Joseph Stiglitz : how I would vote in the Greek referendum | Business

Joseph Stiglitz : « Comment je voterais au référendum grec »
Mercredi, 1 Juillet, 2015 | L’Humanité |
▻http://www.humanite.fr/joseph-stiglitz-comment-je-voterais-au-referendum-grec-578354

«  En fait, écrit Joseph Stiglitz dans un article paru lundi ( The Guardian), les leaders européens ont commencé de révéler la vraie nature du litige autour de la dette (...) Celle-ci porte bien davantage sur des enjeux de pouvoir et de démocratie que sur la monnaie et l’économie.  » «  Les dates butoirs sont destinées à forcer la Grèce à accepter l’inacceptable – pas seulement des mesures d’austérité mais de nouvelles politiques régressives et punitives.  » Dans ces conditions, conclut l’économiste «  un vote “oui”, le 5 juillet, signifierait la dépression quasiment sans fin (...)  » d’un pays qui a «  vendu l’ensemble de ses actifs et dont les plus brillants de ses jeunes ont dû émigrer.  » «  À l’inverse, un vote “non” laisserait au moins ouverte la possibilité que la Grèce puisse, avec ses fortes traditions démocratiques, reprendre sa destinée en main.  » Et même s’ils restent confrontés à d’immenses difficultés, «  les Grecs pourraient y gagner l’opportunité de construire un avenir bien plus riche d’espoir  ».

La tribune originale en anglais sur le site du Guardian :
►http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jun/29/joseph-stiglitz-how-i-would-vote-in-the-greek-referendum
La traduction d’une partie de l’article par @kassem :
▻http://seenthis.net/messages/385700

Joseph Stiglitz: how I would vote in the Greek referendum | Business | The Guardian
▻http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/jun/29/joseph-stiglitz-how-i-would-vote-in-the-greek-referendum?CMP=fb_gu

That concern for popular legitimacy is incompatible with the politics of the eurozone, which was never a very democratic project. Most of its members’ governments did not seek their people’s approval to turn over their monetary sovereignty to the ECB. When Sweden’s did, Swedes said no. They understood that unemployment would rise if the country’s monetary policy were set by a central bank that focused single-mindedly on inflation (and also that there would be insufficient attention to financial stability). The economy would suffer, because the economic model underlying the eurozone was predicated on power relationships that disadvantaged workers.

And, sure enough, what we are seeing now, 16 years after the eurozone institutionalised those relationships, is the antithesis of democracy: many European leaders want to see the end of prime minister Alexis Tsipras’ leftist government. After all, it is extremely inconvenient to have in Greece a government that is so opposed to the types of policies that have done so much to increase inequality in so many advanced countries, and that is so committed to curbing the unbridled power of wealth. They seem to believe that they can eventually bring down the Greek government by bullying it into accepting an agreement that contravenes its mandate.

It is hard to advise Greeks how to vote on 5 July. Neither alternative – approval or rejection of the troika’s terms – will be easy, and both carry huge risks. A yes vote would mean depression almost without end. Perhaps a depleted country – one that has sold off all of its assets, and whose bright young people have emigrated – might finally get debt forgiveness; perhaps, having shrivelled into a middle-income economy, Greece might finally be able to get assistance from the World Bank. All of this might happen in the next decade, or perhaps in the decade after that.

By contrast, a no vote would at least open the possibility that Greece, with its strong democratic tradition, might grasp its destiny in its own hands. Greeks might gain the opportunity to shape a future that, though perhaps not as prosperous as the past, is far more hopeful than the unconscionable torture of the present.

I know how I would vote.