/global-development

  • Beijing using its financial muscle to target Uyghurs living abroad – report | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/jun/25/beijing-using-its-financial-muscle-to-target-uyghurs-living-abroad-repo

    China is using its unprecedented economic clout across vast swathes of Asia and the Middle East to target Uyghur Muslims living beyond its borders through a sprawling system of transnational repression, a new report says.

    Beijing’s crackdown on Xinjiang province, where more than 1 million people are thought to have been detained in a network of internment camps in recent years, has coincided with a rise in efforts to control Uyghurs living overseas, the report found.

    In a database charting overseas targeting of Uyghurs by Beijing since 1997, researchers from the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs and the Uyghur Human Rights Project examined more than 1,500 cases of detention and deportation, warning that number was almost certainly “just the tip of the iceberg”.

    They found at least 28 countries to have been at some point complicit, most of them in the Middle East, north Africa and south Asia, with the rate of incidents accelerating “dramatically” from 2017.

    #ouïghour #persécution

  • List of Refugee Deaths, #2021

    –-> 44.764 documented refugee deaths

    In the ‘‘UNITED List of Refugee Deaths’’ (download pdf), UNITED has been collecting reliable data on refugee deaths related to Fortress Europe since 1993. In the period 1993-2021 at least 44.764 documented refugee deaths can be attributed to the ‘Fatal Policies of Fortress Europe’. Most probably thousands more are never found.

    http://unitedagainstrefugeedeaths.eu/about-the-campaign/about-the-united-list-of-deaths

    Pour télécharger la liste:
    unitedagainstrefugeedeaths.eu/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/ListofDeathsActual.pdf

    #décès #liste #asile #migrations #réfugiés #UNITED #statistiques #chiffres #morts

    ping @isskein @reka

    • EU ‘has blood on its hands’, say activists calling for border agency’s abolition

      Coalition of rights groups demanding Frontex be defunded claim EU policies have ‘killed over 40,555 people since 1993’.

      Activists, captains of rescue ships and about 80 human rights organisations across the world have launched an international campaign calling for the European border agency to be defunded and dismantled.

      In an open letter sent last week to the European Commission, the Council of the EU and the European parliament, the campaign coalition highlighted the “illegal and inhumane practices” of the EU border agency, Frontex, which is accused of having promoted and enforced violent policies against migrants.

      “Over 740 people have died so far this year trying to cross the Mediterranean, looking for a place of safety,” reads the letter. “The EU’s border regime forced them to take dangerous migration routes, often on unseaworthy vessels; it enlisted neighbouring countries to stop them on their way; met them with violence and pushbacks; or refused to rescue them – abandoning them to drown at sea.”

      “These are lives lost because of the European Union’s obsession with reinforcing borders instead of protecting people,” said the campaign coalition, which includes Sea-Watch, Mediterranea Saving Humans, Iuventa10, Baobab Experience and Alarm Phone. “At what cost? The policies of Fortress Europe have killed over 40,555 people since 1993. Left to die in the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the desert, shot at borders, died by suicide at detention centres, tortured and killed after being deported –– The EU has blood on its hands.”

      The launch of the campaign to Abolish Frontex coincides with plans to expand the agency. Frontex has secured a €5.6bn (£4.8bn) budget until 2027, with plans to increase its armed border patrols. Its budget has grown by more than 7,500% since 2005, and the new resources will help buy equipment such as ships, helicopters and drones.

      The coalition has released a list of demands, including the abolition of the agency and the end of migrant detention by EU forces, and plan EU-wide protests, accusing Frontex of being “both avid promoter and key enforcer of Europe’s violent policies against people on the move”.

      It comes after the EU’s anti-fraud office, Olaf, launched an investigation into Frontex in January over allegations of harassment, misconduct and unlawful operations aimed at stopping asylum seekers from reaching EU shores.

      Europe has built more than 1,000km of border walls and fences.

      Carola Rackete, a German ship captain who is one of the campaign organisers, said: ‘“If we truly believe all humans are equal then we have to dismantle the systems which keep inequality in place. Frontex, as part of the border-industrial complex, has no place in our vision of a European society striving for justice and committed to repairing damages inflicted on the global south in a mindset of white supremacy.”

      Stéphanie Demblon, of Agir pour la Paix, said: “We are not asking for a better European migration policy: we are demanding the abolition of Frontex and the demilitarisation of the borders. And we are taking action to achieve this.”

      Frontex did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment.

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/jun/18/eu-has-blood-on-its-hands-say-activists-calling-for-frontex-border-agen

      #Frontex

  • Revealed: 2,000 refugee deaths linked to illegal EU pushbacks

    A Guardian analysis finds EU countries used brutal tactics to stop nearly 40,000 asylum seekers crossing borders

    EU member states have used illegal operations to push back at least 40,000 asylum seekers from Europe’s borders during the pandemic, methods being linked to the death of more than 2,000 people, the Guardian can reveal.

    In one of the biggest mass expulsions in decades, European countries, supported by EU’s border agency #Frontex, has systematically pushed back refugees, including children fleeing from wars, in their thousands, using illegal tactics ranging from assault to brutality during detention or transportation.

    The Guardian’s analysis is based on reports released by UN agencies, combined with a database of incidents collected by non-governmental organisations. According to charities, with the onset of Covid-19, the regularity and brutality of pushback practices has grown.

    “Recent reports suggest an increase of deaths of migrants attempting to reach Europe and, at the same time, an increase of the collaboration between EU countries with non-EU countries such as Libya, which has led to the failure of several rescue operations,’’ said one of Italy’s leading human rights and immigration experts, Fulvio Vassallo Paleologo, professor of asylum law at the University of Palermo. ‘’In this context, deaths at sea since the beginning of the pandemic are directly or indirectly linked to the EU approach aimed at closing all doors to Europe and the increasing externalisation of migration control to countries such as Libya.’’

    The findings come as the EU’s anti-fraud watchdog, Olaf, has launched an investigation into Frontex (https://www.euronews.com/2021/01/20/eu-migration-chief-urges-frontex-to-clarify-pushback-allegations) over allegations of harassment, misconduct and unlawful operations aimed at stopping asylum seekers from reaching EU shores.

    According to the International Organization for Migration (https://migration.iom.int/europe?type=arrivals), in 2020 almost 100,000 immigrants arrived in Europe by sea and by land compared with nearly 130,000 in 2019 and 190,000 in 2017.

    Since January 2020, despite the drop in numbers, Italy, Malta, Greece, Croatia and Spain have accelerated their hardline migration agenda. Since the introduction of partial or complete border closures to halt the outbreak of coronavirus, these countries have paid non-EU states and enlisted private vessels to intercept boats in distress at sea and push back passengers into detention centres. There have been repeated reports of people being beaten, robbed, stripped naked at frontiers or left at sea.

    In 2020 Croatia, whose police patrol the EU’s longest external border, have intensified systemic violence and pushbacks of migrants to Bosnia. The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) recorded nearly 18,000 migrants pushed back by Croatia since the start of the pandemic. Over the last year and a half, the Guardian has collected testimonies of migrants who have allegedly been whipped, robbed, sexually abused and stripped naked (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/oct/21/croatian-police-accused-of-sickening-assaults-on-migrants-on-balkans-tr) by members of the Croatian police. Some migrants said they were spray-painted with red crosses on their heads by officers who said the treatment was the “cure against coronavirus” (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/may/28/they-made-crosses-on-our-heads-refugees-report-abuse-by-croatian-police).

    According to an annual report released on Tuesday by the Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) (https://www.borderviolence.eu/annual-torture-report-2020), a coalition of 13 NGOs documenting illegal pushbacks in the western Balkans, abuse and disproportionate force was present in nearly 90% of testimonies in 2020 collected from Croatia, a 10% increase on 2019.

    In April, the Guardian revealed how a woman from Afghanistan was allegedly sexually abused (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/07/croatian-border-police-accused-of-sexually-assaulting-afghan-migrant) and held at knifepoint by a Croatian border police officer during a search of migrants on the border with Bosnia.

    “Despite the European Commission’s engagement with Croatian authorities in recent months, we have seen virtually no progress, neither on investigations of the actual reports, nor on the development of independent border monitoring mechanisms,” said Nicola Bay, DRC country director for Bosnia. “Every single pushback represents a violation of international and EU law – whether it involves violence or not.”

    Since January 2020, Greece has pushed back about 6,230 asylum seekers from its shores, according to data from BVMN. The report stated that in 89% of the pushbacks, “BVMN has observed the disproportionate and excessive use of force. This alarming number shows that the use of force in an abusive, and therefore illicit, way has become a normality […]

    “Extremely cruel examples of police violence documented in 2020 included prolonged excessive beatings (often on naked bodies), water immersion, the physical abuse of women and children, the use of metal rods to inflict injury.”

    In testimonies, people described how their hands were tied to the bars of cells and helmets put on their heads before beatings to avoid visible bruising.

    A lawsuit filed against the Greek state in April at the European court of human rights (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/26/greece-accused-of-shocking-pushback-against-refugees-at-sea) accused Athens of abandoning dozens of migrants in life rafts at sea, after some had been beaten. The case claims that Greek patrol boats towed migrants back to Turkish waters and abandoned them at sea without food, water, lifejackets or any means to call for help.

    BVMN said: “Whether it be using the Covid-19 pandemic and the national lockdown to serve as a cover for pushbacks, fashioning open-air prisons, or preventing boats from entering Greek waters by firing warning shots toward boats, the evidence indicates the persistent refusal to uphold democratic values, human rights and international and European law.”

    According to UNHCR data, since the start of the pandemic, Libyan authorities – with Italian support since 2017, when Rome ceded responsibility (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/23/mother-and-child-drown-after-being-abandoned-off-libya-says-ngo) for overseeing Mediterranean rescue operations to Libya – intercepted and pushed back to Tripoli about 15,500 asylum seekers. The controversial strategy has caused the forced return of thousands to Libyan detention centres where, according to first hand reports, they face torture. Hundreds have drowned when neither Libya nor Italy intervened.

    “In 2020 this practice continued, with an increasingly important role being played by Frontex planes, sighting boats at sea and communicating their position to the Libyan coastguard,” said Matteo de Bellis, migration researcher at Amnesty International. “So, while Italy at some point even used the pandemic as an excuse to declare that its ports were not safe for the disembarkation of people rescued at sea, it had no problem with the Libyan coastguard returning people to Tripoli. Even when this was under shelling or when hundreds were forcibly disappeared immediately after disembarkation.”

    In April, Italy and Libya were accused of deliberately ignoring a mayday call (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/25/a-mayday-call-a-dash-across-the-ocean-and-130-souls-lost-at-sea) from a migrant boat in distress in Libyan waters, as waves reached six metres. A few hours later, an NGO rescue boat discovered dozens of bodies (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/25/a-mayday-call-a-dash-across-the-ocean-and-130-souls-lost-at-sea) floating in the waves. That day 130 migrants were lost at sea.

    In April, in a joint investigation with the Italian Rai News and the newspaper Domani, the Guardian saw documents from Italian prosecutors detailing conversations between two commanders of the Libyan coastguard and an Italian coastguard officer in Rome. The transcripts appeared to expose the non-responsive behaviour (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/16/wiretaps-migrant-boats-italy-libya-coastguard-mediterranean) of the Libyan officers and their struggling to answer the distress calls which resulted in hundreds of deaths. At least five NGO boats remain blocked in Italian ports as authorities claim administrative reasons for holding them.

    “Push- and pull-back operations have become routine, as have forms of maritime abandonment where hundreds were left to drown,’’ said a spokesperson at Alarm Phone, a hotline service for migrants in distress at sea. ‘’We have documented so many shipwrecks that were never officially accounted for, and so we know that the real death toll is much higher. In many of the cases, European coastguards have refused to respond – they rather chose to let people drown or to intercept them back to the place they had risked their lives to escape from. Even if all European authorities try to reject responsibility, we know that the mass dying is a direct result of both their actions and inactions. These deaths are on Europe.’’

    Malta, which declared its ports closed early last year, citing the pandemic, has continued to push back hundreds of migrants using two strategies: enlisting private vessels to intercept asylum seekers and force them back to Libya or turning them away with directions to Italy (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/may/20/we-give-you-30-minutes-malta-turns-migrant-boat-away-with-directions-to).

    “Between 2014 and 2017, Malta was able to count on Italy to take responsibility for coordinating rescues and allowing disembarkations,” said De Bellis. “But when Italy and the EU withdrew their ships from the central Mediterranean, to leave it in Libya’s hands, they left Malta more exposed. In response, from early 2020 the Maltese government used tactics to avoid assisting refugees and migrants in danger at sea, including arranging unlawful pushbacks to Libya by private fishing boats, diverting boats rather than rescuing them, illegally detaining hundreds of people on ill-equipped ferries off Malta’s waters, and signing a new agreement with Libya to prevent people from reaching Malta.”

    Last May, a series of voice messages obtained by the Guardian (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/may/19/exclusive-12-die-as-malta-uses-private-ships-to-push-migrants-back-to-l) confirmed the Maltese government’s strategy to use private vessels, acting at the behest of its armed forces, to intercept crossings and return refugees to Libyan detention centres.

    In February 2020, the European court of human rights was accused of “completely ignoring the reality” after it ruled Spain did not violate the prohibition of collective expulsion (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/13/european-court-under-fire-backing-spain-express-deportations), as asylum applications could be made at the official border crossing point. Relying on this judgment, Spain’s constitutional court upheld “border rejections” provided certain safeguards apply.

    Last week, the bodies of 24 migrants from sub-Saharan Africa were found by Spain’s maritime rescue (https://apnews.com/article/atlantic-ocean-canary-islands-coronavirus-pandemic-africa-migration-5ab68371. They are believed to have died of dehydration while attempting to reach the Canary Islands. In 2020, according to the UNHCR, 788 migrants died trying to reach Spain (https://data2.unhcr.org/en/country/esp).

    Frontex said they couldn’t comment on the total figures without knowing the details of each case, but said various authorities took action to respond to the dinghy that sunk off the coast of Libya (https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/25/a-mayday-call-a-dash-across-the-ocean-and-130-souls-lost-at-sea) in April, resulting in the deaths of 130 people.

    “The Italian rescue centre asked Frontex to fly over the area. It’s easy to forget, but the central Mediterranean is massive and it’s not easy or fast to get from one place to another, especially in poor weather. After reaching the area where the boat was suspected to be, they located it after some time and alerted all of the Maritime Rescue and Coordination Centres (MRCCs) in the area. They also issued a mayday call to all boats in the area (Ocean Viking was too far away to receive it).”

    He said the Italian MRCC, asked by the Libyan MRCC, dispatched three merchant vessels in the area to assist. Poor weather made this difficult. “In the meantime, the Frontex plane was running out of fuel and had to return to base. Another plane took off the next morning when the weather allowed, again with the same worries about the safety of the crew.

    “All authorities, certainly Frontex, did all that was humanly possible under the circumstances.”

    He added that, according to media reports, there was a Libyan coast guard vessel in the area, but it was engaged in another rescue operation.

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/may/05/revealed-2000-refugee-deaths-linked-to-eu-pushbacks

    #push-backs #refoulements #push-back #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #décès #morts #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #responsabilité #Croatie #viols #Grèce #Italie #Libye

    ping @isskein

  • Nearly 17 child migrants a day vanished in Europe since 2018

    Investigation finds one in six were solo and under 15, as experts say cross-border cooperation ‘nonexistent’.

    At least 18,000 unaccompanied child migrants have disappeared after arriving in European countries including Greece, Italy and Germany.

    An investigation by the Guardian and the cross-border journalism collective Lost in Europe found that 18,292 unaccompanied child migrants went missing in Europe between January 2018 and December 2020 – equivalent to nearly 17 children a day.

    In 2020 alone, 5,768 children disappeared in 13 European countries.

    Most of the children who have gone missing over the past three years came to Europe from Morocco, but Algeria, Eritrea, Guinea and Afghanistan were also among the top countries of origin. According to the data available, 90% were boys and about one in six were younger than 15.

    The investigation, which collated data on missing unaccompanied minors from all 27 EU countries, as well as Norway, Moldova, Switzerland and the UK, found the information provided was often inconsistent or incomplete, meaning the true numbers of missing children could be much higher.

    Spain, Belgium and Finland provided figures only up to the end of 2019. Denmark, France and the UK provided no data at all on unaccompanied missing children.

    The findings of the investigation raise serious questions about the extent European countries are able or willing to protect unaccompanied child migrants.

    Federica Toscano, head of advocacy and migration at Missing Children Europe, a non-profit organisation that connects grassroots agencies across Europe, said the data was “extremely important” for understanding the scale of the problem in Europe. “The high number of missing children is a symptom of a child-protection system that doesn’t work,” she said.

    She said unaccompanied children were among the migrants most vulnerable to violence, exploitation and trafficking. “Criminal organisations are increasingly targeting migrant children,” said Toscano, “especially unaccompanied ones and many of them become victims of labour and sexual exploitation, forced begging and trafficking.”

    In March 2019, the Guardian and Lost in Europe found that at least 60 Vietnamese children had disappeared from Dutch shelters. Dutch authorities suspected they had been trafficked into Britain to work on cannabis farms and in nail salons.

    Herman Bolhaar, the Dutch national rapporteur on human trafficking, said the investigation showed the urgent need for cooperation at the European level to address why thousands of unaccompanied migrant children have disappeared without a trace. “We cannot lose sight of these children,” he said. “They deserve our protection.”

    While almost all of the countries in the investigation have detailed procedures in place intended to deal with the disappearance of unaccompanied minors, they do not always work well in practice, according to a 2020 report from the European Migration Network, part of the European Union. Problems include failure to follow up when children are reported missing and insufficient cooperation between police and asylum or child protection authorities.

    “Very little is recorded in a file of a missing migrant child,” said Toscano, “and too often it is assumed that a migrant child is somewhere safe in another country, although cross-border collaboration on these cases is practically nonexistent.”

    There are multiple reasons why children go missing, she said, including “the lengthy and burdensome procedures to obtain international protection or to be reunited with their family”. Many were also held in inadequate facilities, often with no access to education, she added.

    A spokesperson for the European commission said there was “deep concern about children going missing”, adding that member states needed “to take action to prevent and respond to the disappearances of children in migration … by improving data collection and cross-border collaboration.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/21/nearly-17-child-migrants-a-day-vanished-in-europe-since-2018

    #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #asile #migrations #disparition #Europe #réfugiés #disparitions #enfants #enfance #réfugiés

    –-

    ajouté au fil de discussion autour des #statistiques de la « disparition » de MNA :

    https://seenthis.net/messages/714320
    #chiffres

    • Kako izbjeglička djeca nestaju u Evropi

      U posljednje tri godine nestalo je više od osamnaest hiljada izbjegličke djece koja su se domogla Evrope, pokazuje novo istraživanje. Državne institucije nemaju pojma gdje su djeca, ali su vjerovatno u velikoj opasnosti.

      Policijska kontrola na granici Njemačke i Poljske. Zaustavljen je automobil – vozač je Poljak, četvoro putnika su Vijetnamci bez isprava. Među njima je i djevojčica od petnaest godina. Kako je maloletna, a niko od saputnika joj nije rod, djevojčica završava u jednom državnom smještaju za djecu u njemačkoj pokrajini Brandenburg.

      Za taj slučaj su reporteri javnog servisa rbb doznali iz dokumentacije berlinskog Državnog tužilaštva. Jer djevojčica je nestala nedugo pošto je smještena u dom. Jedan od zaposlenih u domu prijavio je nestanak, i to je bilo to. Vijetnamska djevojčica je postala broj u statistici.

      Koliko ima djece sa sličnom sudbinom? To sada otkriva analiza novinarske grupe „Lost in Europe" („Izgubljeni u Evropi") u kojoj sarađuju reporteri londonskog Gardijana, holandskog servisa VPRO, njemačkog rbb i drugi. Prema istraživanju, od 2018. do 2020. je u Evropi nestalo 18.292 djece koja su stigla kao „maloljetne izbjeglice bez pratnje“ i za koju su bile nadležne institucije evropskih država.

      Ali, moguće je da je i više djece nestalo jer pojedine države vode manjkavu statistiku. Recimo, Francuska, Danska i Rumunija ne prikupljaju ove podatke. Bugarska ne pravi razliku između maloljetnika koji dođu sa starateljima i onih koji dođu sami.

      Evropska komisija zna za ove probleme. Ilva Johanson, komesarka za unutrašnje poslove, kaže da je Brisel već pozivao članice EU da „moraju da preduzmu više protiv nestanaka izbjegle djece, između ostalog boljim prikupljanjem podataka“.

      Prinuđena da trguje drogom

      Verena Kek iz međunarodne organizacije za dječija prava ECPAT vjeruje da je pravi broj djece kojima se u Evropi gubi trag zapravo mnogo viši. Kritikuje što se EU ne bavi ovim problemom zajednički, niti postoji centralni registar nestalih. „Za djecu i omladinu ovo može da ima fatalne posledice jer mogu dopasti u situaciju u kojoj su izrabljivani. A ako niko ne zna da su nestali, niko ih i ne traži.“

      Vijetnamska djevojčica sa početka priče nađena je poslije nekoliko mjeseci – slučajno. Policija je pronašla tokom racije u jednom stanu u Berlinu. Dijete je živjelo sa vijetnamskim parom koji je ilegalno prodavao drogu i cigarete. Ispostavilo se da je djevojčica bila primorana da radi u studiju za manikir za tri stotine eura mjesečno, da prodaje cigarete i isporučuje narkotike.

      U Njemačkoj je u posljednje tri godine prijavljeno 7.806 ovakvih nestanaka, ali se djeca uglavnom ponovo pronađu. Međutim, 724 njih nikada nije otkriveno. Najčešće nestaju djeca porijeklom iz Avganistana, zatim iz Maroka i Alžira.

      Pa i ovdje je statistika upitna. Savezni ured za kriminalistiku (BKA) koji je zadužen za registar nestalih priznaje da je to kod izbjegličke djece veoma teško jer nemaju papire. Neki bivaju registrovani više puta kao nestali, neki budu sasvim izostavljeni.

      To je skandal, grmi Holger Hofman iz organizacije Njemačka pomoć djeci. „Koliko znamo, nema pouzdanih podataka, čak ni približno. Takve rupe u znanju širom otvaraju vrata kriminalnim mrežama.“

      Evropski problem

      Europol je još 2016. upozoravao na kriminalne mreže koje iskorištavaju djecu koja sama izbjegnu u Evropu. U januaru ove godine je i BKA saopštio da se zna za vijetnamske bande koje trguju ljudima.

      Koliko je problem evropski, tragično je dokazao primjer iz oktobra 2019. godine. Tada je u kamionu-hladnjači nadomak Londona nađeno 39 mrtvih Vijetnamaca. Kamion je doputovao iz Belgije. Među žrtvama su bila dva dječaka koji su desetak dana ranije pobjegli iz jednog doma u Holandiji.

      Tamo ih je prethodno dovela holandska policija koja ih je pronašla u jednom drugom kamionu – koji je krenuo iz Kelna.

      https://www.dw.com/bs/kako-izbjegli%C4%8Dka-djeca-nestaju-u-evropi/a-57243605

  • ‘They can see us in the dark’: migrants grapple with hi-tech fortress EU

    A powerful battery of drones, thermal cameras and heartbeat detectors are being deployed to exclude asylum seekers

    Khaled has been playing “the game” for a year now. A former law student, he left Afghanistan in 2018, driven by precarious economic circumstances and fear for his security, as the Taliban were increasingly targeting Kabul.

    But when he reached Europe, he realised the chances at winning the game were stacked against him. Getting to Europe’s borders was easy compared with actually crossing into the EU, he says, and there were more than physical obstacles preventing him from getting to Germany, where his uncle and girlfriend live.

    On a cold December evening in the Serbian village of Horgoš, near the Hungarian border, where he had spent a month squatting in an abandoned farm building, he and six other Afghan asylum seekers were having dinner together – a raw onion and a loaf of bread they passed around – their faces lit up by the glow of a fire.

    The previous night, they had all had another go at “the game” – the name migrants give to crossing attempts. But almost immediately the Hungarian border police stopped them and pushed them back into Serbia. They believe the speed of the response can be explained by the use of thermal cameras and surveillance drones, which they had seen during previous attempts to cross.

    “They can see us in the dark – you just walk, and they find you,” said Khaled, adding that drones had been seen flying over their squat. “Sometimes they send them in this area to watch who is here.”

    Drones, thermal-vision cameras and devices that can detect a heartbeat are among the new technological tools being increasingly used by European police to stop migrants from crossing borders, or to push them back when they do.

    The often violent removal of migrants without giving them the opportunity to apply for asylum is illegal under EU law, which obliges authorities to process asylum requests whether or not migrants possess identification documents or entered the country legally.

    “Routes are getting harder and harder to navigate. Corridors [in the Balkans are] really intensively surveyed by these technologies,” says Simon Campbell, field coordinator for the Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN), a migrant rights group in the region.

    The militarisation of Europe’s borders has been increasing steadily since 2015, when the influx of migrants reached its peak. A populist turn in politics and fear whipped up around the issue have fuelled the use of new technologies. The EU has invested in fortifying borders, earmarking €34.9bn (£30bn) in funding for border and migration management for the 2021-27 budget, while sidelining the creation of safe passages and fair asylum processes.

    Osman, a Syrian refugee now living in Serbia, crossed several borders in the southern Balkans in 2014. “At the time, I didn’t see any type of technology,” he says, “but now there’s drones, thermal cameras and all sorts of other stuff.”

    When the Hungarian police caught him trying to cross the Serbian border before the pandemic hit last year, they boasted about the equipment they used – including what Osman recalls as “a huge drone with a big camera”. He says they told him: “We are watching you everywhere.”

    Upgrading of surveillance technology, as witnessed by Khaled and Osman, has coincided with increased funding for Frontex – the EU’s Border and Coast Guard Agency. Between 2005 and 2016, Frontex’s budget grew from €6.3m to €238.7m, and it now stands at €420.6m. Technology at the EU’s Balkan borders have been largely funded with EU money, with Frontex providing operational support.

