/wikipedia

  • Stiftung Humboldt-Forum widerspricht Philipp Oswalt: „Zutiefst unangemessen und unwahr“
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/kultur-vergnuegen/debatte/stiftung-humboldt-forum-reagiert-auf-philipp-oswalt-wir-widersprech

    Der Abriß des Palast der Republik, eines bei der Berliner Bevölkerung beliebten Gebäudes mit Konzertsaal, Bowlingbahn und Restaurants, und der Bau einer Schloßattrappe mit dem beschönigenden Markennamen „Humboldt Forum“ in der Linden-Sichtachse war ein revanchistisches Projekt, an dem sich zahlreiche konservative und nazistische Rechte mit gut gefüllten Brieftaschen beteiligten. Das geschah in Zusammenarbeit mit der reaktionären Mehrheit im Deutschen Bundestag, wobei alle Beteiligten versuchten den Eindruck zu erwecken, es handle sich um ein demokratisches Projekt des deutschen Volkes.

    Diese durchsichtige Lachnummer wird von Philipp Oswalt in einem Buch und in Presseartikeln entlarvt, wogegen nun zwei Schloßhäuptlinge protestieren. Ihr Argument : Man habe von den nazistischen Spendern nichts gewußt. Das ist nicht erstaunlich, gehören die Autoren doch selbst zum kapitalistischen Klüngel aus Alt- und Neonazis, Nationalisten, Transatlantikern, Industriellen, reaktionären Adeligen, stinkreichen Ausbeuter aller Art und ihren Lakaien aus Politik, Kultur und Medien. Man läßt sich ungerne öffentlich mit dieser Tatsache konfrontieren.

    Der Betonkasten steht für die Enteignung des deutschen Volks durch seine pseudo-demokratischen Herren, Konzernlenker und Militärherrscher. Die Vernichtung des DDR-Volkshaus und das wieder errichtete häßliche Hohenzollernschloß verherrlichen ihren Triumph.

    Da soll es niemand mitbekommen haben, wie die Nazis mitgemacht haben? Kaum zu glauben im transatlantischen Westdeutschland, das von seiner Gründung bis heute fest im Griff der Eliten aus Nazizeiten, ihrer Erben und Spießgesellen ist.

    22.04.2024 von Hartmut Dorgerloh und Franco Stella - Die Behauptung, Rechte hätten Einfluss auf das Stadtschloss gehabt, sei falsch – wehren sich die Stiftung Humboldt-Forum und Architekt Franco Stella in einem Gastbeitrag.

    Mit schweren Vorwürfen hat der Architekt Philipp Oswalt die Stiftung Humboldt-Forum konfrontiert und ihr vorgeworfen, Nebelkerzen zu zünden und zu lügen. Oswalt, seit jeher Gegner des neu gebauten Berliner Stadtschlosses, kritisiert in seinem neuen Buch „Bauen am nationalen Haus“ die Intransparenz hinsichtlich der Spender. Nun wehren sich Hartmut Dorgerloh, der Präsident der Stiftung Humbold-Forum, und Stadtschloss-Architekt Franco Stella und widersprechen in einem Exklusivbeitrag für die Berliner Zeitung vehement.

    Der Architekt Philipp Oswalt behauptet in einem Interview mit der Berliner Zeitung, rechtslastige Spender:innen hätten Einfluss auf die Rekonstruktion der Fassade des Berliner Schlosses genommen, und die Stiftung Humboldt-Forum im Berliner Schloss würde diesen Einfluss vertuschen und sogar lügen. Die Rekonstruktion, so Oswalt, sei „etwas merklich anderes als das, was die Expertenkommission empfohlen und was der Bundestag 2002 beschlossen hat“. Als Vorstandsvorsitzender der Stiftung Humboldt-Forum im Berliner Schloss und als Architekt, der für den Bau verantwortlich war, widersprechen wir dieser Darstellung mit allem Nachdruck. Philipp Oswalt wiederholt seine Behauptungen zu vielen Anlässen. Dadurch werden sie nicht wahrer.

    Vielmehr erfolgte die Rekonstruktion der Schlossfassade, einschließlich der Kuppel, der Kuppelfiguren, auf Beschluss des Stiftungsrates, und dieser Beschluss wiederum basierte auf den Entscheidungen des Deutschen Bundestages und der dort zuständigen Ausschüsse. Private Spender:innen haben es ermöglicht, dass die in diesen Entscheidungen definierten „baulichen Optionen“ tatsächlich umgesetzt werden konnten – diese private Finanzierung war Wille der Politik. Aber keine und keiner dieser mehr als 40.000 privaten Spender:innen – und auch der Förderverein Berliner Schloss nicht – hat Einfluss auf die Gestaltung und Architektur genommen. Das lag allein in der Verantwortung der zuständigen politischen Gremien, des Stiftungsrates und des Architekten.

    Beim Realisierungswettbewerb des Bundes im Jahr 2008 hat der Entwurf von Franco Stella, hier Mitunterzeichner, den Zuschlag erhalten – ein Entwurf, der damals gerade für seine 1:1-Rekonstruktionen wichtiger Bau- und Stilelemente gewürdigt wurde. Fast alle rekonstruierten Elemente des jetzigen Berliner Schlosses waren schon in diesem Entwurf enthalten, darunter auch die Kuppel, die sich bereits die von Philipp Oswalt erwähnte Expertenkommission explizit vorstellen konnte. Weitere Elemente wie etwa die Figuren rund um die Kuppel und die Balustradenfiguren wurden vom unterzeichnenden Architekten vorgeschlagen, weil sie aus architektonischer Sicht geboten und auch mit Blick auf die gewünschte möglichst originalgetreue Rekonstruktion sinnvoll waren.


    Franco Stella, Gewinner des Bundeswettbewerbs und Architekt des teilrekonstruierten Schlosses Foto Markus Wächter/Berliner Zeitung

    Die konkrete Planung der Kuppel als Vollrekonstruktion mit historischer Hülle begann im August 2010, sobald die historischen Unterlagen ausreichend ausgewertet waren, um die Detail-Planung anzugehen. Dass beim Berliner Schloss im Laufe eines Wettbewerbsverfahrens architektonische Details präzisiert und die Umsetzung genauer bestimmt wurde, ist absolut üblich. Alle, die mit Bauprojekten dieser Größenordnung Erfahrung haben, wissen das.
    Von Spendern mit rechtsextremen Positionen distanzieren wir uns aufs Schärfste

    Der Bund hat diese Planung im Sommer 2011 freigegeben, mit der Auflage, die Umsetzung der sogenannten baulichen Optionen wie der historischen Kuppel über private Spenden zu finanzieren. Dafür hat der Förderverein Berliner Schloss Spenden gesammelt. Insgesamt haben Zehntausende Menschen aus allen Teilen der Gesellschaft gespendet. Darunter, wie wir heute wissen, auch Personen, die rechtsextreme Positionen vertreten. Von diesen Personen und ihren Positionen distanzieren wir uns aufs Schärfste. Die antidemokratischen Positionen widersprechen unseren Überzeugungen und dem, was wir inhaltlich im Humboldt-Forum tun – und sie widersprechen den Werten der großen Mehrheit derer, die für die Rekonstruktion des Schlosses gespendet haben.


    Hartmut Dorgerloh, Generalintendant und Vorstandsvorsitzender der Stiftung Humboldt-Forum Foto Markus Wächter/Berliner Zeitung

    Aber all das hat mit den Entscheidungen, was genau gebaut werden sollte, nichts zu tun. Behauptungen, bei diesen architektonischen Entscheidungen sei eine „rechtsnationale Agenda“ verfolgt worden, sind falsch und zutiefst unangemessen. Unangemessen gegenüber dem Deutschen Bundestag und seinen Entscheidungen, gegenüber dem Stiftungsrat der Stiftung Humboldt-Forum, in dem alle Parteien des Bundestages wie auch die Berliner Landesregierung vertreten sind, gegenüber der Leitung und dem Team des Humboldt-Forums wie auch gegenüber dem Architekten, dessen Entwurf durch eine vom Bund eingesetzte Jury, besetzt mit renommierten Expert:innen, ausgezeichnet wurde.

    Die Entscheidungen der demokratisch gewählten Parteien und der zuständigen Gremien mögen einem nicht gefallen – hierzu kann jede und jeder eine eigene Meinung haben. Aber ihre Akzeptanz ist grundlegend für ein respektvolles demokratisches Miteinander.

    Prof. Dr. Hartmut Dorgerloh, Generalintendant und Vorstandsvorsitzender der Stiftung Humboldt-Forum

    Prof. Arch. Franco Stella, Gewinner des Bundeswettbewerbs und Architekt des teilrekonstruierten Berliner Schlosses

    Architekt erhebt schwere Vorwürfe wegen rechter Spender des Stadtschlosses: „Die Humboldt-Stiftung lügt“
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/kultur-vergnuegen/architekt-philipp-oswalt-berlin-stadtschloss-rechte-spender-humbold

    Berliner Schloss: Propheten-Statuen kehren auf Kuppel zurück
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/mensch-metropole/berliner-schloss-propheten-statuen-kehren-auf-kuppel-zurueck-li.219

    #Berlin #Mitte #Schloßplatz #Schloßfreiheit #Liebknechtbrücke #Architektur #Revanchismus #Preußen #Hohenzollern

  • Gregory Klimov, The essentials of issue of degeneracy
    https://g-klimov.info/essence_en.html


    Pourquoi republier un tel bric-à-brac confus et réactionnaire ? D’abord parce que c’est un peu comme si on entrait dans la tête du Docteur Mabuse. Puis ca risque de disparaître à tout moment de la toile et c’est un condensé typique pour bien des systèmes de pensée attrayants pour les esprits sans formation philosophique ou politique.

    Alors attention, le texte suivant vous emmène sur un terrain que les Anglais appellent a slippery slope pour se montrer gentils.

    ... my readers start to give my books to all their friends as a test and quietly watch the reaction. Typical result – they loose half of their so-called friends.

    C’est l’auteur qui le dit. Vous aurez été prévenus ;-)

    The essentials of issue of degeneracy, Interview with Gregory Klimov

    01. You have been working with a special type of people with Power Complex for almost 50 years. What is Power Complex and why are these people special?

    02. How to find degenerates?

    03. How many degenerates are out there?

    04. How do you know that you are not a degenerate?

    05. Why don’t you suppose that all of us are degenerates?

    06. What about IMF?

    07. What about Yeltsyn & Co?

    08. Can Russia have a normal government?

    09. What do you think about “pure blood” nations?

    10. What do you think about re-birth (creation) of “New Nation”?

    11. What about Religion?

    12. What about masons (shriners etc.)?

    13. Do you think that “eternal plot” exists?

    14. Do you think that Mr.X is a degenerate?
    Q.: You have been working with a special type of people with Power Complex for almost 50 years. What is Power Complex and why are these people special?

    A.: When close relatives marry each other – children will be degenerates. This is an old, well-known fact. If a group of religious leaders forbid marrying outside of sect – this sect in 4-5 generations will be full of degenerates. Do you know any sect, which forbids marriages to outsiders and has been doing that for the last 5,000 years?

    Many degenerates have some unusual qualities like incredible desire to dominate, abnormal wish to rule, abnormal thirst for power. They feel themselves “chosen” (complex of superiority, in russian “mania velichia”) and at the same time they feel themselves persecuted (complex of been persecuted, in russian “mania presledovania”). This is pretty basic staff.

    Now we will talk Hi-Tech. Leaders of the world usually have complex of power which helps them to became world leaders. This complex is usually associated with suppressed sadism, which in turn is result of latent homosexuality. Anybody who has knowledge of this forbidden area can influence and promote these leaders-to-be to position of power.

    By default members of degenerative sect posess this knowledge and have been practicing it for 5,000 years.

    We all has seen pictures of insane or semi-insane person, not huge at all, but 5-6 well built medical workers have difficult time subduing him. This is perfect example of incredible energy that semi-insane sadistical power-hungry person can produce to achieve his goals.

    To find this person and to help him to rise to power – this is typical task of leaders of degenerative sect. This is like weapons of mass destruction – much more effective than nuclear weapons and almost as effective and dangerous as biological warfare.

    Many people have basic knowledge of how to build nuclear weapons, but only chosen few have knowledge and experience of actually producing and delivering it to the target.

    Degenerates hate normal people. It is pleasure for them to watch how one semi-insane sadistical leader, chosen by them, goes to war with another semi-insane sadistical leader of another country, also chosen by them. Millions of normal people are dying for the joy and sadistical pleasure of degenerates...

    Masons, Illuminates etc. – are clubs, where degenerates observe behavior of possible candidates and upon verifying real homo-sadistical inclination of the person – promote him into the real world of power.

    Q.: How to find degenerates?

    A.: Let us try first to understand what degeneracy is all about. Again I must point out that we use term degenerate as strictly medical term (in russian – “vyrozhdenec”, “vyrozhdency”) and not as an offensive word. In the real life degenerate can by quiet, well mannered professor of liberal art in the local college.

    Degeneracy is a natural process and has been with us for thousands years. It is part of the natural life cycle – birth, youth, maturity, decay, death. On the level of individual person this process is familiar to everybody and there is no need to explain it. We will be talking here about clan (family) level. As many historians noticed – clans history follow almost the same pattern of life cycle as individuals. It looks like God (or Mother Nature if you prefer) is trying to give every clan its fair share of time on this Earth.

    When particular clan pass maturity stage and enter into golden stage of decay, God (Mother Nature) gives signal to the members of this family that it’s time in this world is almost gone – by turning off sexual drive. If this is obedient family, it will follow God’s will and stay childless (or adopt somebody).

    By that time family is usually well funded and can participate in support of different good causes like normal art, normal science, normal literature. They quietly enjoy golden age of decay and finally leave this world with charity gifts and foundation created as good memory of their deeds.

    On the other hand, if this happen to be disobedient (rebellious) clan – it ignores God’s warning and will try to fool God by artificial insemination – in russian sounds like “palcem delannyye” ("made with the finger").

    Or to fool God by fake marriages (sleeping with wife, but imagining that he sleep with another man, or dog, or pig, or father, or mother in order to stimulate his sexual drive, “e... tvoju mat” (in russian – f...d your mother).

    Or to cheat God by using healthy member of local normal community – when wife, with husband’s permission (or without), goes to find some healthy cowboy in the local bar and bring him home for one night stand, in russtian – “na chuzom x...e v ray v’exat’” (to get to Eden on stranger’s Dick), etc. You see. Russian people knew about this type of people long time ago and language reflects this knowledge in the (meaningless on the first look) proverbs.

    This disobedient clan starts to support different degenerative causes – like degenerative art, degenerative science, degenerative literature. They will try to convince everybody thru mass media that what they are doing is normal, that this is nothing wrong with it and so on and so on. For those wise-ass (in russian – “khitrozhopykh”) pretty soon God (Mother Nature) gives a second warning by adding to their abnormal sexual practice – mental illnesses.

    If clan will stubbornly continue cheating God – third warning will come in form of inborn physical deformities (birth defect) (rus. – “vrozhdyonnyye defekty”) such as “dry hand” – like Stalin (rus. – “sukhoruchka”), “horse foot” – like Gebbels (rus. – “loshadinaja stopa”), “rabbit split lip” (rus. – “zajachja guba”), cleft palate (rus. – “volchja past”), strabism (rus. – “kosoglazie”), etc.

    In the normal primitive condition it will insure that this particular clan will be extinct in few generations. Who would like to marry a cock-eyed schizophrenical sexual pervert?

    Degeneracy has three stages:

    1. Sexual deviations.
    2. Mental illnesses.
    3. Inborn physical deformity.

    Now, once this is understood, we can talk about how to find degenerative clan. Very simple. Just look at the family tree of this clan. If family tree is healthy, has many new branches with many new and healthy leaves (children) – this is certainly normal and healthy clan. On the other hand, if family tree is drying up (childless couples). If it has many dying branches (suicides, mental illnesses) – you are looking at clan entering golden stage of decay.

    No questions about it. There are only one thing left – to determine is it obedient clan or rebellious clan. Just look what this clan supports in the real life. Does it spread poison of decadence in art, science, literature or does it support normal causes, normal art, normal science, normal literature.

    Q.: How many degenerates are out there?

    A.:Statistics for the 3rd stage of degeneracy (inborn physical deformity) and 2nd stage of degeneracy (mental illnesses) are readily available. You can find it by yourself. Statistics for the first stage of degeneracy (sexual deviations) are most difficult to obtain.

