https://www.themarshallproject.org

  • U.S. Mass Shootings On Rise No Matter How You Define Them | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2022/07/06/what-you-need-to-know-about-the-rise-in-u-s-mass-shootings
    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/c7d51164/76884/1200x

    The Gun Violence Archive, an independent research group, uses a broad definition of a mass shooting: an incident in which four or more people are killed or injured, not including the shooter. It includes shootings linked to gang activity, street fights or domestic violence.

    The group counted 2,403 mass shootings from 2017 to 2021, with 2,495 dead and 10,225 injured. The group’s data reveals a steep rise in recent years: 692 mass shootings in 2021, up 66% from 2019’s total of 417.

    The group tallied 318 mass shootings as of 3 p.m. on July 5. That puts 2022 on track to finish as one of the deadliest years since the group began monitoring these crimes in 2014.

    Like The Violence Project, Everytown for Gun Safety defines a mass shooting as an incident in which four or more people are killed with a firearm, excluding the perpetrator. Everytown counts incidents that “occur in both public and private spaces, have any number of shooters, and result from a myriad of motives, such as group violence, domestic violence, or terrorist violence.” By the group’s count, there have been 110 incidents in the last five years, compared to 96 from 2012 through 2016.

  • Will The Reckoning Over Racist Names Include These Prisons?

    Many prisons, especially in the South, are named after racist officials and former plantations.

    Not long after an #Alabama lawyer named #John_Darrington began buying up land in Southeast #Texas, he sent enslaved people to work the soil. They harvested cotton and sugarcane, reaping profits for their absentee owner until he sold the place in 1848.

    More than a century and a half later, men—mostly Black and brown—are still forced to work in the fields. They still harvest cotton. They still don’t get paid. And they still face punishment if they refuse to work.

    They are prisoners at the #Darrington Unit, one of Texas’s 104 prisons. And not the only one in the South named after slaveholders.

    While the killing of George Floyd has galvanized support for tearing down statues, renaming sports teams and otherwise removing markers of a (more) racist past, the renewed push for change hasn’t really touched the nation’s prison system. But some say it should. Across the country, dozens of prisons take their names from racists, Confederates, plantations, segregationists, and owners of slaves.

    “Symbols of hate encourage hate, so it has been time to remove the celebration of figures whose fame is predicated on the pain and torture of Black people,” said DeRay McKesson, a civil rights activist and podcast host.

    Some candidates for new names might be prisons on former plantations. In #Arkansas, the #Cummins Unit—now home to the state’s death chamber—was once known as the #Cummins_plantation (though it’s not clear if the namesake owned slaves). In North Carolina, Caledonia Correctional Institution is on the site of #Caledonia_Plantation, so named as a nostalgic homage to the Roman word for Scotland. Over the years, the land changed hands and eventually the state bought that and other nearby parcels.

    “But the state opted to actually keep that name in what I would say is a kind of intentional choice,” said Elijah Gaddis, an assistant professor of history at Auburn University. “It’s so damning.”

    Among several state prison systems contacted by The Marshall Project, only North Carolina’s said it’s in the early stages of historical research to see what name changes might be appropriate. Spokesman John Bull said the department is “sensitive to the cultural legacy issues sweeping the country,” but its priority now is responding to the COVID pandemic.

    Two of the most infamous and brutal plantations-turned-prisons are #Angola in #Louisiana and #Parchman in #Mississippi—but those are their colloquial names; neither prison formally bears the name of the plantation that preceded it. Officially, they’re called Louisiana State Penitentiary and the Mississippi State Penitentiary.

    In some parts of the South, many prisons are former plantations. Unlike Darrington or Cummins, the vast majority at least bothered to change the name—but that isn’t always much of an improvement.

    In Texas, for example, most of the state’s lock-ups are named after ex-prison officials and erstwhile state politicians, a group that predictably includes problematic figures. Arguably one of the worst is Thomas J. Goree, the former slave owner and Confederate captain who became one of the first superintendents of the state’s penitentiaries in the 1870s, when prison meant torture in stocks and dark cells.