    Between 2014 and 2017, with EU funding, Croatia bought 13 thermal-imaging devices for €117,338 that can detect people more than a mile away and vehicles from two miles away.

    In 2019, the Croatian interior ministry acquired four eRIS-III long-range drones for €2.3m. They identify people up to six miles away in daylight and just under two miles in darkness, they fly at 80mph and climb to an altitude of 3,500 metres (11,400ft), while transmitting real-time data. Croatia has infrared cameras that can detect people at up to six miles away and equipment that picks upheartbeats.

    Romania now has heartbeat detection devices, alongside 117 thermo-vision cameras. Last spring, it added 24 vehicles with thermo-vision capabilities to its border security force at a cost of more than €13m.

    Hungary’s investment in migration-management technology is shielded from public scrutiny by a 2017 legal amendment but its lack of transparency and practice of pushing migrants back have been criticised by other EU nations and the European court of justice, leading to Frontex suspending operations in Hungary in January.

    It means migrants can no longer use the cover of darkness for their crossing attempts. Around the fire in Horgoš, Khaled and his fellow asylum-seekers decide to try crossing instead in the early morning, when they believe thermal cameras are less effective.

    A 2021 report by BVMN claims that enhanced border control technologies have led to increased violence as police in the Balkans weaponise new equipment against people on the move. Technology used in pushing back migrants has “contributed to the ease with which racist and repressive procedures are carried out”, the report says.

    BVMN highlighted the 2019 case of an 18-year-old Algerian who reported being beaten and strangled with his own shirt by police while attempting a night crossing from Bosnia to Croatia. “You cannot cross the border during the night because when the police catch you in the night, they beat you a lot. They break you,” says the teenager, who reported seeing surveillance drones.

    Ali, 19, an Iranian asylum-seeker who lives in a migrant camp in Belgrade, says that the Croatian and Romanian police have been violent and ignored his appeals for asylum during his crossing attempts. “When they catch us, they don’t respect us, they insult us, they beat us,” says Ali. “We said ‘we want asylum’, but they weren’t listening.”

    BVMN’s website archives hundreds of reports of violence. In February last year, eight Romanian border officers beat two Iraqi families with batons, administering electric shocks to two men, one of whom was holding his 11-month-old child. They stole their money and destroyed their phones, before taking them back to Serbia, blasting ice-cold air in the police van until they reached their destination.

    “There’s been some very, very severe beatings lately,” says Campbell. “Since the spring of 2018, there has been excessive use of firearms, beatings with batons, Tasers and knives.”

    Responding to questions via email, Frontex denies any link between its increased funding of new technologies and the violent pushbacks in the Balkans. It attributes the rise in reports to other factors, such as increased illegal migration and the proliferation of mobile phones making it easier to record incidents.

    Petra Molnar, associate director of Refugee Law Lab, believes the over-emphasis on technologies can alienate and dehumanise migrants.

    “There’s this alluring solution to really complex problems,” she says. “It’s a lot easier to sell a bunch of drones or a lot of automated technology, instead of dealing with the drivers that force people to migrate … or making the process more humane.”

    Despite the increasingly sophisticated technologies that have been preventing them from crossing Europe’s borders, Khaled and his friends from the squat managed to cross into Hungary in late December. He is living in a camp in Germany and has begun the process of applying for asylum.

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/mar/26/eu-borders-migrants-hitech-surveillance-asylum-seekers

    #Balkans #complexe_militaro-industriel #route_des_Balkans #technologie #asile #migrations #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #caméras_thermiques #militarisation_des_frontières #drones #détecteurs_de_battements_de_coeur #Horgos #Horgoš #Serbie #the_game #game #surveillance_frontalière #Hongrie #Frontex #Croatie #Roumanie #nuit #violence #refoulements #push-backs #déshumanisation

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Women in Mexico are protesting femicide. Police have responded with force. - The Washington Post
    https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/03/09/womens-day-protests-amlo-mexico

    Femicide protests in Mexico City turned violent Monday after women clashed with riot police stationed outside the National Palace, the residence of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Activists say he’s failed to take rampant sexual violence seriously, even as it’s led to the deaths of 10 women a day.

    #féminicide #Mexique #femmes_en_colère

  • ‘They track every move’ : how US parole apps created digital prisoners
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/mar/04/they-track-every-move-how-us-parole-apps-created-digital-prisoners

    Is smartphone tracking a less intrusive reward for good behaviour or just a way to enrich the incarceration industry ? In 2018, William Frederick Keck III pleaded guilty in a court in Manassas, Virginia, to possession with intent to distribute cannabis. He served three months in prison, then began a three-year probation. He was required to wear a GPS ankle monitor before his trial and then to report for random drug tests after his release. Eventually, the state reduced his level of (...)

    #algorithme #bracelet #montre #smartphone #GPS #criminalité #prison #surveillance #reconnaissance #voix #géolocalisation #ICE (...)

    ##criminalité ##migration
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/55433b7708719e9cb15d3486b15f9922ae51e157/2224_902_3921_2352/master/3921.jpg

  • Journeys of hope: what will migration routes into Europe look like in 2021? | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/jan/14/journeys-of-hope-what-will-migration-routes-into-europe-look-like-in-20
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/702b605b8c2f99aab20674bcf266d02354d1d707/120_0_3429_2057/master/3429.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    “The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 has decreased migration flows along the western Balkan route,” says Nicola Bay, DRC country director for Bosnia. Last year, 15,053 people arrived in BiH, compared with 29,196 in 2019. “But in the absence of real solutions the humanitarian situation for those entering BiH remains unacceptable and undignified.”In December, a fire destroyed a migrant camp in Bosnia, which had been built to contain the spread of Covid-19 among the migrant population. The same day the International Organization for Migration declared the effective closure of the facility. The destruction of the camp, which was strongly criticised by rights groups as inadequate due to its lack of basic resources, has left thousands of asylum seekers stranded in snow-covered forests and subzero temperatures. When countries in the region begin to ease Covid-19 restrictions this year, Bay says it is highly likely there will be a surge of arrivals to BiH, which remains the main transit point for those wanting to reach Europe – a scenario for which the EU and the region remain unprepared.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#ue#balkans#sante#humanitaire#oim#camp#transit#restrictionsanitaire#vulnerabilite

  • Il racconto dell’omicidio di #Agitu_Ideo_Gudeta evidenzia il razzismo democratico dei media italiani

    L’imprenditrice #Agitu Ideo Gudeta è stata uccisa il 29 dicembre nella sua casa a #Frassilongo, in provincia di Trento. Da subito si è ipotizzato si trattasse dell’ennesimo femminicidio (72 donne dall’inizio del 2020), anche in ragione del fatto che in passato la donna era stata costretta a querelare un uomo per #stalking. In quell’occasione Gudeta aveva chiesto di considerare l’aggravante razziale, dato che l’uomo, un vicino di casa, la chiamava ripetutamente “negra”, ma il giudice aveva respinto la richiesta del suo avvocato. Il giorno successivo all’omicidio, il suo dipendente #Adams_Suleimani, – un uomo ghanese di 32 anni – ha confessato il crimine, aggravato dal fatto che l’ha violentata mentre era agonizzante. Il movente sarebbe un mancato pagamento.

    Gudeta era nata ad Addis Abeba, in Etiopia, 42 anni fa. Non era più una “ragazza”, come hanno scritto alcune testate. La sua prima permanenza in Italia risale a quando aveva 18 anni, per studiare nella facoltà di Sociologia di Trento. Era poi tornata in Etiopia, ma nel 2010 l’instabilità del Paese l’ha costretta a tornare in Italia. Nello Stato africano si è interrotto solo pochi giorni fa il conflitto tra il Fronte di Liberazione del Tigré e il governo centrale etiope – i tigrini sono una minoranza nel Paese, ma hanno governato per oltre trent’anni senza far cessare gli scontri tra etnie – cha ha causato violazioni dei diritti umani, massacri di centinaia di civili e una grave crisi umanitaria.

    Proprio le minacce dei miliziani del Fronte di Liberazione avevano spinto Agitu Ideo Gudeta a tornare in Italia. La donna aveva infatti denunciato le politiche di #land_grabbing, ossia l’accaparramento delle terre da parte di aziende o governi di altri Paesi senza il consenso delle comunità che le abitano o che le utilizzano per mantenersi. Per questo motivo il governo italiano le ha riconosciuto lo status di rifugiata. In Trentino, dove si era trasferita in pianta stabile, ha portato avanti il suo impegno per il rispetto della natura, avviando un allevamento di ovini di razza pezzata mochena, una specie autoctona a rischio estinzione, e recuperando alcuni ettari di terreni in stato di abbandono.

    Il caseificio che aveva aperto rivelava già dal nome – La capra felice – il suo credo ambientalista e il suo antispecismo, ricevendo riconoscimenti da Slow Food e da Legambiente per l’impegno promosso con la sua azienda e il suo negozio. Agitu Ideo Gudeta era un nome noto nel movimento antirazzista italiano, ma oggi viene usata – persino dai Verdi – per presentare il Trentino come terra di accoglienza, in un tentativo di nascondere la xenofobia di cui era oggetto. Le origini della donna e del suo assassino stupratore sono sottolineate da tutti e precedono la narrazione della violenza, mettendola in secondo piano, salvo evidenziarla in relazione alla provenienza dell’omicida, che per una volta non è un italiano, né un compagno o un parente.

    Alla “ragazza” è stata affibbiata in tutta fretta una narrazione comune a quella che caratterizza altre donne mediaticamente esposte, come le attiviste Greta Thunberg e Carola Rackete, la cooperante Aisha Romano o la giornalista Giovanna Botteri, basata su giudizi e attacchi basati perlopiù su fattori estetici. Razzismo, sessismo e classismo si mescolano in questa storia in cui la violenza – quella del vicino di casa, quella del suo assassino, quella del governo etiope – rischiano di rimanere sullo sfondo, in favore del Grande gioco dell’integrazione. A guidarlo è come sempre un trionfalismo tipico dei white saviour (secondo una definizione dello storico Teju Cole del 2012), come se esistesse un colonialismo rispettabile: insomma, in nome della tolleranza, noi italiani doc abbiamo concesso alla donna un riparo da un Paese povero, di una povertà che riteniamo irrimediabile. Usiamo ormai d’abitudine degli automatismi e un lessico che Giuseppe Faso ha definito razzismo democratico, in cui si oppongono acriticamente migranti meritevoli a migranti immeritevoli, un dualismo che sa vedere solo “risorse” o “minacce all’identità nazionale”.

    Così il protagonismo di Agitu Ideo Gudeta viene improvvisamente premiato, trasformando lei in una migrante-eroina e il suo aguzzino nel solito stupratore non bianco, funzionale solo al “Prima gli italiani”. Ma parlare di Agitu Ideo Gudeta in termini di “integrazione” è un insulto alla sua memoria. Considerarla un simbolo in questo senso conferma che per molti una rifugiata sarà rifugiata per sempre e che una “migrante” non è altro che una migrante. La nostra stampa l’ha fatto, suggerendo di dividere gli immigrati in buoni e cattivi, decorosi e indecorosi, e trattando i lettori come se fossero tutti incapaci di accogliere riflessioni più approfondite.

    Parallelamente però, un governo che come i precedenti accantona la proposta di legge sulla cittadinanza favorisce un racconto privo di sfumature, che rifiuta in nome di una supposta complessità non affrontabile nello sviscerare questo tema. Forse se avessimo una legge sulla cittadinanza al passo con i tempi, e non una serie di norme che escludono gli italiani di seconda generazione e i migranti, potremmo far finalmente progredire il ragionamento sulla cosiddetta convivenza e sulla coesione sociale ed esprimerci con termini più adeguati. Soprattutto chi è stato in piazza a gridare “Black Lives Matter”, “I can’t breathe” e “Say Their Names” oggi dovrebbe pretendere che la notizia di questo femminicidio venga data diversamente: in Trentino una donna di nome Agitu Ideo Gudeta è stata uccisa e violentata. Era diventata un’imprenditrice di successo nel settore caseario dopo essersi opposta alle politiche di land grabbing in Etiopia. Era un’attivista e un’ambientalista molto conosciuta. Mancherà alla sua comunità.

    https://thevision.com/attualita/agitu-gudeta-razzismo

    #féminicide #racisme #Italie #meurtre #femmes #intersectionnalité #viol #réfugiés #accaparement_des_terres #Trentin #éleveuse #élevage #Pezzata_Mòchena #chèvrerie #chèvres #La_capra_felice #xénophobie
    #white_saviour #racisme_démocratique
    –-

    Le site web de la #fromagerie de Agitu Ideo Gudet :


    http://www.lacaprafelice.com

    –------------------

    NB :
    Grâce à une amie qui connaissait Agitu je viens de connaître une autre facette de cette histoire. Un drame dans le drame, dont je ne peux/veux pas parler ici.

    • Murdered Agitu Ideo Gudeta, an example of environmental preservation and female entrepreneurship in Italy.

      Agitu was found dead in her home in #Val_dei_Mocheni, Trentino, Italy. The entrepreneur and shepherdess from Ethiopia would turn 43 on January 1st.
      An employee of her company confessed the murder followed by rape.

      One of the main news in the Italian media, the murder of Agitu brought much indignation. Especially among women. In Italy, a woman is murdered every three days, according to a report from Eures.

      “When will this massacre of women end? When? Today, feminicide has extinguished the smile of a dear and sweet sister. Rest in peace Agitu. We will miss you a lot”, twitted the Italian writer with SomaIi origin Igiaba Sciego.

      Agitu, originally from Addis Ababa, was born into a tribe of nomadic shepherds. She went to Rome to study Sociology when she was 18 years old and returned to Ethiopia. However, she left her country again in 2010, fleeing threats for her commitment by denouncing “land grabbing” by multinationals.

      In Italy, in Valle dei Mocheni, Trentino, she began to preserve a goat species in extinction, the #Mochena goat.

      An example of female entrepreneurship, she set up the company “La capra felice” (The happy goat) producing cheeses and cosmetic products with goat’s milk.

      She has become an example of organic and sustainable production.

      Agitu’s work has been recognized throughout Italy, her story published in many medias, she attended different events and has been rewarded for her commitment to preserving goats and her production of organic products. One of the awards was the Slow Cheese Resistenza Casearia award, in 2015.

      It was not the first time that Agitu had her life under threat in the hands of men. She publicly denounced her neighbour for stalking, racially motivated threats and aggression. For months she was threatened by a man and one of the reasons was that she offered work and apprenticeship for refugees from African origins. “This neighbour does not like the colour of our skin and does what it can to create confusion,” she said at an interview.

      On December 29, her life was taken by a man who worked for her, shepherding her goats. According to him, for financial reasons. The man confessed to the crime and also revolted that he had committed rape after the attack. The man beat her in her head with a hammer. He was arrested.

      Agitu was found lifeless after friends called the police because they thought it was strange that she didn’t come to a meeting and didn’t answer the phone.

      The murder is a tragic end for a woman who brought so many good things into the world.

      Until when will we lose our sisters to violence?

      Rest in peace Agitu. We will never forget your legacy.

      https://migrantwomenpress.com/agitu-ideo-gudeta-murdered/amp/?__twitter_impression=true

      #montagne

    • Grâce à une amie qui connaissait Agitu je viens de connaître une autre facette de cette histoire. Un drame dans le drame, dont je ne peux/veux pas parler ici.

    • Le féminicide d’Agitu Ideo Gudeta choque l’Italie

      Ce 29 décembre, Agitu Ideo Gudeta, une réfugiée éthiopienne de 42 ans, a été retrouvée morte à son domicile, dans le nord de l’Italie, annonce La Repubblica. Elle était connue dans tout le pays grâce à son activité, couronnée de succès, d’éleveuse de chèvres et avait été à de nombreuses reprises médiatisée.

      Une célèbre bergère

      Selon le quotidien local Il Dolomiti, Agitu Gudeta était devenue « la bergère la plus célèbre des vallées du Trentin ». Et son histoire n’était pas banale. En 2010, elle avait dû fuir l’Éthiopie à cause de son activité de militante environnementaliste. Elle subissait des menaces de poursuites judiciaires et des menaces de mort car elle s’opposait à l’accaparement des terres par certaines multinationales.

      A 30 ans, toute seule dans un nouveau pays et dans la région réputée inhospitalière du Trentin, elle avait commencé une autre vie, avec ses 180 chèvres et sa propre entreprise prospère de fromages bio baptisée « La Capra Felice », la chèvre heureuse. Elle avait choisi de protéger une espèce rare, la chèvre Mochena, qui survit dans cette vallée isolée.
      Insultes et menaces racistes

      Avec sa réussite, c’est à d’autres menaces qu’elle avait dû faire face : des menaces et insultes racistes de la part de ses voisins. Elle avait été agressée physiquement également. Elle avait porté plainte contre l’un d’eux qui avait été condamné en janvier à 9 mois sous liberté conditionnelle.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CF0nQXrEJ30&feature=emb_logo

      https://www.rtbf.be/info/dossier/les-grenades/detail_le-feminicide-d-agitu-ideo-gudeta-choque-l-italie?id=10664383

    • Trentino, uccisa in casa Agitu Gudeta, la rifugiata etiope simbolo dell’integrazione

      Scappata dal suo Paese, aveva fondato l’azienda agricola «La capra felice» nella Valle dei Mocheni dove allevava animali a rischio di estinzione.

      L’hanno trovata senza vita all’interno della sua casa di Frassilongo (Trentino), colpita con violenza alla testa. Un omicidio, hanno confermato i carabinieri che nel tardo pomeriggio sono giunti sul posto, chiamati dai vicini e stanno lavorando per ricostruire l’accaduto.

      È finito così - forse con un colpo di martello - il sogno di Agitu Ideo Gudeta, pastora etiope che avrebbe compiuto 43 anni il giorno di Capodanno e che si era data l’obiettivo di salvare dall’estinzione (e anche dagli attacchi dell’orso) la capra mochena, una specie che sopravvive in una valle isolata della Provincia di Trento dove la donna aveva trovato casa.

      Ma il suo problema - aveva denunciato un paio di anni fa - più che gli orsi erano i vicini: «Mi insultano, mi chiamano brutta negra, dicono che me ne devo andare e che questo non è il mio posto» aveva denunciato ai carabinieri, raccontando anche pubblicamente la sua storia. Le indagini perà si concentrerebbero su un giovane africano dipendente dell’azienda ’La Capra Felice’. A quanto pare, l’uomo - che non è quello che l’aveva minacciata ed aggredita - avrebbe avuto dissidi con Agitu per motivi economici. A dare l’allarme ai carabinieri sono stati alcuni vicini a loro volta chiamati da un uomo con il quale la vittima aveva un appuntamento al quale non si era presentata.

      Sul caso delle minacce arrivò la solidarietà del presidente della giunta provinciale, all’epoca Ugo Rossi: «Il fatto che Agitu, da rifugiata, abbia avviato la sua attività agricola sul nostro territorio dimostra che il Trentino crede nell’accoglienza e nella solidarietà». Una storia di minacce e danneggiamenti, finita in tribunale con la condanna a 9 mesi per lesioni di un uomo del posto che aveva sempre liquidato la faccenda come una lite fra vicini: «Il razzismo non c’entra». La donna quindi aveva ripreso a girare i mercati del Trentino per vendere i prodotti realizzati con il latte delle sue cinquanta capre, con il furgone che sulla fiancata riportava il nome dell’azienda agricola: «La capra felice».

      Agitu Gudeta era fuggita in Italia nel 2010 e aveva ottenuto lo status di rifugiata e dopo qualche anno era riuscita ad avviare la sua azienda agricola a Frassilongo scommettendo sulle capre mochene. Nel 2017 aveva partecipato all’incontro «Donne anche noi», raccontando la sua storia di migrante arrivata in Italia. Originaria della capitale Addis Abeba, era stata costretta a lasciate l’Etiopia perché a causa del suo impegno contro l’accapparramento delle terre da parte di alcune multinazionali era stata oggetto di minacce di morte.

      https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2020/12/29/news/trentino_trovata_morta_agitu_gudeta_donna_42enne_simbolo_di_integrazione_

    • Tributes paid to Ethiopian refugee farmer who championed integration in Italy

      Agitu Ideo Gudeta, who was killed on Wednesday, used abandoned land to start a goat farming project employing migrants and refugeesTributes have been paid to a 42-year-old Ethiopian refugee and farmer who became a symbol of integration in Italy, her adopted home.

      Agitu Ideo Gudeta was attacked and killed, allegedly by a former employee, on her farm in Trentino on Wednesday.

      Gudeta had left Addis Ababa in 2010 after angering the authorities by taking part in protests against “land grabbing”. Once in Italy, she tenaciously followed and realised her ambition to move to the mountains and start her own farm. Taking advantage of permits that give farmers access to abandoned public land in depopulated areas, she reclaimed 11 hectares (27 acres) around an old barn in the Mòcheni valley, where she founded her La Capra Felice (The Happy Goat) enterprise.

      Gudeta started with a herd of 15 goats, quickly rising to 180 in a few years, producing organic milk and cheese using environmentally friendly methods and hiring migrants and refugees.

      “I created my space and made myself known, there was no resistance to me,” she told Reuters news agency that year.

      “Agitu brought to Italy the dream she was unable to realise in Ethiopia, in part because of land grabbing,” Gabriella Ghermandi, singer, performer, novelist and friend of Gudeta, told the Guardian. “Her farm was successful because she applied what she had learned from her grandparents in the countryside.

      “In Italy, many people have described her enterprise as a model of integration. But Agitu’s dream was to create an environmentally sustainable farm that was more than just a business; for her it also symbolised struggle against class divisions and the conviction that living in harmony with nature was possible. And above all she carried out her work with love. She had given a name to each one of her goats.”

      In a climate where hostility toward migrants was increasing, led by far-right political leaders, her success story was reported by numerous media outlets as an example of how integration can benefit communities.

      “The most rewarding satisfaction is when people tell me how much they love my cheeses because they’re good and taste different,” she said in an interview with Internazionale in 2017. “It compensates for all the hard work and the prejudices I’ve had to overcome as a woman and an immigrant.”

      Two years ago she received death threats and was the target of racist attacks, which she reported to police, recounting them on her social media posts.

      But police said a man who has confessed to the rape and murder of the farmer was an ex-employee who, they said, allegedly acted for “economic reasons”.

      The UN refugee agency said it was “pained” by Gudeta’s death, and that her entrepreneurial spirit “demonstrated how refugees can contribute to the societies that host them”.

      “Despite her tragic end, the UNHCR hopes that Agitu Ideo Gudeta will be remembered and celebrated as a model of success and integration and inspire refugees that struggle to rebuild their lives,” the agency said.

      “We spoke on the phone last week’’, said Ghermandi. “We spent two hours speaking about Ethiopia. We had plans to get together in the spring. Agitu considered Italy her home. She used to say that she had suffered too much in Ethiopia. Now Agitu is gone, but her work mustn’t die. We will soon begin a fundraising campaign to follow her plan for expanding the business so that her dream will live on.”

      Gudeta would have turned 43 on New Year’s Day.

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/jan/01/tributes-paid-to-ethiopian-refugee-farmer-who-championed-integration-in

    • Dalla ricerca di eroi alla costruzione di progetti comunitari. Perché è importante cambiare narrazione

      Del bisogno di eroi

      La storia del passato, così come la cronaca quotidiana, pullula di storie di eroi che troneggiano nell’immaginario collettivo. Quello di eroi ed eroine è un bisogno antico, che riflette la necessità di costruire cognitivamente il mondo reale per mezzo di narrative che ci permettano di affidare ruoli e connotati chiari a singoli individui e gruppi sociali, soddisfacendo il nostro bisogno di certezze che affonda le radici tanto nella mitologia classica quanto nel pensiero cristiano e che sostengono la costruzione della nostra moralità culturale e senso dell’etica.

      Si tratta però di un bisogno che è ancora largamente presente nelle società contemporanee, a dispetto dei progressi indotti dal processo di formazione del diritto moderno, che ha portato a distinguere in maniera netta tra ciò che è lecito e ciò che lecito non è. Questo processo non è infatti riuscito, se non in astratto attraverso artifici teorici, a superare la dimensione individualistica (Pisani, 2019). Di qui il perdurare del bisogno di eroi, che continua a essere percepito come rilevante perché offre un’efficace e facile via di fuga. Consente, talvolta inconsapevolmente, di banalizzare situazioni e fenomeni complessi, interpretarli in maniera funzionale alla nostra retorica e giustificare l’inazione.

      Se l’obiettivo è però innescare profondi cambiamenti sociali all’insegna di una maggiore giustizia sociale e lotta alle profonde disuguaglianze del nostro tempo, allora non è di singoli eroi che si dovrebbe andare alla ricerca, ma di una diversa narrazione che faccia assegnamento sull’impegno autentico delle comunità. Comunità locali che sono sempre più chiamate a svolgere un ruolo rilevante nella costruzione sia di sistemi di welfare di prossimità, sia di nuovi modelli di produzione a larga partecipazione, in risposta a una pluralità di bisogni e sfide incompiute che spaziano dall’inclusione di persone vulnerabili fino alla gestione di beni comuni come la salute, il territorio, l’energia.[1]

      Quest’articolo prende le mosse da una convinzione di fondo. Nonostante il ruolo importante che svolgono nel generare benessere sociale, le comunità locali stentano ad essere riconosciute come protagoniste di un processo di cambiamento.

      Responsabile della loro scarsa visibilità e incisività non è solo l’insufficiente riconoscimento politico, ma anche una narrazione incoerente di cui si fanno sovente portatrici anche le organizzazioni di terzo settore che gli interessi delle comunità promuovono. Una narrazione spesso incentrata sul culto di singole personalità che, mettendo in ombra l’ancoraggio comunitario, rischia di incrinare l’impatto generativo del terzo settore.

