” than Moroccan and Asian women.
    No entry visa required

    For these women, everything starts with the lure of a good salary. In Côte d’Ivoire, Awa was a receptionist, earning 230 euros per month. She recalled: “One day I met someone who told me that he could put me in touch with a Moroccan woman and that this woman would pay my airfare, provide me with lodging and give me 450,000 CFA francs a month [686 euros] to do the housework.” This seemed like a godsend for Awa, who had many projects in mind, such as investing in an “ointment store” in Abidjan. The offer was all the more appealing because she did not need a visa to enter Morocco – both Ivorian and Senegalese nationals are exempt from this requirement.

    When she arrived, “it was the opposite.” She continued: “I was told that I would get 1,300 dirhams a month [123 euros] and that I would not be paid for the first few months while I paid off my plane ticket.” Her passport was taken away – a common practice, according to Mamadou Bhoye Diallo of the Collectif des Communautés Subsahariennes au Maroc (CCSM, Collective of Sub-Saharan Communities in Morocco), to ensure the employee cannot escape, especially before the cost of the trip is recovered from her wages.

    “The person can work up to a year without pay to repay the employer or agency,” continued Mr. Diallo. “After a year, she can still receive nothing if the agency decides to pay the money directly to her family in the country.”

    With no papers or points of reference, they find themselves effectively “taken hostage” and “have no choice but to remain at the mercy of their employers,” added Patrick Kit Bogmis of the Association Lumière Sur l’Emigration au Maroc (ALECMA, Shining a Light on Emigration in Morocco). In 2016, ALECMA published a damning report on sub-Saharan domestic work, noting a long list of human rights violations.

    There is a spectrum of relationships between employees and employers, depending on the attitude of the latter: at one end of it, some workers are given some rights. At the other is a situation that is effectively slavery, where bosses behave as “masters” and employ “exploitative techniques, racism, violence and all kinds of abuse.”

    The first family 39-year-old Yasmine* worked for when she arrived in Casablanca, almost three years ago, made her sleep on the floor in the children’s room. Instead of proper meals, she was given leftovers. “Every two weeks, I was supposed to have a weekend off, but it never happened,” said this Ivorian woman, who was at the time willing to do anything to pay for her three daughters’ education back home.

    After relentless housework and looking after the three children, including a newborn, night and day, she ended up falling ill. “I slept very little. I had headaches, dizziness, pain in my arm. When I asked for some rest, the man yelled at me. He insulted me.”

    With her second family, things were even worse. “I was cleaning, cooking, cleaning the pool. I also had to play with the dog,” continued Yasmine. “The woman was always on my back – why are you sitting? You have to do this... When the children broke things, they said it was my fault. The husband never said a word to me.” Overnight, for no reason, they ordered her to leave. “They wouldn’t give me my stuff back. I had to leave everything there.”
    National preference

    There is a law regulating domestic work in Morocco, which came into force in 2018 after 10 years of debate and was hailed as a big step forward. It states that an employment contract providing access to social protection is required. Yet four years later, this law remains very rarely enforced.

    “Just over 5,000 female workers have been declared to date, out of a population we estimate at 1 million,” stressed Nadia Soubate, a member of the Confédération Démocratique du Travail (CDT, Democratic Confederation of Labor), who was involved in a study published in late 2021 on domestic employment in Morocco.

    Foreign domestic workers, who do not escape the rule of “national preference” in force in the country, are even less protected. “To recruit them, the employer must prove that they have skills that do not exist in the Moroccan labor market. This certificate is necessary to get a foreign employment contract,” explained Camille Denis of the Groupe Antiraciste d’Accompagnement et de Défense des Etrangers et Migrants (GADEM, Antiracist Group for the Support and Defense of Foreigners and Migrants). “This is an extremely cumbersome and costly process – 6,000 dirhams (573 euros) – which must be done within three months of entering the territory. Very few employers are committed to it.”

    Once these three months have passed, “[the women] find themselves in an undocumented situation and there is nothing more they can do,” explained Franck Iyanga, secretary general of the Organisation Démocratique des Travailleurs Immigrés au Maroc (ODTI, Democratic Organization of Immigrant Workers in Morocco) – the only union representing these foreign workers.

    He explains: “You need a foreign work contract to have a residence permit and vice versa. This is an inextricable situation. [Despite this] many people accept suffering this abuse to support themselves and their families. Those who have given up often find themselves working as street vendors.”

    In Casablanca, Yasmine was recruited a few months ago by employers who tried to declare her to make her status official. “But we have not found a solution,” she lamented. “Having no papers puts you at a dead end: you can’t take out a lease in your name, open a bank account, or file a complaint if something happens... You have no rights.”

    Today, Yasmine manages to send her daughters more than half of her salary each month. Once they are grown up, she will return to Abidjan and tell anyone who will listen not to go through what she experienced. “It’s too hard. You have to have a strong heart. This kind of life lacks humanity.”

    https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2022/07/28/the-plight-of-sub-saharan-domestic-workers-in-morocco-i-was-told-i-would-not

    #Maroc #asile #migrations #réfugiés #travail_domestique #femmes #exploitation #conditions_de_travail #travail #travailleurs_étrangers #travailleuses_étrangères #néo-esclavage #esclavage_moderne

    ping @isskein @_kg_