• Mémoires éthiopiennes

    Presque au milieu de la ville, un immense monument à la gloire de la révolution communiste éthiopienne des années 70 et aux Cubains venus l’aider, entre ses grilles mal fermées, quelques arbres… On n’y ferait presque pas attention si on ne le cherchait pas un peu. On retrouve toute la quintessence de l’esprit africain et […]

    #Monde #Ethiopie

  • New pact paves way for innovative solutions to disaster and climate change displacement in Africa

    People fleeing disasters and climate change will be able to seek safety in neighbouring countries under the pioneering deal.

    A breakthrough agreement to assist people fleeing natural hazards, disasters and climate change in eastern Africa was concluded this week. The deal not only allows those forced to flee disaster-affected countries to seek safety in neighbouring countries, but also ensures they will not be sent home until it safe and reasonable to return.

    The new agreement – the #IGAD_Free_Movement_Protocol – was endorsed by all seven Member States of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in Khartoum on 26 February. The Protocol follows years of negotiations and consultations. It marks a significant step in addressing the protection gap for growing numbers of people worldwide displaced by disasters, who often do not qualify for refugee status or other forms of international protection.

    It is all the more poignant that the IGAD Free Movement Protocol takes in a region that includes some of the countries worst affected by drought, flooding and environmental degradation, including Somalia, Ethiopia and South Sudan. The combination of natural hazards and disasters with other challenges – including conflict, poverty and weak governance – makes dealing with displacement in this region a complex and multifaceted issue.

    The IGAD Protocol’s protection for people affected by disasters and climate change is broad. It facilitates entry and lawful stay for those who have been displaced. It also allows those at risk of displacement to move pre-emptively as a way of avoiding, or mitigating, the impacts of a disaster.

    It specifically provides for citizens of IGAD Member States to cross borders ‘in anticipation of, during or in the aftermath of disaster’, and enables disaster-affected people to remain in another country as long as return to their country of origin ‘is not possible or reasonable’.

    The IGAD Protocol could provide inspiration and impetus for the use of free movement elsewhere in Africa as well. In the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC), free movement agreements are already in place. But it is not yet clear how disaster-affected communities in these regions will access free movement arrangements, or be protected from rejection or return when crossing an international border.

    The need for African governments to further consider the role of free movement in addressing disaster and climate change displacement in Africa was the subject of a regional meeting in South Africa last year. Policymakers and experts agreed that free movement could provide some of the communities most vulnerable to climate change access to safety and opportunities for more sustainable livelihoods.

    One of the advantages of using free movement arrangements to address displacement is that it obviates the need to impose specific, and sometimes artificial, distinctions between those who move. While refugee protection depends on a person meeting the technical, legal criteria of a refugee, free movement is generally available to all citizens of Member States of the same region. In some cases, a passport is not even required – possession of a national identity card may be enough to facilitate entry and stay elsewhere.

    The progressive realisation of free movement is a continent-wide goal in Africa. The African Union (AU) ‘Agenda 2063’ sets out a vision of an integrated Africa, where people and goods move freely between countries. In 2018, the AU adopted the continent-wide Protocol Relating to Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment. The IGAD Protocol could provide a first step in supporting the other African regions and countries to develop specific frameworks and guidelines for the use of free movement in the context of disaster and climate change.

    For the potential of the IGAD Free Movement Protocol to be realised in reality, implementation is key. At present, regional and sub-regional free movement agreements across Africa’s various RECs may be undermined by restrictive laws and policies at the national level, or by onerous documentation requirements for those who move. The IGAD Roadmap to Implementation, adopted together with the Protocol, sets out specific measures to be taken by IGAD Member States when putting free movement arrangements into practice.

    The adoption of the IGAD Protocol presents a cause for celebration. It also presents a timely opportunity to further consider how countries in Africa can provide avenues to safety and security for the large, and increasing, numbers of people who move in the context of natural hazards, disasters and climate change. Action taken now could ensure the benefits of free movement for vulnerable communities well into the future.