      Dopo una riflessione sul perché bisognerebbe diffidare delle narrazioni idealizzate e sugli effetti del pathos degli eroi, l’articolo si sofferma su un caso specifico, quello di Agitu Ideo Gudeta, assassinata sul finire del 2020 da un suo collaboratore. Quindi, prendendo le mosse da questa drammatica vicenda, gli autori si soffermano sulle ragioni che farebbero propendere per la sostituzione degli eroi con progetti collettivi, sollecitando le organizzazioni di terzo settore, in primis, a cambiare narrazione.
      Pathos degli eroi

      Gli esempi di persone, professionisti e politici che sono stati idealizzati in virtù di reali o presunti talenti o gesta sono molteplici e coinvolgono frange della società civile – sia conservatrici e reazionarie, sia progressiste – così come il mondo della politica. Eroi che, spesso in virtù di altrettante semplificazioni, da figure mitologiche sono stati di punto in bianco trasformati in demoni o in capri espiatori, lasciando volutamente in ombra la complessità dei contesti, le relazioni, le fragilità, le emozioni e i comportamenti, spesso controversi, che accompagnano ogni essere umano, sia nei momenti di gloria, sia in quelli più bui.

      Nell’ambiente conservatore spicca la parabola di Vincenzo Muccioli, santificato negli anni ’80 come salvatore di migliaia di giovani spezzati dall’eroina, e poi demonizzato dai mezzi di informazione, prescindendo da un’analisi approfondita della sua controversa iniziativa. Tra gli esempi di persone e professionisti che sono stati santificati e poi travolti da un’onda di retorica colpevolista vi sono gli infermieri e i medici, celebrati come supereroi allo scoppio della pandemia Covid-19, passati nel secondo lockdown ad essere additati come appestati e untori, quando non complici di una messa in scena.[2]
      Emblematico è anche il caso dei volontari, portati puntualmente alla ribalta della cronaca come angeli durante catastrofi e crisi naturali, per poi svanire nel nulla in tempi non emergenziali, a dispetto del loro prezioso contributo quotidiano per migliorare la qualità della vita delle persone più vulnerabili.[3]
      Con riferimento all’ambiente più militante e progressista si distingue Mimmo Lucano, ex sindaco di Riace, passato dall’essere innalzato a mito dell’accoglienza dalla stampa e dal sistema SPRAR, in virtù dell’esperienza pionieristica sperimentata dal suo Comune, a essere abbandonato e attaccato da una parte dei media. Il cambio di atteggiamento nei confronti di Lucano coincide con la controversa vicenda giudiziaria che lo vede coinvolto per favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione e per la gestione di progetti di accoglienza, dopo che il suo Comune è stato per anni pressato dal Viminale e dalla Prefettura affinché ospitasse un gran numero di richiedenti asilo, rifiutati da altri progetti di accoglienza (Procacci, 2021). Nel mondo della politica istituzionale primeggia l’attuale santificazione di Mario Draghi, acclamato come unico possibile salvatore di un Paese al collasso dopo essere stato considerato un simbolo dei poteri finanziari forti negli anni della crisi economica globale (Dominjanni, 2021).
      Perché diffidare degli eroi?

      Le ragioni che portano a diffidare degli eroi sono molteplici. I riflettori accesi esclusivamente sulla dimensione dell’eccellenza[4]
      distolgono l’attenzione da tutto ciò che condiziona le azioni dell’eroe, come i contesti istituzionali e ambientali, incluso il bagaglio di risorse, non solo economiche ma anche sociali e culturali, su cui il singolo fa assegnamento. A influenzare i percorsi che portano alle presunte gesta eccezionali di chi viene incoronato come eroe, ci sono comunità e organizzazioni, più o meno coese, composte da una pluralità di individui che si relazionano tra di loro per contribuire, in base al ruolo ricoperto, al raggiungimento di obiettivi condivisi. Anche le scelte dell’imprenditore più autoritario e accentratore, sono condizionate dalle persone e dall’ambiente con cui è interconnesso. Il potenziale innovativo non è quindi un dono che gli dei fanno a pochi eletti (Barbera, 2021), ma un processo complesso che per essere compreso appieno presuppone un’analisi articolata, che ricomprende una pluralità di elementi economici, sociali e relazionali. Elementi che le analisi fondate sugli eroi nella maggior parte dei casi ignorano, riconducendo sovente il successo dell’iniziativa idealizzata esclusivamente a un’intuizione del singolo.

      A fomentare una narrazione personalistica ha contribuito lo storytelling che ha fatto dell’innovazione il mantra dominante (Barbera, 2021). Responsabile è principalmente la retorica di stampo neoliberista, incentrata sul mito dell’imprenditore individuale, che ha assoggettato la maggior parte dei campi del sapere, arrivando a giustificare le disuguaglianze poiché conseguenti a un processo liberamente accettato dove ognuno ha pari opportunità di accesso al mercato e alla proprietà (Piketty, 2020). Di qui la riconversione del cittadino in homo oeconomicus, orientato non più allo scambio come nel liberismo classico, bensì alla valorizzazione di sé stesso in quanto capitale umano (Dominjianni, 2017). Una parte della letteratura sul management del terzo settore ha introiettato questa logica, proiettandola nella figura eroica dell’imprenditore sociale (Waldron et al., 2016; Miller et al., 2012; Dacin et al., 2011; Short et al., 2009; Zahra et al., 2009; Bornstein, 2007; Martin, Osberg, 2007; Austin et al., 2006).[5]
      Sottolineando il connubio tra tratti etici e competenze creative e leadership, che permetterebbero all’imprenditore sociale di assumersi i rischi necessari a raggiungere obiettivi sociali straordinari, questa letteratura ha trascurato i processi organizzativi e decisionali che sono alla base del funzionamento delle diverse organizzazioni (Petrella, Battesti, 2014).

      Il culto degli eroi ha così contribuito ad allontanare l’attenzione da alcune caratteristiche precipue di associazioni e cooperative, tra cui in primis l’adozione di modelli di governo inclusivi ad ampia partecipazione, che dovrebbero favorire il coinvolgimento di una pluralità di portatori di interesse nei processi decisionali, in rappresentanza dei diversi gruppi sociali che abitano un territorio (Sacchetti, 2018; Borzaga e Galera, 2016; Borzaga e Sacchetti, 2015; Defourny e Borzaga, 2001).[6]
      Ciò si verifica, ad esempio, quando una organizzazione di terzo settore costituita su basi democratiche, è identificata con il nome di un singolo eroe: un fondatore, un religioso che – anche quando non ricopra effettivamente cariche formali apicali – si riconosce come ispirazione e figura carismatica. Sono casi in cui talvolta il percorso di sviluppo dell’ente passa in secondo piano rispetto a quello di un singolo individuo il cui nome è di per sé evocativo dell’intera organizzazione.
      Gli effetti delle narrazioni eroicizzate

      L’immediata spendibilità comunicativa delle narrazioni fondate su figure eroiche spiega perché esse siano largamente preferite da una parte rilevante della politica, da molti osservatori e dalla quasi totalità degli operatori dell’informazione rispetto a studi analitici volti a comprendere i fenomeni sociali e a rendere conto ai cittadini e agli attori esterni delle scelte di policy compiute. Di qui l’incapacità di comprendere le problematiche che affliggono la società contemporanea e la proiezione artificiale in una figura erta a simbolo, non senza implicazioni negative.
      Allontanano dall’individuazione di possibili soluzioni

      Oltre a offuscare il contesto di appartenenza, la retorica dell’azione straordinaria allontana l’attenzione da quello che dovrebbe essere il corretto funzionamento di qualsiasi sistema, a livello macro, così come a livello micro. Nelle narrazioni incentrate sugli eroi non c’è spazio né per analisi valutative comparate, né tantomeno per riflessioni su come dovrebbe funzionare, ad esempio, un’organizzazione.

      Scoraggiando la correttezza analitica su temi di rilevanza pubblica e disincentivando qualsiasi tipo di studio volto a misurare l’efficacia di singole iniziative di welfare o il loro impatto sull’occupazione e il benessere della collettività, le narrazioni eroicizzate impediscono di indagare la realtà in maniera approfondita. Di conseguenza, non consentono di comprendere le implicazioni, non solo economiche ma anche in termini di efficacia, che sono connesse alle diverse soluzioni di policy.

      La tendenza ad analizzare la realtà in maniera superficiale, spesso in nome di un’imperante “politica del fare”, ci allontana quindi dall’individuazione di possibili soluzioni ai problemi che affliggono le società contemporanee. I riflettori accesi su una singola esperienza nel campo delle dipendenze hanno per molto tempo impedito un confronto serio sull’efficacia degli interventi di riabilitazione sperimentati dalle diverse realtà di accoglienza, non solo in termini di disintossicazione, ma anche di reinserimento nel tessuto sociale delle persone accolte. L’esaltazione della figura di Vincenzo Muccioli ha contribuito a trascurare negli anni ‘80 le oltre 300 iniziative di accoglienza di tossicodipendenti che in quegli stessi anni stavano sperimentando percorsi di riabilitazione alternativi basati sull’ascolto individuale, la responsabilità e la condivisione comunitaria. Realtà che, basandosi su uno scambio tra contributi volontari e competenze professionali (sociologici, psicologi, educatori, psichiatri, ecc.), prendevano le mosse a partire dall’esperienza di organizzazioni già radicate come il Gruppo Abele, San Benedetto al Porto e la Comunità di Capodarco, così come nuove esperienze, tra cui il Ceis, Exodus, Saman, Villa Maraini a Roma e la comunità Betania a Parma (De Facci, 2021). Tra le tante comunità di accoglienza e recupero nate tra gli anni ’70 e ’80, particolarmente interessante è quella trentina di Camparta, che è stata recentemente raccontata da alcuni dei suoi protagonisti. Promossa su iniziativa di uno psicoterapeuta d’impronta basagliana e animata da ideali libertari e comunitari, Camparta ha sperimentato un metodo di riabilitazione olistico, fondato su un percorso di ricerca interiore, confronto e rifondazione culturale a tutto campo (I ragazzi di Camparta, 2021).

      La narrazione fortemente polarizzata tra posizioni idealizzate pro e anti migranti continua a impedire un’analisi rigorosa e sistematica del fenomeno migratorio che possa fornire utili indicazioni di policy su come andrebbe gestita l’accoglienza di richiedenti asilo e rifugiati entro una visione di sviluppo locale piuttosto che secondo una logica emergenziale. L’idealizzazione di Mimmo Lucano ha distolto l’attenzione dalle tante altre esperienze di accoglienza di cui l’Italia è ricca. Iniziative che, prendendo in alcuni casi ispirazione dall’iniziativa pionieristica di Riace, hanno saputo innescare processi di sviluppo a livello locale grazie ad una proficua collaborazione tra enti di terzo settore e enti locali (Galera, Borzaga, 2019; Lucano, 2020).

      Coprendo le nefandezze e le carenze di un sistema sanitario al collasso, la celebrazione di medici e infermieri come angeli durante il primo lockdown ha ritardato una riflessione quanto mai necessaria su come dovrebbe essere riformato il sistema sanitario per renderlo maggiormente in grado di gestire le attuali sfide socio-sanitarie, così come quelle all’orizzonte per effetto dell’allevamento industriale intensivo, del massiccio impiego di antibiotici in allevamento e dei cambiamenti climatici (Galera, 2020; Tamino, 2020).

      A livello organizzativo, le narrazioni incentrate sull’azione straordinaria degli eroi imprenditori incoraggiano sistematicamente sia l’adozione di strumenti di management, sia l’adesione a culture organizzative che, svilendo la componente della partecipazione, indeboliscono la capacità del terzo settore di incidere a livello locale; e influenza, in modo negativo, pure le politiche, laddove, ad esempio nelle scelte di finanziamento, venga privilegiata l’idea “innovativa”[7]
      rispetto alla capacità di costruire legami di comunità e di rafforzare soggetti collettivi e inclusivi.

      A livello di sistema, l’impatto generativo del terzo settore è nondimeno minato dall’incapacità – insita in ogni idealizzazione – di discernere tra elementi non trasferibili, perché legati a particolari condizioni congiunturali e di contesto favorevoli, ed elementi “esportabili”. Tra questi, ad esempio, modelli di servizio, strumenti di lavoro, strategie di collaborazione o forme dell’abitare che, essendo stati sperimentati con esiti positivi, potrebbero essere modellizzati e replicati su più ampia scala, qualora liberati dal giogo dell’eroe.
      Forniscono l’alibi per rifugiarsi nell’inazione

      Tra i gruppi idealizzati rientrano i volontari e gli operatori impegnati in prima linea nelle situazioni emergenziali generate da catastrofi naturali. Nel caso dei volontari, la tendenza predominante è mitizzarne il coinvolgimento durante le emergenze e ignorarne sistematicamente il contributo nella vita quotidiana a sostegno delle persone più vulnerabili o del territorio che abitiamo per contenerne la fragilità.

      Tra gli esempi di mobilitazioni di volontari idealizzate vi sono quelle avvenute in occasione di nubifragi e terremoti. Tra queste l’alluvione che nel 1966 cosparse Firenze di acqua e fango, causando gravissimi danni sia alle persone sia al patrimonio artistico (Silei, 2013). Ulteriori esempi di mobilitazioni comunitarie sono rappresentati dal terremoto del 2012 in Emilia e dall’alluvione di Genova nel 2014. Catastrofi naturali che hanno attivato una catena di solidarietà in grado di compensare, almeno in parte, l’assenza di un’organizzazione centralizzata capace di gestire opportunamente le emergenze.

      L’uso di espressioni improprie come “angeli” e “eroi” mette tuttavia in ombra la normalità dell’azione di milioni di cittadini che nelle associazioni o individualmente nei loro posti di lavoro, in strada o su internet, chiedono l’attenzione delle istituzioni, anche prima delle emergenze, denunciano gli abusi e si battono per i propri diritti (Campagna #nonsonoangeli, 2014).[8]
      La mitizzazione dei volontari nei momenti di crisi non solo svilisce il loro prezioso contributo nella quotidianità. Appigliandosi al pretesto che l’impegno sia appannaggio di pochi eletti, l’idealizzazione offre ai così detti “cittadini ordinari” l’alibi per rifugiarsi nell’inazione.
      Scoraggiano la costruzione di un sistema valoriale alternativo

      Il pathos suscitato dagli eroi offre nondimeno la scorciatoia per non impegnarsi nella costruzione di un sistema valoriale coerente con i principi e i valori dichiarati. Il sistema di riferimenti valoriali riprodotto dall’eroe permette, infatti, di aggregare consenso in maniera immediata, senza alcuna fatica. Diversamente, un percorso di produzione valoriale sociale in grado di innescare cambiamenti consapevoli richiederebbe sia un impegno rilevante in termini di ascolto, confronti e negoziazioni volti a tracciare un itinerario di azione condiviso, sia tempi considerevoli.

      Di qui l’effimera illusione che l’eroe, consentendo di conseguire approvazione e sostegno nel breve termine, possa aiutarci a sostenere il nostro sistema valoriale in maniera più efficace. Le storie di eroi ci mostrano, invece, come i sistemi basati sull’idealizzazione siano nel medio e lungo periodo destinati a produrre l’effetto contrario. Creando una frattura netta tra gli eroi e i non eroi, influenzano in senso antisociale i comportamenti collettivi e individuali (Bonetti, 2020). E così facendo, ci allontanano da quello che dovrebbe essere il modello di società più rispondente al sistema valoriale che vorremmo promuovere.
      Incoraggiano la polarizzazione tra “buoni” e “cattivi”

      Di conseguenza, oltre a non contribuire a risolvere spinosi problemi sociali, le narrazioni idealizzate favoriscono una polarizzazione tra “buoni” e “cattivi” in cui le posizioni contrapposte si alimentano a vicenda, compromettendo il dialogo e la gestione dei conflitti.

      La tendenza a polarizzare è una prassi diffusa nel settore dell’informazione, incline a esaltare o distruggere personaggi simbolo (Sgaggio, 2011), così come tra opinionisti, osservatori, ricercatori, esperti e tra le organizzazioni della società civile.

      Quella della polarizzazione e categorizzazione è tuttavia una tendenza a cui siamo tutti soggetti, spesso inconsapevolmente. Siamo attratti maggiormente da notizie e informazioni che siano in grado di confermare le nostre interpretazioni del mondo, mentre siamo respinti magneticamente da tutto ciò che mette in discussione le nostre certezze o alimenta dubbi. Elaborare messaggi che si allineano con le nostre ideologie richiede, non a caso, uno sforzo cognitivo considerevolmente minore rispetto alla messa in discussione delle nostre sicurezze (Michetti, 2021).

      L’inclinazione a semplificare e categorizzare è in una certa misura una reazione incontrollata, indotta dall’esigenza di difenderci dal bombardamento di informazioni a cui siamo sottoposti sistematicamente. Una reazione che rischia di essere esasperata dallo stato emotivo di vulnerabilità a livello individuale e collettivo in cui ci troviamo a causa della pandemia. L’essere più fragili ci rende, infatti, più facilmente preda di abbagli e simboli in cui proiettare paure, ambizioni e desideri di cambiamento in positivo.
      Esasperano le fragilità delle persone idealizzate

      In mancanza della consapevolezza di essere oggetto di idealizzazione, la mitizzazione può avere conseguenze deleterie anche sulla persona idealizzata. Come alcune storie di eroi ci mostrano, l’idealizzazione può portare a una progressiva esasperazione di fragilità latenti e, nei casi estremi, a una dissociazione cognitiva. Di qui lo sviluppo – nelle persone borderline – di disturbi narcisistici e megalomani, che possono accelerare la caduta del mito, sempre al varco quando vi è un processo di santificazione in atto.[9]

      A prescindere dall’evoluzione dell’idealizzazione, delle competenze, talenti o accuse di cui può essersi macchiato il presunto eroe, si tratta di un percorso a termine, nella maggior parte dei casi destinato a lasciare spazio alla solitudine non appena la stagione della gloria si esaurisce, talvolta accompagnata dalla dissacrazione della figura dell’eroe.
      Il caso della pastora Agitu Ideo Gudeta e della “Capra Felice”

      La recente idealizzazione della pastora etiope Agitu Ideo Gudeta, titolare dell’azienda agricola “La Capra Felice”, esaltata a seguito della sua uccisione, confermano il bisogno compulsivo di eroi che affligge una rilevante fetta di società, in questo caso quella più militante e attenta alla giustizia sociale, ai valori della solidarietà e dell’antirazzismo. La sua storia è molto conosciuta.

      Agitu Ideo Gudeta nasce nel 1978 in Etiopia. Emigra in Italia per motivi di studio ma, appena laureata, torna nella sua terra d’origine per combattere contro il land-grabbing. Dopo aver ricevuto pesanti minacce per il suo impegno contro le multinazionali, rientra come rifugiata in Italia e avvia in Trentino un allevamento di ovini di razza pezzata mòchena, una specie autoctona a rischio di estinzione, e un caseificio, La Capra Felice, i cui prodotti biologici e gli intenti ambientalisti la portano ad ottenere riconoscimenti anche da Slow Food e da Legambiente. Per la sua attività Agitu Ideo Gudeta recupera un pascolo di oltre 10 ettari in stato di abbandono e occupa nel corso degli anni numerosi giovani richiedenti asilo e rifugiati.

      Quello di Agitu Ideo Gudeta è un racconto ineccepibile di cui tanti attivisti si sono innamorati, estrapolando pezzi della sua storia che calzavano a pennello con la loro retorica. Il suo percorso ha trovato terreno fertile nelle narrazioni sull’inclusione, nelle analisi di buone pratiche di imprenditoria migrante e femminista, nelle storie di rivitalizzazione di aree interne, negli esempi di recupero di specie animali autoctone a rischio di estinzione, e nella lotta contro il land-grabbing.

      La maggior parte delle analisi, in particolare quelle realizzate dopo la sua uccisione, si è tuttavia limitata ad una descrizione superficiale che ha sottovalutato le caratteristiche di un contesto contraddistinto da una molteplicità di sfide e criticità legate in primo luogo al settore di attività, la pastorizia, notoriamente a rischio di sfruttamento per le caratteristiche intrinseche a tutte le attività agricole. Si tratta di attività esposte a una molteplicità di fattori di incertezza; a quelli produttivi e di mercato si aggiungono rischi climatici, ambientali e istituzionali legati al cambio di normative e regolamenti, che condizionano fortemente le entrate economiche, specie delle aziende agricole di piccole dimensioni.

      Tra le caratteristiche di contesto rientra anche il tipo di territorio: la Valle Dei Mòcheni, un’area alpina periferica dove esistono ancora regole antiche che governano i rapporti tra i membri della comunità. Infine, un ulteriore elemento di complessità è legato alla tipologia di lavoratori impiegati dalla Capra Felice: richiedenti asilo e rifugiati, ovvero persone fragili che mostrano, in generale, un’alta vulnerabilità spesso dovuta a disturbi post-traumatici da stress (Barbieri, 2020).[10]
      Queste sfide e criticità si sono intrecciate con le difficoltà legate a un processo di sviluppo imprenditoriale che la Capra Felice ha intrapreso in un momento di grave instabilità e recessione economica.

      A dispetto delle drammatiche circostanze in cui i fatti si sono svolti, la retorica che potremmo chiamare della beatificazione seguita all’uccisione di Agitu Ideo Gudeta non ha lasciato alcuno spazio alla riflessione critica. Non solo le istituzioni pubbliche e gli operatori dell’informazione, ma anche molti politici e organizzazioni di terzo settore si sono rifugiati nella facile consacrazione dell’eroina, piuttosto che interrogarsi sulle fragilità dell’ambiente in cui Agitu Ideo Gudeta operava, sulle difficoltà incontrate da lei e dai suoi collaboratori, e persino sulle concause che potrebbero aver portato alla sua uccisione.

      Mentre si sono sprecate le parole per “eroicizzarla”, nessuno si è interrogato sulla qualità del lavoro, sul tipo di relazione lavorativa che la Capra Felice instaurava con i giovani richiedenti asilo e sull’esito dei loro percorsi di integrazione.

      Chi erano e che ruolo avevano i collaboratori della Capra Felice? Quanti richiedenti asilo hanno lavorato nel corso degli anni e in che misura e da chi erano seguiti nei loro percorsi di inclusione? Qual era il turn over dei lavoratori stranieri? Che rapporto avevano i collaboratori della Capra Felice con il territorio e la comunità locale? Dove vivono e lavorano ora gli ex lavoratori? Nel caso di lavoratori particolarmente fragili, qual era il ruolo dei servizi sociali e sanitari? Il percorso di sviluppo imprenditoriale della Capra Felice è stato seguito da qualche incubatore di impresa e, in caso negativo, perché no?

      Queste sono solo alcune delle domande su cui si sarebbe dovuto a nostro avviso interrogare qualsiasi osservatore non superficiale, interessato a comprendere e a sostenere i percorsi di accoglienza e inclusione sociale e lavorativa delle persone fragili.
      Progetti collettivi al posto di eroi e eroine

      La storia tragica di Agitu Ideo Gudeta sembra essere anche la storia di una società debole e fallimentare nel suo complesso, non solo di un’onda retorica che ha attraversato i mezzi di informazione e i social network per creare al suo centro l’eroina.

      Il fatto che la sua morte abbia generato un bisogno di santificazione e una gogna mediatica nei confronti dell’accusato, invece che sollecitare cordoglio e un esame di coscienza collettiva, smaschera un vuoto su cui forse varrebbe la pena riflettere.

      Un vuoto che può essere riempito solo con azioni concrete e durevoli, che siano il frutto di progetti collettivi a livello comunitario. A questo scopo, servono iniziative di autentica condivisione che aiutino a governare la complessità, a riconoscere le situazioni di fragilità e a prevenire e gestire i conflitti che inevitabilmente abitano i contesti sociali (Sclavi, 2003). A supporto di queste iniziative, c’è bisogno di una nuova narrazione, autentica e costruttiva, che sia innanzi tutto capace di apprendere dagli errori e dai fallimenti affinché le falle del nostro tessuto sociale non permettano più il perpetrarsi di simili tragedie. Quindi, una narrazione che non rifugge il fallimento e non lo percepisce come un pericolo da mascherare a qualsiasi costo, ma come un’opportunità di crescita e di cambiamento.

      Rispetto a quella che nutre gli eroi, è un tipo di narrazione di senso, incline ad alimentare una responsabilità collettiva e una nuova consapevolezza sociale, che può favorire un ribaltamento valoriale in senso solidale. È però una narrazione molto più faticosa da sviluppare. Presuppone, infatti, un’azione collettiva impegnativa in termini di relazioni, negoziazioni e confronti, che deve giocoforza poggiare sulla creazione di spazi di aggregazione e di collaborazione. Questa nuova narrazione non può che nascere da un rinnovato impegno civico di ciascuno di noi, in quanto cittadini responsabili che, praticando la solidarietà, prefigurano un cambiamento e un futuro possibile dove la cittadinanza attiva non è l’eccezione ma la costante.[11]

      Di qui la necessità di sostituire l’emulazione verbale e la ben sedimentata narrativa dell’eroe, normativamente accettata da un uso millenario, con un nuovo ordine normativo significante della realtà.
      Come sostenere la creazione di comunità accoglienti e inclusive

      La crisi della democrazia rappresentativa, la sfiducia nei partiti e l’allontanamento dalla politica hanno da tempo acceso i riflettori sulla società civile, organizzata e non, in quanto spazio di discussione e confronto, finalizzato non solo ad elaborare efficaci strategie in risposta a bisogni sempre più complessi, ma anche a prevenire e gestire le fragilità umane e i conflitti tra gruppi sociali contrapposti.

      Di fronte alla crisi epocale dei modelli politici e produttivi tradizionali, sono sempre più numerosi i dibattiti su come, in quale misura e attraverso quali strumenti, le comunità locali possano intervenire concretamente sulle profonde disuguaglianze economiche, sociali, territoriali che affliggono il nostro Paese, ribaltando i paradigmi dominanti e innescando cambiamenti profondi a vantaggio dei più deboli e della collettività.