    Let us look at data published in the USA by Dr. Wittels and Dr. Kinsey. Dr. Wittels in his work “Sexual habits of American women” gives us the following statistics:

    Unmarried woman:
    20% had multiple homosexual relations with other women
    51% had dreams about homosexual relations with other women up to reaching orgasm

    Married women:
    15% had multiple homosexual relations with other women
    32% had dreams about homosexual relations with other women up to reaching orgasm

    What about men? Dr. Kinsey discovered that:
    4% had multiple homosexual relations with other men
    33% had dreams about homosexual relations with other men up to reaching orgasm

    Other scientists give us different results, but majority of them average out in 33-50% range.

    Every third (second) person had entered first stage of degeneracy.

    When this data was analyzed by profession (occupation) an interesting picture emerged:
    5% peasants (farmers)
    10% workers (factory)
    50% intellectuals
    75% literature, art
    90% mass media

    This gives new twist to the old idea of struggle of classes (rus. – “klassovaya bor’ba”). It is not about rich against poor, but degenerates against normal people.

    New York Times reported that group of American scientists analyzed 78 greatest persons in history and results was:
    37% had severe mental illnesses during life time
    83% had obvious signs of mental problems during life time
    10% had minor signs of mental problems during life time
    7% had no signs of mental problem during life time

    When group of greatest persons in history was narrowed to 35 – results was:
    40% had severe mental illnesses during life time
    90% had obvious signs of mental problems during life time

    This is why degeneralogy has three golden 90% rules:
    – 90% of all great persons in world history are degenerates
    – 90% of all serious crimes are committed by degenerates
    – 90% of all non-infection illnesses are caused by degeneracy

    After studying this subject during last 50 years – my recommendation is that degeneralogy should be studied by State Security Services of every country so we will never go to war again for the amusement of leaders of degenerative sect.

    I also strongly recommend that degeneralogy should be studied in last years of high school, early years of college so normal people will be aware of existence of huge community of degenerates and will make intelligent choices during critical time of creation of healthy family units

    Q.: How do you know that you are not a degenerate?

    A.: In previous question we talked about family tree test. That was simple and easy test for almost everybody. But there are special cases. What about orphans, who do not know family history. What about adoptive children, who were not told by their degenerative adoptive parents about it. They will be under total impression that they are one of them.

    There are so many diabolical variations in degenerative community, that “sam chort nogu slomit” (russian. – "even devil will break his leg before finding something). For example, do you know that degenerates adopt kids in big numbers. Hundreds of thousands a year. These adoptive children will not stay in marriages with real children of degenerates (see abnormal sexual practice), so they will keep looking around degenerative community and finally will find another adopted kid who will satisfy their dreams about healthy family with many healthy kids.

    These couples will be 100% normal, but everybody – including themselves – will be under total impression that they are degenerates, because they will support all causes of degenerative community with the zeal of healthy normal human being. You see, how situation gets complicated? This is why degeneralogy always have 90% rule.

    Some kids of these adoptive couples will scream, that they are degenerates in second, or third generation. LOOK AT US! WE ARE NORMAL! OUR KIDS ARE NORMAL! HOW DO YOU EXPLAIN THAT, MY FRIEND!!!

    Very simple. Everybody can do quick self-test. 3rd stage of degeneracy (inborn physical deformity) and 2nd stage of degeneracy (mental illnesses) are so obvious, that we will not talk about them here. What is left – 1st stage of degeneracy (sexual deviations).

    In our modern times many sexual deviations (under pressure from degenerative mass media) became a norm. Position 69 is recommended in US schools as good birth control method. Many healthy members of normal community are doing that. So, how to check yourself out for abnormal sexual practice? Simple.

    Try to do it normally (in missionary position). Few times. No cheating.

    Do not try to imagine when sleeping with your girlfriend – that you are actualy sleeping with your boyfriend, or dog, or pig.

    If results are positive you have nothing to worry about. You were just brainwashed by degenerates into doing stupid things. Or if “your family tree” is obviously dying – somebody did not tell your mother and father that they were adopted (or you are adopted).

    If results are negative – then help you God.

    Q.: Why don’t you suppose that all of us are degenerates?

    A.: Your question reminded me story about old prostitute summing up her life philosophy in one sentence: “Ves mir – bardak, Vse ludi – bl...di” (rus. – “All world is whorehouse, all people are prostitutes”). Same goes for philosophy of thieves, alcoholics and drug addicts. They honestly believe that all world are same as they are.

    Of cause, there are thieves, prostitutes, alcoholics and drug addicts out there. But there are also many normal people. They build skyscrapers, bridges, tunnels. they fly jumbo-jets and rockets to the moon. They create.

    There are so many of them that destructive activity of degenerates thru the millenniums could not completly destroy them. All family clans with healthy family tree are my witnesses.

    Q.: What about IMF?

    A.: Power and structure of degenerative sect in the west is basically same as power and structure of Communist Party used to be in the east (ex-USSR).

    Any Soviet organization for International Peace and Economic Development used to have many members of technical staff (referents) usually on the low levels of structure and few Hi-Fi communist leaders in key positions (decision making level).

    Can you imagine that any important Soviet organization will have non-party member in key position? Same thing is applicable to the western analog of Soviet Komintern – Homintern (International Brotherhood Of Degenerates).

    So, my guess will be that 90% of leaders of IMF are certifiable Hi-Fi members of degenerative community.

    The bulk of IMF personnel are probably technical specialists who are smart enough not to question motives behind “strange” decisions and recommendations made by there leaders.

    Q.: What about Yeltsyn & Co?

    A.: I think your confusion is based on misconception that current government of E.B.N. and appointed by him and other degenerates – all together are working on the problem of helping Russia. This is very dangerous misconception.

    They are gang of degenerates placed to do exactly what they are doing quite successfully now – ruin economy of wealthy country as soon as possible. Try to borrow as much money as possible. Waste it. Steal some for yourself and put coming generations in debt forever. I think they are doing quite well.

    Q.: Can Russia have a normal government?

    A.: Your question about Russian government (or any government) bring us to the advanced part of this discussion.

    You see, basic part makes us aware of existence of huge community of degenerates, fact – totally unknown to the community of normal people.

    Advanced part of this discussion will show us, that within degenerative community there are different types of degenerates. They can be good, bad or ugly.

    Again I should state that term degenerate is strictly medical term and should not be treated as offense. For example – Peter Ilych Tchaikovsky was obviously a degenerate. His abnormal sexual practice and absence of healthy kids are clear indication of that. But at the same time he wrote excellent music and was nice, quiet and well mannered person. His music was not decadent and he did not promote decay in art. Plus he did not have any kids.

    This allowed us to put him into good degenerate category.

    You will ask me – what does absence of kids have to do with it?

    You see, even if father (or mother) was a good degenerate and did many good things in this life by successfully fighting demons of degeneracy – there is no guarantee that their children will do the same.

    Quite opposite. Children of degenerates usually totally destroy all good deeds made by their parents and continue on their path of destruction till the end.

    Remember famous book by Etel Lylian Voynich “Ovod”? Father was archbishop, but son became a revolutionary and story end in tragedy? This is very typical.

    This is why celibacy is very important test for the members of good degenerate category.

    Once this is understood, we can continue with your question about normal government. Can a person with normal legs muscles participate and win in the race?

    Yes, he can. On the local school level.

    He can also participate and win at town level.

    He can participate and may win at regional level.

    He can participate and has no chance to win at national level.

    He could not even participate at world level competition.

    Did you get the picture? Only person with abnormally developed legs muscles can participate and has chance to win at national or world level competitions.

    Same things apply to the game of power.

    Only person with abnormal power drive (suppressed sadistical homo maniacs) will win in the race for position of power. It is an axiom of degeneralogy that degenerates will make it to the top in majority of the cases.

    As I mentioned before – degenerates are not homogenous entity. They can be good, bad or ugly. Good degenerates are our friends and allies. In the government they will always fight ugly degenerates, like policemen fight criminal elements.

    Bad degenerates in the government will behave like nothing is happening and will not do anything to stop ugly degenerates from attacking community of normal people. The ugly degenerates will usually attack good degenerates, because good degenerates are like immune system which can recognize, find and neutralize the ugly.

    After suppressing good degenerates – the ugly will ultimately declare full blown war against community of normal people.

    In marxist-leninist philosophy it was called the law of mutual union and eternal fight of the opposites as an engine for the historical progress. Thousands of years before them, Greeks put it like this: Similia Simlibus Curantur (rus. – “podobnoye poznayotsa podobnym”). Practical Americans translated it: It takes a thief, to catch a thief.

    How you can determine which degenerates rule in a particular country? Same way as we can determine if there is a cat in the barrel. We will place a mouse in front of the barrel and watch the reaction. Let’s put our mouse in front of a government: How is the government reacting to the homo movement?

    How is the government reacting to the death penalty for other degenerates (brotherhood of the criminals)? How well is the government protecting members of normal community? How well is the government protecting members of degenerative community? Simple questions. Simple answers. Simple test.

    Same test can be also applied to other groups (mass media, art, science, army). This will give you clear picture – which organizations are totally occupied by ugly degenerates, which are stagnant by bad degenerates, and which are under control of good degenerates and are viciously fighting back, protecting themselves and well being of community of normal people.

    You can ask me – can normal people be in the government?

    My answer will be – theoretically “yes”. But in practice – if normal person will get to the top – he will not (could not) stay there for long. “S volkami zhit’ – po volchyi vyt’” (rus. – “If you come to the wolf pack – behave as a wolf”).

    Q.: What do you think about “pure blood” nations?

    A.: Good God hates racism in any form. Good God hates any concepts of “chosen” nations.

    ANYBODY who tries to keep pure blood by forbidding marriages to the other normal people risks the danger of increasing degeneration process of his own nation. Especially if it is small nation. Keep in mind, that we are talking here about normal marriages between residents of community of normal people.

    Q.: What do you think about re-birth (creation) of “new nation”?

    A.: Let’s assume that somebody starts to bring members of degenerative sect to... Madagascar island for example.

    There will be degenerates from USA, Russia, Canada, Ethiopia, Iraq etc. Sooner or later they will start to marry each other.

    What do you think will be result of their marriages? Healthy children?

    That is my answer to your question about cross marriages between members of same degenerative sect and creation of NEW NATION.

    There is a different kind of problem with cross marriages between degenerate and a local resident.

    You see, degenerates have a difficult time to propagate themselves through natural process (vyrozhdeniye – vyrozhdency).

    To put it simply – their sexual habits are very well described in Russian “mat”.

    That is what they literally do to get exited.

    So, if a degenerate decides to marry a local resident – a normal person will not participate in his perverse sexual acts for the long time. Only freshly made local degenerate will satisfy him.

    Remember we talked about sponge effect and world sewage system?

    Degenerative sect pick up newly formed degenerates from local NORMAL community like sponge.

    THEY WORK LIKE WORLD SEWAGE SYSTEM PICKING UP REFUSE FROM ALL NATIONS IN THE WORLD.

    MAJORITY OF CROSS MARRIAGES BETWEEN MEMBERS OF DEGENERATE SECT AND LOCAL RESIDENTS ARE MARRIAGES BETWEEN TWO DEGENERATES – OLD ONE AND NEWCOMER.

    Only one way to stop this vicious cycle – celibacy and adoptions, but this is subject of another topic.

    Q.: What about Religion?

    A.: What is my religion... It does not matter. Really. Why does it concern you? Are you preparing a personal attack? Do you usually kill the messenger, when you do not like the message?

    Funny. It reminded me of Soviet time, when you could read in official newspapers: “...I did not read books by Alexander Solzenitzin, but I hate this scumbag and traitor of our motherland...”

    My advise to you will be same as I gave to my friends back in Soviet time: Read my books by yourself, all of them. And make up your own opinion. Do not listen to your degenerative friends.

    If you mean religion in general....

    As I said before – degeneracy is a natural process. It has been with us thousands and thousands years. It just was called differently.

    When a newly made local degenerate starts to understand that he is different from other normal people he has a choice: he can be good, bad or ugly.

    Let me give you an example. When a young sadistical homo teenager starts to feel demons of degeneracy for the first time (desire to dominate, to kill, to assault etc.) he can:

    1. Join street gang (or organize one) and kill and assault normal people in local normal community.

    2. Join police academy, become policeman and kill and assault members of criminal gang.

    Do you see the deference? Exactly same goes for religion.

    If you are young teenager and feel presence of DESTRUCTIVE DEMONS OF DEGENERACY – you can join ANY monk order, where brothers more experienced in LAW’S OF DEGENERACY will help you to fight these DEMONS.

    They (brothers) have THOUSANDS of years of PRACTICAL experience.

    You know – cut food intake, work hard, keep silence, be celibate etc.

    Because ONLY THOSE BROTHERS WHO PASS MULTI-YEAR TEST OF FIGHTING DEMONS OF DEGENERACY – ARE PROMOTED TO HIGHER POSITIONS.

    THEY KNOW WHAT WE ARE TALKING ABOUT HERE.

    THEY KNOW IT BY THEIR OWN SKIN.

    LEADER OF ALMOST ALL RELIGIONS ARE VERY EXPERIENCED IN RECOGNIZING DEGENERATES.

    Like EX-ALCOHOLICS are indispensable in ALKOGOL recovery programs.

    They are helping local newly formed DEGENERATES to make THE RIGHT CHOICE between GOD and EVIL.

    When priest is listening to the Sunday confession, he does not pay much attention to the simple regular staff.

    But immediately after he detects ANY SIGN OF DEGENERATIVE BEHAVIOR, ANY OF THREE (3) STAGES OF DEGENERACY (1ST – sexual deviations, 2ND – mental illness, 3RD – inborn physical deformity – remember we talked about it in DEGENERATES.HOW TO FIND ONE?) he starts to suggest for this teenager to join local seminary (POLICE ACADEMY) or local monastic order.

    Again, this is BIG SIMPLIFICATION, but I think you will get the picture.

    THIS IS GOOD.

    On the other hand, you can join DEGENERATIVE CLUBS (ILLUMINATES, MASONS etc) set up by the LEADERS OF DEGENERATIVE SECT to channel YOUR DESTRUCTIVE ENERGY AGAINST NORMAL PEOPLE, AGAINST NORMAL INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT.

    THIS IS UGLY.

    Now – what is BAD?

    BAD will be if you did not follow GOD (Brothers) and did not follow leaders of DEGENERATIVE sect (UGLY), but try to fool GOD by marrying NORMAL person and TOTALLY DESTROYING HER DREAMS OF HAPPY FAMILY WITH HEALTHY KIDS.

    THE CHOICE IS YOURS. ALWAYS YOURS.

    Q.: What about masons (shriners etc)?

    A.:Illuminate, Shriners, masons, theosophy, antroposofy – “imja im legion” (legion is our name, because there are many of us...) – are basically clubs for people, who feel “chosen”, special, oppressed and persecuted by bureaucracy, church, academy or any other normal government institution and are looking to get even.

    Depending on the field will profession they will join any of these clubs. Of couse there will be some normal curious bystanders, who always be in the background crowd as decoration. Real purpose of this clubs is TO SELECT ACTIVE SADISTICO-HOMOSEXUAL MANIACS WHO WILL NOT STOP AT COMMITTING ANY CRIME IN ORDER TO BE RECOGNIZED, PROMOTED TO THE POSITION OF POWER.

    Remember – power is strongest narcotic.

    This is like in USSR. Like Pioneers and Komsomoltzi. Few of them will make it to the PARTY rank and even fewer will make it to TSE-KA.

    BUT THOSE WHO WERE SELECTED – WILL STOP AT NOTHING TO PROMOTE MANIACAL IDEAS OF POLITBURO even without totally understanding consequences (KOMINTERN, EURO-KOMMINISM etc)

    Exactly same principals apply to those clubs. To us it should be specially easy to understand, because soviet pyramid was built by same rules and with same drawings.

    Q.: Do you think that eternal plot exists?

    A.:Eternal plot... You see degenerates are like microbes of plague. They destroy healthy body and die with it. They are like HIV virus, which destroy immune system of the body and bring it to death.

    Do microbes have a plan to kill human organism? Do HIV virus have eternal plan to destroy immune system? I do not think so. It is just in their nature – to destroy.

    Now, if somebody will put containers with plague microbes into strategic locations such as subway stations or airports in order to infect and kill as many people as possible? Do they have a plan?

    If somebody is placing degenerates into key strategic positions such as mass media, art, education, army? Do they have a plan? You tell me...

    Q.: Do you think that Mr.X is a degenerate?

    A.: My dear friends, all of you who are normal people, please re-read very carefully Q&A section of my web page.

    Even if somebody feel himself as a degenerate – he still has a choice. He can be good, bad or ugly.

    Many members of degenerative community are under false impression that they are also degenerates. Many of them were adopted or are children of parents, who were adopted.