    “Goree was a central figure in the convict leasing system that killed thousands of people and he presided over the formal segregation of the prison system,” said Robert Perkinson, a University of Hawaii associate professor who studies crime and punishment. “Even though he thought of himself as a kind of benevolent master, he doesn’t age well at all.”

    In his book “Texas Tough,” Perkinson describes some of the horrors of the convict leasing practices of Goree’s era. Because the plantation owners and corporations that rented prisoners did not own them, they had no incentive to keep them alive. If you killed an enslaved person, it was a financial loss; if you killed a leased convict, the state would just replace him. For decades, Texas prison laborers were routinely whipped and beaten, and the leasing system in Goree’s day sparked several scandals, including one involving torture so terrible it was known as the “Mineola Horror.” Goree defended the system: “There are, of course, many men in the penitentiary who will not be managed by kindness.” Plus, he explained, prisoners in the South needed to be treated differently because they were different from those in the north: “There, the majority of men are white.”

    The present-day Goree Unit is in Huntsville, an hour’s drive north of Houston, but his family’s former plantation in Lovelady—about 20 miles further north—has been turned into another prison: The Eastham Unit, named for the later landowners who used it for convict leasing.

    James E. #Ferguson—namesake of the notoriously violent Ferguson Unit, also near Huntsville—was a governor in the 1910s who was also an anti-Semite and at one point told the Texas Rangers he would use his pardoning power if any of them were ever charged with murder for their bloody campaigns against Mexicans, according to Monica Muñoz Martinez, historian and author of “The Injustice Never Leaves You.”

    Ferguson got forced out of office early when he was indicted and then impeached. Afterward, he was replaced by William P. Hobby, a staunch segregationist who opposed labor rights and once defended the beating of an NAACP official visiting the state to discuss anti-lynching legislation.

    #Hobby, too, has a prison named after him.

    “In public he tried to condemn lynchings, but then when you look at his role in suppressing anti-lynching organizing he was trying to suppress those efforts,” Martinez said of Hobby. “It’s horrific to name a prison after a person like him. It’s an act of intimidation and it’s a reminder that the state is proud of that racist tradition.”

    Northwest of Abilene, the Daniel Unit takes its name from #Price_Daniel, a mid-20th-century governor who opposed integration, like most Texas politicians of the era. As attorney general he fought desegregating the University of Texas Law School, and later he signed the Southern Manifesto condemning the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education.

    The namesakes of the #Billy_Moore Unit and the frequently-sued Wallace Pack Unit were a pair of prison officials—a major and a warden—who died in 1981 while trying to murder a Black prisoner. According to Michael Berryhill, a Texas Southern University journalism professor who wrote a book on the case, it was such a clear case of self-defense that three Texas juries decided to let the prisoner off.

    “They should not have prisons named after them,” Berryhill said. He called it “a stain” on the Texas prison system’s reputation.

    In Alabama, the #Draper Correctional Center is named after #Hamp_Draper, a state prison director who also served as an interim leader—or “imperial representative”—in the #Ku_Klux_Klan, as former University of Alabama professor Glenn Feldman noted in his 1999 book on the state’s Klan history. The prison closed for a time in 2018 then re-opened earlier this year as a quarantine site for new intakes.

    In New York City, the scandal-prone #Rikers Island jail is one of a few that’s actually generated calls for a name change, based on the namesake family’s ties to slavery. One member of the Dutch immigrant clan, #Richard_Riker, served as a criminal court judge in the early 1800s and was known as part of the “#Kidnapping_Club” because he so often abused the Fugitive Slave Act to send free Blacks into slavery.

    To be sure, most prisons are not named for plantations, slave owners or other sundry racists and bigots—at least not directly. Most states name their prisons geographically, using cardinal directions or nearby cities.

    But some of those geographic names can be problematic. In Florida, Jackson Correctional Institution shares a name with its home county. But Jackson County is named after the nation’s seventh president, #Andrew_Jackson, who was a slave owner obsessed with removing Native people to make room for more plantations. Less than an hour to the south, #Calhoun Correctional Institution also bears the name of its county, which is in turn named after John C. Calhoun—Jackson’s rabidly pro-slavery vice president. The same is true of Georgia’s Calhoun State Prison.