      La storia, quella più lontana e quella più recente, ci mostra come spesso la forza della comunità risieda nel bagaglio di valori, tradizioni e relazioni fiduciarie, che sono radicati nel tessuto sociale e vissuto collettivo. Ed è questo bagaglio relazionale e valoriale che ha permesso in moltissimi casi alle comunità di sopravvivere e rigenerarsi nel corso della storia, spesso a seguito di eventi traumatici come calamità naturali, crisi economiche e sanitarie. Ma la storia ci riporta anche molti esempi di comunità in cui la valorizzazione delle identità locali ha originato fenomeni di chiusura particolaristica. Comunità esclusiviste che si sono e in molti casi continuano a identificare l’altro con il male (Bonomi, 2018; Langer, 1994).

      La comunità locali sono, quindi, lontane dall’essere sempre e comunque virtuose.

      Cosa fa pertanto la differenza tra una comunità e l’altra? Per diventare accoglienti e inclusive, le comunità devono potersi esprimere attraverso quelle organizzazioni della società civile che sono proiettate verso il bene comune e si avvalgono del coinvolgimento di una pluralità di portatori di interesse, in rappresentanza dei diversi pezzi di società che abitano un territorio. Sono quindi le organizzazioni di terzo settore maggiormente radicate sul territorio che andrebbero sostenute dalle politiche pubbliche all’interno di una cornice collaborativa in cui, anziché gestire prestazioni per conto dell’ente pubblico (Borzaga, 2019), il terzo settore dovrebbe configurarsi come un attivatore di risposte sociali innovative, che fanno leva sulla prossimità ai territori e alle persone, incluse quelle vulnerabili e disinformate, normalmente ai margini delle dinamiche di cambiamento (Manzini, 2018).

      Se è vero, come da più parti sottolineato, che la politica è in gran parte responsabile dello scarso riconoscimento della società civile organizzata, l’insufficiente apprezzamento del suo valore aggiunto è ascrivibile anche ad alcune prassi, culture e comportamenti organizzativi messi in atto dalle stesse organizzazioni di terzo settore. Tra questi, una retorica – quella degli eroi – incoerente con la loro natura, che ha generato atteggiamenti autoreferenziali e ha alimentato uno scollamento di molte organizzazioni di terzo settore dalle loro comunità di appartenenza. Una delle sfide che il terzo settore dovrebbe far propria è, quindi, a nostro avviso l’archiviazione, una volta per tutte, della retorica dell’eroe e dell’eroina e la sua sostituzione con una narrazione autentica e costruttiva che sia in grado di alimentare un’attiva partecipazione della cittadinanza alla gestione del bene comune.

      DOI: 10.7425/IS.2021.02.10

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      Zahra S.A., Gedajlovic E., Neubaum D.O., Shulman J.M. (2009), “A typology of social entrepreneurs: Motives, search processes and ethical challenges”, Journal of Business Venturing, 24, pp. 519-532.
      Note

      La nozione di bene comune fa riferimento all’insieme delle risorse necessarie allo sviluppo della persona ed all’esercizio dei suoi diritti fondamentali. Presuppone condizioni di eguaglianza nell’accesso o utilizzo degli stessi. Sul concetto di beni comuni si rimanda ai lavori di E. Olstrom [tra cui: Olstrom E. (1990), Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge UK]. Nel sistema italiano una definizione di riferimento è quella formulata dalla Commissione Rodotà nel 2008: “Cose che esprimono utilità funzionali all’esercizio dei diritti fondamentali nonché al libero sviluppo della persona”.
      https://nti.apet118.it/home
      “Quanto vale il volontariato in Italia? Istat, CSVnet e FVP lanciano la prima sperimentazione del Manuale ILO sul lavoro volontario”: https://www.csvnet.it/csv/storia/144-notizie/1226-quanto-vale-il-volontariato-in-italia-istat-csvnet-e-fvp-lanciano-i-dati
      Di qui l’elogio di chi ce la fa e “merita” (Piketty, 2020). Per un’analisi critica del “merito” si rimanda a Sandel (2020).
      Con riferimento alle critiche si veda John McClusky (2018).
      Modelli di governance che sono supportati da vincoli normativi o statutari – come il vincolo alla non distribuibilità degli utili (non-profit distribution constraint) e l’asset lock – pensati per garantire la sopravvivenza nel tempo dell’inclusività e dell’interesse generale perseguito.
      Approccio che vede l’intervento sociale in analogia all’innovazione tecnologica, dove una mente geniale, chiusa nel suo garage, inventa qualcosa che rivoluziona la vita di tutti.
      La campagna #nonsonoangeli prese avvio all’indomani dell’ultima alluvione di Genova dall’esigenza di ridefinire il ruolo del volontariato e della percezione di questi per i media, promuovendo da un lato una comunicazione meno stereotipata dell’impegno dei cittadini, in caso di emergenza e non, per il bene comune, e dall’altro una conoscenza del volontariato e della solidarietà così come queste si manifestano. https://nonsonoangeli.wordpress.com/2016/06/08/roma-8-giugno-2016-on-sono-angeli-il-volontariato-tra-stere
      Si veda a questo proposito: https://socialimpactaward.net/breaking-the-myth-of-hero-entrepreneurship - http://tacklingheropreneurship.com
      Si veda anche: https://mediciperidirittiumani.org/studio-salute-mentale-rifugiati - https://archivio.medicisenzafrontiere
      https://www.cesvot.it/comunicazione/dossier/hanno-detto-di-nonsonoangeli

      https://www.rivistaimpresasociale.it/rivista/articolo/dalla-ricerca-di-eroi-alla-costruzione-di-progetti-comunitari

      #héros #narration #imaginaire_collectif #récit #moralité_culturelle #éthique #justice_sociale #contre-récit #communautés_locales #pathos #individualisation #Lucano #Mimmo_Lucano #Domenico_Lucano #excellence #storytelling #innovation #néo-libéralisation #libéralisme #management #leadership #figure_charismatique #charisme #Riace #idéalisation #polarisation #simplification #catégorisation #fragilisation #solitude #Capra_Felice #responsabilité_collective #société_civile

  • ’A mental health emergency’: no end to trauma for refugees on Lesbos | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/dec/22/a-mental-health-emergency-no-end-to-trauma-for-refugees-on-lesbos
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/ac2951555011d9169e38cf44bbd5e71f270dbeb7/0_0_3500_2099/master/3500.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    In 2020 MSF has treated 49 children on Lesbos with thoughts of suicide or for suicide attempts.The current demand for MSF’s services is more than the organisation can meet and there is a lengthy waiting list for the paediatric clinic and the clinic for victims of torture and sexual violence.Rainfall has left parts of the camp waterlogged and tents have been flooded on more than one occasion. Human rights organisations have raised concerns about substandard living conditions for inhabitants of the camp, dubbed “Moria 2.0” by many on the ground. Thirty-six hot water showers have just been installed but many of the 7,300 residents still shower using buckets or water bottles.Lockdown restrictions mean that residents are only allowed to leave once a week to visit the supermarket, a lawyer or the pharmacy. Exits are monitored and fines given out for residents not wearing masks. “Many children are also afraid of the police,” says Chirvatidis, “they are not perceived as protectors but mainly as punishers.”
    Petra Molnar, from the Migration and Technology Monitor, says security measures are having an impact on people’s mental health. “We are seeing the rise of surveillance technologies like drones patrolling the skies, and the increased use of closed and controlled facilities like the new camp on Lesbos,” she says. “This type of omnipresent surveillance and toxic ongoing stress has long-term mental health repercussions, especially for children.”

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#grece#moria#camp#refugie#sante#santementale#ue#politiquemigratoire#confinement

  • Thousands of #refugees in #mental_health crisis after years on #Greek islands

    One in three on Aegean isles have contemplated suicide amid EU containment policies, report reveals

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/b1b9c9d90a1caa8f531cc8964d98aa5f334fc711/0_212_3500_2100/master/3500.jpg?width=605&quality=45&auto=format&fit=max&dpr=2&s=22c1d9db8c2a5087

    Years of entrapment on Aegean islands has resulted in a mental health crisis for thousands of refugees, with one in three contemplating suicide, a report compiled by psychosocial support experts has revealed.

    Containment policies pursued by the EU have also spurred ever more people to attempt to end their lives, according to the report released by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) on Thursday.

    “Research reveals consistent accounts of severe mental health conditions,” says the report, citing data collated over the past two and a half years on Lesbos, Samos and Chios.

    Depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and self-harm “among people of all ages and backgrounds” have emerged as byproducts of the hopelessness and despair on Europe’s eastern borderlands, it says.

    “As many as three out of four of the people the IRC has assisted through its mental health programme on the three islands reported experiencing symptoms such as sleeping problems, depression and anxiety,” its authors wrote.

    “One in three reported suicidal thoughts, while one in five reported having made attempts to take their lives.”

    In a year upended by coronavirus and disastrous fires on Lesbos – about 13,000 asylum seekers were temporarily displaced after the destruction of Moria, the island’s infamous holding centre – psychologists concluded that the humanitarian situation on the outposts had worsened considerably.

    The mental health toll had been aggravated by lockdown measures that had kept men, women and children confined to facilities for much of 2020, they said.

    Previously, residents in Moria, Europe’s biggest refugee camp before its destruction, had participated in football games outside the facility and other group activities.

    Noting that the restrictions were stricter for refugees and migrants than those applied elsewhere in Greece, IRC support teams found a marked deterioration in the mental wellbeing of people in the camps since rolling lockdowns were enforced in March.

    “Research demonstrates how the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic further exacerbated the suffering of already vulnerable asylum seekers and exposed the many flaws in Europe’s asylum and reception system,” the report says.

    Over the year there has been a rise in the proportion of people disclosing psychotic symptoms, from one in seven to one in four. Disclosures of self-harm have increased by 66%.

    The IRC, founded by Albert Einstein in 1933 and now led by the former British foreign secretary David Miliband, said the findings offered more evidence of the persistent political and policy failures at Greek and EU level.

    Five years after authorities scrambled to establish reception and identification centres, or hotspots, on the frontline isles at the start of the refugee crisis, about 15,000 men, women and children remain stranded in the installations.

    Describing conditions in the camps as dangerous and inhumane, the IRC said residents were still denied access to sufficient water, sanitation, shelter and vital services such as healthcare, education and legal assistance to process asylum claims.

    On Lesbos, the island most often targeted by traffickers working along the Turkish coast, government figures this week showed an estimated 7,319 men, women and children registered in a temporary camp erected in response to an emergency that has been blamed on arsonists.

    Three months after the fires, more than 5,000 people have been transferred to the mainland, according to Greek authorities.

    Of that number, more than 800 were relocated to the EU, including 523 children who had made the journey to Europe alone and were also held in Moria.

    Many had hoped the new camp would be a vast improvement on Moria, whose appalling conditions and severe overcrowding earned it global notoriety as a humanitarian disaster.

    But the new facility, located on a former firing range within metres of the sea, has drawn condemnation from locals and NGOs.

    “The winds hit it, the rains hit it and there’s no shade, which is why this place is unsuitable for any camp to be,” the island’s mayor, Stratis Kitilis, said.

    “It’s right next door to all the warehouses, transport companies and supermarkets that keep Lesbos going. No one wants it there.”

    This month the EU announced it was working with Athens’ centre-right administration to replace the installation with a modern structure that will open next September. New reception and identification centres will also be built on Samos, Kos and Lesbos. “They say it’ll be nothing like Moria and will be more of a transfer stop, but late next year is a very long time,” said Kitilis.

    Kiki Michailidou, the psychologist in charge of the IRC’s psychosocial support programmes on Lesbos, agreed that the conditions were far from dignified.

    As winter approached, camp residents were resorting to ever more desperate measures to keep warm, she said, while also being forced to stand in long queues for food and communal toilets.

    With camp managers moving families into giant tents, social distancing remains elusive. “A lot of people fear the unknown again,” Michailidou said.

    “Moria was terrible but it was also a familiar place, somewhere they called their home. After the fires they lost their point of reference and that has had a significant impact on their mental health too.”

    The IRC report calls for European policymakers to learn from past failings. While the EU’s new pact on asylum and migration is a step in the right direction, it says, it still falls short of the bloc managing migration in a humane and effective way.

    Echoing that sentiment, Michailidou said: “After the fires we saw what could happen. There were transfers to the mainland and children were relocated to other parts of Europe. That’s proof that where there’s political will and coordinated action, the lives of people in these camps can be transformed.”

    #suicide #island #migration #EU

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/dec/17/thousands-refugees-mental-crisis-years-greek-islands

  • EU policy ‘worsening’ mental health for refugees on Greek islands

    New research says more asylum-seekers stranded in EU’s ‘hotspot’ centres experiencing severe mental health symptoms.

    A prominent humanitarian group has warned of a worsening mental health crisis among asylum-seekers trapped at refugee camps on three Greek islands, saying its research reveals severe symptoms among people of all ages and backgrounds, including depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and self-harm.

    The International Rescue Committee (IRC), in a new report (https://www.rescue-uk.org/courage-to-continue) on Thursday, said nearly 15,000 people remain stranded at the European-Union funded Reception and Identification Centres, camps known as “hotspots” that were set up on Europe’s borders almost five years ago to swiftly process applications for asylum.

    Citing data collected from 904 asylum-seekers supported by its mental health programmes on the islands of Lesbos, Chios and Samos, the IRC said one in three of its clients reported suicidal thoughts, while one in five reported having made attempts to take their lives.

    “I even tried to hang myself but my son saw me and called my husband,” Fariba, a 32-year-old Afghan woman, was quoted as saying. The mother of two young children lives in the Vathy camp in the island of Samos.

    “I think about death a lot here: that it would be a good thing for the whole family, that if I could add a medicine in our food and we all died it would be a deliverance. But then I look at my daughter and I think it is not her time yet,” she said.

    The hotspot centres were established up in 2015, when the Aegean islands, especially Lesbos, came under enormous pressure, with nearly a million refugees and migrants trying to reach Europe arriving on the Greek islands.

    In January of this year, the five camps together hosted more than 38,600 asylum-seekers – a number six times higher than the hotspots’ capacity. The number had reduced significantly by November, yet, asylum seekers still live under “inhumane” conditions and “in great distress, with limited access to food, water and sanitation,” read the report.
    ‘Alarming spike’

    On Lesbos, thousands of people live in a temporary camp after a fire burned down their overcrowded facility known as the Moria refugee camp. With winter in full swing, many people now live in tents battered by winds and flooding, the report said, adding an even deeper sense of exhaustion and frustration. On Sunday, the camp of Kara Tepe in Lesbos – where more than 7,000 people live – was flooded for the third time after three days of rain amid stormy weather conditions.

    Mohammad, a 23-year-old Syrian asylum seeker who fled the city of Idlib in 2019, told Al Jazeera how he is affected by depression and sleeping disorders.

    “How could my mental health not be affected? When you wake up and find a rat on your chest, when you are constantly waiting [for your legal status to proceed], when rain is pouring into your tent for days, you have no toilet but just garbage around you?” he said, asking his surname to be withheld as his second attempt to gain residency is under way.

    This is the second winter Mohammad has spent in a self-made wooden hut in what is known as “the jungle” in the island of Samos. The 600-people capacity camp, located on a hill, comprises of tents made out of recycled material and houses more than 3,000 people.

    Mohammad said there were high level of distress and constant fear of possible violent escalations among the residents of the camp. “We need some sort of improvement as it is getting difficult to control the anger,” he said.

    The coronavirus pandemic and the strict restrictions on movement has inflicted further blows.

    The IRC reported an “alarming spike” in the number of people disclosing psychotic symptoms following the pandemic, jumping from one in seven to almost one in four. There was also a sharp rise in people reporting self-harm, which jumped by 66 percent, as well as a surge in those reporting symptoms of PTSD, which climbed from close to half of clients beforehand to almost two in three people.

    These severe symptoms of mental health negatively affect people’s ability to cope with the many challenges they face at the hotspot centres, such as standing in line for hours to get food, or successfully navigate the complex asylum process, the report said.
    ‘Trauma of hotspot centres’

    “Such stressful situation triggers a sort of re-traumatisation,” said Essam Daod, a psychiatric and mental health director of Humanity Crew, an NGO providing first response mental health interventions to refugees in Samos.

    “You left home because you felt hopeless, unsafe and with a massive distrust with the system. You reached Europe and you start to stabilise your mood, but then COVID-19 destroyed all of this triggering the same feeling they had when they were fleeing their own country,” he said.

    IRC found that mental health issues can also cause high levels of stigma and discrimination, while increasing vulnerability to exploitation or violence, including sexual violence.

    Children are also bearing the brunt of the the worsening crisis.

    “When parents break down, it has a major impact on children,” said Thanasis Chirvatidis, a psychologist with Doctors Without Borders who has been working in Lesbos since August.

    Children perceive parents who experience psychological collapse as being unable to protect them, said Chirvatidis. The result is an increasing number of children are developing symptoms such as hopeless, insomnia, night terrors and regression symptoms as they go backwards at an earlier mental state where they had better memories and felt safer.

    All of the people in the hotspot centres – adult and children alike – “even those who had a sense of normalcy in their life before, at this point will need support in the future for sorting what they are going through here, which has now become a trauma itself,” said Chirvatidis.

    https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/12/17/eus-refugee-policy-on-greek-islands-worsening-mental-health

    #Moria #santé_mentale #asile #migrations #réfugiés #îles #Lesbos #Mer_Egée #Grèce #traumatisme #trauma #hotspots #rapport

    ping @_kg_

    • Thousands of refugees in mental health crisis after years on Greek islands

      One in three on Aegean isles have contemplated suicide amid EU containment policies, report reveals
      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/b1b9c9d90a1caa8f531cc8964d98aa5f334fc711/0_212_3500_2100/master/3500.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=cdabee9ba1451c3fdb469b

      Years of entrapment on Aegean islands has resulted in a mental health crisis for thousands of refugees, with one in three contemplating suicide, a report compiled by psychosocial support experts has revealed.

      Containment policies pursued by the EU have also spurred ever more people to attempt to end their lives, according to the report released by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) on Thursday.

      “Research reveals consistent accounts of severe mental health conditions,” says the report, citing data collated over the past two and a half years on Lesbos, Samos and Chios.

      Depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and self-harm “among people of all ages and backgrounds” have emerged as byproducts of the hopelessness and despair on Europe’s eastern borderlands, it says.

      “As many as three out of four of the people the IRC has assisted through its mental health programme on the three islands reported experiencing symptoms such as sleeping problems, depression and anxiety,” its authors wrote.

      “One in three reported suicidal thoughts, while one in five reported having made attempts to take their lives.”

      In a year upended by coronavirus and disastrous fires on Lesbos – about 13,000 asylum seekers were temporarily displaced after the destruction of Moria, the island’s infamous holding centre – psychologists concluded that the humanitarian situation on the outposts had worsened considerably.

      The mental health toll had been aggravated by lockdown measures that had kept men, women and children confined to facilities for much of 2020, they said.

      Previously, residents in Moria, Europe’s biggest refugee camp before its destruction, had participated in football games outside the facility and other group activities.

      Noting that the restrictions were stricter for refugees and migrants than those applied elsewhere in Greece, IRC support teams found a marked deterioration in the mental wellbeing of people in the camps since rolling lockdowns were enforced in March.

      “Research demonstrates how the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic further exacerbated the suffering of already vulnerable asylum seekers and exposed the many flaws in Europe’s asylum and reception system,” the report says.

      Over the year there has been a rise in the proportion of people disclosing psychotic symptoms, from one in seven to one in four. Disclosures of self-harm have increased by 66%.

      The IRC, founded by Albert Einstein in 1933 and now led by the former British foreign secretary David Miliband, said the findings offered more evidence of the persistent political and policy failures at Greek and EU level.

      Five years after authorities scrambled to establish reception and identification centres, or hotspots, on the frontline isles at the start of the refugee crisis, about 15,000 men, women and children remain stranded in the installations.

      Describing conditions in the camps as dangerous and inhumane, the IRC said residents were still denied access to sufficient water, sanitation, shelter and vital services such as healthcare, education and legal assistance to process asylum claims.

      On Lesbos, the island most often targeted by traffickers working along the Turkish coast, government figures this week showed an estimated 7,319 men, women and children registered in a temporary camp erected in response to an emergency that has been blamed on arsonists.

      Three months after the fires, more than 5,000 people have been transferred to the mainland, according to Greek authorities.

      Of that number, more than 800 were relocated to the EU, including 523 children who had made the journey to Europe alone and were also held in Moria.

      Many had hoped the new camp would be a vast improvement on Moria, whose appalling conditions and severe overcrowding earned it global notoriety as a humanitarian disaster.

      But the new facility, located on a former firing range within metres of the sea, has drawn condemnation from locals and NGOs.

      “The winds hit it, the rains hit it and there’s no shade, which is why this place is unsuitable for any camp to be,” the island’s mayor, Stratis Kitilis, said.

      “It’s right next door to all the warehouses, transport companies and supermarkets that keep Lesbos going. No one wants it there.”

      This month the EU announced it was working with Athens’ centre-right administration to replace the installation with a modern structure that will open next September. New reception and identification centres will also be built on Samos, Kos and Lesbos. “They say it’ll be nothing like Moria and will be more of a transfer stop, but late next year is a very long time,” said Kitilis.

      Kiki Michailidou, the psychologist in charge of the IRC’s psychosocial support programmes on Lesbos, agreed that the conditions were far from dignified.

      As winter approached, camp residents were resorting to ever more desperate measures to keep warm, she said, while also being forced to stand in long queues for food and communal toilets.

      With camp managers moving families into giant tents, social distancing remains elusive. “A lot of people fear the unknown again,” Michailidou said.

      “Moria was terrible but it was also a familiar place, somewhere they called their home. After the fires they lost their point of reference and that has had a significant impact on their mental health too.”

      The IRC report calls for European policymakers to learn from past failings. While the EU’s new pact on asylum and migration is a step in the right direction, it says, it still falls short of the bloc managing migration in a humane and effective way.

      Echoing that sentiment, Michailidou said: “After the fires we saw what could happen. There were transfers to the mainland and children were relocated to other parts of Europe. That’s proof that where there’s political will and coordinated action, the lives of people in these camps can be transformed.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/dec/17/thousands-refugees-mental-crisis-years-greek-islands

  • Yemen: in a country stalked by disease, Covid barely registers | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/27/yemen-disease-covid-war
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/a9c05d186fa56ffc150c4d1419e5af7cf1f9c036/524_698_5236_3142/master/5236.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    Shabwa, an oil-rich region contested by all three of Yemen’s warring parties, has been firmly under the control of government-loyal forces since last summer. The province is relatively wealthy and stable compared with other areas of the country, leading Yemenis displaced by the fighting or migrant workers sent home from Saudi Arabia to settle here. As a result, Shabwa’s population has swollen from 600,000 to an estimated 1 million, and concrete and cinder-block building sites on the outskirts of Ataq have begun to encroach on the sand. Silk Road caravans used to traverse the tabletop mountains that tower above Shabwa’s plains in search of frankincense; today they have been replaced by oil pipelines and convoys of tankers.Shabwa’s governor, Mohammed Saleh bin Adyo, appointed in 2018, has invested millions in beefing up local security forces and infrastructure projects to try to lure foreign oil companies back to the area. The fighting between the western-backed Saudi coalition, Iran-supported Houthi rebels and a separatist movement seeking renewed independence for South Yemen shows no sign of stopping any time soon, however. Al-Qaida still lurks in the desert.For ordinary Yemenis, the impact of war can be blunted only so far. The currency, the rial, has lost two-thirds of its value since the conflict began and continues to slide, making it harder and harder to put food on the table. A rise in food prices, coupled with devastating aid cuts, means the prospect of widespread famine is once again on the horizon. (...)
    Half of the country’s healthcare facilities have been destroyed, hundreds of doctors have died or fled the country, and public sector salaries often go unpaid, putting unsustainable pressure on the hospitals and clinics that remain.At the beginning of 2020, as Covid-19 began to spread from China and around the world, health workers and aid agencies predicted that the virus’s impact on Yemen’s vulnerable population would be catastrophic, forecasting a 90% infection rate.Yet despite its other afflictions, so far the war-torn country appears to have emerged relatively unscathed by the pandemic, reporting just 2,124 cases and 611 deaths to date.

    Testing facilities and comprehensive data are almost nonexistent, so it is highly unlikely the official statistics reflect the coronavirus’s true impact. But according to several doctors and healthcare officials, in Shabwa at least, the virus is not a pressing concern.
    Asked why the number of Covid-19 cases in Yemen appears to be so much lower than elsewhere, despite the absence of social distancing and extra hygiene measures, the centre’s director Dr Hisham Saeed, says “high morale” and a population that skews young have kept Yemenis safe from the coronavirus.He worries, however, that the growing stigma associated with the disease and the difficulty of travel mean people in need of treatment are just staying at home. “It is very hard to tell what the impact is,” he says. “People think it’s a normal fever. Sometimes they ask me whether coronavirus is all just a big lie.”Satellite imagery analysis of graveyards in the southern province of Aden, where Covid-19 appears to have hit hardest, suggests otherwise. A study from the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine found that the number of new burials in the area had nearly doubled since the first case of Covid-19 was confirmed in April, and there have been 2,100 excess deaths, against an expected baseline of about 1,300 by the end of September.

    #Covid-19#migration#migrant#yemen#conflit#personnedeplacee#sante#humanitaire

  • UN warns of impact of smart borders on refugees: ‘Data collection isn’t apolitical’

    Special rapporteur on racism and xenophobia believes there is a misconception that biosurveillance technology is without bias

    Robotic lie detector tests at European airports, eye scans for refugees and voice-imprinting software for use in asylum applications are among new technologies flagged as “troubling” in a UN report.

    The UN’s special rapporteur on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Prof Tendayi Achiume, said digital technologies can be unfair and regularly breach human rights. In her new report, she has called for a moratorium on the use of certain surveillance technologies.

    Achiume, who is from Zambia, told the Guardian she was concerned about the rights of displaced people being compromised. She said there was a misconception that such technologies, often considered “a humane” option in border enforcement, are without bias.

    “One of the key messages of the report is that we have to be paying very close attention to the disparate impact of this technology and not just assuming that because it’s technology, it’s going to be fair or be neutral or objective in some way.”