    #réfugiés #réfugiés_climatiques #réfugiés_environnementaux #asile #migrations #changement_climatique #climat #pacte #accord #Afrique #sécheresse #inondations #dégradations_environnementales #Somalie #Ethiopie #Soudan_du_Sud #liberté_de_mouvement #liberté_de_circulation

    ping @karine4

  • Sources: US-proposed GERD deal sets Ethiopia water release at 37 bcm, major disputes remain | | Mada Masr

    A draft agreement prepared by the United States and the World Bank regarding the construction and filling of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is expected to be sent to Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan on Monday, according to a source in an international development organization close to the talks. The three sides will have around three days to review the terms and send their comments back to US officials, the source says.

    The source, who spoke to Mada Masr on condition of anonymity, says that the US-prepared proposal aims to bridge disputes over a number of key issues, including the annual release of water from the Blue Nile through the dam to the downstream countries of Sudan and Egypt, the latter of which has repeatedly expressed concern over water shortages that would result from the dam’s construction.

  • Refugee : The Eritrean exodus
    Série en 5 parties

    Follow Chris Cotter, an American traveler, as he explores a common migration path through Ethiopia and into Israel, tracking the plight of Eritrean refugees. Chris and his crew visit several refugee camps, including the never-before-documented Afar region. The refugees tell stories of oppression, torture, and survival. Searching for solutions, Chris speaks to various NGOs and experts, including Assistant Secretary of State, Anne Richard. The outlook is bleak, but the spirit of the Eritrean refugees is hard to ignore.


    Part 1 :

    Part 2 :

    Part 3 :

    Part 4 :

    Part 5 :

    #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #asile #migrations #Erythrée #Ethiopie #camps_de_réfugiés #frontières #histoire #frontière #indépendance #guerre_d'indépendance #Isaias_Afwerki #service_militaire #dictature #prisons #prisons_souterraines #sous-sol #souterrain #torture #enfants #Shire #Aysaita #Adi_Harush #Mai-Aini #Hitsas #viol #trafic_d'êtres_humains #Sinaï #kidnapping #esclavage #esclavage_moderne #néo-esclavage #rançon #Israël
    #film #film_documentaire #série

    –-> Très nord-américain dans le style, mais des images des camps de réfugiés en Ethiopie très parlantes et que je n’avais jamais vues...

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Farine de teff : main-basse sur une tradition africaine

    Pendant plus de quinze ans, une société néerlandaise a fait prospérer un brevet qu’elle avait déposé en Europe sur la farine de teff, une céréale servant d’aliment de base en Éthiopie et en Érythrée depuis des siècles, en dépit des protestations de nombre d’ONG qui considèrent cette pratique comme un vol des cultures traditionnelles, notamment africaines. Enquête.

    C’est une crêpe épaisse couleur sable, sur laquelle les cuisinières dispersent les purées, les viandes mijotées, les ragoûts. Des lambeaux déchirés avec la pince des doigts servent à porter le repas à la bouche. Depuis des siècles, c’est ainsi que l’on mange en Éthiopie et en Érythrée : sur une injera, une grande galette spongieuse et acidulée fabriquée à base de teff, une graine minuscule aux propriétés nutritives exceptionnelles, riche en protéines et sans gluten. Depuis trois mille ans, on la récolte en épi dans des brassées de fines et hautes herbes vertes sur les hauts-plateaux abyssins.

    Mais une cargaison de teff expédiée en 2003 aux Pays-Bas a aussi fait la fortune d’une petite société privée néerlandaise. Dirigée par l’homme d’affaires Johannes « Hans » Turkensteen et le chercheur Jans Roosjen, cette structure baptisée à l’époque Soil & Crop Improvements (S&C) a en effet prospéré sur un brevet européen s’appropriant l’utilisation de cette « super céréale », alors que le marché du bio et des aliments sans gluten connaissait une expansion progressive.

    Un voyage d’affaires

    Tout avait commencé quelques mois plus tôt par un voyage de Hans Turkensteen à Addis-Abeba. Se prévalant du soutien de l’Université de sciences appliquées de Larenstein, l’homme d’affaires avait signé, en mars 2003, un mémorandum avec l’Organisation éthiopienne de la recherche agricole, l’EARO, accordant à sa société la livraison de 1 440 kg de graines de teff, prétendument destinées à l’expérimentation scientifique.