    Also in #Georgia, Lee State Prison is in Lee County, which is named in honor of #Henry_Lee_III, the patriarch of a slave-owning family and the father of Robert E. Lee. A little further northeast, Lee County in South Carolina—home to violence-plagued Lee Correctional Institution—is named after the Confederate general himself.

    In #Arkansas, the namesake of #Forrest City—home to two eponymous federal prisons—is #Nathan_Bedford_Forrest, a Grand Wizard in the Ku Klux Klan who also controlled leased convicts in the entire state of Mississippi at one point.

    To many experts, the idea of changing prison names feels a bit like putting lipstick on a pig: No matter what you call it, a prison is still a prison. It still holds people who are not free. They are still disproportionately Black and brown.

    “If you are talking about the inhumanity, the daily violence these prisons perform, then who these prisons are named after is useful in understanding that,” Martinez said. “But what would it do to name it after somebody inspiring? It’s still a symbol of oppression.”

    But to Anthony Graves, a Texas man who spent 12 years on death row after he was wrongfully convicted of capital murder, the racist names are a “slap in the face of the justice system itself.” New names could be a powerful signal of new priorities.

    “At the end of the day the mentality in these prisons is still, ‘This is my plantation and you are my slaves,’” he said. “To change that we have to start somewhere and maybe if we change the name we can start to change the culture.”

    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2020/07/29/will-the-reckoning-over-racist-names-include-these-prisons

    #prisons #USA #Etats-Unis #toponymie #toponymie_politique #esclavage #Thomas_Goree #Goree #James_Ferguson #William_Hobby #John_Calhoun

  • The Black Mortality Gap, and a Century-Old Document | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2021/08/30/the-black-mortality-gap-and-a-century-old-document
    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/59d540aa/69633/1200x

    he overall mortality disparity has existed for centuries. Racism drives some of the key social determinants of health, like lower levels of income and generational wealth; less access to healthy food, water and public spaces; environmental damage; overpolicing and disproportionate incarceration; and the stresses of prolonged discrimination.lack Americans already had an inferior experience with the health system. Black patients received segregated care; Black medical students were excluded from training programs; Black physicians lacked resources for their practices. The report recommended that Black doctors see only Black patients, and that they should focus on areas like hygiene, calling it “dangerous” for them to specialize in other parts of the profession. Flexner said the White medical field should offer Black patients care as a moral imperative, but also because it was necessary to prevent them from transmitting diseases to White people. Integration, seen as medically dangerous, was out of the question.This disparity appears to have real-world effects on patients. A study showed Black infant mortality reduced by half when a Black doctor provided treatment.

  • “Stranger Fruit”: Black Mothers and the Fear of Police Brutality | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2021/03/22/stranger-fruit-black-mothers-and-the-fear-of-police-brutality

    Police brutality cases that capture public attention follow a familiar pattern: first relentless media coverage, then local or national outrage, and then — if charges are ever brought against the officers involved — the drawn-out legal process. But what happens when this public cycle ends? In his ongoing series “Stranger Fruit,” photographer Jon Henry focuses on the private relationship between Black mothers and their sons, looking at how fear of violence permeates the daily lives of Black families across the United States.

    “Stranger Fruit,” a project seven years in the making, features intimate portraits of Black mothers with their sons across the United States. Inspired by Renaissance paintings such as those by Titian, Henry poses the mothers cradling their sons in a manner that evokes Michelangelo’s Pietà, as if in mourning. Though these families have not experienced fatal police violence, Henry said they live with the possibility of such loss daily.

    • Ha, ça fait mal... Et c’est une purée de purain de saloperie de « #PPP » (PartenariatPublicPrivé) qui a permis le montage financier de ce truc. Le « privé » va se faire du pognon sur le dos du service pénitencier, ça fait très mal...

    • http://www.maxiprizz.be

      Idéalement situé au cœur de 20 hectares de nature, ce village hypermoderne sera composé de jolis pavillons recouverts de toitures vertes pour le plus grand bonheur des petits oiseaux.

      Les hôtes (hommes, femmes et enfants) bénéficieront, sur plus de 116 000 m², d’une multitude de services : maisons d’arrêt, maisons de peine, entités fermée, entités ouvertes et centre psychiatrique.