    She cited the example of pushback against Donald Trump’s effort to build a wall between the US and Mexico. “You see that there isn’t a similar sense of outrage when digital technologies are deployed to serve the same function … if you actually look at some of the statistics, and if you look at some of the research, which I cite in my report, it turns out that border deaths have increased in places where smart borders have been implemented.”

    She also raised concerns about the ways in which humanitarian agencies are engaging with surveillance. The report notes that in Afghanistan, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) requires returning refugees to undergo iris registration as a prerequisite for receiving assistance.

    While the UNHCR has justified the use of this technology as a way to prevent fraud, “the impact of processing such sensitive data can be grave when systems are flawed or abused”, the report said.

    Last year the UN’s World Food Programme partnered with Palantir Technologies, a data mining company, on a $45m (£34m) contract, sharing the data of 92 million aid recipients.

    “Data collection is not an apolitical exercise,” notes Achiume’s report, “especially when powerful global north actors collect information on vulnerable populations with no regulated methods of oversights and accountability.”

    Covid-19 has also accelerated “biosurveillance” – focused on tracking people’s movements and health. Biosurveillance has everyday uses, such as the “track and trace” app in the UK, but there are concerns about the regulation of large-scale data harvested from populations.

    One example is the “Covi-Pass”, a health passport developed by Mastercard and Gavi, a private-public health alliance, that is reportedly due to be rolled out across west Africa. The UN report highlighted the implications of such passports for freedom of movement, “especially for refugees”.

    Petra Molnar from the Refugee Law Lab in Toronto said it was clear that the pandemic was increasing digital rights violations. “State responses to the pandemic are exacerbating the turn towards biosurveillance, with refugees and people on the move acting as communities on which to test various interventions and fast-track tech development,” she said.

    Molnar, who contributed to the UN rapporteur’s report, has noted the dehumanising impact of some technologies on displaced people in her own research. One asylum seeker she spoke to in Belgium said the amount of personal data he’d given up made him feel, “like a piece of meat without a life, just fingerprints and eye scans”.

    “Our conversations with refugees and people crossing borders show how little attention is being paid to the lived experiences of people who are at the sharp edges of these high-risk technological experiments,” said Molnar.

    The intersection of technology and human rights violations were highlighted in a recent investigation into the European border agency Frontex, which allegedly witnessed pushbacks of migrants in the Aegean Sea via some of its assets, including drones.

    Konstantinos Kakavoulis from Homo Digitalis, a Greek organisation focused on digital rights, said technologies often outpaced the legal framework.

    “There is no clear regulation for the use of drones or body-worn cameras by the Greek police,” he said. “The police have signed a contract for the provision of a facial recognition software with Intracom Telecom, a Greek company, without receiving the opinion of the Greek data protection authority.”

    He added: “Apart from the insufficiency of legal safeguards, we also lack transparency; and this is not only remarkable, but highly problematic.”

    Achiume said that until the impact of surveillance technologies on human rights could be understood, use of such technologies should be halted. “Until we can understand and mitigate those harms, there should just be a moratorium on them.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/11/un-warns-of-impact-of-smart-borders-on-refugees-data-collection-isnt-ap

    #frontières #smart_borders #frontières_intelligentes #réfugiés #asile #migrations #technologie #politique #biopolitique #technologies_digitales #droits_fondamentau #droits_humains #surveillance #contrôles_frontaliers #neutralité #Palantir_Technologies #données #biosurveillance #Covi-Pass #Mastercard #Gavi #complexe_militaro-industriel #covid-19 #coronavirus #reconnaissance_faciale #Intracom_Telecom

    ping @karine4 @isskein @etraces @thomas_lacroix

  • Inquiry launched into EU commission’s protection of migrants at Croatia border

    Investigation follows allegations of brutal pushbacks of refugees into Bosnia and lack of monitoring of border police

    An official inquiry has been launched into the European commission’s alleged failure to protect the rights of migrants and refugees said to have been robbed and abused by police at Croatia’s borders.

    The EU ombudsman is investigating the potential complicity of the EU’s executive branch in the maladministration of funds that should have been spent on supervising the behaviour of border officers working at the scene of some of the violence.

    There have been multiple allegations of aggressive pushbacks of migrants and refugees by Croatian police on the country’s border with Bosnia, including an incident in which a migrant was shot.

    Croatia has repeatedly denied allegations of violence by its border patrol and in October said it would launch an investigation with the goal of removing any doubt about police conduct.

    In June, the Guardian revealed that the commission had withheld from MEPs details of the Croatian government’s failure to spend EU money committed to the supervision the police officers on the border. One European commission official privately warned that disclosure of the underspend “will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’”.

    The revelation highlighted the Croatian government’s human rights record and the apparent willingness of the EU’s executive branch to cover for Zagreb’s failure.

    Croatia is seeking to enter the EU’s passport-free Schengen zone – a move that requires compliance with European human rights standards.

    The ombudsman’s inquiry has been launched in response to a complaint by Amnesty International whose European institutions director Eve Geddie said: “Over the years, Amnesty and other organisations have documented numerous violations, including beatings and torture of migrants and asylum-seekers by Croatian police, whose salaries may have been paid for by EU funds.

    “Today’s announcement of an inquiry by the EU ombudsman into how the commission allowed the funds to continue to be used without ensuring compliance with human rights is a significant first step towards addressing these flagrant abuses and providing accountability.

    “By continuing to fund border operations and giving a green light for Croatia’s accession to the Schengen area, the commission abdicated its responsibilities to monitor how EU assistance is used and sent a dangerous signal that blatant human rights violations can continue with no questions asked.”

    The establishment of supervisory mechanisms to ensure the humane treatment of migrants at the border had been a condition of a €6.8m (£6.1m) cash injection announced in December 2018 to strengthen Croatia’s borders with non-EU countries.

    The mechanism was publicised by the European commission as a way to “ensure that all measures applied at the EU external borders are proportionate and are in full compliance with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws”.

    Croatian ministers claimed last year that the funds had been handed over to the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) and the Croatian Law Centre to establish the supervisory mechanism.

    But both organisations subsequently denied receiving the money. In January this year, the commission was asked by Clare Daly, an Irish MEP in the Independents 4 Change party, to account for the discrepancy.

    A commission official responded that the UNHCR and Croatian Law Centre had established the monitoring mechanism but from “their own funds” to ensure independence from the government.

    He added: “Hopefully [this] clarifies this matter once and for all”.

    But both organisations denied being involved in any monitoring project, clarifying that they had only been engaged in an earlier initiative involving the examination of police files.

    Beyond the apparent inaccuracy of the response to Daly, internal emails suggest the full facts of the “underspending” – as its known to the commission – were also withheld from MEPs.

    The European commission failed to inform Daly that the Croatian government had decided to ringfence only €102,000 of the €300,000 provided for the monitoring mechanism and that ultimately only €84,672 was actually spent: €17,469.87 was given to the interior ministry and €59,637.91 went to NGOs. A roundtable conference accounted for €1,703.16.

    “While we know that there has been underspending on the €300,000 … we thought that around €240,000 were nevertheless spent in the context of the monitoring mechanism,” an EU official wrote while discussing how to deal with the MEP’s questions. “Having spent only €102,000, will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’.”

    In response to questions by this newspaper at the time, a spokesman for the commission said they had not provided the full information to MEPs as they had an “incomplete” account.

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/10/inquiry-launched-into-eu-commissions-protection-of-migrants-at-croatia-

    #enquête #commission_européenne #Croatie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_balkans #violence #frontières #push-backs #refoulements #Bosnie #police #violences_policières

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Monthly Report BVMN August 2020

    The #Border_Violence_Monitoring_Network (#BVMN) published 34 cases of illegal pushbacks during August, documenting the experience of 692 people whose rights were violated at the European Union’s external border. Volunteers in the field recorded a variety of cruel and abusive acts by officers, representing at least ten different national authorities. This report summarises the data and narrative testimony shared by people-on-the-move, highlighting the depth of violence being carried out in the service of European borders.

    As a network comprised of grassroots organisations active in Greece and the Western Balkans, this report was produced via a joint-effort between Are You Syrious, Mobile Info Team, No Name Kitchen, Rigardu, Josoor, InfoKolpa, Escuela con Alma, Centre for Peace Studies, Mare Liberum, Collective Aid and Fresh Response

    The report analyses among other things:

    - Czech presence in North Macedonian pushbacks
    - Unrest in the #Una-Sana Canton of Bosnia-Herzegovina
    - Continued Greek Maritime Pushbacks
    - Analyzing a summer of Italian pushbacks

    Special focus is given to the Greek context where in the Evros region, field partners collected several testimonies in August which referenced third-country-nationals facilitating pushbacks across the Evros/Meric River on behalf of Greek authorities. Three reports conducted by members of the Border Violence Monitoring Network allude to this practice and anecdotal evidence from the field reinforces these accounts.

    –-

    The Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) published 34 cases of illegal pushbacks during August, documenting the experience of 692 people whose rights were violated at the European Union’s external border. Volunteers in the field recorded a variety of cruel and abusive acts by officers, representing at least ten different national authorities. This report summarises the data and narrative testimonies shared by peo-ple-on-the-move, highlighting the depth of violence being carried out in the service of European borders.Special focus is given to the Greek context where testimonies in the Evros allude to the trend of Greek au-thorities using third country nationals to facilitate pushbacks across the Evros/Meric River in the last two months. Reports collected by members of the Border Violence Monitoring Network allude to this practice and anecdotal evidence from the field reinforces these accounts. Further analysis covers the way in which Czech forces have been referenced in testimonies collected from push-backs from North Macedonia to Greece in the last month. Returns from Italy to Bosnia also continue to be legitimized by the Italian state and an analysis of recent reports from these returns is included, as well as an update written by volunteers on the ground in Trieste.In this report, BVMN also discusses several cases of pushbacks across the Aegean sea where the Greek au-thorities continue to use worrying methods to force transit ships back into Turkish waters via life raphs. New developments in both Bosnia’s Una-Sana Canton and Serbia’s #Vojvodina region are also noted, showing the situation on the ground and in the legal realm respectively, as it relates to pushbacks.

    https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-august-2020

    #rapport #push-backs #refoulements #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie #Grèce #Mer_Egée #Una #Sana #Bosnie #Bosnie_Herzégovine #Macédoine_du_Nord #frontières #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #Serbie

    ping @karine4 @isskein

    • Policajci iz Virovitice prijavljuju šefa: ‘Ilegalno tjera migrante, tuče se pijan, zataškava obiteljsko nasilje’

      ‘Da bi dobili veću plaću, njegovi miljenici tjeraju migrante iz BiH u Hrvatsku, kako bi ih zatim mogli deportirati’, tvrde naši sugovornici...

      Ovo je naš zapovjednik Andrej Hegediš, kaže jedan od četvorice pripadnika Interventne policije u Policijskoj upravi virovitičko-podravskoj, pokazujući na video-snimku Border Violence Monitoringa, nevladine organizacije koja se zalaže za zaštitu prava migranata. Na tajno snimljenom videu, vide se pripadnici hrvatske policije kako, prema tvrdnjama Border Violence Monitoringa, u šumi kraj Lohova, unutar teritorije Bosne i Hercegove, protjeruju skupinu migranata prema Bihaću.

      Ta snimka prikazana je na više televizija kao jedan od dokaza nehumanog postupanja hrvatske policije prema migrantima, zbog čega su na račun Zagreba stigla i ozbiljna upozorenje iz Bruxellesa. Hrvatski MUP odbacio je takve tvrdnje kao neutemeljene.
      Tvrdnje koje zvuče upravo nevjerojatno

      No, ono što su, vezano uz migrante, Telegramu ispričali pripadnici virovitičke Interventne policije koji su sudjelovali na osiguranju državne granice, zvuči upravo nevjerojatno: “Hrvatska je policija, tvrde naši sugovornici, u nekoliko navrata ulazila na teritorij susjedne BiH da bi odatle potjerala migrante u Hrvatsku, a onda ih deportirala!”

      Zašto bi to radili? Razlog je, kažu virovitički interventni policajci, više nego prozaičan: “boravak na terenu financijski je unosan. Na taj način mjesečno mogu zaraditi nekoliko tisuća kuna više, pa treba dokazati da se na granici nešto radi”, tvrde naši sugovornici. “Tako se migrante prvo iz BiH potjera u Hrvatsku, a zatim natrag. Deportiranje se, naravno, dokumentira video snimkama, kako bi se dokazala nužnost pojačanih policijskih ophodnju iz granicu”, dodaju.
      Iz MUP-a su potvrdili anonimnu predstavku

      Četvorica pripadnika interventne policije s kojima je Telegram razgovarao ovih dana, stoje iza predstavke upućene MUP-u u kojoj iznose brojne optužbe na račun Andreja Hegediša, zapovjednika virovitičke Interventne policije. Iz MUP-a su 3. rujna Telegramu potvrdili da su primili anonimnu predstavku.

      ”Potvrđujemo zaprimanje anonimnih podnesaka te Služba za unutarnju kontrolu u suradnji s policijskim službenicima Ravnateljstva policije i Policijske uprave, sukladno Zakonu o policiji i Pravilniku o načinu rada i postupanja po pritužbama te radu Povjerenstava za rad po pritužbama, provjerava njihovu utemeljenost”, stoji u odgovoru Telegramu.
      Šef policije se napio pa nasrnuo na kolegu

      ”Također vas obavještavamo kako je, nakon provjere navoda iz ranijeg podneska, načelnik Policijske uprave virovitičko-podravske pokrenuo disciplinski postupak pred Odjelom prvostupanjskog disciplinskog sudovanja Službe disciplinskog sudovanja u Osijeku zbog sumnje u počinjene teže povrede službene dužnosti iz čl. 96. stavak 1. točke 7. Zakona o policiji. Navedeni postupak je u tijeku”, napisali su iz MUP-a.

      Kad je riječ o potonjem, radi se o slučaju o kojem je prvi pisao Telegram i koji je do tada javnosti bio nepoznat. Naime, 20. prosinca prošle godine, na božićnom domjenku za čelne ljude Policijske uprave virovitičko-podravske, zapovjednik Interventne jedinice policije, Andrej Hegediš, fizički je nasrnuo na svog kolegu, načelnika Policijske postaje Pitomača, Renata Greguraša. Ali, načelnik virovitičke Policijske uprave, Siniša Knežević, koji je sve to vidio, disciplinski je postupak protiv Hegediša pokrenuo tek tri mjeseca nakon događaja.
      Odlasci u McDonald’s i zubaru u Zagreb

      Dvojica od četvorice Telegramovih sugovornika, bivših i aktivnih pripadnika Interventne policije, kažu da su također bili žrtve Hegediševih nasrtaja i pokušaja fizičkog napada. Neki od njih zbog toga su tražili premještaj. U predstavci koju je Telegram imao prilike vidjeti, navode se i druge pritužbe na njegov rad, a zbog čega je unutarnja kontrola MUP-a prošloga tjedna dva dana provela u Virovitici. No, kako neslužbeno doznajemo, njihov izvještaj ne bi trebao zabrinuti Hegediša. Štoviše, kaže jedan od naših izvora, sada se pokušava istražiti tko su autori anonimne predstavke.

      Jedna od optužbi na koju su se interventni policajci žalili odnosi se, kako tvrde, na zapovjednikovo korištenje službenog automobila u posve privatne svrhe, kao što je odlazak zubaru u Zagreb ili u restoran McDonald’s u Sisak. ”Ako postoji volja, lako je istražiti kako si je zapovjednik Interventne obračunavao prekovremeni rad i u vrijeme kada je već četiri sata bio u Mađarskoj, na privatnom putu prema zračnoj luci u Budimpešti. Treba samo pročešljati popis prekovremenih sati i usporediti to s vremenom kada je napustio granični prijelaz, pa će sve biti jasno. No, bojimo se da u policiji, zbog politike ‘ne talasaj’, za to nitko nema volje”, kažu sugovornici Telegrama iz interventne policije u Virovitici.

      ‘Natjerao me da ostavim ministra i vozim njega’

      Upravo je nevjerojatan podatak kojeg su nam iznijeli, kada je kažu, jedan njihov kolega, morao napustiti osiguranje štićene osobe i uputiti se u Slatinu, gdje zapovjednik Hegediš živi, da bi ga prevezao u bazu, u Viroviticu. Radilo se o osiguranju i obilasku kuće tadašnjeg potpredsjednika Vlade i ministra poljoprivrede, Tomislava Tolušića, kao i nekoliko zgrada u kojima bi znao odsjedati kada dolazi u Viroviticu. Hegediš se na to nije osvrtao, kažu Telegramovi sugovornici, već je policajcu naredio da prekine posao na osiguranju štićene osobe i preveze ga u Viroviticu.

      Detaljno su opisali i navodno samovolju svog zapovjednika Hegediša, zbog čega je nekoliko policajaca zatražilo premještaj. Nabrajaju imena svojih kolega koji su zbog mobinga napustili Interventnu policiju. ”Dok se njegovim poslušnicima i miljenicima sve tolerira, drugima se traži dlaka u jajetu i protiv njih se, i zbog najmanje sitnice, pokreću stegovni postupci”, kažu.
      ‘Miljenici mu pomagali u selidbi, usred radnog vremena’

      Opisuju slučaj, u kojem je nekoliko interventnih policajaca, u radnom vremenu, svom zapovjedniku pomagalo kada je iz jedne kuće selio u drugu. Akciju preseljenja, kažu, vodio je J. J.. No, naročito su ogorčeni na svog kolegu D. S., kojem je Hegediš, kažu, pomogao u zataškavanju obiteljskog nasilja i nedoličnog ponašanja, kada se na području između Kutjeva i Orahovice, u alkoholiziranom stanju, nasilnički ponašao prema supruzi, zaustavio automobil u šumi, ostavio je i otišao.

      Njegova supruga tada je, tvrde, zvala Operativno komunikacijski centar (OKC) u virovitičkoj Policijskoj upravi, prijavila slučaj obiteljskog nasilja, a postupak su proveli policajci iz Orahovice. No, slučaj je zataškan, tvrde sugovornici Telegrama, tako što je Hegediš zatražio da se u tom slučaju ne postupa. Sve, kažu, mogu potvrditi tada dežurni u OKC D. Č. i dežurni u jedinici u Virovitici M. V.. Imena svih osoba čije inicijale navodimo poznata su redakciji.

      ”Našem zapovjedniku unatoč svemu ništa se ne događa i bojimo se da ni dolazak unutarnje kontrole MUP-a neće ništa promijeniti”, kažu sugovornici Telegrama. Zatražili smo i komentar zapovjednika Hegediša, ali nije odgovorio na našu poruku. Kada je Telegram pisao o njegovu fizičkom nasrtaju na načelnika Policijske postaje u Pitomači, također ništa nije htio komentirati. Samo je rekao da kao policijski službenik ne smije javno istupati.

      https://www.telegram.hr/politika-kriminal/policajci-iz-virovitice-prijavljuju-sefa-ilegalno-tjera-migrante-tuce-se-pi

      #Andrej_Hegedis

      –—

      Commentaire reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, mail du 29.09.2020

      Telegram, on the other hand, published the testimony of intervention police officers in Virovitica, who identified their chief #Andrej_Hegediš as one of the police officers on a BVMN video about an illegal expulsion published in December 2018. They also claimed that refugees and other migrants were expelled from BiH to Croatia and back. The Ministry of the Interior confirmed to Telegram that it had received an anonymous complaint, and Virovitica police officers accused Hegediš of other violations of police powers, including violence against police officers.

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : les migrants pris en #otages du mille-feuille institutionnel

      La complexité du système institutionnel bosnien ne joue pas en faveur des réfugiés. Le 30 septembre dernier, les autorités du canton d’#Una-Sava et celles de la municipalité de #Bihać ont pris la décision unilatérale d’évacuer le #camp de #Bira, à la grande surprise du ministère de la Sécurité intérieure. Depuis, tout le monde se refile la patate chaude : que faire de ces centaines de personnes qui dorment tous les soirs dans les rues ?
      Le ton monte entre les représentants du canton d’Una-Sava et ceux de l’État central de Bosnie-Herzégovine. « Ils vont devoir utiliser les infrastructures qui sont à leur disposition, dans leur intérêt et dans celui des habitants du canton d’Una-Sana », a sèchement expliqué Selmo Cikotić, le ministre de la Sécurité intérieur, qui réagissait aux propos de Mustafa Ružnić, le président du canton d’Una-Sana, et à ceux du maire de Bihać, Šuhret Fazlić. Ces derniers avaient déclaré qu’ils ne permettraient pas le retour des migrants à Bira, le centre d’hébergement de Bihać vidé par les autorités cantonales le 30 septembre dernier. Suite à l’intervention de la police, certains exilés avaient été laissés libres de se diriger vers la frontière croate, d’autres avaient été conduits dans le camp de #Lipa, situé à une trentaine de kilomètres de Bihać, et ceux qui voulaient revenir vers Sarajevo avaient été autorisés à acheter des tickets de bus pour la capitale. Le camp de Lipa étant déjà plein, les migrants avaient ensuite été laissés dans les rues, sans aucun abris.

      Selon Selmo Cikotić, différentes mesures ont été prises pour fermer définitivement les camps de Bira à Bihać et de #Miral à #Velika_Kladuša. Le ministre peine donc à comprendre le refus des élus locaux de ne pas autoriser le retour temporaire des migrants. « Le plan du ministère de la Sécurité intérieure était en accord avec les institutions internationales et les différentes structures bosniennes », assure-t-il. « Nous avions tout organisé en accord avec la présidence, avec les instances internationales, les lois bosniennes, le conseil municipal de Velika Kladuša, les autorités cantonales et les représentants de l’Union européenne (UE). Le volte-face des autorités cantonales est donc pour moi très surprenant. Le camp de Bira devait de toute façon être fermé d’ici trois à quatre semaines, sans porter préjudice aux migrants ni aux habitants du canton. Je ne comprends pas pourquoi le Premier ministre du canton et le maire de Bihać ont précipité les choses. »

      « Cela fait trois ans que la municipalité est abandonnée à son sort », s’emporte Šuhret Fazlić. « C’est terminé, aucun migrant ne reviendra à Bira et nous appliquerons cette décision par tous les moyens à notre disposition. Je ne fais pas comme s’il n’y avait pas de migrants dans notre région, je dis juste qu’il n’y en aura plus à Bira. Nous avons assuré à ces gens un toit dans le camp de Lipa ». Selon le maire de Bihać, ce centre n’est pas encore plein, mais « la crise de l’accueil des migrants a mis à jour absolument tout ce qui ne fonctionne pas au sein de l’État bosnien ».L’évacuation du camp de Bira a en tout cas provoqué de nombreuses réactions. L’ambassade des États-Unis en Bosnie-Herzégovine, l’Organisation Internationale des Migrations (OIM), les Nations-Unies et Amnesty International sont unanimes : le camp de Bira ne peut être laissé vide, tant que des migrants dorment dans les rues. Dans un communiqué daté du 1er octobre, l’UE a jugé « inacceptable » la décision du canton et de la mairie de Bihać de transférer par la force les migrants vers le camp de Lipa. « L’UE a sans cesse répété que Lipa ne pouvait être qu’une solution temporaire, pendant la pandémie de coronavirus, et que ce centre ne remplissait pas les conditions nécessaires à l’accueil de réfugiés et de migrants, en particulier avec l’arrivée de l’hiver. Jamais Lipa n’a été agréé comme un centre d’accueil », précise le communiqué. Selon Šuhret Fazlić, l’UE menace de sanctions pénales la mairie de Bihać et les autorités du canton d’#Una-Sava.

      Un problème financier ?

      Reste que les désaccords persistent entre les autorités locales et le ministère de la Sécurité intérieure, alors que tous sont sous pression pour trouver rapidement une solution. « Il faut aménager le camp de Lipa », souhaite Šuhret Fazlić. « L’électricité vient d’un groupe électrogène, il faudrait 200 000 euros pour que le camp soit raccordé au réseau. L’eau est puisée dans une source, et provient en partie de notre réseau. Il faudrait 140 000 euros pour avoir assez d’eau, les canalisations existent déjà. Avec un peu moins de 350 000, on pourrait donc assurer les approvisionnements en eau et en électricité. Je ne vois pas pourquoi cela ne serait pas faisable. »

      La municipalité a donné cinq hectares de terre pour construire le camp et a pris en charge, avec l’aide du canton, une partie des frais de fonctionnement, ce que l’UE avait demandé. L’argent de l’État bosnien se fait en revanche attendre, car le Conseil des ministres n’a toujours pris aucune décision en ce qui concerne la fermeture du camp de Bira et l’ouverture de celui de Lipa. Deux millions et demi d’euros prévus pour l’accueil des migrants n’ont donc pas pu être débloqués. Selmo Cikotić estime ainsi que le problème n’est pas financier mais politique.

      Reste que pour l’instant, pas un euro n’a été débloqué pour le financement du camp de Lipa. « La présidence avait décidé de verser 2,5 millions d’euros, mais le Conseil des ministres n’a toujours pas pris la décision d’agréer Lipa comme un centre d’accueil, ni celle de fermer Bira. Je ne sais même pas s’il existe un consensus sur ces questions », s’agace le maire de Bihać.

      La société privée Bira, propriétaire du hangar où ont séjourné les migrants, n’a pas répondu aux questions de Radio Slobodna Evropa sur leur éventuel retour. « Nous ne sommes pas en capacité de vous répondre car le président du conseil d’administration n’est actuellement pas en état d’assurer ses obligations professionnelles. Pour toute précision, adressez-vous à l’OIM », a-t-elle répondu. Le principal actionnaire de Bira a également refusé de fournir des précisions sur la durée du contrat de location du hangar.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-migrants-otages-mille-feuille-institutionnel-b

      #Bihac #Velika_Kladusa

    • Croatian police accused of ’sickening’ assaults on migrants on Balkans trail

      Testimony from asylum seekers alleging brutal border pushbacks, including sexual abuse, adds to calls for EU to investigate

      People on the Balkans migrant trail have allegedly been whipped, robbed and, in one case, sexually abused by members of the Croatian police.