    « Turkensteen a fait croire à un accord mutuellement bénéfique pour toutes les parties : un meilleur rendement du teff pour les agriculteurs éthiopiens et un programme de lutte contre la pauvreté pour l’université, raconte le journaliste éthiopien Zecharias Zelalem, qui a mené sur le sujet une grande enquête pour le quotidien éthiopien Addis Standard. Il a même utilisé le prétexte de la grande famine de 1984 pour convaincre les signataires, affirmant que si les paysans éthiopiens avaient eu un meilleur teff à l’époque, le désastre n’aurait pas eu lieu. »

    Or, parallèlement, S&C a déposé auprès de l’agence néerlandaise des brevets une demande de protection des « méthodes de transformation » du teff ; un brevet finalement accordé le 25 janvier 2005, contraignant tous ceux qui souhaiteraient produire de la farine de teff ou des produits issus de la graine éthiopienne à obtenir une licence auprès d’eux, contre le paiement de royalties. Au bas du document figurait cette mention pour le moins étonnante pour une farine utilisée depuis des millénaires : « Inventeur : Jans Roosjen ».

    « Étonnement, les autorités éthiopiennes n’ont pas admis - ou n’ont pas voulu admettre - la supercherie, se désole Zecharias Zelalem. Même après que l’Université de Larenstein a exprimé des doutes et commandé un rapport d’enquête sur l’accord et même après que les Néerlandais ont reçu un "Captain Hook Award" [une récompense infamante baptisée d’après le pirate de dessin animé Capitaine Crochet et décernée chaque année par une coalition d’ONG, la Coalition contre la biopiratie, ndlr] en 2004, pour leur exploit en matière de biopiraterie. »

    Sans autres entraves que les protestations et la mauvaise publicité, les deux associés ont donc continué leur moisson de brevets. Les années suivantes, ils ont d’abord obtenu une licence auprès de l’Office européen des brevets, lui ouvrant le droit de faire des demandes auprès des agences de protection de la propriété intellectuelle d’Allemagne, d’Australie, d’Italie et du Royaume-Uni.

    « Les plus étonnant, explique l’avocat allemand Anton Horn, spécialiste de la propriété intellectuelle, est que le bureau européen des brevets leur aient accordé un brevet exactement tel qu’ils l’avaient demandé. C’est très rare. D’habitude, on fait une demande plutôt large au départ, afin que le périmètre puisse être réduit pendant son examen par le bureau des brevets. Là, non. Il a été accepté tel quel, alors que, pour ma part, il m’a suffi de trente minutes pour comprendre que quelque chose clochait dans ce brevet. » Du reste, ajoute-t-il, celui-ci a été refusé par les agences des États-Unis et du Japon.

    Treize années de bénéfices

    Pourtant, pendant les treize années suivantes, personne n’est venu s’opposer à ce que Zecharias Zelalem considère comme « un pillage des traditions éthiopiennes et un pur et simple vol des paysans éthiopiens ». C’est la curiosité de la presse éthiopienne qui a commencé à perturber des affaires alors florissantes.

    Toutefois, de faillites opportunes en changements de noms, la compagnie néerlandaise, rebaptisée entre-temps ProGrain International, a tout fait pour conserver les droits acquis par son tour de passe-passe juridique. Elle a continué à développer son activité, au point que Turkensteen a pu, par exemple, célébrer en grande pompe, en 2010, la production de sa millième tonne de farine de teff dans ses usines d’Espagne, de Roumanie et des Pays-Bas. À raison de 100 euros le kilo, selon le compte effectué en 2012 par l’hebdomadaire éthiopien Addis Fortune, son bénéfice a été considérable, alors que l’Éthiopie n’a touché, en tout en pour tout, qu’environ 4 000 euros de dividendes, selon l’enquête du journaliste Zecharias Zelalem.

    Mais l’aventure a fini par atteindre ses limites. Un jour de 2017, saisi par un ami éthiopien devenu directeur du Bureau éthiopien de la propriété intellectuelle, l’avocat Anton Horn a d’abord suggéré aux associés néerlandais de ProGrain International, par courrier, d’abandonner, au moins en Allemagne, leurs droits sur la farine de teff. Mais le duo néerlandais n’a pas répondu. Puis une société ayant acheté une licence à la société de Turkensteen et Roosjen a attaqué le brevet néerlandais devant un tribunal de La Haye, refusant dorénavant de lui payer des royalties. Pari gagné : le 7 décembre 2018, la justice lui a donné raison et « annulé » le brevet, estimant qu’il n’était ni « innovant » ni « inventif », tandis que, simultanément, sur ses propres deniers, Anton Horn a contesté le brevet en Allemagne devant les tribunaux et obtenu, là aussi, son annulation. Deux coups portés au cœur de la machine industrielle des Néerlandais, après quinze ans sans anicroche.