      À 300 euro la nuitée, personne ne résiste !
      Le budget de la construction, de l’entretien et du fonctionnement de ce projet novateur et altruiste est estimé à 3.300.000.000 €. L’État belge, commanditaire des travaux remboursera la somme sur une période de 25 ans. Vingt cinq ans, ça tombe bien, le Belge adore les investissements dans l’immobilier à 25 ans !

      A titre d’information, le budget annuel total du SPF Justice était de 1.805.000.000 euro en 2018.

      Les villages à thème font toujours recette !

      Les villages à thème de type « activités carcérales » connaissent un énorme succès commercial à travers le monde. Il était donc temps que le royaume de Belgique se dote d’un vrai Village pénitentiaire !

      Dès qu’un village est construit, il est directement rempli, même au-delà de sa capacité ! C’est la « pleine saison » en permanence donc on peut tabler sur un remplissage de 1.200 (voire 1.400) visiteurs tout au long de l’année. Ramené à un visiteur, le prix moyen de la nuitée sera de 300 €. De l’argent public frais garantissant de belles plus-values aux investisseurs privés !

      Confiance & transparence

      Pour concrétiser ce projet, l’État a fait appel aux meilleures entreprises transnationales, reconnues de par le monde pour leur expertise dans le domaine de la privatisation des services publics, ainsi que pour leur excellence en matière d’ingénierie fiscale ! On peut donc affirmer sans se tromper que la création de ce splendide Village Pénitentiaire est un investissement en « bon père de famille » !

      La transparence est bien entendu au rendez-vous pour ce projet en « partenariat public-privé » (PPP). Et pour preuve, nos ministres ont sélectionné des entreprises privées au travers d’une procédure d’attribution de marchés publics tellement transparente qu’il n’en reste aujourd’hui plus aucune trace !

    • Prisons: no more brick in the wall
      https://www.rescaled.org/2021/01/12/prisons-no-more-brick-in-the-wall
      Emilie Adam

      The Ministry of Justice has recently published the statistical series of persons in custody[2] in #France between 1980 and 2020. One of the major findings: more and more people are being incarcerated. Indeed, the number of people in custody has increased from 36,900 in 1980 to 82,300 in 2020, including 70,700 people in prison. A record number was reached in April 2019: 71,828 people in prison. It must be said that France is regularly singled out for its inhuman detention conditions. In January 2020, France was condemned by the European Court of Human Rights in a landmark ruling recommending to take measures to end prison overcrowding.

      The Marshall Project
      https://www.themarshallproject.org

      source : prison-insider #carceral_system #USA

  • How #ICE Exported the Coronavirus

    An investigation reveals how Immigration and Customs Enforcement became a domestic and global spreader of COVID-19.

    Admild, an undocumented immigrant from Haiti, was feeling sick as he approached the deportation plane that was going to take him back to the country he had fled in fear. Two weeks before that day in May, while being held at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facility in Louisiana, he had tested positive for the coronavirus — and he was still showing symptoms.

    He disclosed his condition to an ICE official at the airport, who sent him to a nurse.

    “She just gave me Tylenol,” said Admild, who feared reprisals if his last name was published. Not long after, he was back on the plane before landing in Port-au-Prince, one of more than 40,000 immigrants deported from the United States since March, according to ICE records.

    Even as lockdowns and other measures have been taken around the world to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, ICE has continued to detain people, move them from state to state and deport them.

    An investigation by The New York Times in collaboration with The Marshall Project reveals how unsafe conditions and scattershot testing helped turn ICE into a domestic and global spreader of the virus — and how pressure from the Trump administration led countries to take in sick deportees.

    We spoke to more than 30 immigrant detainees who described cramped and unsanitary detention centers where social distancing was near impossible and protective gear almost nonexistent. “It was like a time bomb,” said Yudanys, a Cuban immigrant held in Louisiana.

    At least four deportees interviewed by The Times, from India, Haiti, Guatemala and El Salvador, tested positive for the virus shortly after arriving from the United States.

    So far, ICE has confirmed at least 3,000 coronavirus-positive detainees in its detention centers, though testing has been limited.