      The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) has documented a series of brutal pushbacks on the Bosnia-Croatian border involving dozens of asylum seekers between 12 and 16 October.

      The Guardian has obtained photographs and medical reports that support the accounts, described by aid workers as “sickening” and “shocking”.

      “The testimonies collected from victims of pushbacks are horrifying,’’ said Charlotte Slente, DRC secretary general. “More than 75 persons in one week have all independently reported inhumane treatment, savage beatings and even sexual abuse.’’

      According to migrants’ accounts, the pushbacks occurred in Croatian territory over the border from Velika Kladuša in Bosnia, close to Šiljkovača – a tented forest settlement of around 700 refugees and migrants.

      “All of the persons interviewed by DRC bore visible injuries from beatings (bruises and cuts), as a result of alleged Croatian police violence,” reads the DRC report. “According to the statements provided by interviewed victims (with visible evidence of their injuries), pushbacks included brutal and extremely violent behaviour, degrading treatment, and theft and destruction of personal belongings.” One of the testimonies includes a report of serious sexual abuse.

      On 12 October, five Afghans, including two minors, crossed the Croatian border near the #Šturlić settlement. On the same day, near Novo Selo, an uniformed police officer stopped them and then called two more officers. One of the migrants ran, and the other four were detained at a police station. Two days later they were taken to court, where they say they were to “appear as witnesses in the case launched against the fifth member of the group – the one who escaped”, who had been accused of violent behaviour towards police.

      The asylum seekers told the DRC that the original officers then took them “to some unknown location, where they were put in a van in the charge of 10 armed people, dressed in black and with full face balaclavas, army boots and with flashlights on their foreheads”. Their money was taken, their belongings torched and they were ordered to strip to their underwear. The migrants allege that they were forced to lie face down on the ground.

      “One man in black was standing on the victim’s hands, preventing any movements,” reads the report. “Legs were also restrained. Once the person was hampered, the beating started. They were punched, kicked, whipped and beaten.” Medical reports confirm that migrants’ injuries are consistent with the use of a whip.

      One migrant, MK, says at this point he was sexually assaulted by a man using a branch.

      Mustafa Hodžić, a doctor in Velika Kladuša, examined the man. “The patient had wounds all over the back of his body, on his back and legs. I can confirm the signs of clear sexual violence … I have never seen anything like it. Even if it isn’t the first time as a doctor [that] I have seen signs of sexual violence on migrants, which, according the asylum seekers’ accounts, were perpetrated on Croatian territory by Croatian officials dressed in black uniforms.”

      One Pakistani migrant told of being intercepted with two others near Croatia’s Blata railway station. The police allegedly ordered them to strip naked before loading them into a van and taking them to a sort of garage, where five other migrants were waiting to be sent back to Bosnia. Awaiting their arrival were men dressed in black.

      “They started to beat us with batons, and the third one took his mobile phone and took a selfie with us without clothes,” the Pakistani man said. “The first four of us were on the ground, and we lay next to each other, naked and beaten, and the other four were ordered to lie on us, like when trees are stacked, so we lay motionless for 20 minutes. The last one was a minor. He was from the other group; I saw when the police officer ask him where he was from. He tried to say that he is a minor. He was beaten a lot, and when it was his turn to take off his clothes, he was beaten even more.”

      One man added: “A minor from the second group fainted after many blows. His friends took him in their arms, and one of the police officers ordered them to lay him down on the ground. Then they started hitting them with batons. Before the deportation, police told us: ‘We don’t care where you are from or if you will return to Bosnia or to your country, but you will not go to Croatia. Now you have all your arms and legs because we were careful how we hit you. Next time it will be worse’.’’

      Small groups of asylum seekers attempt to cross from Bosnia into Croatia nightly on the migrant trail into western Europe. The EU’s longest internal border, it is patrolled by police armed with truncheons, pistols and night vision goggles. Aid workers, doctors, border guards and UN officials have documented systematic abuse and violence perpetrated along the border stretch for several years.

      Last May, the Guardian documented a case of more than 30 migrants who were allegedly robbed and had their heads spray painted with red crosses by Croatian officers.

      The UNHCR has asked the Croatian government to set up an independent assessment of the border situation.

      The details of the latest pushback are in a report that the DRC has shared with the European commission, which has yet to investigate.

      ‘’The Croatian government and the European commission must act to put a stop to the systematic use of violence,” said Slente. ‘’Treating human beings like this, inflicting severe pain and causing unnecessary suffering, irrespective of their migratory status, cannot and should not be accepted by any European country, or by any EU institution. There is an urgent need to ensure that independent border monitoring mechanisms are in place to prevent these abuses.”

      Croatian police and the ministry of the interior have not responded to requests for comment.

      In June, the Guardian revealed EU officials were accused of an “outrageous cover-up” for withholding evidence of the Croatian government’s failure to supervise border forces. Internal emails showed Brussels officials were fearful of full disclosure of Croatia’s lack of commitment to a monitoring mechanism that EU ministers had agreed to fund.

      In January, a commission official warned a colleague that Croatia’s failure to use money earmarked two years ago for border police “will for sure be seen as a scandal”.

      The recent accusations come as the commission presented its final report on the grant, in which Croatia asserted that the co-financing project had “helped make the implementation of activities of border surveillance more conscientious and of higher quality, with emphasis on the respect of migrants’ rights guaranteed under international, European and national legislation”.

      Regarding allegations of abuse, Croatian authorities stated: “Every single [piece of] information and every single complaint was inspected in the process called internal control. We did not establish that the police officers committed any criminal or disciplinary offence in any of the cases.”

      Clare Daly, an Irish MEP, is among those who have raised concerns in Brussels. “The blood of these people, so horrifically mistreated on the Croatian border, is on the hands of the European commission. They have enabled this violation of fundamental rights by ignoring the facts presented to them by NGOs and MEPs that all was not well. They turned a blind eye time and again, and now these horrible events have occurred again, even worse than before.”

      She added: “The last time such behaviour occurred, the commission rewarded Croatia with an extra grant even bigger than the first one, and said they were happy with how the funds had been spent … when is someone going to be held accountable for these crimes against humanity?”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/oct/21/croatian-police-accused-of-sickening-assaults-on-migrants-on-balkans-tr

      –----

      See the report of Border Violence Monitoring Network (October 21) with photos and videos:
      Croatian authorities leading choreographed violence near #Cetingrad

      In the last fourteen days, BVMN-member No Name Kitchen have collected testimonies alluding to a spike in pushback violence in the Cetingrad area of the Croatian border with Bosnia-Herzegovina. The veracity of these testimonies is further supplemented with reports from local people and media outlets. The characteristics of this trend in violence have been complex and coordinated assaults by Croatian police, consisting of repetitive baton strikes, lashing and kicking. These tactics leave an indelible mark on returned transit groups, visible in the extensive bruising and lacerations across the legs, torso and upper body of people subject to such violence. First hand testimony of recent pushbacks are examined here, alongside pictures and videos from the HR/BiH border which reveal the deterioration in border violence seen in the last fortnight.


      https://www.borderviolence.eu/15983-2

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C6JnnUfpulA&feature=emb_logo

      #Novo_Selo #Sturlic

  • ’We pick your food’ : migrant workers speak out from Spain’s ’Plastic Sea’

    In #Almería’s vast farms, migrants pick food destined for UK supermarkets. But these ‘essential workers’ live in shantytowns and lack PPE as Covid cases soar.

    It is the end of another day for Hassan, a migrant worker from Morocco who has spent the past 12 hours under a sweltering late summer sun harvesting vegetables in one of the vast greenhouses of Almería, southern Spain.

    The vegetables he has dug from the red dirt are destined for dinner plates all over Europe. UK supermarkets including Tesco, Sainsbury’s, Asda, Lidl and Aldi all source fruit and vegetables from Almería. The tens of thousands of migrant workers working in the province are vital to the Spanish economy and pan-European food supply chains. Throughout the pandemic, they have held essential worker status, labouring in the fields while millions across the world sheltered inside.

    Yet tonight, Hassan will return to the squalor and rubbish piles of El Barranquete, one of the poorest of 92 informal worker slums that have sprung up around the vast farms of Almería and which are now home to an estimated 7,000-10,000 people.

    Here, in the middle of Spain’s Mar del Plastico (Plastic Sea), the 31,000 hectares (76,600 acres) of farms and greenhouses in the region of Andalucía known as “Europe’s garden”, many of El Barranquete’s inhabitants don’t have electricity, running water or sanitation.

    Hassan’s house, like all the others in El Barranquete, is constructed from whatever he could find on rubbish dumps or the side of the road; pieces of plastic foraged from the greenhouses, flaps of cardboard and old hosing tied around lumps of wood. Under Spain’s blazing sun, the temperature can reach 50C – at night the plastic sheeting releases toxic carcinogenic fumes while he sleeps.

    When he first arrived in Spain, Hassan was stunned by how the workers were treated on the farms. Like other workers in El Barranquete, Hassan says he earns only about €5 (£4.50) an hour, well under the legal minimum wage. “The working conditions are terrible,” he says. “Sometimes we work from sunup to sundown in extreme heat, with only a 30-minute break in the whole day.”

    Now, as Almería faces a wave of Covid-19 infections, workers say they have been left completely unprotected. “We pick your food,” says Hassan. “But our health doesn’t matter to anyone.”

    In August, the Observer interviewed more than 45 migrants employed as farm workers in Almería. A joint supply chain investigation by Ethical Consumer magazine has linked many of these workers to the supply chains of UK supermarkets including Tesco, Sainsbury’s, Asda, Lidl and Aldi.

    All claimed to be facing systemic labour exploitation before and throughout the pandemic such as non-payment of wages and being kept on illegal temporary contracts. Many described being forced to work in a culture of fear and intimidation. Some of those who complained about conditions said they had been sacked or blacklisted.

    Workers employed by Spanish food companies linked to UK supermarkets also claimed that throughout the pandemic they have been denied access to adequate personal protective equipment (PPE) that under Spanish law they are entitled to as essential workers. Many said they were not given enough face masks, gloves or hand sanitiser and have been unable to socially distance at work.

    One man employed at a big food company supplying the UK says that he has only been given two face masks in six months.

    In response to the investigation, the British Retail Consortium – members of which include Sainsbury’s, Asda, Lidl and Aldi – released a statement calling on the Spanish government to launch an inquiry.

    Commenting on the Observer’s findings, Olivier De Schutter, the United Nations special rapporteur on extreme poverty, says the situation facing migrant workers in southern Spain is a human tragedy.

    “The pandemic has exacerbated the unacceptable conditions facing migrant workers and the Spanish government must urgently act. But two-thirds of all fruit and vegetables consumed across Europe and the UK come from these greenhouses and all the companies and retailers up these supply chains have a responsibility to these workers as well,” he says.

    Spain is experiencing the highest numbers of new Covid-19 infections in Europe, with the province of Almería recording more than 100 new cases a day.

    Despite the local government in Almería claiming that the virus has not reached the plastic settlements, there have been multiple outbreaks on farms across the province and in the cortijos, the dilapidated housing blocks near the farms in which workers live.

    As Covid-19 infections rise, medical charities such as as Médicos del Mundo are supplying masks, gloves and temperature checks in the settlements in scenes more reminiscent of a disaster zone than one of the richest countries in the world.

    “People want to protect themselves, but they cannot”, says Almudena Puertas from the NGO Cáritas. “They are here because there is work and we need them.”

    In the past month, the local government in Andalucía has allocated €1.1m to create better health and safety conditions, but critics say they have yet to see any significant improvements.

    “I do not understand why these people are not being rehoused in better accommodation. Do we have to wait for them to get Covid instead of looking for a much more dignified place, with adequate hygienic conditions?” says, Diego Crespo, a Forward Andalucía party MP.

    Hassan knows that his work and living conditions make him vulnerable to becoming infected with Covid-19. When asked whether he is supplied with PPE at work, Hassan laughs. “Gloves and face masks in the greenhouse? Temperature checks?” he says. “They don’t give you anything.”

    Like many of the people living in the settlements, he say he is more scared of not being able to work than they of becoming ill. If he can’t send money home, his children don’t eat.

    One groups of workers say that they lost their jobs after testing positive for Covid-19 and quarantining at home. Muhammad, a farm worker from Morocco, said that when he and others had recovered and returned to work, some of them were told there was no work for them.

    “When I contracted Covid-19, I’d already spent two years working for this company without papers and two years on a temporary contract, but when I came back they said there is nothing for me here,” he says. He says he and the other workers who did not get their jobs back also did not receive the sick pay they were entitled to as essential workers.

    The Soc-Sat union, which represents agricultural workers across Almería, says the failure to provide farm workers with basic PPE speaks to the culture of impunity that surrounds the mistreatment of Spain’s migrant workforce.

    “Around 80% of fruit companies in Almería are breaking the law,” says José García Cuevas, a Soc-Sat union leader. The union says that across the region, widespread fraud is being perpetrated on the farm workers. “People will work 25 days but their employers will only count 10,” he says. “Or when you look at the payslips, it says €58 a day, which is minimum wage but that’s not what the worker is receiving.” He says that according to figures from the General Union of Workers, workers lose out on up to €50m of wages every year.

    For decades, the exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in Spain has been widely condemned by UN officials and human rights campaigners, but to little effect.

    Soc-Sat says that in 2019 it dealt with more than 1,000 complaints from migrant workers about exploitation and working conditions. This year it also says it has helped workers file legal complaints against food companies in Almería for breaching labour laws and not providing adequate PPE.

    “If, under normal conditions, health and safety regulations are not followed, you can imagine what’s happening in the current situation with a pandemic,” says García Cuevas.

    In its statement, the British Retail Consortium (BRC) says its members have zero tolerance for labour exploitation: “Many grocery members have funded and supported the Spain Ethical Trade Supplier Forums ... We call on the Spanish government to launch an investigation into labour conditions in the Almería region to help our members stamp out any exploitative practices.”

    In a separate statement, Tesco says it was aware of the issues surrounding migrant workers in Southern Spain and that the company worked closely with growers, suppliers and Spanish ethical trade forums to ensure good standards.

    The Andalucían Ministry for Labour, Training and Self-Employment in Andalucía said that it had delivered training for businesses on how to protect workers against Covid-19. In a statement it says, “You cannot criminalise an entire sector that is subject to all kinds of controls by the labour, health and other authorities and that must also abide by strict regulations regarding the protection of workers’ rights and prevention and occupational health.”

    In two weeks, the greenhouses of Almería will be at their busiest as the high season for tomatoes, peppers and salad begins. Ali, a farm worker who has been in Spain for more than 15 years, doesn’t expect his situation to improve.

    “If you complain, they will say: ‘If you don’t want to work here then go home,’” he says. “Every worker here has a family, a wife and children, but the only thing that matters is that we work to get the vegetables to Germany or the UK. It’s like they have forgotten we are also human beings.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/20/we-pick-your-food-migrant-workers-speak-out-from-spains-plastic-sea
    #Espagne #agriculture #exploitation #asile #migrations #travail #alimentation #plastique #supermarchés #grande_distribution #migrants_marocains #serres #légumes #Tesco #Sainsbury’s #Asda #Lidl #Aldi #El_Barranquete #Mar_del_Plastico #Andalucía #Andalucia #travail #conditions_de_travail #esclavage_moderne #covid-19 #coronavirus #logement #hébergement #Soc-Sat #British_Retail_Consortium (#BRC) #Spain_Ethical_Trade_Supplier_Forums

    ping @isskein @karine4 @thomas_lacroix

  • Grèce : énorme #manifestation de #réfugiés bloqués à Lesbos : Liberté, #nous_voulons_partir

    –-> « Θέλουμε να φύγουμε » : Χιλιάδες στο μπλόκο της Αστυνομίας
    Διαδήλωση- διαμαρτυρία αιτούντων άσυλο στον Καρά- Τεπέ για να φύγουν από τη Λέσβο.

    15:10 Εκατοντάδες διαδηλωτές αποπειράθηκαν να μπουν στον καταυλισμό του Δήμου Μυτιλήνης από την πίσω πλευρά- καταυλισμός που λειτουργεί από το 2015 στην περιοχή του Καρά- Τεπέ, και δεν τα κατάφεραν.

    15:15 Διαμαρτυρία χιλιάδων προσφύγων και μεταναστών μεταβαίνει προς τις κλούβες του αστυνομικού μπλόκου στον Καρά- Τεπέ και επιστρέφει μόνη της στις εγκαταστάσης του υποκαταστήματος Honda. Δεν έχει γίνει μέχρι στιγμής επέμβαση της αστυνομίας.

    14:15 : Διαδήλωση και τεράστια διαμαρτυρία χιλιάδων αιτούντων άσυλο ξεκίνησε μετά τις 2 το μεσημέρι της Παρασκευής στην περιοχή του Καρά- Τεπέ, εκεί που παραμένουν επί τρεις ημέρες πάνω από 10.000 πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες μετά την πυρκαγιά της Τρίτης που έκαψε τον καταυλισμό του ΚΥΤ Μόριας.

    « Θέλουμε να φύγουμε, αφήστε μας ελεύθερους » φωνάζουν κατά του μπλόκου της Αστυνομίας. Κλούβες των ΜΑΤ έχουν περικυκλώσει τη διαμαρτυρία και όλοι ζητούν να φύγουν από τη Λέσβο, ενώ σε εξέλιξη βρίσκεται η εγκατάσταση σκηνών, όπου θα μεταφερθούν όσοι διέμεναν στους δρόμους.

    https://www.stonisi.gr/post/11341/theloyme-na-fygoyme-xiliades-sto-mploko-ths-astynomias-pics-video

    #Kara-Tepe #Kara_Tepe #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Lesbos #hotspot #incendie #camps_de_réfugiés #feu #septembre_2020 #Grèce

    –-

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’incendie de septembre 2020 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/876123

    • Lesbos refugees protest after devastating camp fire – video report

      Thousands of refugees on Lesbos protested in the street on Friday outside what was the largest migrant camp in Europe, which burned to the ground on Tuesday night.

      Greek officials have pledged new temporary tents for the close to 13,000 refugees who were staying in Moria, as 11 European countries agreed to take 400 unaccompanied minors from among those left homeless by the fire.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3&v=n0RCpH0NeT8&feature=emb_logo


      https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2020/sep/11/lesbos-refugees-protest-after-devastating-camp-fire-video-report
      #vidéo

    • Et cette Une du Manifesto...
      Lacrimogeni di coccodrillo

      Dopo il cordoglio il gas. Per Atene i profughi sono solo un problema di ordine pubblico da tenere confinati sulle isole. La polizia carica i migranti che chiedono di essere trasferiti sulla terraferma. Il governo avvia la costruzione di un nuovo campo in cui rinchiuderli. E l’Europa resta fredda, dieci paesi si fanno avanti per accogliere solo 400 minori

      https://www.facebook.com/ilmanifesto/photos/a.86900427984/10159493041962985/?type=3

    • Refugees demand rescue from Lesbos after Moria camp blaze

      Greek authorities struggle to persuade former camp residents to move to a new temporary site as protests continue

      Greece is facing mounting demands from refugees displaced by the devastating Moria refugee camp fire to either let them leave Lesbos or deport them.

      The Greek authorities are struggling to persuade former residents of the camp to move to a new temporary site, and many people continue to sleep on the streets of the island.

      The latest protests in Lesbos, where police have fired teargas at refugees, came as Greek prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said he hoped plans to build a new reception centre to replace Moria would be an opportunity to reset policy on handling migrant arrivals.

      The fire at the overcrowded camp, engulfed in a blaze last week, has left more than 12,000 people – from 70 different countries, although many from Afghanistan – without shelter or proper sanitation.

      Blazes broke out last week in several locations across the camp after 35 residents tested positive for Covid-19, prompting a lockdown by Greek authorities that in turn triggered protests by residents during which fires were lit.

      The disaster has served to underline chronic problems surrounding the conditions for residents and the wider EU policy surrounding those in the camp – which was originally built to house 3,000 people – many of whom are now demanding to be resettled in Europe.

      Although the EU initially said 10 countries had agreed to take 400 unaccompanied minors, it was criticised for doing too little and too late. Germany – which had originally pledged to take 150 child refugees – announced on Monday that it was in talks to take more families.

      Reflecting the views of many of those sleeping rough, a crowd of women and children protesting again on Monday, some holding banners asking the EU to save them.

      “We have been here for more than one year,” said Maryam, a 25-year-old mother. “There is no rescue. No freedom. If they can’t support us then they should deport us all together.

      “We are asking for the European community to help. Why are they not listening to us? Where are the human rights? We took refuge in the European Union but where are they? There are no toilets, no showers, no water. Nothing. Not any security or safety. We die here every day.”

      While a temporary camp was set up after the fire, both islanders and former residents oppose the Greek government’s plan for a new camp. Some former residents were arrested at the weekend for reportedly encouraging others not to enter the new camp.

      Moria has long been a symbol of the deep political divisions in Europe over Mediterranean migration, as it initially featured as a transit point for hundreds of thousands of people – many from Syria and Afghanistan – heading for Europe.

      After the closure of Europe’s borders to refugees four years ago, Moria has become largely a dead end, plagued by mental health issues and a pervasive sense of desperation.

      The Guardian also met Zahara, another member of the group of women protesting. She cried as she produced a doctor’s note dated the end of August stating she is pregnant and depressed, and requesting a move to new accommodation in the now burned out camp.

      “This lady is depressed and suicidal,” the doctor’s note said. A friend patted her arm and tried to reassure her.

      Another woman said: “Is it similar in Athens? Is it similar on the mainland?”

      Marina Papatoukaki, a midwife with a field clinic run by charity Médecins Sans Frontières, said she was deeply concerned about some of the pregnant women they had been treating, but who they have been unable to locate since the fire.

      “Europe and the state need to understand that these women shouldn’t have been on the island in the first place. They need to be transferred on the mainland,” she said.

      Papatoukaki said pregnant women and babies they were treating in the clinic were not getting enough food and water. “Babies are sleeping on the street where they can’t be washed, they are getting skin rashes and other conditions. These are vulnerable people and Europe and the Greek government need to move them.”

      Germany’s intention to take in more children from the camp was announced by Angela Merkel’s spokesman Steffen Seibert in Berlin, who said that the move to take minors was a first step, but that more needed to be done.

      “Talks are now ongoing in the federal government about how else Germany can help, what other substantial contribution our country can make,” he said.

      A second step would focus on families with children from the camp, Seibert said. Seibert’s comments follow remarks by development minister Gerd Müller, who criticised the initial quota of 150 minors and called for Germany to take 2,000 people.

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/14/refugees-demand-rescue-from-lesbos-after-moria-camp-blaze

  • Le #nouveau_camp de #Lesbos, #Grèce (#septembre_2020) :


    –-> photo : #Giorgos_Moutafis
    https://twitter.com/AneIrazabal/status/1305225485769740288
    #Kara_Tepe

    –----

    Un nouveau camp pour réfugiés sur l’île de Lesbos après les incendies

    Environ 500 demandeurs d’asile ont été installés dans un nouveau camp sur l’île grecque de Lesbos qui doit accueillir des milliers de #sans-abri après la destruction du grand centre de Moria. De nombreux migrants manifestent toutefois pour quitter l’île.

    « Dans cinq jours l’opération sera achevée. Tout le monde sera installé dans le nouveau camp », a assuré le ministre des Migrations, Notis Mitarachi, en visite à Lesbos depuis deux jours pour coordonner les travaux du nouveau camp. Situé à trois kilomètres du port de Mytilène, chef-lieu de l’île, ce camp « sera fermé pendant la nuit pour des raisons de sécurité », selon un communiqué ministériel.

    « Tout est parti en fumée à Moria. On ne peut plus rester dans la rue, dans le camp ce sera mieux », a indiqué à l’AFP une Somalienne qui attendait son tour devant l’entrée du camp pour être enregistrée.
    Migrants contaminés

    Notis Mitarachi a estimé que « 200 personnes » parmi les demandeurs d’asile pourraient être contaminées par le Covid-19 et que des restrictions strictes sont prévues pour les sorties des migrants du nouveau camp.

    Des milliers de familles vivent sur le bitume, sur les trottoirs ou dans les champs à Lesbos depuis les gigantesques incendies de mardi et mercredi qui ont détruit le centre d’enregistrement et d’identification de Moria, sans faire de victimes.

    Mis en place en 2015 pour limiter le nombre de migrants venant de la Turquie voisine à destination de l’Europe, ce centre abritait plus de 12’000 personnes dont 4000 enfants, soit quatre fois plus que sa capacité initiale.

    Refus d’entrer

    Des migrants ont à nouveau manifesté dans le calme dimanche en fin matinée, réclamant leur transfert vers la Grèce continentale, selon des journalistes de l’AFP. De nombreux demandeurs d’asile refusent d’entrer dans le nouveau camp, disant leur ras-le-bol après avoir attendu dans celui de Moria durant des mois, certains des années, d’être transférés dans des structures en Grèce continentale.

    Mais le ministre des Migrations, Notis Mitarachi, a souligné que « toute personne qui est dans la rue sera transférée dans le nouveau camp ». « Ceux qui rêvent quitter l’île, il faut qu’ils l’oublient », a-t-il affirmé.

    https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/11600300-un-nouveau-camp-pour-refugies-sur-lile-de-lesbos-apres-les-incendies.ht

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #tentes #HCR #SDF

    Sur l’incendie du mois de septembre 2020 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/875743

    #comme_en_Afrique...

    –----

    Fil de discussion sur le dernier incendie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/875743

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Just 800 of Greek island’s 12,500 homeless migrants rehoused

      Just over 6% of the 12,500 people left homeless last week by the fire that destroyed Greece’s biggest camp for refugees and migrants have been rehoused in a new temporary facility under construction on the island of Lesvos, authorities said Monday.

      By Monday afternoon, about 800 people had entered the new tent city, hastily set up by the sea a few kilometers from the gutted Moria camp, migration ministry officials said.

      Thousands remained camped out for a sixth day along a road leading from Moria to the island capital of Mytilene, with police blocking the way into town to prevent asylum-seekers trying to board ferries for the Greek mainland instead of entering the new camp.