    Abandon progressif

    Sollicités par RFI, ni la société détentrice des brevets restants ni Hans Turkensteen n’ont souhaité donné leur version de l’histoire. Mais le duo néerlandais semble avoir abandonné la partie et renoncé à ses droits. Annulé aux Pays-Bas et en Allemagne, le brevet reste cependant valide aujourd’hui dans plusieurs pays européens. « Mais depuis août 2019, le non-paiement des frais de renouvellement du brevet devrait conduire logiquement, durant l’été 2020, à l’annulation de celui-ci dans tous les pays de l’espace européen », espère Anton Horn.

    Cette appropriation commerciale d’une tradition africaine par une société occidentale n’est pas un cas unique. En 1997, la société américaine RiceTec avait obtenu un brevet sur le riz basmati, interdisant de fait la vente aux États-Unis de riz basmati cultivé dans ses pays d’origine, l’Inde et le Pakistan. « En 2007, la société pharmaceutique allemande Schwabe Pharmaceuticals obtenait un brevet sur les vertus thérapeutiques de la fleur dite pélargonium du Cap, originaire d’Afrique du Sud et connue pour ses propriétés antimicrobiennes et expectorantes, ajoute François Meienberg, de l’ONG suisse ProSpecieRara, qui milite pour la protection de la diversité génétique et culturelle. Brevet finalement annulé en 2010 après une bataille judiciaire. Et c’est aujourd’hui le rooibos (un thé rouge, ndlr), lui aussi sud-africain, qui fait l’objet d’une bataille similaire. »

    Des négociations internationales ont bien été engagées pour tenter de définir un cadre normatif qui enrayerait la multiplication des scandales de vol de traditions ancestrales par des prédateurs industriels. Mais elles n’ont pour l’instant débouché sur rien de significatif. Le problème est que, d’une part, « tous les pays ne protègent pas les traditions autochtones de la même manière, explique François Meierberg. Les pays scandinaves ou la Bolivie, par exemple, prennent cette question au sérieux, mais ce sont des exemples rares. » L’autre problème est que nombre d’États industrialisés refusent d’attenter à la sainte loi de la « liberté du commerce ». Au prix, du coup, de la spoliation des plus démunis.

    #teff #farine #alimentation #céréale #céréales #agriculture #Afrique #tef #injera #Pays-Bas #brevet #industrie_agro-alimentaire #mondialisation #dynamiques_des_suds #ressources_pédagogiques #prédation #géographie_culturelle #culture #Hans_Turkensteen #Turkensteen #Jans_Roosjen #Soil_&_Crop_Improvements (#S&C) #brevet #propriété_intellectuelle #gluten #bio #EARO #licence #loyalties #Université_de_Larenstein #Captain_Hook_Award #biopiraterie #pillage #vol #ProGrain_International #justice #innovation #appropriation_commerciale #RiceTec #riz #riz_basmati #basmati #Inde #Pakistan #Schwabe_Pharmaceuticals #industrie_pharamceutique #big_pharma #multinationales #mondialisation #globalisation

    L’injera, plat cuisiné dans la #Corne_de_l'Afrique, notamment #Erythrée #Ethiopie :


    ping @reka @odilon @karine4 @fil @albertocampiphoto

  • L’eccidio di Debra Libanòs

    Wikiradio del 20/05/2016 - Rai Radio 3 - RaiPlay Radio

    Il 20 maggio #1937, nel santuario di #DebraLibanòs, in Etiopia, 297 monaci e 23 laici vengono fucilati per ordine del generale #RodolfoGraziani con Paolo Soldini


    – testimonianza di Adamu Asegahgn, guerrigliero etiope, da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    –frammento dal resoconto di un medico ungherese sulle stragi compiute dagli italiani in Etiopia, tratta dal documentario della #BBC #FascistLegacy, 1989



    #Mussolini legge il telegramma di #Badoglio in cui annuncia l’ingresso ad #AddisAbeba