    In any way 90% of greatest people in history are degenerates. Do you mean – that Mr.X is one of them? :-)

    Please be careful with degenerology. As I stated before – it is almost as effective and also as dangerous as biological warfare. You can not play home with plague microbes after finishing one-two hour lessons in the bio-laboratory.

    Study it. carefully. think a lot. do not rush to judgment.

    Plus another tip from me: I consider person as bio-negative degenerate only if he proves it. many times. As a rule – for the average person you need to confirm 5-6 degenerative attributes, plus analyze carefully actual behavior of this person.

    Even if he screams – I am 100% degenerate, but he fights his demons of degeneracy, he fights other bio-negative degenerates, he is still our friend and ally.

    And another tip – I have received hundreds of letters from my readers from different countries. From Australia, New Zealand, Russia, Israel, UK, France, USA, Germany, Japan... Almost all letters have one interesting observation – my readers start to give my books to all their friends as a test and quietly watch the reaction. Typical result – they loose half of their so-called friends. So, by observing reaction to my books, to my web page – you can make your own conclusions.

    #conspirationnisme #eugénisme #wtf #Russie #civilisation

  • Project Jupyter
    https://jupyter.org

    JupyterLab is the latest web-based interactive development environment for notebooks, code, and data. Its flexible interface allows users to configure and arrange workflows in data science, scientific computing, computational journalism, and machine learning. A modular design invites extensions to expand and enrich functionality.

  • À un ami qui part faire un tour à vélo en Irlande du Nord.
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nordirland

    Nordirland (englisch Northern Ireland, irisch Tuaisceart Éireann) ist ein Landesteil des Vereinigten Königreichs Großbritannien. Es besteht aus sechs der neun Grafschaften der historischen irischen Provinz Ulster im Nordosten der Insel Irland. Nordirland ist dichter bevölkert und kleiner als die Republik Irland in der Mitte und im Süden der irischen Insel. Es hat einen höheren Industrialisierungsgrad, aber die Republik Irland hat heute (ab etwa dem Jahr 2000) ein höheres Bruttoinlandsprodukt pro Kopf.

    Je te conseille de lire le lien suivant :

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Mountbatten,_1st_Earl_Mountbatten_of_Burma#Assassination


    Il existe également une version allemande de l’article biographique, qui ne mentionne toutefois que brièvement l’attentat contre le dernier roi colonial de l’Empire britannique.

    Fun fact : Wikipedia ne mentionne pas que la chanson des Boomtown Rats « I Don’t Like Mondays », sortie en juillet 1979, est devenue en septembre le numéro un des hits en Irlande du Nord, que tous les nationalistes irlandais et les nationalistes d’Ulster ont joyeusement porté sur leurs lèvres.

    Regarder/écouter :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Kobdb37Cwc

    L’explication généralement connue de la chanson est la suivante :

    “Brenda Ann Spencer (16) opens fire at a school in San Diego, California, Her justification for the action, “I don’t like Mondays”, inspires the Boomtown Rats to make a song of the same name.”

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cleveland_Elementary_School_shooting_(San_Diego)

    Ce qui est intéressant dans cette histoire, c’est que l’action de Brenda Ann Spencer et l’assassinat commis par Thomas McMahon étaient tous deux l’expression d’une rébellion contre des conditions de vie insupportables.
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_McMahon_(Irish_republican)

    Thomas McMahon
    Born: 1948 (age 75–76) Monaghan, County Monaghan, Ireland
    Allegiance: Provisional Irish Republican Army
    Years of service: 1970–1990
    Rank: Volunteer
    Conflict: The Troubles

    Pour les catholiques d’Irlande du Nord, qui ont souffert des assassinats et du harcèlement britanniques, la chanson est devenue l’expression du lien entre la rébellion individuelle et politique. Tu pouvais mettre ta propre vie, toujours en danger, et la vie de tiers dans la balance de l’oppression et de la libération. Cette logique était aussi incompréhensible pour les punks de Sham 69 qu’elle l’est restée jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour les critiques occidentaux de l’islamisme et des actes de « terrorisme » commis par les colonisés.

    L’histoire de la réception enthousiaste de la chanson des Boomtown Rats en Irlande du Nord m’a été rapportée par une amie qui revenait d’un long séjour dans le pays à la fin de l’automne 1979.

    Commentaire punk anglais de 1978 :
    Sham 69 - Ulster Boy
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2OPgkiw6ZZk

    Parole
    https://genius.com/Sham-69-ulster-lyrics

    “There ain’t no winners (Ulster)
    ...
    No more fun for you ain’t no more
    You’ve ended like the rest and now you’re dead”

    La justice britannique était et reste un produit de son passé impérial et une justice de classe à l’état pur. Cela n’a rien d’étonnant, car la législation de common law est le plus souvent l’affaire de ces juges et de ces membres de la classe que Friedrich Engels avait déjà décrite de manière pertinente. Au niveau parlementaire, la gentry s’assure jusqu’à aujourd’hui de son influence directement au sein de la Chambre des Lords.

    Autant les punks britanniques du Sham 69 ont fait preuve d’incompréhension à l’égard de la résistance irlandaise, autant ils ont défendu avec engagement les victimes de l’impérialisme britannique.

    Sham 69 - George Davis Is Innocent
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sKpA78cXHZc

    Paroles
    https://genius.com/Sham-69-george-davis-is-innocent-lyrics

    “They’re never gonna leave you alone
    They’re never gonna leave you alone
    They know where you bloody live
    East London is your home”

    Et alors aujourd’hui ?

    Gareth Peirce
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gareth_Peirce

    „Ihr Engagement im Falle der Guildford Four wurde auch in der Verfilmung des Falls mit dem Titel Im Namen des Vaters zentral thematisiert. Die Filmrolle der Gareth Peirce übernahm Emma Thompson.“

    En 2010, l’avocate Gareth Peirce décrit le mode de domination britannique, depuis son traitement de l’Irlande à la fin du 19e siècle jusqu’à la fin des « Troubles », et sa continuité dans les procès contre ses clients immigrés. On y reconnaît l’attitude des juges de Julian Assange :

    „We have lost our way in this country. We have entered a new dark age of injustice and it is frightening that we are overwhelmed by it. I know I am representing innocent people; innocent people who know that a jury they face will inevitably be predisposed to find them guilty.“

    Un court message illustré que j’ai reçu aujourd’hui du sud du Pakistan (l’ancien Raj britannique gouverné par Lord Mountbatten) m’a rappelé que le vécu des véritables opprimés nous est totalement fermé. Nous ne pouvons le deviner qu’à travers leur expression culturelle.

    La réalité de la vie des chauffeurs de taxi et de voitures de location à Berlin est déjà totalement inimaginable pour les Allemands qui ont des « conditions de travail normales » sécurisées. Le monde des sujets de l’empire colonial britannique nous est encore plus étranger, que ce soit au Pakistan ou en Irlande du Nord.

    Tu percevras des échos des Troubles. Il y aura peut-être aussi d’autres choses à voir. Ce sera certainement un voyage intéressant.

    Amicalement

    #tourisme #Irlande_du_Nord #histoire #Troubles #guerre #impérialisme

  • How Jane McAlevey Transformed the Labor Movement | The New Yorker
    https://www.newyorker.com/news/persons-of-interest/how-jane-mcalevey-transformed-the-labor-movement

    Avec son programme O4P (Organize for Power) Jane McAlevey encourage et soutient les inistiatives syndicales dans le monde entier.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jane_McAlevey#Personal_life

    In 2009, McAlevey was diagnosed with early-stage ovarian cancer, and underwent a year of intensive treatment. On April 14, 2024, McAlevey announced on her website that she had entered home-hospice care the week before, a result of a multiple myeloma cancer diagnosed in the Fall of 2021.

    October 17, 2023 by Eleni Schirmer - The renowned organizer and theorist has a terminal-cancer diagnosis. But she has long been fighting the clock.

    This past January, Jane McAlevey spent a week in Connecticut leading an organizing blitz. In union parlance, a blitz is a quick, concentrated organizing effort, designed to engage as many workers as possible in a short period of time. The campaign’s goals were ambitious—to bring some twenty-five thousand home health-care workers into a fight not just against their bosses but against the broader social and economic problems weighing on them, including issues such as a lack of affordable housing, insufficient public transportation, and the need for debt relief. For seven days, McAlevey and about two hundred other organizers went door to door, talking to thousands of people—mostly Black and brown women employed by nursing homes, group homes, and home health-care companies. McAlevey and her team told them, “This is a new program to bring power all of you have, but often aren’t aware of, to the table.”

    For McAlevey, one of the nation’s preëminent labor organizers and strategists, the project presented a chance to revisit a strategy that she had advanced twenty-some years ago in Stamford, Connecticut, known as the “whole worker” method. In the nineties, a lack of affordable housing in Stamford—located in one of the wealthiest counties in the country—overshadowed nearly every other issue on workers’ minds. This was not a problem that could be solved by unions alone, but unions, if strategically harnessed, had the horsepower to fight it. McAlevey began organizing workers in four different sectors—janitors, cabdrivers, city clerks, and nursing-home aides—and determined that they could exert influence through the city’s churches. (“Note to labor,” McAlevey wrote about this campaign, years later. “Workers relate more to their faith than to their job, and fear God more than they fear the boss.”) Soon the city’s most powerful preachers were hosting bargaining sessions in church basements. By the time the campaign finished, more than four thousand workers had their first union and new contracts to boot. Their efforts also saved multiple public-housing projects from demolition, won fifteen million dollars for the units’ improvements, and secured new ordinances that mandated affordable-housing levels going forward.

    In the intervening decades, McAlevey has become not just an expert organizer but a social scientist of organizing’s methodology. She has written four books that have become touchstones for a new generation of labor leaders. Rather than instructing organizers to run as hard as they can in whatever direction they happen to be facing, McAlevey emphasizes strategy. She advises organizers to first conduct what she calls a power-structure analysis, which asks who has the power to change an issue (not always the most obvious targets) and what power workers have to influence those actors. She then leads workers through a series of escalating actions, from attending a meeting to wearing buttons to work to joining walkouts: she calls these “structure tests.” During the past decade, Amazon warehouse workers and Los Angeles teachers have drawn on McAlevey’s approach. (McAlevey informally advised the New Yorker Union during negotiations for its first contract, which was signed in 2021.) If at any point during this past hot labor summer, or the decade leading up to it, you encountered a group of workers strutting on a picket line or jubilantly making demands well beyond the scope of their own wages, chances are that many of them had been reading McAlevey.

    When McAlevey went back to Connecticut this past winter, she hoped that the campaign would form the basis for a book about the whole-worker methodology. The project is significant for two reasons. First, it’s her most ambitious research effort to date, involving not only tens of thousands of health-care workers but also their churches, tenants’ unions, and neighborhood councils. Unions generally limit their organizing sphere to the workplace, leaving broader social issues to political campaigns. But this approach cedes what McAlevey calls the third front of power: workers’ relationships to their communities. Without this degree of coördination, workers were unlikely to achieve anything close to their goals, which include winning a twenty-five-dollar-an-hour minimum wage and affordable health insurance.

    More fundamentally, the project is likely to be McAlevey’s last. In September, 2021, she was diagnosed with a high-risk variety of multiple myeloma. Since her diagnosis, each treatment option that her medical team has offered her has failed, faster than expected. Days prior to leading the blitz this January, McAlevey was hospitalized to receive an emergency treatment; she was thought to be living her last days. She persuaded doctors to release her—she had a blitz to lead, and the clock was running out.

    For McAlevey, relentlessness is a way of life. She talks fast, swears often, is blunt to the point of brashness, laughs easily. She has little tolerance for mediocrity, particularly on the left. Trade-union leadership, she once remarked, “choose every day . . . to lose.” When I was preparing to visit her in New York, on a cloudy April weekend, McAlevey sent me an agenda for my stay: on Saturday, we had drinks with an organizer, dinner at seven, and then all serious conversation wrapped up by tipoff. It was the Warriors vs. the Kings, Game One of the playoffs. McAlevey, who has lived part time in the Bay Area for the past twenty years, is a diehard Golden State fan.

    When I arrived at McAlevey’s place, a rent-controlled apartment in Manhattan, she welcomed me warmly, in jeans, heeled sandals, and a Warriors jersey. For most of her recent public events, she had taken to wearing a wig, concealing the effects of chemotherapy, but at home she goes without. When I visited, a layer of fine, downy hair was just beginning to grow back.

    I sat at the table while she bustled around, making salad and thawing a jar of homemade pesto for pasta. When I had first approached her about writing this piece, she’d told me that she didn’t want her cancer diagnosis to appear in the story. This was understandable but not possible: among other things, doing so would require me to strip a thread from McAlevey’s life. When Jane was about three years old, her mother, Hazel McAlevey, who was very ill with breast cancer, was taken to live elsewhere, in order to prevent Jane from witnessing her mother’s decline. At age forty-four, Hazel died. Jane was five.

    The family lived in Sloatsburg, forty miles outside New York City. There, Jane’s father, John McAlevey, became a politician, winning office first as the mayor and then as a supervisor in the county. Jane spent most of her early years grubby and unsupervised, trailing her older siblings everywhere. She became dearly attached to her older sister Catherine, who became the family’s caretaker as a young adolescent. As her reward for doing all the cooking, cleaning, tending, minding of the house, and minding of the children, Catherine was granted the largest bedroom, replete with a stereo, a television, and a prime location next to the bathroom. “I would do anything to get into that room,” Jane recalled. Though the younger siblings envied Catherine’s belongings, she was the heart of the family. “We always said she was the most loved McAlevey,” Jane recalled, “because she was everyone’s sister, mother. She played every role.”

    Raising seven kids on the wages of one public servant was difficult. When Jane was around ten, her father nearly went bankrupt, an experience that Jane only later understood as an embarrassment. Around this time, he remarried. At odds with her stepmother, Jane left home at age sixteen. As her stepbrother explained, “Jane was always at the bottom of something awful growing up. Her mother was taken off to die. Our father had no clue how to take care of family. And Jane was always at the bottom of the pile.”

    For a time, McAlevey stayed with her older sister Bri, who was living in a radical co-op in Manhattan, before enrolling at SUNY Buffalo, where she waited tables to pay for her schooling. When Governor Mario Cuomo proposed tuition hikes, she got swept up in campus organizing. As she told me, “I literally could not afford more than two hundred dollars a semester.” In her first semester at SUNY, Jane and others packed bus after bus with enraged students to register their complaints in Albany. Cuomo dropped his proposed increase. SUNY students claimed the victory.

    Shortly thereafter, McAlevey ran a successful campaign for president of the student body at SUNY Buffalo, as part of a slate whose platform was no tuition increases, no rent increases, no military-defense programs on campus, and no athletic fees. McAlevey effectively began working full time as the president of the Student Association of State University of New York. Divestment from apartheid South Africa had been a priority for SUNY student organizers for more than a decade, but Janice Fine, a former S.A.S.U. student organizer who is now a labor-studies professor at Rutgers, told me that their efforts had been poorly focussed. McAlevey changed that, shifting the target from the SUNY chancellor, Clifton R. Wharton, Jr., to Governor Cuomo. As Fine explained, “We went from targeting somebody who was an appointed official to someone who was elected, someone much more vulnerable to national perception.” In 1985, the board of trustees voted to divest $11.5 million in stock from companies who did business in apartheid South Africa.

    McAlevey got her first job in the labor movement running the Stamford, Connecticut, campaign. Afterward, she was hired by the Service Employees International Union (S.E.I.U.) to organize hospital workers in Las Vegas. McAlevey wrote in a memoir, “The union had no discernible power in any field. The workers were weak as hell in terms of anything that had to do with organizing or mobilizing. And I’d been sent there to clean the place up in general, and specifically to organize new hospital workers into the union.”

    Inspired by union tactics from the thirties, McAlevey began running open bargaining sessions, in which hundreds of workers sat head to head with the boss. “The idea is to demonstrate to the boss and to the workers themselves that the workers are standing together and the union is in charge,” McAlevey wrote, years later. Rather than having negotiators present demands, she identified workers who were passionate about each issue, and could speak directly to the employer about patient-nurse ratios, schedules, or wages. Fredo Serrano, a local nurse, told me, “Jane could figure out people. She knew what we needed. She knew where the influence had to be. She knew who the leaders were.”

    During one session, workers found themselves facing off against a notoriously hostile management negotiator, who was also a vigorous gum chewer. The more irritated he became, the louder he would chomp, scornfully blowing bubbles. “It became an outward sign of his contempt for the workers and for Jane,” Kristin Warner, a fellow-organizer, recalled. During a break, a worker wondered how the negotiator would respond if everyone started chewing gum. Jane and the staff organizers jumped at the idea and ran out to get supplies. The next time the negotiations hit an impasse, two hundred health-care workers in the bargaining room carefully unwrapped their gum and chewed it—one loud, smacking wall.