      Authorities say the blazes last Tuesday and Wednesday in Moria, where thousands of people arrive every year after crossing illegally from nearby Turkey, were started by camp residents angry at quarantine orders imposed after 35 people in the facility tested positive for Covid-19.

      Migration Minister Notis Mitarakis said there’s space for about 5,000 people so far in the new camp, on a former military firing range at Kara Tepe near Mytilene. He also said everyone left homeless by the Moria fire will be able to relocate to Kara Tepe within the next few days.

      Officials said the gap between available spaces and residents in the new camp is largely due to the unwillingness of many asylum-seekers to settle in. Many had hoped that with Moria destroyed they would be allowed to head for the Greek mainland, or even other European Union countries.

      Several hundred women and children held a protest march along the Moria-to-Mytilene road Monday, chanting: “No camp, freedom.”

      But government officials said the only way for former Moria camp residents to leave Lesbos would be to move to the new facility and successfully apply there for asylum.

      “Moving to the new camp is not optional, it’s obligatory,” Mitarakis said in an interview with Parapolitika Radio.

      Under EU rules, people reaching Greece’s eastern Aegean islands from Turkey must stay in camps at their points of arrival pending examination of their asylum bids. This led to overcrowding and squalid living conditions for camp residents that were repeatedly criticised by human rights organizations. It also triggered resentment among Lesbos’ Greek population.

      Asylum-seekers entering Kara Tepe are tested for Covid-19 as part of the registration process, and 15 infected people have been recorded so far. All were moved to isolation facilities.

      Greece’s minister responsible for public order, Michalis Chryssohoidis, said Monday he hoped a continued reduction in migration flows from nearby Turkey and a speedy processing of asylum applications should mean the last of the refugees and migrants currently on Lesbos would have left by spring.

      Greek authorities plan to build a new facility for future arrivals that will replace Moria.

      https://www.ekathimerini.com/256958/article/ekathimerini/news/just-800-of-greek-islands-12500-homeless-migrants-rehoused

    • 2,9 εκατομμύρια για νοίκια στον Καρά Τεπέ μέχρι το… 2025, στην κατά τα άλλα προσωρινή δομή !
      142.051 για τους τέσσερις μήνες του 2020 και από 550.000 το χρόνο, για τα έτη 2021 έως 2025, προκειμένου να νοικιαστούν οι εκτάσεις του Καρά Τεπέ από το Υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου

      « Λεφτά με το τσουβάλι » αλλά και απόδειξη ότι η προσωρινή δομή του Καρά Τεπέ κάθε άλλο παρά προσωρινή είναι. Το « Ν » αποκαλύπτει σήμερα, δημοσιοποιώντας τα σχετικά έγγραφα, ότι για την περίοδο Σεπτέμβριος 2020 έως 31 Δεκεμβρίου 2025, το Υπουργείο μετανάστευσης και ασύλου δίνει το αστρονομικό ποσό των 2.9 εκατομμυρίων ευρώ μόνο για την ενοικίαση εκτάσεων ξερής και εγκαταλειμμένης γης στον Καρά Τεπέ. Προκειμένου να δημιουργήσει ένα νέο μόνιμο ΚΥΤ.

      Συγκεκριμένα με δυο χθεσινές (14.9.2020) αποφάσεις του Υπουργείου Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου που αναρτήθηκαν στο « Διαύγεια » δεσμεύονται τα παρακάτω ποσά :

      – 142.051 ευρώ για την ενοικίαση γεωτεμαχίων για τη λειτουργία προσωρινής δομής φιλοξενίας προσφύγων και μεταναστών έως τις 31.12.2020.

      – Επίσης δεσμεύονται άλλα 2.750.000 ευρώ (550.000 ευρώ το χρόνο) για τη μίσθωση των ίδιων γεωτεμαχίων στην περιοχή Καρά Τεπέ !

      Ας σημειώσουμε ότι στις εκτάσεις αυτές που ανήκουν εξ αδιαιρέτως σε απογόνους γνωστής οικογένειας της παλιάς Μυτιλήνης, έχουν αρχίσει ήδη να πραγματοποιούνται χωματουργικές εργασίες, σε κάποια δε τμήματα στήνονται και σκηνές. Εκτείνονται δε πέραν του οικοπέδου του πεδίου βολής ιδιοκτησίας του υπουργείου Εθνικής Άμυνας και φτάνει μέχρι και πίσω από το σούπερ μάρκετ Lidl, Σε επαφή δηλαδή από τη μια μεριά με επιχειρήσεις κατά μήκος του δρόμου από την παλιά ΕΦΑΜ μέχρι και το πεδίο βολής και από την άλλη μεριά, μέχρι τη θάλασσα.

      Η ενοικίαση του συγκεκριμένου χώρου αποδεικνύει προφανώς ότι η νέα, κατ’ ευφημισμό αποκαλούμενη « προσωρινή », δομή στον Καρά Τεπέ είναι ο χώρος όπου θα αναπτυχθεί το μόνιμο ΚΥΤ που εξήγγειλε ο Πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης από τη Θεσσαλονίκη.

      Το μέγεθος δε της όλης έκτασης, πολλές εκατοντάδες στρέμματα, συμπεριλαμβανομένης και της έκτασης του υπουργείου Εθνικής Άμυνας, δείχνει ότι θα είναι ένα τεράστιο ΚΥΤ πολύ μεγαλύτερο αυτό της Μόριας, το μεγαλύτερο στην Ελλάδα αλλά και σε όλη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, σε άμεση επαφή με κατοικημένες περιοχές και πολλές δεκάδες επιχειρήσεις, λίγες εκατοντάδες μέτρα από το χωριό Παναγιύδα.

      Ας σημειωθεί ότι όπως λέχθηκε από ανθρώπους της κτηματαγοράς στη Μυτιλήνη, το ύψος του ενοικίου είναι ίσως μεγαλύτερο και από το ύψος του ποσού που απαιτείτο μέχρι πρότινος για την αγορά της έκτασης.
      https://www.stonisi.gr/post/11449/29-ekatommyria-gia-noikia-ston-kara-tepe-mexri-to-2025-sthn-kata-ta-alla-pro

      –—

      Commentaire et traduction de quelques extraits par Vicky Skoumbi :

      Voici quelques extraits de l’article du média locale sto nisi qui révèle les véritables intentions du gouvernement, qui loin de programmer l’évacuation des îles d’ici Pâques, prévoit la création du plus grand hot-spot de l’Europe à Kara-Tepe à Lesbos, beaucoup plus grand que Moria !
      Si en plus, on tient compte les intentions affichés du gouvernement de créer non pas un RIC fonctionnant comme avant, mais un centre de réception et d’identification fermé sous surveillance policière 24h sur 24h, on voit que le pire est devant nous et les déclaration sur le départ de tout réfugié d’ici Päques n’est que poudre aux yeux de la population locale et de la communauté internationale

      2,9 millions prévus pour la location de terrains à Kara Tepe jusqu’en… 2025, tout ça pour une structure censément provisoire !

      142051 pour les quatre mois de 2020 et de 550000 par an, de 2021 à 2025, afin de louer les terrains de Kara Tepe par le ministère de l’Immigration et de l’Asile.

      La location de ces terrains prouve évidemment que la nouvelle structure à Kara Tepe appelée par euphémisme « temporaire » est l’endroit où sera installé le RIC (Reception Identification Center), le hot-spot permanent annoncé par le Premier ministre Kyriakos Mitsotakis à Thessalonique.

      L’étendue de l’ensemble de la zone, plusieurs centaines d’hectares, y compris la zone du ministère de la Défense nationale, montre qu’il s’agira d’un hot-spot énorme, beaucoup plus grand que celui de Moria, le plus grand de Grèce et de toute l’Union européenne, en contact direct avec des zones résidentielles et de très nombreuses d’entreprises, à quelques centaines de mètres du village de Panagouda.

      Il est à noter que comme l’ont dit les gens du marché immobilier à Mytilène, le montant du loyer est probablement supérieur du montant requis pour l’achat même du terrain.

    • Lesbos : les migrants à la rue évacués par la police vers un nouveau camp « provisoire »

      La police grecque a commencé jeudi à évacuer une partie des milliers de réfugiés jetés à la rue par l’incendie de Moria vers un nouveau camp, « provisoire » selon l’ONU et les autorités grecques. Ces dernières ont évoqué Pâques comme date butoir pour transférer les exilés de l’île de Lesbos.

      La police grecque a commencé jeudi 17 septembre à évacuer une partie des milliers de réfugiés jetés à la rue par l’incendie de Moria vers un nouveau camp.

      Vers 7h locales (4h GMT), la police faisait le tour des tentes, dans le calme. Progressivement ils ont entrepris de vider le secteur de ses sans-abri et les emmener vers le nouveau camp érigé à la hâte après l’incendie, il y a une semaine.

      https://twitter.com/rspaegean/status/1306301897368797187?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E13

      Sous un soleil déjà chaud, et sur fond de pleurs d’enfants, plusieurs réfugiés, dont des femmes et des enfants, pliaient leurs couvertures, apportaient des sacs contenant leurs affaires sauvées des flammes la semaine dernière, ou se mettaient à démonter les tentes de bric et de broc installées sur l’asphalte, selon des informations de l’AFP. Ces transferts s’ajoutent aux plusieurs centaines de migrants, déjà arrivés dans le camp mardi et mercredi, selon des humanitaires. D’après les derniers chiffres des autorités grecques, mardi, 1 200 personnes y étaient logées.

      Mercredi soir, 1 000 tentes, pouvant chacune accueillir 8 à 10 personnes, y étaient érigées. Des tentes médicales doivent encore être dressées, et deux zones de quarantaine sont prévues alors que quelque dizaines de cas de coronavirus ont été détectés - mais pour l’heure sans gravité.

      « L’objectif est de protéger la santé publique »

      Depuis l’incendie du camp de Moria, le plus grand d’Europe où vivaient près de 13 000 réfugiés dans des conditions dramatiques, les migrants se sont entassés sous des abris de fortune sur un coin de route et des parkings de supermarché fermés, dans une précarité extrême.

      Dans ce contexte, toute distanciation sociale pour se protéger du Covid-19 semble impossible et, surtout, l’urgence est ailleurs, ont observé des journalistes d’InfoMigrants sur place. « La plus grande préoccupation de ces personnes actuellement, c’est d’avoir accès à de la nourriture et de l’eau », a expliqué Dimitra Chasioti, psychologue pour Médecins sans frontières (MSF) présente sur les lieux.

      « L’objectif est de protéger la santé publique », a déclaré à l’AFP Theodoros Chronopoulos, porte-parole de la police. Il a confirmé une « opération en cours » qui « répond à des fins humanitaires ».

      MSF, qui a ouvert une clinique d’urgence dans cette zone, s’est vu interdire l’accès dans la nuit, alors que des rumeurs d’évacuation couraient, a indiqué l’ONG à l’AFP. À 7h30 (4h30 GMT), ses membres ne pouvaient toujours pas rejoindre leur clinique.

      https://twitter.com/MSF_Sea/status/1306455464071356416?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E13

      « Une opération de police est en cours pour emmener les réfugiés vers le nouveau camp. Cela ne devrait pas empêcher l’aide médicale », a twitté l’ONG. La zone a également été restreinte aux médias.

      https://twitter.com/MortazaBehboudi/status/1306468926830903296?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E13

      Objectif : « quitter l’île pour Athènes »

      Ce nouveau camp, qui crée de nombreuses réticences parmi la population migrante angoissée à l’idée de se retrouver à nouveau enfermée, sera seulement « provisoire » ont promis l’ONU et les autorités grecques.

      Construit depuis samedi, il a pour objectif que les réfugiés « puissent progressivement, et dans le calme, quitter l’île pour Athènes » ou « être réinstallés ailleurs », a indiqué mercredi le représentant en Grèce du Haut commissariat de l’ONU aux réfugiés (HCR) en Grèce, Philippe Leclerc. « Le HCR pousse les autorités (grecques) à accélérer le processus (de demande d’asile) pour que les gens ne restent pas trop longtemps » ici, a-t-il ajouté.

      Le ministre grec de la Protection civile Michalis Chrysochoidis a pour sa part estimé que « la moitié » des exilés pourrait quitter Lesbos « d’ici Noël » et « les autres d’ici Pâques ».

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/27338/lesbos-les-migrants-a-la-rue-evacues-par-la-police-vers-un-nouveau-cam

    • "It is a terrible, inhuman situation". #Marisa_Matias visits Kara Tepe refugee camp

      Marisa Matias says that more than three thousand people have arrived in Kara Tepe and another six thousand are yet to arrive. In this refugee camp, people who test positive for Covid-6 are placed “in spaces surrounded by barbed wire where they have no water,” said the MEP.

      Presidential candidate Marisa Matias visited Kara Tepe in Greece this Friday, who is receiving refugees from the Moria camp, which suffered from a fire on the night of September XNUMX.

      “It is a terrible, inhuman situation”, guaranteed Marisa Matias in a video published on her Facebook page. “It is welcoming the people of Moria, after the fire, it is an immense extension”, said the MEP, pointing out the high number of people passing by around her.

      https://jornaleconomico.sapo.pt/en/news/It-is-a-terrible-inhumane-situation-Marisa-Matias-visits-the-re
      #paywall

    • After Moria, EU to try closed asylum camps on Greek islands

      A “closed camp” for displaced people is being set up on Samos as part of the EU’s strategy for fortifying its external borders. Neither residents of the island nor the people who will be held there want the camp.

      The site of what is to be one of the first new EU camps for displaced people is surrounded by a 6-meter (20-foot) barbed-wire fence. The heat of the day gathers in the valley, which is served so far only by a gravel road. The location of the future camp is over 5 kilometers (4 miles) from Samos, the main town on the island of the same name. When the camp is built, residents will be able to enter it through turnstiles at the gates by means of microchipped armbands. At night, the gates will remain locked.

      By the end of 2020, Samos is meant to be the first Greek island to host a “closed camp.” The announcement was made by the Greek migration minister, Notis Mitarachi, when he visited the island at the end of August. The European Commission has given Greece almost €130 million ($152 million) to build multipurpose reception-and-identification centers, which are meant to provide a higher standard of accommodation than previous camps had, with portable cabins, running water, separated areas and, above all, more security.

      The concept of the closed camps is part of a new strategy to better fortify regions at the European Union’s external borders. Overfilled camps in such regions have become a chronic problem since large numbers of displaced people began arriving in Europe from 2015 on. At the start of the year, the Greek islands near the border to Turkey were hosting more than 40,000 asylum applicants. In the town of Samos, the number of asylum applicants exceeded the number of people who lived there permanently. Almost 5,000 people are currently living in the existing camp on the island — although it was first meant to house only 650.

      Residents have built tents made from sleeping bags, sticks and tarpaulins. Water pipes stick out from the ground. The doors of the portable toilet cabins are banging open and shut with the wind. There is a smell of fried fish and urine.
      ’Send us back’

      Omar, who asked that his real name not be used, was sitting on a pallet, drinking tea with his wife and children near the tent that the family — eight members in all — shares. At night, the rats are so loud that they can’t sleep, the 58-year-old Omar said. After seven months of waiting since the family came from Idlib, Syria, he has had enough. “It’s better to send us back to our country,” he said: It would be better to be in danger in a civil war than to be provided indefinite refuge at this camp.

      Skin infections are proliferating, Omar said, and most people are without showers. Each person receives one bottle of water and two meals a day — which the members of the family take turns standing in line for up to three hours to get.

      A son, Mohammed, who had studied in university back in Syria, fanned out the meal vouchers for the following days. Whereas at the start each person had received about €90 per month, this lump sum has now been reduced to €75. Omar had heard that the money saved was being used to improve the general living conditions. But, he said, nothing has changed for him. On the contrary: Since restrictions were placed on movement, he said, the situation has become even more tense. He said the situation often got worse at night — when there is neither electricity nor light.
      Are NGOs permitted?

      After the first two cases of coronavirus infection were discovered in the camp earlier in September, the Greek authorities imposed a lockdown that is to last until the end of the month. Over the past week — including as recently as Sunday evening — fires broke out in the camp. It remains unclear what caused the fires. But Greek politicians are warning of copycat effects following fires at the Moria camp on Lesbos, and even excusing the camp residents of engaging in arson to escape the miserable conditions.

      In the future, 2,100 will be held at the camp — 900 of them in a closed-off area where they will wait for decisions on their cases, according to Jonathan Vigneron, project coordinator for Doctors Without Borders (MSF) on Samos. The numbers are taken from a map that the migration minister handed out during his visit. Vigneron said the whole thing reminded him of a prison.

      “It’s a very scary thing to see,” Vigneron said. He added that issues that international organizations had asked for clarity on included whether NGOs such as MSF would even be permitted to work in the new camp. The registration procedure for NGOs makes access almost impossible, he said. In an open letter, 68 organizations wrote that conditions in the camp could create “a worrying situation with regard to human dignity.”

      Displaced people might have a better standard of accommodation and more security at the closed camp, Vigneron said, but they would have nothing to do and no freedom of movement. “The camp is 5 kilometers away from any place,” Vigneron said. “It’s not marginalizing people: This is segregation by definition.”

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/27510/after-moria-eu-to-try-closed-asylum-camps-on-greek-islands

    • #Moria_2.0': refugees who escaped fire now living in ’worse’ conditions

      More than 7,500 people living in tents on squalid settlement, with two other camps on Lesbos set to close

      Thousands of people who fled the fire that destroyed the infamous Moria refugee camp in Lesbos, Greece, last month are living in dire and unsanitary conditions in a temporary settlement with little access to water or basic sanitation.

      Just over 7,500 people are now living in tents among the rubble and dust of a former shooting range in an informal settlement that has become known as “Moria 2.0”.

      The camp, located at the edge of the sea, is exposed to the elements. Residents are allowed to leave the camp between 8am–8pm every day apart from Sunday. People wash their clothes and bodies in the sea because there is not enough running water. In the past week more than 1,600 recognised refugees have been moved to less crowded camps and hotels on the mainland, where they have said conditions are better.

      Semin, a 23-year-old economics graduate from a Kabul university, said she cried when she found out she wouldn’t be moving to the mainland.

      “My mother tries not to eat a lot of food because she doesn’t want to go to the toilet,” she said, and explained that some people were walking to a nearby town to use toilets in cafes instead of using camp toilets.

      “This camp is not good for children or old people,” she added. She said that the electricity, which is powered by generators, didn’t always work.

      A spokesperson for the Greek ministry of migration said that there were 400 toilets in the camp and that these were cleaned every day.

      Shad Mohammed, a refugee from Afghanistan, said he was having to find ways to cook his own food using salvaged pots and pans from Moria because his children could not eat the food in the new camp.

      Two other remaining camps on the island, Pikpa and Kara Tepe, which are both for vulnerable people, are now facing closure. Kara Tepe, which has a capacity for around 1,000 people, will be closed by the end of the year. Pikpa, a small brightly-coloured camp with notably good conditions, faces closure by authorities next week.

      Carmen Dupont from Lesvos Solidarity, an NGO operating in Pikpa, said she had been shocked to hear news of the closures. “At a time when we hear from the European Union: ‘no more Moria’, a new Moria has been built and the conditions – as far as we hear from the people inside – are worse than at the previous camp.”

      Dupont said the situation for those stuck on Lesbos and other Greek islands seemed to be deteriorating. “There seems to be a very clear agenda linked to the migration pact and the European Union’s direction, which is of containment. Keeping people trapped and locked in inhumane camps in hellish conditions and at the same time, erasing and closing the dignified shelters that exist.

      “It is a very clear agenda that we are resisting because Pikpa is much more than a place. We are defending the idea and values of solidarity, equality, dignity and connection.”

      Médecins Sans Frontières have also expressed concerns about the new camp. “We know that the camp has very minimal services,” said Marco Sandrone, the MSF project coordinator on Lesbos. “[The closure of Kara Tepe and Pikpa] is extremely concerning, because the lack of appropriate accommodation for vulnerable categories has always been an issue.”

      Meanwhile, as residents at “Moria 2.0” tried to make the best of the situation, the community at Pikpa were planning to spend their final days lobbying to save the space. Last week a group of children from the camp spent the day painting a mural reading: “Save Pikpa. Love you Pikpa.”

      A spokesperson for the ministry of migration said residents of Pikpa and Kara Tepe would have their asylum claims “accelerated”. A successful asylum claim would mean they would be moved to the mainland while a rejection would result in them being detained and – pending appeal – deported.

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/oct/07/moria-20-refugees-who-escaped-fire-now-living-in-worse-conditions?CMP=s

    • Un mois après les incendies à Moria, le HCR lance une mise en garde contre une dégradation des conditions à l’arrivée de l’hiver

      Quatre semaines après les incendies qui ont détruit le centre d’accueil et d’identification de Moria à Lesbos, le HCR, l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, réitère son appel pour que des mesures et des améliorations urgentes soient prises afin d’éviter une nouvelle détérioration des conditions de vie d’environ 7800 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile actuellement hébergés dans le site d’urgence de Kara Tepe.

      Le froid et l’arrivée de l’hiver ne feront qu’aggraver les difficultés endurées par cette population. Il existe des lacunes critiques en matière de drainage, d’eau, d’installations d’assainissement et d’hygiène, et de services de santé, auxquelles il faut remédier sans délai.

      Les fortes pluies du 8 octobre dernier ont aggravé la situation des résidents du site d’urgence. Des tentes ont été inondées. Le HCR a effectué des visites de suivi en matière de protection pour évaluer la situation sur ce site suite aux fortes pluies et a donné la priorité aux bâches pour les personnes dont les tentes ont été affectées par les fortes pluies. Les réfugiés eux-mêmes ont également trouvé d’autres solutions provisoires, comme le creusement de canaux et de tranchées pour évacuer l’eau autour de leurs tentes et éviter les inondations, car le drainage fait défaut à travers tout le site.

      Le centre d’accueil et d’identification de Moria a été dévasté par des incendies le 9 septembre dernier, forçant quelque 12 000 hommes, femmes et enfants à vivre dans la rue. Les autorités grecques avaient rapidement mobilisé l’armée grecque et les partenaires humanitaires pour ouvrir un centre d’accueil d’urgence. Des efforts importants ont été déployés par les autorités nationales et les organismes d’aide travaillant à Lesbos. Toutefois, les conditions de vie dans le site d’urgence doivent encore être améliorées de toute urgence.

      Le HCR et d’autres partenaires humanitaires ont alerté les autorités grecques sur les dangers et les risques liés à la sécurité sur le site d’urgence, exigeant une action immédiate de leur part. La zone est sujette aux inondations et le site actuel sous tente n’est pas équipé pour fournir la protection nécessaire contre les éléments et les basses températures.

      A la demande des autorités grecques et en soutien aux efforts d’aide humanitaire menés par le gouvernement, le HCR fournit du gravier pour aider à réduire le risque d’inondation dans les zones de tentes et les parties communes. Comme le temps se refroidit et devient plus humide, nous fournissons des kits d’isolation et des planchers composés de palettes et de plaques de contreplaqué pour les tentes familiales.

      Toutefois, il ne s’agit là que d’interventions à court terme qui ne peuvent être considérées comme adéquates ou suffisantes pour résister à l’hiver. Nous avons souligné auprès des autorités que des efforts à grande échelle sont nécessaires, notamment pour assurer rapidement un drainage efficace sur l’ensemble du site et garantir de meilleures solutions d’hébergement pour les personnes les plus vulnérables et leurs familles. Parallèlement, nous continuons à demander davantage de transferts vers le continent dans des logements décents.

      Avec l’arrivée de nouvelles précipitations et d’autres conditions climatiques difficiles, le HCR exhorte à une action immédiate sur toutes les îles grecques de la mer Égée. A Samos, où près de 4500 personnes continuent de séjourner dans des conditions précaires et surpeuplées, la plupart d’entre elles dorment dans des tentes d’été ou des abris de fortune dans les bois, en périphérie du centre d’accueil prévu pour accueillir seulement 650 personnes. La souffrance de ces personnes peut être évitée, grâce à des préparatifs contre les conditions hivernales et à des transferts plus nombreux vers des logements décents.

      Parallèlement, le HCR est encouragé par les efforts menés durant le dernier mois pour décongestionner les sites surpeuplés à travers les îles de la mer Égée, par le biais de transferts vers le continent des demandeurs d’asile les plus vulnérables et des personnes ayant obtenu le statut de réfugié de la part des autorités grecques. Nous continuons à apporter notre appui et à encourager l’accélération de ces efforts.

      A un moment où les besoins en termes de logements appropriés pour les demandeurs d’asile en Grèce sont accrus, le HCR est particulièrement préoccupé par la fermeture annoncée des installations sur l’île de Lesbos, qui avaient été consacrées à l’hébergement de centaines de familles, de femmes et d’enfants parmi les plus vulnérables.

      Il s’agit notamment du centre d’hébergement communautaire de Kara Tepe et de PIKPA, un espace de solidarité autogéré. L’un des fondateurs de cet espace avait reçu la distinction Nansen du HCR pour les réfugiés en 2016. L’activiste grecque Efi Latsoudi a travaillé sans relâche pour aider des milliers de réfugiés arrivant sur les côtes grecques, en offrant un refuge aux plus vulnérables après leur arrivée.

      En attendant des solutions plus complètes et plus dignes, le HCR appelle les autorités grecques à veiller à ce que de telles initiatives continuent d’exister pour assurer la protection et répondre aux besoins spécifiques des réfugiés particulièrement vulnérables.

      https://www.unhcr.org/fr/news/briefing/2020/10/5f8057a5a/mois-apres-incendies-moria-hcr-lance-mise-garde-contre-degradation-conditions

    • “No more Moria”? Rainfall floods dozens of tents in Kara Tepe camp

      Dozens of tents were flooded and large parts of Kara Tepe refugee camp on the island of Lesvos came under water after a strong rainfall on Thursday, an expected development as many people warned about from the very first moment the camp was set up.

      the European Commission slogan “No More Moria” turned into “flooded Kara Tepe” instead.