    We tracked over 750 domestic ICE flights since March, carrying thousands of detainees to different centers, including some who said they were sick. Kanate, a refugee from Kyrgyzstan, was moved from the Pike County Correctional Facility in Pennsylvania to the Prairieland Detention Facility in Texas despite showing Covid-19 symptoms. He was confirmed to have the virus just a few days later.

    “I was panicking,” he said. “I thought that I will die here in this prison.”

    We also tracked over 200 deportation flights carrying migrants, some of them ill with coronavirus, to other countries from March through June. Under pressure from the Trump administration and with promises of humanitarian aid, some countries have fully cooperated with deportations.

    El Salvador and Honduras have accepted more than 6,000 deportees since March. In April, President Trump praised the presidents of both countries for their cooperation and said he would send ventilators to help treat the sickest of their coronavirus patients.

    So far, the governments of 11 countries have confirmed that deportees returned home with Covid-19.

    When asked about the agency’s role in spreading the virus by moving and deporting sick detainees, ICE said it took precautions and followed guidelines of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. As of last week, ICE said that it was still able to test only a sampling of immigrants before sending them home. Yet deportation flights continue.

    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2020/07/10/how-ice-exported-the-coronavirus

    #covid-19 #coronavirus #USA #Etats-Unis #migrations #migrerrance #renvois #expulsions #déportations #avions #transports_aériens #contamination #malades #rétention #détention_administrative #asile #réfugiés #déboutés #distanciation_sociale #swiftair #visualisation #cartographie #géographie

    ping @isskein @simplicissimus @karine4 @reka

  • As Coronavirus Surges, Crime Declines in Some Cities | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2020/03/27/as-coronavirus-surges-crime-declines-in-some-cities
    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/5949a1c5/54773/1200x

    Street cops and police union officials have been predicting a crime wave as cities across the country reduce low-level arrests and release inmates from jails to slow the spread of COVID-19.

    But at least in some big cities, that’s not happening. In fact, in Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles and San Francisco, recent data show big drops in crime reports, week over week. The declines are even more significant when we compare this year with the same time periods in the three previous years.

    The decreases suggest that trying to contain COVID-19 is not a public safety threat in some big cities—at least for now.

  • More than 55,000 people a year believe their gender and gender identity made them hate crime victims. So why did police departments nationwide only report 215 such bias incidents last year?

    Why Police Struggle to Report One of The Fastest-Growing Hate Crimes | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2019/11/26/why-police-struggle-to-report-one-of-the-fastest-growing-hate-cr
    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/8a15ef0f/51560/1200x

    If you ask people across the country whether they have been a victim of a bias crime because of their gender or gender identity, tens of thousands have stories to tell.

    An analysis from the Justice Department estimates that between 2013 and 2017 more than 55,000 hate crimes targeting victims’ gender took place on average each year. That’s almost 30 percent of all hate crimes reported by victims.

    But you wouldn’t know that from the most recent hate crime statistics released earlier this month by the FBI. The new data show that last year police departments around the country reported 215 gender-related hate crimes targeting men, women, transgender and nonbinary people. They represented 3 percent of the total incidents in the FBI’s numbers.

    Police reports and the victims surveys capture different aspects of the criminal justice system. The survey asks American households each year about their experience with crime, whereas the FBI collects numbers from local police departments that voluntarily participate in its Uniform Crime Reporting Program.

    Last year, more than 16,000 law enforcement agencies provided hate crime figures to the FBI, and more than 80 percent of them—including every agency in the state of Alabama—reported that no hate crimes occurred in their jurisdictions at all.

  • Is There a Connection Between Undocumented Immigrants and Crime? | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2019/05/13/is-there-a-connection-between-undocumented-immigrants-and-crime

    A lot of research has shown that there’s no causal connection between immigration and crime in the United States. But after one such study was reported on jointly by The Marshall Project and The Upshot last year, readers had one major complaint: Many argued it was unauthorized immigrants who increase crime, not immigrants over all.

    An analysis derived from new data is now able to help address this question, suggesting that growth in illegal immigration does not lead to higher local #crime rates.