    But McAlevey’s vision of a worker-led, militant union put her at odds with the national union’s leaders, who hoped that the union would strike a deal with hospital corporate leadership. In the fall of 2006, when Vegas hospital workers were on the verge of a strike, the S.E.I.U.’s national legal leader called McAlevey. “It was a most unusual phone call,” McAlevey told me. The legal leader warned McAlevey that the national union had just renegotiated a national labor-peace accord; strikes were now off the table. If the locals disobeyed the national’s directives, they could run the risk of being placed under trusteeship, removing much of their hard-earned democratic character. (The S.E.I.U. declined to comment.)

    McAlevey told all of the worker leaders to come to her house for an emergency meeting. When they arrived, McAlevey explained the choice: they could follow national orders and call off their strike vote, or they could go forward with their plan and risk having their union doors padlocked by the national leadership. The group agreed to proceed with the strike vote. “Those workers didn’t give a shit. We were doing this,” McAlevey said. When the team notified the national legal staff the next morning, McAlevey knew that it would be only a matter of time until she would have to leave the S.E.I.U.

    Within weeks, Jane received another life-changing phone call: her sister Catherine had just been diagnosed with breast cancer. Jane got on the next flight to New York, where Catherine lived. “We spent forty-eight hours hugging and crying, and then making a plan, with me committing to regularly come home to visit,” McAlevey said. Like Jane, Catherine had long blond hair. “I told Catherine’s partner that when the first sign of hair falling out happened, to call me, and I’d be there,” McAlevey recalled. Weeks later, McAlevey was sitting with her sister at a wig store in New York, holding her hand while her sister’s head got shaved, clumps of hair falling to the floor. “Catherine was crying so hysterically, they had to keep stopping with the razor,” McAlevey told me. “I just remember thinking to myself, Act like you’re going to get through this.”

    Her sister’s diagnosis confirmed a deep foreboding. As McAlevey put it, “I always believed I was going to die in my early forties from breast cancer, just like my mother.” In early 2008, roughly a year into treatments, Catherine learned that she carried a BRCA1 gene mutation that is associated with increased risks of aggressive cancer. Catherine’s results prompted Jane to get tested. She was positive. Preventive surgeries revealed that she had early-stage ovarian cancer. As McAlevey wrote some years later, “The fuse was lit and burning early in my 40s. Just like my mother. Just like my sister.”
    Jane McAlevey standing outside on a balcony wearing jeans and a pink top
    Organizing is not an art of telling people what to do, McAlevey explains, but of listening for what they cannot abide.

    During the next year, McAlevey recovered from multiple surgeries related to her ovarian cancer and the BRCA1 gene. Stuck at home, she began writing. The resulting book, her memoir, “Raising Expectations,” reads like a shotgun spray, a fusillade of labor-organizing battle stories. Some of Jane’s mentors, including the sociologist Frances Fox Piven, wanted something more measured. Piven nudged her toward graduate school to work through her insights. So, just weeks shy of forty-five, McAlevey enrolled in a sociology doctoral program at CUNY Graduate Center.

    McAlevey spent her second summer of graduate school in the Adirondacks, on a writing retreat at the Blue Mountain Center, to finish revisions of “Raising Expectations.” One Friday in August, Catherine and her partner were planning to pick up McAlevey to spend the weekend in Saratoga Springs. But, the day before, Harriet Barlow, a mentor of Jane’s and the director of the Blue Mountain Center, approached Jane to let her know that her sister’s partner was on the phone. She told Jane that Catherine’s cancer was back. “I walked out of the office, and I remember looking at Harriet and saying, ‘My sister’s going to die,’ ” McAlevey recalled. The following spring, Catherine passed away.

    McAlevey, who had taken time away from graduate school to care for Catherine, returned to CUNY to finish her degree. Shortly after she graduated, her dissertation was published as a book, “No Shortcuts,” dedicated to Catherine. “No Shortcuts” describes three common pathways to create change: advocating, mobilizing, and organizing. Advocacy relies on lawyers, consultants, and lobbyists to secure one-time wins, often via backroom deals. Mobilizing draws in activists to participate in rallies or protests. McAlevey distinguishes both of these activities from organizing, which she defines as something stronger and more abiding. For McAlevey, organizing means that “ordinary people help make the power analysis, design the strategy, and achieve the outcome.” The book outlines the key elements of McAlevey’s method, from conducting a power-structure analysis and stress tests to identifying leaders in the rank and file. But it also offers a radical theory of power. Organizing is not an art of telling people what to do, McAlevey explains, but of listening for what they cannot abide. “Anger is there before you are,” the opening page of “No Shortcuts” declares. “Channel it, don’t defuse it.”

    Almost instantly, “No Shortcuts” became an underground bible of organizing. In the summer of 2017, a West Virginia history teacher named Jay O’Neal started a labor-themed reading group with some colleagues. “We were, like, the teaching conditions suck in West Virginia,” he told me. “How can we get our unions moving and doing something?” McAlevey’s distinctions between advocacy, mobilizing, and organizing gave the group language for their frustration, and her emphasis on power structures helped them decide to target the state legislature. “It’s like when you’re growing up and you hear, like, a love song, and you’re, like, Oh, that’s exactly how I’ve been feeling,” O’Neal explained. Within months, O’Neal and his colleagues led a statewide walkout that set off the #RedForEd teachers’ strikes. In 2017, the leaders of Los Angeles’s teachers’ union had a chapter-by-chapter discussion of “No Shortcuts” that guided the buildup to the union’s successful strike in 2019.

    McAlevey’s influence spread to other progressive struggles. Naomi Klein, the leading climate activist and writer, told me that McAlevey’s focus on winning helped the movement to reframe the climate crisis as a power struggle. “We’re not losing because people don’t know there’s a problem,” Klein told me. “We’re losing because there are vested interests who may not be large in number, but they are mighty in their political and economic power.” McAlevey’s work, she went on, asked, “Where’s your war room? Where’s your power map? Have you stress-tested?” I recently found myself talking to a McGill professor from Nigeria who studies African diasporic social movements. “Oh, Jane!” she exclaimed, when I told her about this piece. “My Nigerian comrades have trained with her.”

    Some union organizers similarly concerned with building worker power have wondered if McAlevey’s path from union complacency to union militancy breezes over a critical component: union democracy. Mike Parker—a veteran labor organizer, educator, and author, who died last year—once observed that workers often must win the fight for the union presidency before they can win the fight with the boss. But such struggles get little airtime in McAlevey’s work. “It’s as if she hopes that current leaders will see the light and ‘empower’ their members from above,” Parker wrote. Others have taken this argument further, charging McAlevey with an overreliance on professional staff at the expense of a radically empowered rank-and-file. McAlevey throws up her hands at this critique. “The idea that you’re just gonna beat Amazon when you’ve never run a campaign in your life is, like, seriously? Gimme a fucking break,” she told me.

    After Amazon workers in Alabama failed to unionize, in the spring of 2021, McAlevey published a column in The Nation about the campaign’s weak points. “When there are more outside supporters and staff being quoted and featured in a campaign than there are workers from the facility, that’s a clear sign that defeat is looming,” she wrote. The piece drew heated criticism. Some saw it as punching down. Union leadership blamed high employee turnover for their failures. McAlevey, however, stood by her assessment. “When you do something that’s stupid, I’m gonna call it out,” she told me. “I will not take a word of that article back.”

    What some may perceive as arrogance is perhaps better understood as impatience. McAlevey has no time to waste. In fact, none of us do. She just perceives this scarcity more acutely than most. In recent months, she said, she has been working harder than ever: “I feel great and I feel horrible. I feel frenetic.”

    In March of 2022, after five months of intensive chemotherapy, McAlevey received a stem-cell transplant. For three months, she sealed herself in her apartment, recovering, but also revising a new book, which had just received peer reviews. Published this spring, “Rules to Win By,” which she co-authored with Abby Lawlor, is part theory and part nuts and bolts; its focus is McAlevey’s strategy of using big, open bargaining sessions to secure winning contracts.

    When autumn arrived, McAlevey, who is a senior policy fellow at the Labor Center at the University of California, Berkeley, joined thousands of her U.C. co-workers on strike. One day, on the picket line, she collapsed—probably the result of a long bike ride the day before, she thought. She went to the hospital, where a panel of blood work revealed that the stem-cell transplant had failed; a treatment that typically results in five to seven years of remission had lasted her less than a year. McAlevey was put on high-dose chemotherapy and underwent radiation treatments on her hip and jaw.

    By Christmas, it became clear that the treatment plan wasn’t working. The most promising treatment for multiple myeloma was a course of cellular immunotherapy, but McAlevey’s doctors believed that her condition wasn’t stable enough to make her a promising candidate. “It wasn’t worth it to any doctors to get me in their clinical trials,” McAlevey told me. Uncharacteristically, she paused. “That was pretty intense.”

    Shortly after the New Year, a group of McAlevey’s closest friends met at her home in California to help arrange her affairs. Together, they packed up nearly fifty boxes of McAlevey’s favorite belongings—clothing, pottery, art work, jewelry, books—which would be sent to close friends and family upon her death. The next week, she flew to New York to begin an intensive treatment regimen at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. If this treatment did not take, she would be heading to hospice. Friends and family from around the world lined up next to her hospital bed, crying, telling her they loved her. “I called it death tourism,” McAlevey told me. She was grateful for it.

    When the treatment ended, with no hitches, McAlevey began negotiating her release. The blitz in Connecticut was to start at the end of the month. “I mean, I hadn’t reacted badly to any of their tests or treatments,” she told me. “I just wanted them to let me the hell out of here. And my doctor was, like, We’re not getting you out of here to go do some crazy thing with a bunch of people, and I said, ‘Yeah, actually, you are.’ ” McAlevey, the expert negotiator, won.

    By this past spring, Jane had defied doctors’ predictions: she was not dead. This piece of good news coincided with another—“Rules to Win By” was about to launch. On March 25th, McAlevey’s friends held a party to toast her accomplishments, including still being alive and completing a book.

    The party was at the People’s Forum, a political-education and event space in midtown Manhattan. In the morning, fifty or so guests joined a live discussion of McAlevey’s legacy for the podcast “The Dig.” McAlevey, who was wearing jeans, puffy purple shoes, and a sleeveless, peach blouse, took the stage, along with her interviewer, the Jacobin editor Micah Uetricht. Uetricht lobbed slow, arching questions at McAlevey that allowed her to reflect on her life’s work. Organizing is a craft. Everyone can do it, but it depends on concrete methods and skills. “Every day, for organizers, there’s a strategic choice, the possibility of choosing a way to win. I write books to call people out and say, ‘Let’s try to win today,’ ” McAlevey explained.

    When the session ended, I looked around the room. A few rows from me, an older, mustached man wearing a flannel shirt caught my eye. I recognized him as Marshall Ganz, a famed labor organizer with Cesar Chavez’s United Farm Workers campaign, who is widely credited with developing the grassroots model for Barack Obama’s 2008 Presidential run. Speaking softly, almost musically, he told me, “Jane and I, we belong to the same church. We fundamentally believe that people have power—not as props, not as resources, but as people with agency.” We were among the last guests still in the room when he pulled out his phone and began reading me a Mary Oliver poem that, he said, reminds him of McAlevey. “I look upon time as no more than an idea,” Ganz read. “Each body a lion of courage, and something / precious to the earth.”

    By evening, the rows of folding chairs had been cleared out to make a dance floor, bottles of wine and champagne had replaced the coffee carafes, and hot trays of catered Lebanese food lined the back walls. McAlevey had changed out of her jeans and wore a sweeping red dress and heels, with her head bare. The crowd milled around, sipping champagne, until the party’s m.c.s, two comedians, announced the first activity: Icebreaker Jane Bingo. Everyone received a bingo grid with squares containing phrases like “Too intimidated by Jane to hit on her”; “Have a selfie with Bernie Sanders”; “Are also dying.”

    In a toast, Janice Fine, Jane’s longtime friend and comrade, reported that McAlevey had fired her from the party-planning committee. “I was making things too emotional,” she chuckled. Bronwyn Dobchuk-Land, a friend of Jane’s from graduate school at CUNY and a criminal-justice professor at the University of Winnipeg, teased, “Well, Jane, if you had known your life was going to be cut short, do you think you would have come to Winnipeg three times? Joke’s on you.” Dobchuk-Land told of a time when Jane took a very pregnant Bronwyn on a vigorous walk to the top of Winnipeg’s “Garbage Hill,” precipitating Bronwyn’s labor. While Bronwyn was in the hospital, Jane cleaned her house, stocked her fridge, and did her laundry. She was the first friend to hold Bronwyn’s daughter. “And I believe she planned it that way,” Dobchuk-Land said. “To know Jane is to be organized by her.”

    #syndicalisme #USA

  • Explodierende Betriebskosten – warum viele Berliner Museen immer öfter geschlossen bleiben
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/kultur-vergnuegen/explodierende-betriebskosten-warum-viele-berliner-museen-immer-oeft

    Geld ist reichlich da bei den SMPK für ganz viel Selbstbeschäftigung und Tourismusoptimierung. Nur an der Zugänglichkeit wird ein bischen gespart. Was solls, das merkt doch keiner, ohne Besuchergewerkschaft.

    15.4.2024 von Harry Nutt - Von dieser Woche an bleiben einige Häuser der Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz montags und dienstags geschlossen. Warum das ein dramatisches Warnsignal ist.

    Die Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz (SPK) hat viel vor in diesem Jahr. In einer beinahe gehetzt wirkenden Veranstaltung präsentierten Hermann Parzinger und Co vergangene Woche stolz ihre Pläne. In der Abfolge von Ausstellungen, Konzerten und Einzelevents schien die geplante Eröffnung des Zentraldepots der Staatlichen Museen in Friedrichshagen fast unterzugehen.

    In Köpenick gelangt ein 100-Millionen-Projekt zum baulichen Abschluss, mit dem die Depots und Werkstätten, die sich bislang an verschiedenen Standorten befanden, auf einer Nutzungsfläche von 13.000 Quadratmetern zusammengeführt werden sollen. 2014 waren dort das Speichermagazin für die Staatsbibliothek, das Ibero-Amerikanische Institut und die bpk-Bildagentur für Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte in Betrieb genommen worden. Unmittelbar daneben ist zwischenzeitlich das Zentraldepot entstanden, ein imposanter Funktionsbau des Architekturbüros AV1 aus Kaiserslautern.

    Zahlreiche Häuser bleiben einen weiteren Tag geschlossen

    Die Stimmung ist allerdings gedämpft. Unmittelbar nach der Eröffnung, so hieß es hinter vorgehaltener Hand, müsse man womöglich wieder schließen. An allen Standorten explodieren die Betriebskosten. Vor diesem Hintergrund darf man die nun angekündigte Kürzung der Öffnungszeiten in vielen Museen auch als Warnschuss betrachten. Von diesem Dienstag an bleiben zahlreiche Häuser für einen weiteren Tag pro Woche geschlossen, die täglichen Öffnungszeiten werden verkürzt.

    Betroffen sind auf der Museumsinsel das Alte Museum und das Bode-Museum. Neue Regelungen gelten für Kunstbibliothek, Kupferstichkabinett und Kunstgewerbemuseum am Kulturforum sowie die Friedrichswerdersche Kirche, das Museum Europäischer Kulturen in Dahlem, die Sammlung Scharf-Gerstenberg in Charlottenburg und das Schloss Köpenick. Diese Häuser bleiben nach Angaben der SPK montags und dienstags geschlossen und reduzieren zudem teilweise ihre Öffnungszeiten zu den auch bisher weniger frequentierten Tageszeiten. Zugleich wolle man flexibler auf Besucherströme reagieren, sagte Hermann Parzinger gegenüber der Deutschen Presse-Agentur (dpa). Bei der in dieser Woche in der Alten Nationalgalerie eröffnenden Caspar-David-Friedrich-Ausstellung ist mit einer Ausdehnung der Zeiten bis in die Abendstunden zu rechnen.

    Zum SPK-Verbund gehören einige der bedeutendsten Museen der Welt. Nun jedoch könnte es immer häufiger heißen: vorübergehend geschlossen. Bei der von allen Beteiligten als Meilenstein beschworenen Reform der Preußenstiftung bleibt derweil die Finanzausstattung des Kulturtankers SPK weiterhin ausgespart.