      The rainfall destroyed 80 out of 1,100 tents and left families with children and elderly again without a roof over their heads.


      https://twitter.com/InfoMigrants/status/1314500743685189632

      3 out of 15 demarcated areas in the camp stand under water.

      For the Migration and Asylum Ministry reason for the floods is the heavy rainfall and the hastily way the camp was set up due to the fire in Moria hotspot.


      https://twitter.com/Malichudis/status/1314242613675995137

      “It is obvious that a temporary structure that was built in a few days will face problems, however, the problems have been addressed immediately,” Ministry sources said according to local media.

      The sources said that the services of the Migration Ministry that operate in the field, in collaboration with Civil Society volunteers, have already proceeded to:

      Transfer of residents to flooded tents, to common areas (rub halls) , where they will remain until further notice.
      Restoration or removal of the approximately 80 tents affected, as 2,500 residents have already left the temporary structure in Kara Tepe and additional 1,300 will leave for relocation abroad.
      Distribution of waterproof covers in order to strengthen the roofs of the tents.

      Drainage works are expected to be concluded in a week.

      “After all, winterization projects are in progress from the first moment,” the sources said..

      They added “the effectiveness of the first infrastructure and protection projects is proven by the fact that the overwhelming percentage of the structure was not affected by the rainfall.”

      The Migration Ministry submitted a relevant Technical Bulletin totaling 5,580,000 euros to the Ministry of Development and Investment, which has already been approved and the projects will be implemented immediately. The projects are funded by the European Union “.

      The sources stressed that the damages in Kara Tepe demonstrate the need for the immediate implementation of the project of the new closed / controlled structure, a structure that will offer better living conditions, modern facilities and more security.”

      PS all in all the Greek Migration Ministry is satisfied with its accomplishments then “only 80 tents were flooded.” Thank goodness, the rain did not come from the other side flooding another 80.

      And it is still autumn…

      The United Nations High Commissioner for Refuges warns of worsening conditions ahead of the winter.

      https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2020/10/09/kara-tepe-camp-lesvos-flooded
      #inondations

    • UNHCR calls for action after migrant camp floods

      A month after fire razed the sprawling Moria reception center on the Aegean island of Lesvos, the United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, has called for “urgent action” after heavy rain flooded tents at a new facility set up to replace the camp.

      “Urgent action and improvements are needed to avoid further deterioration of living conditions for some 7,800 refugees and asylum-seekers currently sheltered in the emergency site in Kara Tepe,” the UNHCR said in a statement on Friday.

      It said some “interim solutions” were found in the wake of the flooding caused by Thursday’s rainfall but warned that, “colder weather and the onset of winter will only bring more hardship for the people there.”

      Migration Minister Notis Mitarakis said that the majority of the facility had not been affected by the flooding and that those migrants whose tents were flooded were temporarily moved to “common areas.”

      https://www.ekathimerini.com/257929/article/ekathimerini/news/unhcr-calls-for-action-after-migrant-camp-floods

    • Moria 2.0: The new Lesbos refugee camp

      A month ago, on September 12, the Greek government opened a new migrant camp on Lesbos, after Moria was destroyed by fire. The new camp is home to about 10,000. InfoMigrants went to meet some of them last week.

      The last warmth of autumn is fading on Lesbos, the Greek island that will be remembered as the site of Europe’s largest migrant camp, Moria, which burned to the ground a month ago.

      After the fire, some of the most vulnerable migrants were taken to facilities on the Greek mainland or to other European countries. Those remaining, around 10,000 people including babies, the elderly and ill, moved into the new temporary tent facility on a former military site. Before moving there, they had spent up to ten days sleeping by the roadside in the open.

      Access to the camp is restricted and the Greek authorities do not welcome visitors. There is a large police presence in and around the camp to ensure that the violence of Moria is not repeated. Asylum seekers are searched for drugs and weapons every time they re-enter the facility. This also means waiting in line to receive a rapid antigen test for COVID-19 .

      The Greek Ministry of Migration and Asylum promised that people would have decent living conditions, medical treatment and supplies including running water, electricity and wifi. Once a day, the residents receive a food package containing three meals, but many supplement these rations by cooking their own food over small fires along the sea shore.

      As there are no showers in the camp, people have to wash with a hose-pipe or in the sea. Many people InfoMigrants spoke to said this was causing serious problems for women who needed privacy.

      Children and adults wait in line to fill their containers with cold water from a hose. There is no physical distancing or any other protection against virus transmission.

      Camp residents who are ill with coronavirus are in a fenced-off area.

      Without insulation the tents can become too hot to stay inside even when the outside temperature is less than 28 degrees Celsius. In winter, when it drops to around six degrees, they will offer little protection against cold.

      The camp went up quickly before drains were dug, and the first rain a day after this photo was taken on October 7, flooded the tents. A number of migrants complained that they were living “worse than animals.”

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/27851/moria-2-0-the-new-lesbos-refugee-camp

    • Lesbos: Is another Moria in the making?

      Rains have flooded a camp set up to replace the burned-down Moria camp for displaced people and migrants on the Greek island of Lesbos. People seeking to make a new life for themselves are instead mired in mud.

      There are huge puddles in front of the tents at the Kara Tepe camp on the Greek island of Lesbos. A woman holding a newborn baby in a thick pink blanket watches children splash through the water, barefoot or in flip-flops. People are using shovels in often vain efforts to remove the murky water from inside the tents. The rainwater has even seeped underneath the plastic groundsheets, causing them to bulge in places.

      The videos and photos circulating on Twitter and other internet platforms give the world an idea of how helpless the people on Lesbos must have felt after the massive rains this week. “The water came into our tent and everything was flooded,” Ahmad Shuaib Abawi told DW. The 26-year-old Afghan and his family of nine live in one of the approximately 1,100 tents in what the Greek authorities refer to as a “temporary camp.”

      Conditions were supposed to be different there — more orderly, safer — after the controversial and completely overcrowded Moria refugee camp burned down about a month ago.

      80 tents destroyed by water

      Even before the heavy rainfalls, critics called the new camp, which is being called Moria 2 by some, “inhumane.” The rains have now destroyed about 80 of the 1,100 tents. According to the Greek Immigration Ministry, the authorities immediately started to fix the problem, arguing that it is normal for “temporary accommodation built within just a few days” to face challenges.

      The ministry said only a small part of the camp was affected by the floods and that some of the refugees had been temporarily relocated. According to the Greek government, almost 10,000 people currently live at the Kara Tepe camp.

      Waiting all day long

      “It’s really horrible,” said Marion MacGregor, who has been on the ground in Lesbos for the InfoMigrants online portal for the past few days. The refugees are not doing well and the psychological strain, in particular, is enormous, she said. “They do not want to lose years of their lives waiting around in these conditions; they just want to have their asylum application interviews and get on with it” she said. Instead, many face a long wait in the camp, knowing that winter is coming, there are no showers and there is not enough food.

      In good weather, the location of the camp could even be described as idyllic. It is situated right on the coast and the morning sun occasionally bathes the tents in soft orange light. But in reality, Kara Tepe has little of the idyll about it.

      “People wash in the ocean,” MacGregor said, adding that this is a problem in particular for the women, as they have no privacy. Portable toilets have been set up — altogether 345 of them, camp residents have told workers from the aid organization Doctors Without Borders (MSF).

      Food packages are not enough

      “Once a day, they are handed a packet of food, but that’s not enough,” MacGregor said — which is why some refugees try to sell bottles or handkerchiefs in the city to buy extra food. But thanks to solar panels, many people in the camp at least have electricity.

      Is the situation in the new camp better than in Moria, despite the many privations? Residents of the camp are divided in their opinion. MacGregor has heard that there is less violence, at least, thanks to the enormous police presence in front of and inside the camp.

      Ahmad Shuaib Abawi also had a relatively positive view — of the camp, at least. “We are not doing badly here, but we are wasting time; the children could go to school and we could study,” he said, adding that he wants to get on with his life rather than get stuck.

      Seven square meters for two families

      “The conditions in the new camp remind us a lot of Moria, while we hear from our patients that in reality, the situation is even worse,” said Marco Sandrone, director of operations for MSF on Lesbos, adding it appears that some tents have no groundsheet at all. “Before the rains, people slept on rocky or dusty ground, which has since become muddy,” he said. Many families have to share tents; they cook, eat and sleep on about 7 square meters (75 square feet), he added.

      https://twitter.com/MSF_Sea/status/1314245456189415424

      The local aid organizations agree the living conditions are not humane despite promises by the Greek Immigration Ministry to provide “decent conditions,” medical care and sufficient food. “Enough is enough!” several aid organizations, including MSF, say in a joint statement. “We reaffirm our call to move these people to safe and decent housing. Other European countries must also accept those seeking protection in order to relieve the situation on the Greek islands.”

      Appeal to EU

      About 2,500 refugees housed at the Kara Tepe camp have been transferred to other accommodation within the EU since September, and 1,300 are expected to leave the camp soon, according to the Greek Migration Ministry. Germany agreed to take in 1,500 refugees from Greece; France expects 900.

      The aid organizations argue that is not enough. They call on EU leaders and member state to stop sealing off the Greek islands and reinforcing the bloc’s external borders. For the time being, however, nothing is likely to change at the Kara Tepe camp. The waiting continues, along with hopes that the next rain will not flood everything again.

      https://www.dw.com/en/lesbos-is-another-moria-in-the-making/a-55249863

    • Deutsche Welle publie un article sur les dénonciations de la situation inhumaine au camp de Kara Tepe à Lesbos et sur l’appel dit ‘Appel de Noël’ de 240 parlementaires du Bundestag de tout bord qui demandent d’accueillir plus de réfugiés venant des îles grecques

      Γερμανική κριτική για την κατάσταση στο Καρά Τεπέ
      https://www.dw.com/el/%CE%B3%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BC%CE%B1%CE%BD%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AE-%CE%BA%CF%81%CE%B9%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AE-%CE%B3%CE%B9%CE%B1-%CF%84%CE%B7%CE%BD-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AC%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B1%CF%83%CE%B7-%CF%83%CF%84%CE%BF-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%81%CE%AC-%CF%84%CE%B5%CF%80%CE%AD/a-55973267

      17.12.2020

      La situation à Kara Tepe vivement critiquée en Allemagne

      La situation est pire que dans les camps en Afrique, dit le ministre Gerd Müller. Fin décembre, tous les mineurs isolés ou malades seront transférés des îles grecques. Appel de 240 parlementaires allemands.

      Le ministre allemand du Développement économique, Gerd Müller, a vivement critiqué la situation dans le camp de réfugiés de Kara Tepe. S’exprimant sur RTL / ntv ce matin, il a souligné que « c’est en effet un grand scandale pour l’UE que jusqu’à présent nous n’ayons pas pu, malgré l’incendie de Moria il y a quelques mois, créer une situation qui serait vraiment humaine ». M. Müller, le ministre chargé de la coopération avec les pays en développement, a déclaré que la situation à Lesbos était pire que dans les camps de réfugiés en Afrique.

      Gerd Müller : L’UE est coresponsable de la situation à Kara Tepe

      Le politicien de l’Union chrétienne-sociale (CSU) a évoqué à plusieurs reprises la situation dans les camps des îles grecques et a exhorté le gouvernement allemand à accepter des réfugiés de Grèce. Plusieurs fois il s’est opposé au ministre de l’Intérieur Horst Seehofer, qui appartient également à la CSU. Contrairement à Gerd Müller, Seehofer rejette les initiatives uniquement allemandes sur la question migratoire et insiste sur une ligne européenne unique. Mais un porte-parole du ministère allemand de l’Intérieur a déclaré ces dernières semaines que les efforts de la présidence allemande de l’UE au cours des six derniers mois pour réformer la politique d’asile européenne avaient échoué.

      L’Allemagne continue d’accepter des réfugiés de Grèce

      S’exprimant hier après-midi au parlement allemand sur la question de l’accueil des réfugiés de Grèce, le vice-ministre de l’Intérieur Volkmar Vogel a annoncé que le 3 décembre, les derniers mineurs isolés que l’Allemagne avait promis d’accepter sont arrivés des îles grecques. Quant aux 243 autres enfants réfugiés malades, ainsi que leurs familles, que le gouvernement allemand s’est également engagé à accueillir, M. Vogel a exprimé l’espoir que d’ici la fin du mois, ils seraient tous arrivés. Cependant, en raison de la pandémie de coronavirus, les procédures d’accueil des 1553 réfugiés des îles grecques, que l’Allemagne avait annoncé vouloir accueillir après l’incendie de Moria, elles vont s’étaler sur plusieurs mois.

      M. Vogel a clairement indiqué qu’à l’heure actuelle, l’Allemagne n’avait pas l’intention d’accepter d’autres réfugiés de Grèce et que la question concernait l’UE dans son ensemble. Le principal objectif du gouvernement allemand est d’améliorer la situation des réfugiés en Grèce. Evoquant les camps de réfugiés sur les îles grecques et en particulier à Lesbos, Volkmar Vogel a déclaré que le gouvernement allemand « regrette la situation » là-bas et qu’il tente « dans la mesure de ses capacités » d’aider sur le terrain.

      Appel de plus de 240 députés

      Les législateurs allemands demandent au gouvernement allemand d’accepter plus de réfugiés de Grèce

      Selon l’agence de presse epd [Evangelischer Pressedienst, epd], plus de 240 députés allemands signent un « appel de Noël », demandant au gouvernement allemand d’ accepter davantage de réfugiés de Grèce et de redoubler d’efforts pour trouver une solution au niveau de l’UE. L’appel est signé par les députés de tous des partis autres que l’AfD, Alternative nationaliste et xénophobe pour l’Allemagne. Parmi eux se trouvent les présidents des sociaux-démocrates, Saskia Esken et des Verts, Annalena Baerbock, la vice-présidente de la Chambre, le libéral, Wolfgang Kubicki, l’ancien président des chrétiens-démocrates, Volker Kauder et la parlementaire Ulla Jelpke du Die Linke.

      Panagiotis Kouparanis, Berlin

      –—

      Voir l’article de SDZ (en allemand)

      Migration und Asyl:Abgeordnete verlangen mehr Hilfe für Flüchtlinge
      https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/migration-und-asyl-abgeordnete-verlangen-mehr-hilfe-fuer-fluechtlinge-1

      17. Dezember 2020, 18:50 Uhr

      In einem « Weihnachtsappell » fordern 240 Parlamentarier fast aller Fraktionen fordern die Bundesregierung auf, mehr für Schutzsuchende in Griechenland zu tun.

      Von Constanze von Bullion, Berlin, dit le ministre Gerd Müller. Fin décembre, tous les mineurs isolés ou malades seront transférés des îles grecques. Appel de 240 membres allemands.

      Le ministre allemand du Développement économique, Gerd Müller, a vivement critiqué la situation dans le camp de réfugiés de Kara Tepe. S’exprimant sur RTL / ntv ce matin, il a souligné que « c’est en effet un grand scandale pour l’UE que jusqu’à présent nous n’ayons pas pu, malgré l’incendie de Moria il y a quelques mois, créer une situation qui serait vraiment humaine ». M. Müller, le ministre chargé de la coopération avec les pays en développement, a déclaré que la situation à Lesbos était pire que dans les camps de réfugiés en Afrique.

      Gerd Müller : L’UE est coresponsable de la situation à Kara Tepe

      Le politicien de l’Union chrétienne-sociale (CSU) a évoqué à plusieurs reprises la situation dans les camps des îles grecques et a exhorté le gouvernement allemand à accepter des réfugiés de Grèce. Plusieurs fois il s’est opposé au ministre de l’Intérieur Horst Seehofer, qui appartient également à la CSU. Contrairement à Gerd Müller, Seehofer rejette les initiatives uniquement allemandes sur la question migratoire et insiste sur une ligne européenne unique. Mais un porte-parole du ministère allemand de l’Intérieur a déclaré ces dernières semaines que les efforts de la présidence allemande de l’UE au cours des six derniers mois pour réformer la politique d’asile européenne avaient échoué.

      L’Allemagne continue d’accepter des réfugiés de Grèce

      S’exprimant hier après-midi au parlement allemand sur la question de l’accueil des réfugiés de Grèce, le vice-ministre de l’Intérieur Volkmar Vogel a annoncé que le 3 décembre, les derniers mineurs isolés que l’Allemagne avait promis d’accepter sont arrivés des îles grecques. Quant aux 243 autres enfants réfugiés malades, ainsi que leurs familles, que le gouvernement allemand s’est également engagé à accueillir, M. Vogel a exprimé l’espoir que d’ici la fin du mois, ils seraient tous arrivés. Cependant, en raison de la pandémie de coronavirus, les procédures d’accueil des 1553 réfugiés des îles grecques, que l’Allemagne avait annoncé vouloir accueillir après l’incendie de Moria, elles vont s’étaler sur plusieurs mois.

      M. Vogel a clairement indiqué qu’à l’heure actuelle, l’Allemagne n’avait pas l’intention d’accepter d’autres réfugiés de Grèce et que la question concernait l’UE dans son ensemble. Le principal objectif du gouvernement allemand est d’améliorer la situation des réfugiés en Grèce. Evoquant les camps de réfugiés sur les îles grecques et en particulier à Lesbos, Volkmar Vogel a déclaré que le gouvernement allemand « regrette la situation » là-bas et qu’il tente « dans la mesure de ses capacités » d’aider sur le terrain.

      Appel de plus de 240 députés

      Les législateurs allemands demandent au gouvernement allemand d’accepter plus de réfugiés de Grèce

      Selon l’agence de presse epd [Evangelischer Pressedienst, epd], plus de 240 députés allemands signent un « appel de Noël », appelant le gouvernement allemand à accepter davantage de réfugiés de Grèce et à redoubler d’efforts pour trouver une solution au niveau de l’UE. L’appel est signé par les députés de tous des partis autres que l’AfD, Alternative nationaliste et xénophobe pour l’Allemagne. Parmi eux se trouvent les présidents des sociaux-démocrates, Saskia Esken et des Verts, Annalena Baerbock, la vice-présidente de la Chambre, le libéral, Wolfgang Kubicki, l’ancien président des chrétiens-démocrates, Volker Kauder et la parlementaire Ulla Jelpke du Die Linke.

      Panagiotis Kouparanis, Berlin

      Voir l’article de SDZ (en allemand)

      https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/migration-und-asyl-abgeordnete-verlangen-mehr-hilfe-fuer-fluechtlinge-1

      17. Dezember 2020, 18:50 Uhr

      Migration und Asyl:Abgeordnete verlangen mehr Hilfe für Flüchtlinge

      In einem « Weihnachtsappell » fordern 240 Parlamentarier fast aller Fraktionen fordern die Bundesregierung auf, mehr für Schutzsuchende in Griechenland zu tun.

      Von Constanze von Bullion, Berlin dit le ministre Gerd Müller. Fin décembre, tous les mineurs isolés ou malades seront transférés des îles grecques. Appel de 240 membres allemands.

      Le ministre allemand du Développement économique, Gerd Müller, a vivement critiqué la situation dans le camp de réfugiés de Kara Tepe. S’exprimant sur RTL / ntv ce matin, il a souligné que « c’est en effet un grand scandale pour l’UE que jusqu’à présent nous n’ayons pas pu, malgré l’incendie de Moria il y a quelques mois, créer une situation qui serait vraiment humaine ». M. Müller, le ministre chargé de la coopération avec les pays en développement, a déclaré que la situation à Lesbos était pire que dans les camps de réfugiés en Afrique.

      Gerd Müller : L’UE est coresponsable de la situation à Kara Tepe

      Le politicien de l’Union chrétienne-sociale (CSU) a évoqué à plusieurs reprises la situation dans les camps des îles grecques et a exhorté le gouvernement allemand à accepter des réfugiés de Grèce. Plusieurs fois il s’est opposé au ministre de l’Intérieur Horst Seehofer, qui appartient également à la CSU. Contrairement à Gerd Müller, Seehofer rejette les initiatives uniquement allemandes sur la question migratoire et insiste sur une ligne européenne unique. Mais un porte-parole du ministère allemand de l’Intérieur a déclaré ces dernières semaines que les efforts de la présidence allemande de l’UE au cours des six derniers mois pour réformer la politique d’asile européenne avaient échoué.

      L’Allemagne continue d’accepter des réfugiés de Grèce

      S’exprimant hier après-midi au parlement allemand sur la question de l’accueil des réfugiés de Grèce, le vice-ministre de l’Intérieur Volkmar Vogel a annoncé que le 3 décembre, les derniers mineurs isolés que l’Allemagne avait promis d’accepter sont arrivés des îles grecques. Quant aux 243 autres enfants réfugiés malades, ainsi que leurs familles, que le gouvernement allemand s’est également engagé à accueillir, M. Vogel a exprimé l’espoir que d’ici la fin du mois, ils seraient tous arrivés. Cependant, en raison de la pandémie de coronavirus, les procédures d’accueil des 1553 réfugiés des îles grecques, que l’Allemagne avait annoncé vouloir accueillir après l’incendie de Moria, elles vont s’étaler sur plusieurs mois.

      M. Vogel a clairement indiqué qu’à l’heure actuelle, l’Allemagne n’avait pas l’intention d’accepter d’autres réfugiés de Grèce et que la question concernait l’UE dans son ensemble. Le principal objectif du gouvernement allemand est d’améliorer la situation des réfugiés en Grèce. Evoquant les camps de réfugiés sur les îles grecques et en particulier à Lesbos, Volkmar Vogel a déclaré que le gouvernement allemand « regrette la situation » là-bas et qu’il tente « dans la mesure de ses capacités » d’aider sur le terrain.

      Appel de plus de 240 députés

      Les législateurs allemands demandent au gouvernement allemand d’accepter plus de réfugiés de Grèce

      Selon l’agence de presse epd [Evangelischer Pressedienst, epd], plus de 240 députés allemands signent un « appel de Noël », appelant le gouvernement allemand à accepter davantage de réfugiés de Grèce et à redoubler d’efforts pour trouver une solution au niveau de l’UE. L’appel est signé par les députés de tous des partis autres que l’AfD, Alternative nationaliste et xénophobe pour l’Allemagne. Parmi eux se trouvent les présidents des sociaux-démocrates, Saskia Esken et des Verts, Annalena Baerbock, la vice-présidente de la Chambre, le libéral, Wolfgang Kubicki, l’ancien président des chrétiens-démocrates, Volker Kauder et la parlementaire Ulla Jelpke du Die Linke.

      Panagiotis Kouparanis, Berlin

      Voir l’article de SDZ (en allemand)

      https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/migration-und-asyl-abgeordnete-verlangen-mehr-hilfe-fuer-fluechtlinge-1

      17. Dezember 2020, 18:50 Uhr

      Migration und Asyl:Abgeordnete verlangen mehr Hilfe für Flüchtlinge

      In einem « Weihnachtsappell » fordern 240 Parlamentarier fast aller Fraktionen fordern die Bundesregierung auf, mehr für Schutzsuchende in Griechenland zu tun.

      Von Constanze von Bullion, Berlin

    • Après le froid glacial le camp de Kara Tepe sous la neige
      Μετά το τσουχτερό κρύο ήρθε και το χιόνι στο καταυλισμό του Καρά Τεπέ

      Σήμερα το πρωί και αργότερα το μεσημέρι, ο χιονιάς έφτασε και στη πόλη της Μυτιλήνης καλύπτοντας τα πάντα και ασφαλώς τον καταυλισμό με τους 7.500 ανθρώπους που εξακολουθούν να διαμένουν σε σκηνές, πολλές από αυτές χωρίς να διαθέτουν πάτωμα.

      Επιπλέον, ο καταυλισμός εξακολουθεί να λειτουργεί με ανεπαρκή ρευματοδότηση με αποτέλεσμα πλέον εκεί να κινδυνεύουν ζωές.
      Συγκεκριμένα, η παροχή ρεύματος γίνεται ανά πτέρυγα και μόνο για μισή ώρα προκειμένου σταδιακά να πάρουν ολες οι σκηνές. Αποτέλεσμα όμως είναι υπό αυτές τις συνθήκες οι πρόσφυγες να περνούν δραματικές ώρες και άνθρωποι που είναι σε θέση να γνωρίζουν εκφράζουν φόβους για μεγάλο αριθμό ασθενών που θα χρειαστούν νοσηλεία το επόμενο διάστημα.

      Αντί όμως οι υπεύθυνοι όλο το προηγούμενο διάστημα να προετοιμαστούν κατάλληλα, άφησαν τον καταυλισμό με την ελάχιστη δυνατότητα ρευματοδότησης.
      Χαρακτηριστικό είναι ότι και ορισμένες γεννήτριες που είχε δωρίσει γνωστή ΜΚΟ και γλίτωσαν από την καταστροφή της Μόριας, σταμάτησαν να λειτουργούν το προηγούμενο διάστημα, αφού καταστράφηκαν από τις πλημμύρες που είχαν προηγηθεί.

      Από την πλευρά του ο διοικητής του καμπ Νίκος Μπαμπάκος, σε τηλεφωνική επικοινωνία με την ΕΦ.ΣΥΝ., δήλωσε ότι « οι γεννήτριες που υπάρχουν τώρα μπορούν να καλύψουν τις ανάγκες του καταυλισμού για 16 ώρες την ημέρα. Είμαστε όμως υποχρεωμένοι να τις κλείνουμε το πρωί, ενώ μία από αυτές δυστυχώς έπαθε βλάβη.

      Προχωράμε στη διαδικασία της αντικατάστασης της και αναμένουμε μία εφεδρική από την Αθήνα » σημείωσε.

      Όπως μάλιστα τόνισε το πρόβλημα ξεκινά από το γεγονός ότι ο καταυλισμός δεν έχει ακόμη σύνδεση με το κεντρικό δίκτυο της ΔΕΗ, παρά το γεγονός ότι βρίσκεται πολύ κοντά στο εργοστάσιο.

      « Δυστυχώς η γραφειοκρατία ακόμα δεν μας έχει επιτρέψει τη σύνδεση » είπε, χαρακτηριζοντας την κατάσταση δύσκολη αλλά αντιμετωπίσημη.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/node/277445

      #neige #froid