    In part because it’s hard to collect data on them, undocumented immigrants have been the subjects of few studies, including those related to crime. But Pew Research Center recently released estimates of undocumented populations sorted by metro area, which The Marshall Project has compared with local crime rates published by the FBI. For the first time, there is an opportunity for a broader analysis of how unauthorized immigration might have affected crime rates since 2007.

    #migrants

  • How Incarcerated Parents Are Losing Their Children Forever | The Marshall Project
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/12/03/how-incarcerated-parents-are-losing-their-children-forever?ref=h

    Hurricane Floyd struck eastern North Carolina in 1999, flooding her trailer home and destroying her children’s pageant trophies and baby pictures. No stranger to money-making scams, Adams was convicted of filing a fraudulent disaster-relief claim with FEMA for a property she did not own. She also passed dozens of worthless checks to get by.

    Adams served two year-long prison stints for these “blue-collar white-collar crimes,” as she calls them. Halfway through her second sentence, with her children — three toddlers and a 14-year-old — temporarily under county supervision, Adams said she got a phone call from a family court attorney. Her parental rights, he informed her, were being irrevocably terminated.

    Before going to prison, Adams had sometimes drifted from one boyfriend to another, leaving her kids with a babysitter, and she didn’t always have enough food in the house. But she was not charged with any kind of child abuse, neglect or endangerment. Still, at a hearing that took place 300 miles from the prison, which she couldn’t attend because officials wouldn’t transport her there, she lost her children. Adams’s oldest daughter went to live with her father, and her other three kids were put up for adoption. She was banned from seeing them again.

    #USA #prison #enfants #droits_de_l_homme

  • Subway Policing in New York City Still Has A Race Problem.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/09/12/subway-policing-in-new-york-city-still-has-a-race-problem
    https://external.fham1-1.fna.fbcdn.net/safe_image.php?d=AQDwYIwTyBduVL7Q&w=540&h=282&url=https%

    or New York City police, turnstile jumping has long been much more than a class A misdemeanor. The strict policing of people evading the fare on public transit was justified as an all-purpose solution to the rampant crime that plagued the city’s subways in the 1980s. It became one of the first examples for the New York Police Department that cracking down on minor offenses—the controversial “broken windows” theory of policing—might restore order to the city.

    This story was produced in partnership with Gothamist.
    But New York might be changing its mind about turnstile jumping. With broken windows strategies increasingly discredited by many criminologists, a more lenient approach to this minor offense has taken root in New York’s courts, and perhaps from there found its way onto subway platforms across the city. Last year, Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr. announced that his office would stop prosecuting most cases of fare evasion, which includes riding public transit without paying the fare through any number of means: jumping over or under a subway turnstile, boarding a bus through the back door or failing to pay for a cab. Public defenders across the city observe that the vast majority of fare evasion cases come from the subways. Since Vance’s announcement, such arrests dropped from a high of 25,000 in 2016 and are now on track to be fewer than 10,000 this year. The NYPD has said that the majority of turnstile jumpers are issued civil summonses, not arrested. Some city leaders wonder though—should turnstile jumping be a crime at all?

  • Medium-Security Monastery: McCarrick House Arrest Skirts
    Civil Justice System.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/08/14/medium-security-monastery-mccarrick-house-arrest-skirts-civil-ju

    The pope accepted McCarrick’s resignation from the College of Cardinals, barred him from public ministry, and ordered him “to remain in a house yet to be indicated to him, for a life of prayer and penance,” pending a canonical trial.

  • VIDEO.

    Inside Family Detention, Trump’s Big Solution.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/06/22/inside-family-detention-trump-s-big-solution

    https://d63kb4t2ifcex.cloudfront.net/famdetentionhed20180621/assets/icevideo.e7472e56.mp4