    #Berlin #Museum #Kultur #Inflation

  • SNU : jusqu’à présent, j’avais héroïquement résisté à l’appel du point Godwin sur le sujet – auquel, au moins @marielle avait cédé –, mais là, les titillements de @biggrizzly forment la goutte de trop, je craque…

    Exclusif : voici l’uniforme du Service national universel
    https://www.parismatch.com/Actu/Societe/Exclusif-voici-l-uniforme-du-Service-national-universel-1618817

    Gabriel Attal dévoilera jeudi [18 avril 2019] la tenue officielle du SNU aux côtés des premiers jeunes volontaires qui testeront ce service national en juin. Paris Match vous la présente en exclusivité.
    Gabriel Attal, secrétaire d’Etat auprès du ministre de l’Education nationale, pose avec les 13 premiers volontaires du SNU.
    © Philippe Petit

    Le projet des jeunes du lycée Le Corbusier à Tourcoing, l’a emporté. Avec une cocarde tricolore et un slogan : « Jeunesse engagée. » Une idée des élèves de première de la filière architecture et design. Ils ont gagné le concours lancé par Gabriel Attal, secrétaire d’Etat auprès du ministre de l’Education nationale , en charge du Service national universel (SNU). Une tenue faite par des jeunes pour des jeunes.


    Les volontaires du SNU et le secrétaire d’Etat Attal au pied de l’Arc de Triomphe. [variante sans le blouson, « tenue de travail » ?]
    © Philippe Petit

    [EDIT : comme l’adresse de la photo de Match ne passe pas (présence d’une virgule), j’ai été piocher sur le site de Révolution permanente ;-)
    mêmes photos du service de presse, mais titre un peu différent :
    Embrigadement. Service National Universel : bientôt les jeunes déguisés en policiers
    deux salles, deux ambiances]

    et donc, l’évident :


    BNF Gallica, via WP


    Le Maréchal Pétain passe en revue un groupe des chefs des Chantiers de Jeunesse.
    Source : Collection particulière.

    via : https://www.cheminsdememoire.gouv.fr/index.php/fr/les-chantiers-de-la-jeunesse

    mais aussi, avec les déclinaisons
    les chefs


    Tenue de sortie, Tenue de travail, Chef musulman [pour l’Afrique du nord], Chantiers de la Marine
    mais aussi, pour la troupe [к рядовым членам, les « membres ordinaires » dit le texte

    Tenue de sortie, Musique, Tenue de travail, Garde du drapeau
    via https://catherine-catty.livejournal.com/832198.html (en russe…)

  • C’est pas le gros drame, mais ça me semble la suite du psycho-drame de Carnon qui veut faire payer le parking du Grand Travers, mais qui est (était ?) bloqué parce que le terrain ne lui appartient pas (ça appartient au Littoral)… : hier donc il faisait 28°, alors évidemment entre les vacances, le week-end et la chaleur, tout #Montpellier s’était donné rendez-vous à la plage. Et la plage familiale de Montpellier, c’est le Grand Travers, entre Carnon et la Grande Motte.

    Arrivé là, le parking du Grand Travers (le grand parking gratuit de 1000 places que la municipalité rêve de rendre payant) est fermé, depuis des mois, pour cause de « travaux ». Et l’autre parking (le payant, un peu plus petit), hé ben il est fermé aussi (pourquoi ? on ne sait pas).

    Donc hier, toutes les familles de Montpellier en train d’errer pour réussir tenter de trouver une place pour se garer. (Mission impossible : j’ai déposé la familia à la plage et je suis allé dessiner à La Grande Motte.)

    (Et pour les ceusses qui ne suivraient pas : Carnon, c’est aussi un de ces bleds qui ne veulent surtout pas faire partie de la Métropole de Montpellier et qui refusent absolument que le tram aille jusqu’à la mer. J’y ai habité pendant mes études : c’est même pas vraiment une ville qui existe avec des habitants : c’est une station balnéaire vide la plupart de l’année, avec des studios à louer l’été. Le reste du temps, c’était la même ambiance que dans 28 Jours plus tard. La seule raison d’être de ce truc, c’est de maximiser le pognon soutiré aux touristes, mais en ne vivant surtout pas là. Et donc, autant que possible, éviter que les habitants de Montpellier et la région viennent profiter de la plage, parce que ce ne sont pas les consommateurs captifs dont on veut.)

  • German colonial genocide in Namibia the #Hornkranz massacre

    Introduction

    On 12 April 1893, German colonial troops attacked the Nama settlement of ||Nâ‡gâs, known today as Hornkranz. Their intent was to destroy the settlement and its people, after its leader, Hendrik Witbooi, refused to sign so-called ‘protection’ treaties—tools of the German colonial administration for controlling sovereign indigenous nations and their lands. As their presence in what they declared in 1885 as ‘German Southwest Africa’ grew, the German regime was increasingly unwilling to tolerate the independence and agency exercised by Hendrik Witbooi and his clan in the face of the encroaching German empire.

    In their attack on Hornkranz, the Germans wanted to both make an example of the Witbooi clan and to punish them for their defiant rejection of German rule. Curt von Francois, who led the attack, made his objective clear: ‘to exterminate the Witbooi tribe’ (Bundesarchiv, R 1001/1483, p. 46). In this premeditated act of erasure, his troops massacred almost eighty women and children before capturing another hundred, burned what remained of the settlement to the ground, and established a garrison, rendering it impossible for survivors to return.

    Though the genocide of the Nama, Ovaherero and other peoples indigenous to what is now modern-day Namibia is widely recognised to have taken place between 1904 and 1908, the Nama people remember this massacre as the true first act in the genocide against them. This is substantiated not only by the clarity of the German objective to destroy the |Khowesin as a people, but also by the retrospective reading of Hornkranz as a clear precedent of the systemic tactics of dispossession and destruction that would be used by the Germans against the Nama, the Ovaherero, the San, and others in the years to come.

    Outside of the descendant communities, the events at Hornkranz have until now been overlooked and underrepresented, as has the cultural significance of the settlement itself within the dominant historiography, broadly based on the German visual and narrative record. The site of the former Witbooi settlement was expropriated and today constitutes a private farm, access to which is possible only with special permission from its owner. The descendants of Hornkranz are rarely able to visit their own cultural heritage sites and commemorate the struggle of their ancestors.

    The faint extant traces of the Witbooi settlement at Hornkranz can be identified today only with the guidance of the descendants and the historians that learned from them. Two plaques on the site are the only indications of the Nama presence on that land. One plaque was inaugurated by the community in 1997, the only occasion on which they were able to gather to commemorate the massacre at the site where it took place. The other plaque (date unknown) glorifies the German troops, even going so far as to include an offensive slur for the Nama; the massacre is described as a ‘battle’, conveying little of the atrocities perpetrated there.

    The descendants of Hornkranz and the wider Nama community continue to struggle for justice and for opportunities to correct the historical record and tell the story of Hornkranz on their own terms. In support of their efforts to resist this erasure, we worked with descendants, who have inherited knowledge of their community’s history through oral transmission over multiple generations, to reconstruct the lost settlement and produce a new body of visual evidence about the massacre and its aftermath. Led by their testimonies, we used modelling and mapping techniques along with our own field research and a very limited archival record to situate their accounts and rematerialize Hornkranz.

    Our reconstruction of the Witbooi settlement at Hornkranz aims to underscore the vitality of oral tradition in the act of reconstituting the colonial archive and testifies to the oral transmission of inherited knowledge as an ongoing act of resistance in itself.
    Background

    The |Khowesin (Witbooi) people, a semi-nomadic subtribe of the wider Nama peoples, settled around the perennial spring at Hornkranz in 1884-1885, the very period during which the Berlin Conference, formalising the fragmentation of Africa into colonies and protectorates, was taking place. The chief of the Witbooi clan, Hendrik Witbooi, later went on to become one of the most prominent figures of anti-colonial resistance in Southwest Africa, uniting all Nama clans and later forming a coalition with the Ovaherero to fight against the German colonial regime.

    Following the establishment of their settlement in Hornkranz, the Witbooi Nama lived relatively undisturbed until 1892, when first attempts to compel Hendrik Witbooi into signing a protection treaty began. Hendrik Witbooi, aware that the true objective of the so-called ‘protection treaties’ was nothing short of subjugation, was the last leader to refuse to comply:

    What are we being protected against? From what danger or difficulty, or suffering can one chief be protected by another? […] I see no truth or sense, in the suggestion that a chief who has surrendered may keep his autonomy and do as he likes.

    The German attempt to secure control over the peoples inhabiting the colony and their land is manifested in their mapping efforts. The first map we found featuring Hornkranz dates to 1892, the same year that the Germans began demanding the Witbooi sign such treaties. Despite Witbooi’s refusal to sign, Hornkranz is labelled in these German maps as ‘proposed Crown Land’ already six months before the attack—the very act of cartographic representation prefiguring the expulsion and massacre to follow less than a year later.

    After the Germans attacked Hornkranz, the Witboois were finally forced to concede and sign one of the protection treaties they had so long been resisting.

    A decade later, in 1904, the Nama joined the Ovaherero in an anti-colonial struggle against German rule. In response, the Germans issued an extermination order against the Ovaherero and later, another against the Nama. Hendrik Witbooi died in battle on 29 October 1905. Following his death, the Nama tribes surrendered. The extermination order against the Nama was never revoked.
    12 April 1893: The Attack and Aftermath

    The German troops approached the settlement in the early hours of 12 April, planning to attack under the cover of night without any warning. They then split into three contingents—a recounting of this strategy is recorded in the diary of Kurd Schwabe, one of the perpetrators of the attack. Von Francois led the attack from the northern side, entering the village first, while Schwabe approached from the east.

    Hendrik Witbooi, who was allegedly sitting outside of his house when he noticed the approaching troops, ordered all Nama fighters to retreat and take up defensive positions along the riverbed, where he expected the ensuing battle to take place. Instead, the German troops stopped when they reached the sleeping village and proceeded to target the defenceless population that had stayed behind. The brutality of the onslaught came as a shock to Hendrik Witbooi, who had not expected the Germans to unleash such ‘uncivilised’ tactics upon another sovereign nation.

    Sixteen thousand rounds of bullets were reportedly discharged by the Germans in the span of just thirty minutes. According to the testimony of descendants and corroborated by Schwabe’s diary, some victims were burned alive in their homes.

    The canisters recovered from the site during our fieldwork in September 2023 indicate where some exchange of fire may have taken place while the Witbooi fighters were retreating. While the found bullets were identified as those used by the Witbooi Nama, their location and distribution also corroborates written descriptions of the massacre unfolding in the inhabited area of the settlement, with stored ammunition exploding from inside the burning houses.

    The massacre yielded 88 victims: ten men, including one of Hendrik Witbooi’s sons, and 78 women and children.

    The following day, the German troops returned to raze what remained of the settlement to the ground. Promptly after, a garrison was established on the ashes of the Witbooi settlement, reinforcing the Germans’ clear intention to claim the land and prevent the Witboois from ever returning.

    Over the next year, the Witbooi Nama made several attempts to return to Hornkranz, resulting in four more skirmishes on the site. Eventually, they were forced to sign a protection treaty in Naukluft in August 1894, which cemented the dispossession of their land.

    The treaty meant that the Witbooi Nama were now obliged to assist the Schutztruppen in their battles against other tribes, most devastatingly at the Battle of Waterberg in August 1904 (see our Phase 1 investigation of this event). Once the Nama realised the true genocidal intent of the Schutztruppen, they united with the Ovaherero against colonial rule. The extermination order against the Nama was issued on 22 April 1905.

    After the genocidal war ended in 1908, Hornkranz was sold off to a private owner and a police station was established on its premises. Today, the police station building is the main farmhouse.

    Nama descendants are seeking to establish the 1893 massacre as the first act of genocide against the Nama, and 12 April as the official Genocide Remembrance Day in Namibia.

    This investigation—part of a larger collaboration between Forensic Architecture, Forensis, Nama Traditional Leaders Association (NTLA) and Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA)—seeks to support the community’s broader efforts to make the site accessible for commemoration and preservation.

    Methodology
    What Remains

    Little material evidence of Hornkranz survives today. This is in part due to the scale and totality of destruction by the Germans; but it is also a testament to the Witbooi’s steadfast resistance to being documented by the colonial regime, as well as to the light footprint the Nama exerted on the land through their semi-nomadic inhabitation and subsistence. The archival record about the Witbooi and Hornkranz is also sparse and skewed. Alongside an incomplete and biased colonial description of the massacre and the settlement, the only visual representation of Hornkranz on record is a soldier’s crude sketch showing its houses set alight by the German troops on the night of the massacre. The memory of Hornkranz as it was at the time of the attack lives on instead through the descendant communities who have inherited the testimonies of their forebearers about its material culture, rituals, life and environmental practices; our reconstruction and understanding of Hornkranz is possible only insofar as we are led by their testimonies.

    Around the rectangular patch where Hendrik Witbooi’s house once stood, Maboss Ortman and Lazarus Kairabeb, NTLA advisors, identified stones they said are the ruins of the house. Right next to it is the only stone foundation in the settlement, that of a church still under construction at the time of the German assault. These two traces anchored us spatially when we began the 3D reconstruction. We were told by Zak Dirkse, a Nama historian, that Hendrik Witbooi’s house was located higher up in the settlement, with the other houses further down toward the river.

    The other remains and known landmarks of the original Hornkranz settlement help us to navigate it and determine its approximate boundaries. During our visit to the site, the farm owner pointed us to a long strip of clustered stones he explained were the remains of the settlement’s defensive walls, some 300 metres north-west of the church ruins. To the south, by the river, the settlement’s former cemetery is marked by the spread of small rectangular cut stones marking each grave. Further along the river, Maboss and Lazarus showed us the remains of two defensive ramparts, guard outposts downhill from the settlement on its outer edges. They recounted that these ramparts were identifiable to the Witbooi from a distance by a white cornerstone that stands out among the brown stones the rest of the rampart is made of. The ramparts are placed along the hill leading down to the river and would have had a wide lookout view. A few steps to the west of one of the ramparts, we found what brought the Witbooi to this area, a rare perennial spring, which acted not only as a fresh water source for the village, but as a lifeline to the fauna and flora on which the Witbooi relied to survive. Since the early 20th century, this spring has been surrounded to its north by a concrete dam. By establishing this constellation of remains and landmarks, we were able to clarify the approximate outer edges of the settlement.

    Reconstruction

    To reconstruct the Hornkranz settlement, departing from the few architectural landmarks at our disposal, we replicated the architecture of each house and the elements of family life around it, estimated the area of inhabitation within the settlement, and constructed possible layouts of house distribution within the settlement. This reconstruction was led by the close guidance of descendants of the Witbooi we met with in Gibeon, the expertise of Nama historian Zak Dirkse, and the feedback of the Witbooi Royal House council, the representative body of the Witbooi Nama. Our model represents the most comprehensive visual reconstruction of the Witbooi settlement to date.

    Architecture of the Settlement

    Houses in Hornkranz consisted mostly of round domed huts, between four and five metres in diameter, and constructed with cladding made out of reed mat or a mix of animal dung and clay. Zak explained that these huts would have been constructed on a light foundation made up of the same dung and clay mixture spread on the ground. A central pole would act as the main structural pillar on which the reed mats would rest. According to members of the Witbooi descendants, alongside these huts there would have been other houses built of stone, like that of Hendrik Witbooi. Descendants also explained that houses typically had two entrances opposite one another and positioned on an east-west axis with the main entrance facing east.

    Working with the community descendants and Zak, we used 3D modelling software to reconstruct what a typical family home would have looked like. We were told that outside the houses, many families would have had a round kraal lined with a light wooden fence where they kept smaller livestock. Close to the main entrance, they would also have had a fireplace and a simple wooden rack to hang and dry meat. The main kraal of the settlement was near the chief’s house, where a separate storage hut also stood.

    The light environmental trace of the Nama, the German colonial army’s obliteration of the settlement, the failure of subsequent administrations to engage in preservation efforts, and the conversion of the land into a private farm all make it difficult to locate definitive traces of the layout and location of homes based on what little remains at the modern-day site. Nevertheless, by closely reading the texture of the ground, we found possible traces of cleared, round areas surrounded by larger rocks, and noted areas of sparse vegetation growth, a potential indicator of the impact of the huts’ clay-dung foundations. We marked five possible sites where Witbooi homes might have stood.

    Zak explained that a defensive wall would have flanked the settlement along its more vulnerable northern and eastern fronts. We studied the contours of the landscape to estimate, based on the presence of limited remains, how the wall might have cut through the landscape. We estimate that the eastern wall may have been constructed along the peak of the hill to the settlement’s east, given its optical reach and defensive position.

    Area of Inhabitation

    To estimate the area of inhabitation and the settlement’s population, we studied the remaining ruins of the settlement, the terrain of the landscape, and the land’s geological features.

    Houses, we were told, would have been built on flatter ground. We used a 12.5 metre resolution digital elevation model (DEM) to build the terrain in our 3D model and further analysed it in geographic information system (GIS) software. From the DEM, we extracted the contour lines of the landscape and conducted a slope analysis, which calculates the percentage of slope change in the settlement. Analysis of the contours and the areas of low slope help to define the curvature of the settlement’s inhabitation.
    Contour Analysis - 1 metre contours of the site of Hornkranz derived from a digital elevation model (DEM). (Forensic Architecture/Forensis)

    We then traced and excluded uninhabitable geological features from the area of potential inhabitation, including bodies of water and large embedded rock formations. Together, the land’s features, its topography, and our estimated location of the defensive wall help establish where people may have lived.

    Layout of Hornkranz

    Building on the traces of potential houses we previously identified within the landscape and the descendant’s description of the settlement, we were able to algorithmically model potential layouts of the settlement. We used the 3D procedural modelling software application Houdini to design an algorithm that would generate possible layouts of the settlement according to a set of rules, including our defined area of potential inhabitation and the approximate space each household would need for its family life (which we approximate to be a radius of 10 metres). The rules fed to the algorithm were that the houses had to be at least 20 metres apart, each house was approximately 5 metres in size, and there were sixty houses in total with a deviation of +/- ten houses.

    According to the Hornkranz descendants, there would have been around four to six people per household. With an average of five people per household, we estimate the population to be around 300 people per household.
    Number of inhabitants

    The exact population size of Hornkranz at the time of the attack is not known. Sources provide estimates ranging from 250 up to nearly one thousand inhabitants.

    In addition to the members of the |Khowesin Nama clan, Hendrik Witbooi also gathered followers from other clans at Hornkranz, including the ǀAixaǀaen (Afrikaner Oorlams), ǁKhauǀgoan (Swartbooi Nama), Khaiǁkhaun (Red Nation Nama) and ǂAonin (Topnaar Nama). Indeed, the various Nama subtribes were elastic social entities.

    We estimated the 1893 population of Hornkranz by referencing the reported number of individuals killed and captured. Hendrik Witbooi wrote in his diary that 88 people were killed by the Germans that day, 78 of them women and children and ten of them men, with one hundred women and children captured by German colonial forces. Other sources indicate a similar number of casualties: 85 women and children, and ten men (Missonary Olpp, cited in Steinmetz 2009). Descendant narratives also mention the successful escape of some women and children during the German assault. Assuming that before the attack, women and children totalled at least 178 (according to Hendrik Witbooi’s figures), and that women and children made up around three out of five family members in an average household, we estimate there could have been around sixty households and three hundred people in Hornkranz on the dawn of the German attack.

    https://forensic-architecture.org/investigation/restituting-evidence-genocide-and-reparations-in-german-colon

    #Allemagne #colonialisme #massacre #génocide #Namibie #architecture_forensique #histoire #histoire_coloniale #témoignage #Nama #Hendrik_Witbooi #Witbooi #Curt_von_Francois #Ovaherero #San

    ping @reka

  • L’échec des protestations de masse à l’ère de l’atomisation
    https://lvsl.fr/lechec-des-protestations-de-masse-a-lere-de-latomisation

    L’époque est marquée par une résurgence des protestations, et une radicalisation de leur mode opératoire. Paradoxalement, elles ont une prise de moins en moins forte sur la réalité politique. Que l’on pense à l’invasion du Capitole aux États-Unis à l’issue de la défaite de Donald Trump, ou aux manifestations de masse qui secouent aujourd’hui l’Europe sur la question palestinienne, un gouffre se creuse entre les moyens déployés et l’impact sur le cours des choses. Pour le comprendre, il faut appréhender les décennies d’atomisation qui ont conduit à la situation actuelle, où la politique de masse semble condamnée à l’impuissance. Par Anton Jäger, traduction Alexandra Knez.
    Cet article a été originellement publié sur Sidecar, le blog de la New Left Review, sous le titre « Political Instincts ? ».

    Deux hommes en tenue paramilitaire de piètre qualité se tiennent l’un à côté de l’autre, leurs casquettes MAGA dépassant la marée tourbillonnante de drapeaux et de mégaphones. « On peut prendre ce truc », s’exclame le premier. « Et après, on fera quoi ? », demande son compagnon. « On mettra des têtes sur des piques ». Trois ans plus tard, ces scènes rocambolesques de l’émeute du Capitole du 6 janvier, désormais bien ancrées dans l’inconscient politique, apparaissent comme un miroir grossissant de l’époque. Elles illustrent surtout une culture dans laquelle l’action politique a été découplée de ses résultats concrets.

    Ce soulèvement a incité des milliers d’Américains à envahir le siège de l’hégémonie mondiale. Pourtant, cette action n’a pas eu de conséquences institutionnelles tangibles. Le palais d’hiver américain a été pris d’assaut, mais cela n’a pas débouché sur un coup d’État révolutionnaire ni sur un affrontement entre deux pouvoirs. Au lieu de cela, la plupart des insurgés – des fantassins de la lumpenbourgeoisie américaine, des vendeurs de cosmétiques new-yorkais aux agents immobiliers floridiens – ont rapidement été arrêtés sur le chemin du retour, incriminés par leurs livestreams et leurs publications sur les réseaux sociaux. Aujourd’hui, il ne reste plus grand-chose de cette fronde trumpienne, alors que l’ex-président se prépare à sa prochaine croisade. Un putsch similaire au Brésil n’a pas non plus abouti.

    • Le XIXè siècle a été marqué par un besoin plus pressant de garantir une passivité politique généralisée. Comme l’a fait remarquer Moses Finley, être citoyen dans l’Athènes d’Aristote c’était de facto être actif, avec peu de distinction entre les droits civiques et politiques, et des frontières rigides entre les esclaves et les non-esclaves. Dans les années 1830 et 1840, le mouvement pour le suffrage universel a rendu ces démarcations impossibles. Les prolétaires ambitionnaient de se transformer en citoyens actifs, menaçant ainsi l’ordre établi du règne de la propriété privée construit après 1789. Pour enrayer cette perspective, il fallait construire une nouvelle cité censitaire, dans laquelle les masses seraient exclues de la prise de décision, tandis que les élites pourraient continuer à mettre en œuvre la soi-disant volonté démocratique. Le régime plébiscitaire de Louis Bonaparte III, qualifié de « politique du sac de pommes de terre » dans Le 18 Brumaire de Marx, en est une manifestation. Cette « antirévolution créative », comme l’a appelée Hans Rosenberg, était une tentative de cadrer le suffrage universel en le plaçant dans des contraintes autoritaires qui permettraient la modernisation capitaliste.

      Walter Bagehot – sommité du magazine The Economist, théoricien de la Banque centrale et chantre de la Constitution anglaise – a défendu le coup d’État de Bonaparte en 1851 comme le seul moyen de concilier démocratisation et accumulation du capital. « Nous n’avons pas d’esclaves à contenir par des terreurs spéciales et une législation indépendante », écrivait-il. « Mais nous avons des classes entières incapables de comprendre l’idée d’une constitution, incapables de ressentir le moindre attachement à des lois impersonnelles. Le bonapartisme était une solution naturelle. La question a été posée au peuple français : « Voulez-vous être gouvernés par Louis Napoléon ? Serez-vous gouvernés par Louis Napoléon ou par une assemblée ? » Le peuple français répondit : « Nous serons gouvernés par le seul homme que nous pouvons imaginer, et non par le grand nombre de personnes que nous ne pouvons pas imaginer ».

      Bagehot affirmait que les socialistes et les libéraux qui se plaignaient de l’autoritarisme de Bonaparte étaient eux-mêmes coupables de trahir la démocratie. Commentant le résultat d’un plébiscite de 1870 qui a ratifié certaines des réformes de Bonaparte, il a affirmé que ces critiques « devraient apprendre […] que s’ils sont de vrais démocrates, ils ne devraient plus tenter de perturber l’ordre existant, au moins pendant la vie de l’empereur ». Pour eux, écrivait-il, « la démocratie semble consister le plus souvent à utiliser librement le nom du peuple contre la grande majorité du peuple ». Telle était la réponse capitaliste appropriée à la politique de masse : l’atomisation forcée du peuple – réprimant le syndicalisme pour garantir les intérêts du capital, avec le soutien passif d’une société démobilisée.

      Richard Tuck a décrit les nouvelles variantes de cette tradition au XXè siècle, dont témoignent les travaux de Vilfredo Pareto, Kenneth Arrow et Mancur Olson, entre autres. Pour ces personnalités, l’action collective et la mise en commun des intérêts étaient exigeantes et peu attrayantes ; le vote aux élections était généralement exercé avec réticence plutôt qu’avec conviction ; les syndicats profitaient autant aux membres qu’aux non-membres ; et les termes du contrat social devaient souvent être imposés par la force.

      Dans les années 1950, Arrow a recyclé une idée proposée à l’origine par le marquis de Condorcet, affirmant qu’il était théoriquement impossible pour trois électeurs d’assurer une harmonie parfaite entre leurs préférences (si l’électeur un préférait A à B et C, l’électeur deux B à C et A, et l’électeur trois C à A et B, la formation d’une préférence majoritaire était impossible sans une intervention dictatoriale). Le « théorème d’impossibilité » d’Arrow a été considéré comme une preuve que l’action collective elle-même était pleine de contradictions ; Olson l’a radicalisé pour promouvoir sa thèse selon laquelle le parasitisme était la règle plutôt que l’exception dans les grandes organisations. Ainsi la conclusion selon laquelle l’homme n’est pas naturellement enclin à la politique a fini par dominer ce domaine de la littérature sceptique de l’après-guerre.

      Vers la fin du vingtième siècle, avec la baisse drastique de la participation électorale, la forte baisse du nombre de jours de grève et le processus plus large de retrait de la vie politique organisée, l’apolitisme humain a semblé passer d’un discours académique à une réalité empirique. Alors que Kant parlait d’une « insociable sociabilité », on pourrait désormais parler d’une « insociabilité sociable » : une insociabilité qui renforce l’atomisation au lieu de la sublimer.

      Toutefois, comme l’a montré la décennie de contestations, la formule de Bagehot ne tient plus. Le soutien passif à l’ordre en place ne peut être assuré ; les citoyens sont prêts à se révolter en grand nombre. Pourtant, les mouvements sociaux naissants restent paralysés par l’offensive néolibérale contre la société civile. Comment conceptualiser au mieux cette nouvelle conjoncture ? Le concept d’ « hyperpolitique » – une forme de politisation sans conséquences politiques claires – peut s’avérer utile. La post-politique s’est achevée dans les années 2010. La sphère publique a été repolitisée et réenchantée, mais dans des termes plus individualistes et court-termistes, évoquant la fluidité et l’éphémérité du monde en ligne. Il s’agit d’une forme d’action politique toujours « modique » – peu coûteuse, accessible, de faible durée et, trop souvent, de faible valeur. Elle se distingue à la fois de la post-politique des années 1990, dans laquelle le public et le privé ont été radicalement séparés, et des politiques de masse traditionnelles du vingtième siècle. Ce qui nous reste, c’est un sourire sans chat (ndlr. Le chat de Cheshire d’Alice aux pays des merveilles) : une action politique sans influence sur les politiques gouvernementales ni liens institutionnels.

      Si le présent hyperpolitique semble refléter le monde en ligne – avec son curieux mélange d’activisme et d’atomisation – il peut également être comparé à une autre entité amorphe : le marché. Comme l’a noté Hayek, la psychologie de la planification et la politique de masse sont étroitement liées : les politiciens guettent leurs opportunités sur des décennies ; Les planificateurs soviétiques évaluaient les besoins humains au travers de plans quinquennaux ; Mao, très conscient de la longue durée, a hiberné en exil rural pendant plus de vingt ans ; les nazis mesuraient leur temps en millénaires. L’horizon du marché, lui, est beaucoup plus proche : les oscillations du cycle économique offrent des récompenses instantanées. Aujourd’hui, les hommes politiques se demandent s’ils peuvent lancer leur campagne en quelques semaines, les citoyens manifestent pour une journée, les influenceurs pétitionnent ou protestent avec un tweet monosyllabique.

      Il en résulte une prépondérance des « guerres de mouvement » sur les « guerres de position », les principales formes d’engagement politique étant aussi éphémères que les transactions commerciales. Il s’agit plus d’une question de nécessité que de choix : l’environnement législatif pour la mise en place d’institutions durables reste hostile, et les militants doivent faire face à un paysage social vicié et à une Kulturindustrie d’une ampleur sans précédent. Sous ces contraintes structurelles se cachent des questions de stratégie. Si l’internet a radicalement réduit les coûts de l’expression politique, il a également pulvérisé le terrain de la politique radicale, brouillant les frontières entre le parti et la société et engendrant un chaos d’acteurs en ligne. Comme le remarquait Eric Hobsbawm, la négociation collective « par l’émeute » reste préférable à l’apathie post-politique.

      La jacquerie des agriculteurs européens au cours des derniers mois indique clairement le potentiel (conservateur) de ces guerres de mouvement. Cependant, en l’absence de modèles d’adhésion formalisés, il est peu probable que la politique de protestation contemporaine nous ramène aux années « superpolitiques » de la décennie 1930. Au contraire, elle pourrait donner lieu à des reproductions postmodernes de soulèvements paysans de l’ancien régime : une oscillation entre la passivité et l’activité, mais qui réduit rarement le différentiel de pouvoir global au sein de la société. D’où la reprise en forme de K des années 2020 : une trajectoire qui n’aurait agréé ni à Bagehot, ni à Marx.

    • Texte original (EN) https://seenthis.net/messages/1049204

      Très intéressant.

      Le sujet mérite qu’on s’intéresse à ses raisons et expressions matérielles précises. Le texte en qustion ne mentionne jamais les relations entre les classes économiques et nous prive ainsi d’une compréhention effective du problème.


      Là on nous décrit des phénomènes et indique quelques penseurs non-matérialistes historiques qui ont travaillé sur la philosophie politique. Bref c’est le point de vue des puissants . Il faudra développer les idées en attaquant la réalité.

      cf. https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Th%C3%A8ses_sur_Feuerbach

      Le titre français de l’article est intéressant parce qu’il n’a rien à faire avec le sens de l’article. « Political Instinct ? » est le titre du text anglais. On y apprend qu’il y a « atomisation » et baisse des journées de grève mais c’est tout. On le savait déjà. On peut aller plus loin en passant de la théorie à la pratique.

      Conséquence de la réflexion : il faut défendre les organisations ouvrières et travailler pour la constitution de structures acceuillantes, solidaires et solides qui seront adaptées à notre existence à l’ère de l’internet.

      #politique #philosophie #libéralisme #société #organisations #mouvement_ouvrier #activisme #individualisme

  • Wohaaa, je suis sur le cul.
    Valentina Terechkova (Majore Gale) (Валентина Терешкова), première femme dans l’espace, non seulement, elle vit encore, mais elle est membre de la Douma.
    Elle est en politique depuis 66.

    Page wiki : https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%A2%D0%B5%D1%80%D0%B5%D1%88%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B0%2C_%D0%92%D0%B0

  • Concernant la culture généralisée du mensonge au sein de l’armée de l’état sioniste selon le témoignage d’un officier de cette armée

    צה"ל שבוי בתרבות ארגונית של שקרים והולכת שולל
    https://mida.org.il/2022/02/17/%D7%A6%D7%94%D7%9C-%D7%A9%D7%91%D7%95%D7%99-%D7%91%D7%AA%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%95%

    צה"ל שבוי בתרבות ארגונית של שקרים והולכת שולל

    יצחק בריק | 17/02/2022 
    מיוחד ל’מידה’: האלוף (במיל׳) יצחק בריק שימש בין היתר גם בתור נציב קבילות החיילים, חושף עדויות של מפקדים בצה"ל על תרבות והרגלים של שקרים וטיוחים. אם הנושא לא יטופל ומיד – זה עוד יעלה לנו ביוקר.

    מה קורה לצה"ל? הרמטכ"ל אביב כוכבי (צילום: דובר צה"ל)
    לאחרונה העידו בפניי חיילים, מפקדים זוטרים ובכירים רבים מיחידות קרביות, במכתבים ששלחו אלי ופגישות דיסקרטיות שקיימתי עם חלק מהבכירים, רובם ככולם העידו בפניי מדם ליבם על תרבות השקר והולכת שולל בצה״ל ההולכת ומתרחבת לממדים שמעולם לא היו מוכרים בצה״ל, אף כי הדברים ששמעתי לא זרים לי ואף הוצאתי דוחות קשים בנידון בהיותי נציב קבילות החיילים, התרשמתי שהתופעה הנוראה הזו הולכת ומתפשטת בצה״ל כאש בשדה קוצים. כבר בראשית דברי אני רוצה לומר שיש לנו בצה״ל מפקדים קצינים ראויים, אמינים וישרים, אך הם הולכים ומתמעטים בפני הגל העכור השוטף את הצבא, אשר גורם לרבים מאוד מהטובים לעזוב את שרות הקבע, או לא להתגייס כלל לקבע ארוך.