    At first glance, it resembles a doctor’s office, or perhaps a rec center. Security footage depicts sterile gray hallways leading to common areas with office couches and rainbow-colored, child-sized chairs. At the door to an outdoor field, there are tricycles and assorted balls, and in a small chapel with wooden benches, a detainee sweeps the floor. Correctional officers, referred to as “residential counselors,” sport khakis and blue polo shirts. But the Berks Family Residential Center, located about 75 miles northwest of Philadelphia, is also a place where immigrant parents and children are held for indefinite periods of time without adequate healthcare, according to multiple complaints and lawsuits. In one 2016 case, a guard there was convicted of “institutional” sexual assault; his victim was a 19-year-old asylum seeker from Honduras who had been detained with her three-year-old son for 7 months. It is facilities like Berks — operating in a gray area between federal prison and childcare provider — that may begin to sprout up across the country following President Trump’s announcement on Wednesday that he will end his administration’s practice of forcibly separating migrant parents and children at the U.S.-Mexico border.“We are going to keep the families together,” Trump said, at a signing ceremony in the Oval Office for his executive order.

  • Rewriting the Story of Civil Rights.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/04/30/rewriting-the-story-of-civil-rights

    What does it mean to “change a narrative?” Bryan Stevenson has been insisting on the importance of changing the narrative on criminal justice since he published his best-selling book, “Just Mercy”, in 2014. He’s a death penalty lawyer who likes to say, “We have a system of justice that treats you better if you’re rich and guilty than if you’re poor and innocent.” The notion that locking up more bad guys makes us safer is hard to shake. Law-and-order rhetoric has a new friend in the White House, with an attorney general who wants to double down on harsh sentences. And Stevenson, with the opening of a new museum and lynching memorial that I attended in Montgomery, Alabama, last week, has chosen a more revolutionary approach to fixing criminal justice than the skilful lawyering for which he’s well known. He is rewriting the history of the civil rights movement.To those who follow criminal justice, Stevenson’s new narrative may not sound so new. Lawyer Michelle Alexander argued in her influential 2010 book, “The New Jim Crow”, that white supremacy was never fully vanquished, as slavery gave rise to the horrors of the Jim Crow south. Virulent racism survived the civil rights movement, too, as Jim Crow morphed into a criminal justice system that continues to lock up African-Americans disproportionately. Millions have read Alexander’s book, or seen the video version of it in Ava Duvernay’s 2016 documentary, “13th”.Stevenson is also trying to spread this narrative beyond the criminal justice cognoscenti. His TED talk has been viewed nearly 5 million times, and he has indefatigably toured college campuses and corporate headquarters in recent years, making the case for mercy. Stevenson, who sits on the advisory board of The Marshall Project, once told me that he turns down the majority of the media requests that come his way. Instead, delivering a stump speech that verges on sermon, he seems to be trying to change America one auditorium at a time.

  • Framed for Murder By His Own DNA
    We leave traces of our genetic material everywhere, even on things we’ve never touched. That got Lukis Anderson charged with a brutal crime he didn’t commit.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/04/19/framed-for-murder-by-his-own-dna

    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/08e9c6e6/31752/1140x

    Back in the 1980s, when DNA forensic analysis was still in its infancy, crime labs needed a speck of bodily fluid—usually blood, semen, or spit—to generate a genetic profile.That changed in 1997, when Australian forensic scientist Roland van Oorschot stunned the criminal justice world with a nine-paragraph paper titled “DNA Fingerprints from Fingerprints.” It revealed that DNA could be detected not just from bodily fluids but from traces left by a touch. Investigators across the globe began scouring crime scenes for anything—a doorknob, a countertop, a knife handle—that a perpetrator may have tainted with incriminating “touch” DNA.But van Oorschot’s paper also contained a vital observation: Some people’s DNA appeared on things that they had never touched.In the years since, van Oorschot’s lab has been one of the few to investigate this phenomenon, dubbed “secondary transfer.” What they have learned is that, once it’s out in the world, DNA doesn’t always stay put.
    Objects bearing DNA of a participant who never touched them
    Objects bearing foreign DNA that didn’t match any participants

  • THE MYTH OF THE CRIMINAL IMMIGRANT.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/03/30/the-myth-of-the-criminal-immigrant
    https://external-frx5-1.xx.fbcdn.net/safe_image.php?d=AQDa5UYUCuoFEXYN&w=476&h=249&url=https%3A

    According to data from the study, a large majority of the areas have many more immigrants today than they did in 1980 and fewer violent crimes. The Marshall Project extended the study’s data up to 2016, showing that crime fell more often than it rose even as immigrant populations grew almost across the board.