    אצטט בפניכם מספר משפטים שעלו בפניי ע״י מפקדים זוטרים ובכירים, וזה רק קצה הקרחון ממה ששמעתי. ( ברצוני לציין שנפגשתי עם כל קצין בנפרד ואף אחד מהם לא ידע על פגישות שלי עם הקצינים האחרים):

    ״אין לחיילים, לנגדים, לקצינים ולמפקדים גם ברמות הבכירות שום בעיה לשקר לרמה הממונה, והרמה הממונה אוהבת את זה כי זה לא מחייב אותה להתמודד עם בעיות שאינם מוצגות לה והיא יכולה גם להמשיך להציג תמונה טובה כלפי מעלה״.

    מפקד נוסף טען בפניי כי ״תופעה מאוד נפוצה היא שקרים, עיגול פינות, טיוח, תיאום עמדות וזיוף בתחקירים על אירועים חמורים, הדוגמאות הן רבות מאוד שחלקן התפרסם בתקשורת, מות החייל מגדוד הסיור של חטיבת הצנחנים בשיטפון בנחל חילזון בצפון, פציעתו הקשה של החייל עילי חיות ממגלן, טיוח, תיאום עמדות והשקרים של המפקדים לאחר האסון, זיוף גיוס החרדים ע״י קצינים בכירים באכ״א, הצגת מצגות שווא לממשלה, לוועדת חוץ וביטחון ולבג"צ. אלה הם רק קצה הקרחון מהדוגמאות שאני יכול לתת״.

    קצין בכיר מעל דרגת סא״ל, שעסק רבות בתחקור אירועים חמורים בתחום המבצעי, בתחום תאונות דרכים ונושאים נוספים, סיפר לי כי ״הוא נתקל בתופעה חמורה מאוד של ניסיון המעורבים לעגל פינות, לטייח, לתאם עמדות לפני התחקיר ולשקר במצח נחושה בתחקיר עצמו״.

    תרבות השקר מדבקת

    ״בתעסוקות המבצעיות משקרים ללא מצמוץ בעיניים, יש מ״פים ומג״דים המציגים פעילות מזויפת כלפי הממונים עליהם, פעילות שאין להם כלל כוח אדם ואמצעים לבצעה, אבל זה נותן להם קרידיט מהפיקוד שמעליהם שהם לוקחים יוזמה ומבצעים מעבר למוטל עליהם, בכך הם משיגים הערכה גבוהה יותר לפעילות הגדוד בגזרת התעסוקה, יש מצבים שהמ״פ מציג תכנית פעילות של הפלוגה לשבוע הבא, והמג״ד מבקש מהמ״פ שירשום פעילויות נוספות אף כי הוא יודע שאין ביכולתו של המ״פ לבצעם, העיקר שזה יראה למח״ט ולמפקד האוגדה שהגדוד לוקח על עצמו יוזמה ומשימות נוספות״.

    ״חלק מהמ״פים משקרים למפקדיהם במסמכים ובמצגות שלהם על השגי פלוגותיהם, פשוט מזייפים את התוצאות של השגי הפלוגה בתחומים המקצועיים עליהם הם נמדדים באימונים, בהכשרות, בתעסוקות ובמבצעים. חלק ממפקדי הגדודים משתפים פעולה עם השקר, משום שאת הנתונים המזויפים האלה הם מעבירים למעלה למח״ט ומשם זה עובר למפקד האוגדה ולעיתים לאלוף, ועל פי הנתונים המזויפים תמונת מצבו של הגדוד נתפסת כטובה יותר וזה גם מוסיף נקודות להערכתו של המג״ד ע״י מפקדיו. היות והמג״ד יודע היטב שאף אחד לא יבדוק את הנתונים שהוא מעביר, וככל שהנתונים מראים על הצלחה גדולה יותר זה מחזק את כולם כלפי המומנים עליהם, הרי שזה מאוד משתלם לשקר, דובריי האמת יוצאים מופסדים, כי הם פוגעים בתמונת הדימוי הטובה של היחידה והם נתפסים כבכיינים אשר אינם הולכים בתלם. ולכן רבים מאוד שרוצים להמשיך בצבא קבע מצטרפים לתרבות השקר שהיא מאוד משתלמת לכולם, הטובים בורחים החוצה״

    הרמטכ"ל, אביב כוכבי (צילום: דובר צה"ל)
    ״לקראת ביקורים של מפקד בכיר ( מח״ט, מפקד אוגדה, אלוף)בחלק מהגדודים מכינים מצגות שהקשר בינם לבין האמת לא קיים, מכינים את הביקור במסדר נשק ניקיון המגורים והמחנה, כולל מכתיבים לפקודיהם שהם מפקדים זוטרים וחיילים כיצד להשיב במידה והם ישאלו שאלה ע״י הקצין הבכיר שמגיע לביקור ביחידה. גם מכתיבים להם מה להגיד בפגישה עם המפקד הבכיר, הצגה מזוייפת אחת גדולה שמכינים לקראת ביקורים וביקורות של קצינים בכירים ביחידה, או לגורמי חוץ כמו חברי ועדת חוץ ובטחון שמגיעים לביקור ביחידה, כאשר הביקורת מסתיימת חוזרים שוב לבלגן הרגיל״.

    מפקד אחר טוען כי ״לא מתקיימת שיגרה ביחידות, כל מפקד עושה ע״פ הבנתו, אין סטנדרטים, קיימים פערים גדולים מאוד ביכולות המקצועיות של החיילים והמפקדים, בעיות משמעת קשות, פערים קשים ברוח הלחימה והמוטיבציה לבצע משימות, פערים קשים בשגרה המבצעית, עישון סמים, שתיית משקאות חריפים, שימוש בסמארטפונים בזמן אימונים וגם בפעילות מבצעית. מכל אלה המפקדים הבכירים מתעלמים וזה מאוד נוח להם להציג מצג שווא כלפי מעלה שיראה למפקדיהם שהיחידה במצב טוב, כך שתרבות השקר מרקיעה שחקים״.

    מצגי שווא

    רבים מהמג״דים ברוב זמנם אינם נמצאים בגדוד שלהם ובוודאי גם לא באימונים וההכשרות של חייליהם בשטח, אין להם שום השפעה ממשית על מה שקורה בגדוד, הם גם אינם משפעים על מהלך האימונים וההכשרות ולא תורמים מניסיונם דבר, ברוב זמנם הם נמצאים בדיונים אצל מפקדים בכירים מהם, או בימי עיון, כאשר במקום להסתכל למטה כלפי הגדוד הם מסתכלים למעלה, שם נוצרים הקשרים המביאים לקידומם. מה שמאוד חשוב להם לקבל דיווחים חיובים מהמ״פים על הפעילויות שלהם בכל התחומים, על מנת שהגדוד יצטייר כלפי מעלה כגדוד אשר עומד במשימותיו בצורה הטובה ביותר. זה גם מועיל להם בדיוני השיבוצים הקובעים את עתידם״.

    ״מה שקורה למ״פים שרוצים ללכת עם האמת ואינם מוכנים להתחבר לתרבות השקר, רע ומר. כאשר אתה מציג את נתוני האמת של הישגי יחידתך, אתה מוצא את עצמך בתחתית טבלת ההישגים ביחס לפלוגות אחרות שבגדוד שהעבירו נתונים מזויפים, ואתה מקלקל למג״ד את תמונת ההצלחה של הגדוד, המג״ד מזמין אותך אליו לבירור ושואל מדוע הציונים של פלוגתך נמוכים מהשאר, כל טיעוניך שאתה מדווח אמת והשאר מעגלים פינות לא מעניין, ואף חלקם של המג״דים רומזים לך שאת הנתונים הלא טובים מוטב לא להכניס לדיווח, כי זה עלול לפגוע בשם של הגדוד. כל אחד יכול להבין שהמג״ד חושש שזה יפגע בו בהשוואה עם הגדודים האחרים. ולכן אתה נמצא אצלו בתחתית הסולם, על כך שאתה מדווח דיווחי אמת. רוב המפ״ים מבינים שמוטב לשקר, הפיקוד הבכיר לא רוצה לשמוע על בעיות ועל הישגים נמוכים, אמינות הדיווח לא חשובה להם, העיקר שהגדוד יראה במצב טוב מול הגדודים האחרים. מפקד שהולך עם האמת שלו מוצא את עצמו בחוץ כאחד שמפריע למערכת״.

    התהליך הזה קורה גם אצל מח״טים רבים כלפי הממונים עליהם, תרבות השקר והולכת שולל נמצאת גם בחלק מהמצגות שמציגים תא״לים ואלופים בקבינט ובוועדת החוץ והביטחון (ראה את דוגמת שהתפוצצה לאחרונה – זיוף גיוס החרדים, כאשר כיהנתי כנציב קבילות החיילים הייתי עד למקרים רבים בו הציג הצבא לוועדת החוץ והביטחון מצגות על כשרות הצבא בתחומים רבים שהקשר בין מה שהוצג לוועדה לבין המציאות בשטח היה רופף למדי. תופעה נוספת חמורה מאוד היא ההבנה של מפקדים המציגים מצגות מחוץ לצבא (לדרג המדיני) שלא מכבסים את הכביסה המלוכלכת בחוץ, המסר שהם מבינים ממפקדיהם ששמירת דימוי הצבא חשוב לעיתים מאמירת האמת, הדימוי והנראות כלפי חוץ בראש סולם העדיפויות, המטרה מקדשת את כל האמצעים, ובשביל להשיג מטרה זו מותר לשקר ולהוליך שולל את הדרג המדיני ואת הציבור. התנהלות מופקרת זו אוחזת ברבים מהמפקדים בכל הדרגים המבינים שאלו הכללים להצליח ולהתקדם.

    קיבלתי עדויות גם מקציני מטה גדודיים, המעידים כי ״בזמן הקורונה רבות מהישיבות של המח״טים עם המג״דים שלהם נעשו בזום. יש מג״דים אשר בשעת שיחת הזום יוצאים ממשרדיהם ומדברים כאילו הם מדברים מהשטח. תכנית העבודה השבועית של רבים מהמג״דים היא תכנית עבודה פיקטיבית שרובה כלל לא מתממשת, מטרתה העיקרית להרשים את המח״ט בעשייה הרבה של הגדוד".

    ״קצינים בקבע הרוצים להתקדם בהרבה מאוד מקרים לא נשפטים כלל על הצלחתם , היות ולא קיימים סטנדרטים וקריטריונים להצלחה, והמפקדים שעוסקים בקידומם כלל לא מכירים את ביצועיהם ויכולותיהם של פקודיהם, כי הם מנותקים מהשטח, וזה ממש לא אכפת להם. מה שמשפיע על קידומך זו הליכה בתלם, לא לעלות בעיות, להציג מצגות שקריות על הישגים שבונים תמונה יפה שהמפקד יכול להתגאות בה. קשרים טובים ולא קישורים זה מה שחשוב לקצין שרוצה להתקדם היום בצה״ל, התקרנפות .התרפסות , והתבטלות בפני מפקדיהם. זו גם הסיבה שקצינים הטובים לא רוצים לחתום לקבע ובוודאי לא לעשות קריירה צבאית, זו גם הסיבה שבשנים האחרונות היה גל עצום של עזיבה של קצינים טובים ששרתו בקבע ולא רצו להמשיך בצבא כפי שהוא נגלה לעיניהם״.

    ״הצבא היום רק טבלאות אקסל ומצגות, כל היום החפירות האלה זה מה שמעניינים את הפיקוד היום. בשטח אין רכבים לקיום תעסוקה מבצעית, אין אמצעים לשגרת ביטחון שטוף. בסיכום מילואים אני מביע מול סא"ל את דעתי שהיא שלילית לגבי התנהלות האוגדה וחוטף מטר של השמצות. לומר את האמת לקצין זו כנראה לא אופציה. זה פשוט לא מקובל עליו, כי הוא רוצה שאשבח את התנהלותו ויחידתו".

    תרבות ארגונית קלוקלת (צילום: דובר צה"ל)
    דוגמא נוספת של מ"פ מגולני שאמור לחבור לצורך סגירה אגמית, לא מגיע ומתחמק. “כאשר מאמתים אותו על אי הגעתו הלה משקר שהגיע ואף חבר במקרה זה אלי, הוא מסביר איך הגיע, רק שיש מכשול הנדסי בדרך. שקרים ועוד שקרים וטיוחים. מה שמעניין זה המצגות והמשכורת שדופקת כמו שעון. בושה שצה”ל איבד את הצביון. עם אלה צריך לנצח?״

    ״שתדע שלא רק אתה חרד ממצב המערך הלוגיסטי. בתור קצין בכיר באט"ל אני נחרד כל תרגיל מחדש איך עסוקים קצינים בכירים רק בדבר אחד, להראות הצלחה גם שזו לא הושגה. קשה להם להגיד בסיום תרגיל “לא הצלחנו” אפילו על סעיף אחד קטן. ביקרתי בשבועיים האחרונים בשני תרגילים, האחד משלב לוגיסטיקה והשני לוגיסטי טהור, ערך אמירת האמת פשוט לא קיים בכל מה שקשור לדיווחים של קציני הלוגיסטיקה שראיתי מרמת אלוף משנה ועד סגן, לכל היותר חצאי אמיתות״

    ״מחסור כוח אדם בכלל ומקצועי בפרט ביחידות הקרביות והמילואים כתוצאה מקיצוצים לא מושכלים והזויים בכוח אדם קבע וקיצור שירות הבנים, הביא לפערים בלתי ניתנים לגישור בין כוח האדם הנותר לאחר הקיצוצים לבין המשימות, ולכן קצינים ונגדים רבים מדווחים כלפי מעלה למפקדיהם דיווחים לא אמינים על ביצוע משימות שאותן הם כלל לא ביצעו על מנת לקבל חוות דעת טובה שהיא תנאי לקידום, נוצר תהליך חמור של תרבות שקר וקשר של שתיקה״.

    תרבות השקר בתחקירי צה״ל

    בשיחה שהייתה לי עם קצין בכיר מאוד שריכז תחקירים בתחום תאונות המתרחשות בצה״ל בכל התחומים הוא אמר לי ״בתחקירי צה״ל השתרשה תרבות של שקר, טיוח, עיגול פינות, העלמת מידע, ותיאום עדויות של המעורבים לקראת תחקירים וחקירת מצ״ח. במקום לטפל בראש הנחש שהם הקצינים הבכירים שמעלימים עין ואחראים ישירות לתרבות השקר, הרי ברוב המקרים מטפלים בש"ג על מנת לצאת ידי חובה.״

    סיכום

    אנו עדים לצבא שתרבות השקר והולכת שולל הולכת ומתעצמת, הולכות ותופחת, ובשנתיים האחרונות הגיע צה״ל לשיאים שלא הכרנו מעולם, חלק מהמפקדים חושבים על התפקיד הבא וכיצד ליצור תמונה של יחידה ברמה גבוהה גם אם זו לא האמת.

    התוצאה היא מאוד מתסכלת, חמורה ועגומה, הטובים נוטשים את הצבא. חלק מהנשארים בצה״ל הם ההולכים בתלם החוששים להביע את עמדתם ומתקרנפים, לצערי החלק הזה הולך וגדל עם הזמן.

    הגענו למצב בלתי ניתפס שמזכיר לי את התנהלות הערבים במלחמות העבר נגדנו. השקרים של דרגי השטח המדווחים כלפי מעלה לממונים עליהם על הצלחה בשטח בזמן שהם כשלו בקרב נגדנו, עיוותו את התמונה בעיני מפקדיהם, והחלטותיהם התקבלו על סמך מידע לא אמין ומעוות, דבר שעבד מצוין לטובתנו. לא פיללתי ולא האמנתי שהצבא הישראלי יגיע לדרגות שקר כפי שהיו בצבאות הערביים אשר תרמו רבות לתבוסתם נגדנו. האם התהפכו היוצרות?

    אלוף (במיל׳) יצחק בריק שימש בתור נציב קבילות החיילים, מפקד גיס, מפקד המכללות הצבאיות ומפקד אוגדה סדירה 36.

    עקבו אחר ׳מידה׳ גם ברשתות החברתיות:

    • la « commission d’acceptabilité des soldats » semble être une instance de recours hors hiérarchie pour les militaires, cf. sa page sur WP[he] qui n’a aucune page liée dans une autre langue et toutes les recherches de traduction retombent sur cette notion d’acceptation sans proposer d’alternative

      une instance donc qui statuerait sur la recevabilité du recours, mais aussi, semble-t-il sur le recours lui-même

      נציבות קבילות החיילים – ויקיפדיה
      https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%A0%D7%A6%D7%99%D7%91%D7%95%D7%AA_%D7%A7%D7%91%D7%99%D7%9C%D7%95%D7

      נציבות קבילות החיילים (נקח"ל) היא יחידה במשרד הביטחון, שמטרתה לאפשר לחיילי צה"ל ובני משפחותיהם להגיש קבילה על כל מעשה או מחדל שנפגעו ממנו ולתבוע את תיקון הליקויים, וזאת שלא דרך צינורות הפיקוד הרגילים המקובלים בצבא. הנציבות הוקמה ב-1 בנובמבר 1972 בעקבות תיקון בחוק השיפוט הצבאי.

    • Cela expliquerait en partie le très nombre d’actes contre-productifs du type assassinat de membres d’une ONG « amicale »... On en arriverait presque à avoir envie de les vor se mesurer avec des soldats professionnels du type Hezbollah...

  • Paul Robin
    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Robin


    Je découvre par la lecture de "Suicide, mode d"emploi" ce militant anarchiste à la pensée néoalthusienne répandue à l’époque, pratiquée à Auschwitz, réitérée dans la démagogie des inscriptions sur les « Georgia Guidestones » et totalement opposée à toute pensée progressive d’aujourd’hui.

    « La science officielle de l’éducation ne trouve rien de mieux à faire des jeunes adolescents que de les enfermer : les privilégiés au collège, les vulgaires à l’atelier, les parias en prison »

    C’est beau et toujours vrai, d’ailleurs Ivan Illich arrive à une découverte semblable dans « Deschooling Society ». Pourtant ni les idées du viel arnar ni du jésuite un peu trop libertaire contiennent la formule qui répond à nos interrogations actuelles. Intéressant.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia_Guidestones

    #anarchisme #éducation #jeunesse

  • Francis Scott Key Bridge collapse
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Scott_Key_Bridge_collapse

    On March 26, 2024, at 1:28 a.m. EDT (05:28 UTC), the main spans and the three nearest northeast approach spans of the Francis Scott Key Bridge across the Patapsco River between Hawkins Point and Dundalk, Maryland, United States, collapsed after the container ship Dali struck one of its piers.

    #USA #accident #navigation_maritime

  • Berliner Gebietsreform 1938
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Verwaltungsgeschichte_Berlins


    Grenzänderungen der Berliner Bezirke zum 1. April 1938

    Aus heutiger Sicht zeigt die Karte einen Bezirk zuviel, dafür fehlen ein bzw. zwei neue im Osten der Stadt.

    Mit Wirkung zum 1. April 1938 wurden zahlreiche Begradigungen der Bezirksgrenzen sowie einige größere Gebietsänderungen vorgenommen. Dabei kamen unter anderem

    – die Siedlung #Eichkamp vom Bezirk Wilmersdorf zum Bezirk #Charlottenburg
    – der westliche Teil von #Ruhleben vom Bezirk Charlottenburg zum Bezirk #Spandau
    - der nördlich des #Berlin-Spandauer_Schifffahrtskanal s gelegene Teil der #Jungfernheide vom Bezirk Charlottenburg zu den Bezirken #Reinickendorf und #Wedding
    - #Martinikenfelde vom Bezirk Charlottenburg zum Bezirk #Tiergarten
    – das Gebiet um den #Wittenbergplatz und den #Nollendorfplatz vom Bezirk Charlottenburg zum Bezirk #Schöneberg
    – das Gebiet südlich der #Kurfürstenstraße vom Bezirk #Tiergarten zum Bezirk Schöneberg
    – ein großer Teil des #Grunewald s vom Bezirk #Wilmersdorf zum Bezirk #Zehlendorf
    – ein Teil von #Dahlem vom Bezirk Zehlendorf zum Bezirk Wilmersdorf
    - der östliche Rand des Bezirks Zehlendorf (in Dahlem nur ein schmaler Streifen, sich in Richtung Süden verbreiternd bis hin zu einem größeren Gebiet im Südosten) zum Bezirk #Steglitz
    - #Späthsfelde vom Bezirk #Neukölln zum Bezirk #Treptow
    – Bohnsdorf vom Bezirk Köpenick zum Bezirk Treptow
    #Oberschöneweide und die #Wuhlheide vom Bezirk #Treptow zum Bezirk #Köpenick
    - die westlich der #Ringbahn gelegenen Gebiete von #Boxhagen-Rummelsburg und #Friedrichsberg vom Bezirk #Lichtenberg zum Bezirk #Friedrichshain, damals #Horst-Wessel-Stadt.
    - #Wilhelmsruh vom Bezirk #Reinickendorf zum Bezirk #Pankow
    - das Gebiet um die #Wollankstraße westlich der Berliner #Nordbahn vom Bezirk Pankow zum Bezirk #Wedding.

    Bereits in den Jahren 1928 und 1937 war es zu Verschiebungen zwischen Schöneberg und Tempelhof gekommen.

    Unmittelbar nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs machte die sowjetische Militärverwaltung aus heute unbekannten Gründen #Friedenau zwischen dem 29. April und dem 30. Juni 1945 zum 21. Bezirk mit Willy Pölchen (KPD) als Bezirksbürgermeister; danach wurde Friedenau wieder wie vorher ein Ortsteil von Schöneberg. Entsprechend bestand in der Zeit das #Amtsgericht_Friedenau.

    #Berlin #Geschichte #Verwaltung #Bezirke #Nazis

  • #Forts_Maunsell

    Les Forts Maunsell étaient des petites tours fortifiées marines construites au niveau de l’estuaire de la Tamise et de la Mersey durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale pour protéger le Royaume-Uni de toute invasion allemande. Ils tirent leur nom de leur concepteur #Guy_Maunsell. L’armée les a abandonnés à la fin des années 1950 et ils furent parfois utilisés pour d’autres activités. C’est ainsi que l’un d’eux est devenu une micronation non-indépendante, sous le nom de #principauté_de_Sealand.

    Ils ont été également utilisés comme bases pour des #radios-pirates à l’époque de l’explosion de la pop music britannique des années 60 (la Beatlemaia). Ils étaient une alternative plus robuste à l’emploi de bateaux émetteurs ancrés au large des eaux territoriales souvent malmenés par les tempêtes hivernales de la Manche et de la Mer du Nord. L’extension des eaux territoriales britanniques et des actions militaro-policières ont sonné la fin de cette utilisation à l’aube des années 70.

    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forts_Maunsell

    #micro-Etat #micro-nation #micro-nations #micro-Etats #UK #Angleterre #Manche #La_Manche

  • Der Trompeter von Mars-la-Tour, Die Gartenlaube, Heft 34, 1872
    https://de.m.wikisource.org/wiki/Der_Trompeter_von_Mars-la-Tour


    Construction d’un héro et l’apport du poète

    Dans son poème Die Trompete von Vionville , d’abord connu sous le titre Die Trompete von Gravelotte Ferdinand Freiligrath glorifie le courage des troupes allemandes qui se sont faits massacrer par les défenseurs français en 1971. Pourtant l’ancien ami proche de Karl Marx met un contre-point avec sa plainte des morts de cette bataille.

    Le rédacteur de la revue familale Die Gartenlaube n’en retient que la signification nationaliste et donne un semblant d’authenticité à son message par son explication de la prose héroïque qui précède le célèbre poème de Freiligrath. La revue y ajoute une perspective de trou de serrure et pervertit ainsi le simple récit du trompetistte.


    Les rues Gravelottestraße et Vionvillestraße à Berlin

    Le récit du trompettiste

    „Der sechszehnte August brach an. Wir ahnten nicht, welch schwerer Tag dies für uns werden sollte. Es wurde früh alarmirt, und eine halbe Stunde später standen wir schon im Feuer. Der Feind behauptete eine feste Stellung, wir zogen uns zurück, andere Befehle erwartend. Nachdem schon viele Menschen unsererseits geopfert waren, bekam unser Regiment, vereint mit den Sechszehner-Ulanen, den Befehl, das fast Unmögliche zu thun: den Feind durch eine kühne Attaque aus seiner festen Stellung zu werfen. Und das wurde auch ausgeführt, freilich mit schweren Opfern. Zwei Drittel unseres Regiments waren todt und verwundet. Mit völliger Todesverachtung ritt auch ich dem Feind entgegen, jedoch je weiter ich in den Feind hineinritt, desto weniger wurden meiner Cameraden. Zuletzt waren wir noch unser Sechs. Da machten wir denselben Weg über Hunderte von Leichen wieder zurück. Mein Rappe blutete bereits aus fünf Wunden. Endlich angekommen bei meinem Commandeur, befahl mir dieser, Appell zu blasen. Aber welch kläglicher Ton kam da zum Vorschein! Meine Trompete war von einer Kugel durchbohrt worden, ohne daß ich etwas davon wußte. Sie war mir auf dem Rücken zerschossen. Ich brauch’s nicht zu verschweigen, daß ich in Folge dieses Ritts einer der Ersten in unserem Regiment war, der mit dem eisernen Kreuz geschmückt wurde.“

    Commentaire par Die Gartenlaube

    Hier haben wir die einfache Darstellung der Thatsache von der Hand des Trompeters, August Binkebank in Halberstadt selbst. Wir begehen gegen ihn sogar ein Unrecht mit dieser Mittheilung, denn sie ist nicht etwa von ihm direct an uns zur Veröffentlichung, sondern an einen seiner Anverwandten in einem vertraulichen Briefe gerichtet. Wenn aber der brave Mann bedenkt, daß er durch dieses Ereigniß der Geschichte angehört, so wird er zugeben, daß es besser ist, die Nachwelt erfährt dies von ihm selbst, als durch Hörensagen.

    Bekanntlich war die Schlacht bei Vionville mit ihrem großartigen Reitergefecht bei Mars-la-Tour eine der gefahrdrohendsten und deshalb für die Deutschen blutigsten des Krieges. Die Deutschen standen an den für den Tag wichtigsten Stellen einer concentrirteren Uebermacht gegenüber und mußten darum außerordentliche Opfer an tapferer Mannschaft bringen. Namentlich wurde der linke Flügel durch den Feind, der durch Wälder gedeckt und auf Höhen vortheilhaft aufgestellt war, schwer bedroht. Schon hatte in einem Waldgefecht nördlich von Vionville die Division Buddenbrock nur durch große Verluste die feindliche Artillerie verdrängen können; da wurde sie durch eine neue Aufstellung dieser Artillerie auf einem östlichen Plateau in noch größere Gefahr gebracht, und da war es, wo General Bredow den Auftrag erhielt, mit seiner Reiterbrigade durch den kühnen Angriff auf Infanterie und Artillerie der Franzosen der hartbedrängten sechsten Division Luft zu machen. „Das Geschick des Tages hängt vom Erfolge ab!“ So lautete die Weisung.

    Sechs Schwadronen stark, drei vom Kürassierregiment Nr. 7 und drei vom Ulanenregiment Nr. 16, jene geführt vom Oberstlieutenant Grafen v. Schmettow, diese vom Oberstlieutenant v. d. Dollen, sprengte die Brigade gegen den Feind. Vom heftigsten Feuer empfangen, durchbrachen dennoch die Ulanen den rechten Flügel des sechsten französischen Corps, Infanterie, und die Kürassiere drangen in die Batterie ein und hieben deren Bedienung nieder. So gelangten sie auf das zweite Treffen des Feindes. Aber die französische Cavalleriedivision de Forton wirft sich auf ihre Flanke, das erste Infanterietreffen schließt sich hinter ihnen wieder zusammen, und nur mit den größten Verlusten eröffnen sie sich den Rückzug.

    Als das gerettete Häuflein im Sichern war, zählte Schmettow von den dreihundertzehn Mann, die er in’s Gefecht geführt, nur noch hundertvier. Von den Ulanen Dollen’s, der selbst mit dem Roß gestürzt und gefangen war, standen neunzig Mann da! Von elf Trompetern war nur Einer vorhanden – alle anderen waren gefallen, verwundet oder irrten ohne Rosse umher –, und selbst diesem Einen war die Trompete zerschossen. Von Bredow’s sechs Schwadronen kehrten drei schwache Züge zurück, aber die Helden der zwölften Cavalleriebrigade hatten „ihre Schuldigkeit“ gethan.

    Schließen wir diese Erinnerung an einen großen Augenblick der größten deutschen Zeit mit Ferdinand Freiligrath’s unsterblichem Trompeter-Liede:

    Le poème de Freligrath

    Sie haben Tod und Verderben gespie’n:
    Wir haben es nicht gelitten.
    Zwei Colonnen Fußvolk, zwei Batterie’n,
    Wir haben sie niedergeritten.

    Die Säbel geschwungen, die Zäume verhängt,
    Tief die Lanzen und hoch die Fahnen,
    So haben wir sie zusammengesprengt, –
    Kürassiere wir und Ulanen.

    Doch ein Blutritt war es, ein Todesritt;
    Wohl wichen sie unsern Hieben,
    Doch von zwei Regimentern, was ritt und was stritt,
    Unser zweiter Mann ist geblieben.
    [552]

    Die Brust durchschossen, die Stirn zerklafft,
    So lagen sie bleich auf dem Rasen,
    In der Kraft, in der Jugend dahingerafft, –
    Nun, Trompeter, zum Sammeln geblasen!

    Und er nahm die Trompet’, und er hauchte hinein;
    Da, – die muthig mit schmetterndem Grimme
    Uns geführt in den herrlichen Kampf hinein, –
    Der Trompete versagte die Stimme!

    Nur ein klanglos Wimmern, ein Schrei voll Schmerz,
    Entquoll dem metallenen Munde;
    Eine Kugel hatte durchlöchert ihr Erz, –
    Um die Todten klagte die wunde!

    Um die Tapfern die Treuen, die Wacht am Rhein,
    Um die Brüder, die heut gefallen, –
    Um sie alle, es ging uns durch Mark und Bein,
    Erhub sie gebrochenes Lallen.

    Und nun kam die Nacht, und wir ritten hindann;
    Rundum die Wachtfeuer lohten;
    Die Rosse schnoben, der Regen rann –
    Und wir dachten der Todten, der Todten!

    Commentaire par Die Gartenlaube

    Es ist wohl durch Freiligrath, der seinem Gedicht die Ueberschrift „Die Trompete von Gravelotte“ gab, die irrige Bezeichnung der Schlacht entstanden; da das Factum dem 16. August angehört, so kehren wir zur richtigen Benennung des Schlachtorts zurück.
    D. Red.

    Die Trompete von Vionville
    https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803105829877

    Quick Reference

    Also occurring as ‘Die Trompete von Gravelotte’, a patriotic war poem by F. Freiligrath. It refers to an incident in the combined battle of Vionville and Mars-la-Tour on 16 August ...

    From: ‘Trompete von Vionville, Die’ in The Oxford Companion to German Literature »

    Subjects: Literature

    #France #Mars-la-Tour #Vionville #Gravelotte

    #Allemagne #histoire #guerre #1870 #1871

    #Berlin #Steglitz #Gravelottestraße #Vionvillestraße

  • A vendre
    https://www.kleinanzeigen.de/s-anzeige/alte-strassenbahn/2703736974-234-3545
    Tramway de 1969

    Regelspurfahrzeuge - Gotha-Triebwagen T57
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stra%C3%9Fenbahn_Chemnitz#Gotha-Triebwagen_T57

    Den Grundbestand regelspuriger Fahrzeuge für das neue Straßenbahnsystem sollten Zweirichtungstriebwagen des VEB Waggonbau Gotha bilden. Die ersten Fahrzeuge trafen 1959 in Karl-Marx-Stadt ein und wurden bis 1964 durch Einrichtungswagen ergänzt. Somit standen Mitte der 1960er Jahre 36 Trieb- und 55 Beiwagen zur Verfügung. Sie standen bis 1967 im Dienst der Verkehrsbetriebe Karl-Marx-Stadt und wurden anschließend an andere Straßenbahnbetriebe in der DDR abgegeben.

    Gothaer Waggonfabrik - Thüringer Flug- und Fahrzeugbauunternehmen
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gothaer_Waggonfabrik

    1894 begann Bothmann mit dem Straßenbahnwagenbau und lieferte 1904 die ersten drei elektrischen Straßenbahnen für die Stadt Gotha.

    Gothawagen T57
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gothawagen_T57

    Einheitsstraßenbahnwagen
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Einheitsstra%C3%9Fenbahnwagen

    in Deutschland 1938/39 projektierte, nach einheitlichen Kriterien zu fertigende Straßenbahntrieb- und -beiwagen


    Bw 1626 der Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe (West) hinter einem Verbandstrieb- und -beiwagen an der Rudower Spinne (1963)

    #tramway #Berlin #DDR #nostalgie