    In 136 metro areas, almost 70 percent of those studied, the immigrant population increased between 1980 and 2016 while crime stayed stable or fell. The number of areas where crime and immigration both increased was much lower — 54 areas, slightly more than a quarter of the total. The 10 places with the largest increases in immigrants all had lower levels of crime in 2016 than in 1980.

    And yet the argument that immigrants bring crime into America has driven many of the policies enacted or proposed by the administration so far: restrictions to entry, travel and visas; heightened border enforcement; plans for a wall along the border with Mexico. This month, the Justice Department filed a lawsuit against California in response to the state’s refusal to allow local police to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers in detaining and deporting undocumented immigrants charged with crimes. On Tuesday, California’s Orange County signed on in support of that suit. But while the immigrant population in the county has more than doubled since 1980, overall violent crime has decreased by more than 50 percent.

  • Policing a City in Crisis.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/03/05/policing-a-city-in-crisis
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZYGyUsmmDbg

    How does a police department respond to a city in crisis? In 2014, Flint, Michigan switched its water source from Lake Huron to the Flint River in a bid to save money, but toxic levels of lead leached into the city’s tap water. A year later, the city elected a new mayor who in turn hired a new police chief. Tim Johnson arrived at the job facing a funding and personnel shortage in a city that is the ninth most violent in America. Under these conditions, Jessica Dimmock, Zackary Canepari and Drea Cooper began filming the city’s police department for “Flint Town,” a new eight-episode series on Netflix. The show provides a rare insight into a how lack of resources puts a further strain on the already tense relationship between the police department and the community it serves.Over 20 months, Canepari, Cooper and Dimmock documented the struggles of the department and its officers against the backdrop of the 2016 presidential election and a series of police-involved shootings that rocked the country.

  • Nouveau projet multimedia The Marshall project.
    A fascinating dive into the history of “Cops” and how it shapes/reflects perspectives on policing.
    Bad Boys- How “Cops” became the most polarizing reality TV show in America.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/01/22/bad-boys

    To Stephen Chao, the former Fox executive who helped launch the show, its unvarnished simplicity remains one of the most radical things he’s ever seen on television. To Steve Dye, the police chief of the Grand Prairie Police Department in Texas, where the show was recently filmed, “Cops” is a powerful marketing and recruitment tool amid historically challenging times for law enforcement.

    “Cops,” of course, is no longer the Fox behemoth it was in the ’90s, when it topped more than 8 million viewers an episode and was often the most watched reality show. Robinson proudly attributes this to Color of Change: In May 2013, a few months after the group launched a campaign to oust “Cops" from Fox, the show moved to Spike. There, it flourished, becoming one of the channel’s most watched shows with an average of 1.1 million viewers per episode last year. This season featured its 1,000th episode, while a Hollywood adaptation, possibly directed by Ruben Fleischer, of “Zombieland” and “Gangster Squad,” is expected to be released this year.

    And yet, “Cops” almost never happened. This is the story of how it did—and the polarizing, influential thing it became.

  • Trump Justice, Year One: The Demolition Derby.
    https://www.themarshallproject.org/2018/01/17/trump-justice-year-one-the-demolition-derby
    https://d1n0c1ufntxbvh.cloudfront.net/photo/975e6b71/29325/2000x

    On criminal justice, Donald J. Trump’s predecessor was a late-blooming activist. By the end of President Barack Obama’s second term, his administration had exhorted prosecutors to stop measuring success by the number of defendants sent away for the maximum, taken a hands-off approach to states legalizing marijuana and urged local courts not to punish the poor with confiscatory fines and fees. His Justice Department intervened in cities where communities had lost trust in their police. After a few years when he had earned the nickname “Deporter-in-Chief,” Obama pivoted to refocus immigration authorities — in effect, a parallel criminal justice system — on migrants considered dangerous, and created safeguards for those brought here as children. He visited a prison, endorsed congressional reform of mandatory minimum sentences and spoke empathetically of the Black Lives Matter movement. He nominated judges regarded as progressives.In less than a year, President Trump demolished Obama’s legacy.