    – testimonianza di Tesfaye Tasew del monastero di Debra Libanos -da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    – testimonianza di Belay Berhanmeskel del monastero di Debra Libanos - da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    – cronaca dell’arrivo ad Addis Abeba dei ministri Alessandro Lessona ((delle colonie) e Giuseppe Cobolli Gigli (dei lavori pubblici), dal Giornale Luce del 28/10/36

    – Cronaca dell’accoglienza trionfale tributata al generale Rodolfo Graziani a Subiaco, dal Giornale Luce del 16/3/38

    Brano musicale

    Tezeta, Gétatchèw Mèkurya

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #italie #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #génocide #Éthiopie #UK #Uolchefit #fascisme #gaz #représailles #

  • Hailé Selassié
    Wikiradio del 2/11/2017 - Rai Radio 3

    Il 2 novembre 1930 Tafari Maconnen diventa imperatore col nome di Hailé Selassié Primo con Alessandro Triulzi.


    – vari frammenti da un’intervista di Mario Soldati dal programma A carte scoperte con #HailéSelassié, trasmessa il 18/6/1974 - Archivi Rai

    – intervista di Gianno Bisiach ad Hailé #Selassié da RT - Rotocalco televisivo , realizzata il 28 maggio 1963 nel parco della residenza di Hailé Selassié - Archivi Rai

    – Breve frammento dell’appello in amarico che Hailé Selassié fece a Ginevra il 30 giugno 1936

    Io, Haila Sellase I, Imperatore d’Etiopia sono qui oggi per reclamare quella giustizia che è dovuta al mio popolo e quell’assistenza ad esso promessa otto mesi or sono da cinquantadue nazioni, quando queste affermarono che un atto di aggressione era stato compiuto in violazione dei trattati internazionali. [.] Mai, sinora, vi era stato l’esempio di un governo che procedesse allo sterminio di un popolo usando mezzi barbari, violando le più solenni promesse fatte a tutti i popoli della terra, che non si debba usare contro esseri umani la terribile arma dei gas venefici. È per difendere un popolo che lotta per la sua secolare indipendenza che il capo dell’Impero etiopico è venuto a Ginevra per adempiere a questo supremo dovere, dopo avere egli stesso combattuto alla testa dei suoi eserciti.

    Brani musicali

    – I Love King Selassié, Black Uhuru

    – War, Bob Marley

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #rasta #secondeGuerreItalo-éthiopienne #italie #1941 #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #WWII #Éthiopie #fascisme #negus

  • La battaglia di Gondar
    raccontata da Gianluca Podestà WIKIRADIO del 27/11/2013

    La battaglia di Gondar raccontata da Gianluca Podestà.
    Il 27 novembre 1941 con la resa di Gondar l’Italia abbandona l’Africa Orientale con Gianluca Podestà


    – Materiale storico dall’Archivio Istituto Luce: #Gondar:"Una visione di luoghi ove le nostre truppe combattono eroicamente" Giornale Luce dell’11 settembre 1941; Gondar antica capitale etiopica -Giornale Luce del 12 febbraio 1936; Gondar Imperiale 1939; Con la colonna Starace a Gondar e al lago Tana - 1936;

    – Testimonianze tratte da Mille Papaveri rossi - Italia in guerra - RAISTORIA;

    Brano musicale:

    The story of the wind - Tseguè Mariam Guebrou

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #italie #1941 #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #WWII #Éthiopie #UK #Uolchefit #fascisme

  • L’#or_vert ou la stupéfiante odyssée du #khat

    Le khat est consommé dans de nombreux pays d’#Afrique_de_l'Est. Vendue sous la forme de feuilles et de tiges, cette plante psychotrope provoque une sensation stimulante d’#euphorie impulsée par une accélération du rythme cardiaque. Mais le khat crée aussi des effets d’accoutumance et de manque, doublés de déprime, de léthargie, et chez certains, notamment les enfants, de troubles mentaux. Ancien dépendant au khat, #Abukar_Awalé, membre de la diaspora somalienne en Grande-Bretagne, a alerté les autorités britanniques et milité pour la fin de la tolérance. Ce film suit son combat courageux, remonte la filière du khat à travers le monde et en expose les ravages et les enjeux économiques.

    #film #documentaire #film_documentaire
    #drogue #UK #interdiction #Corne_de_l'Afrique #Ethiopie #Awaday #Londres #café #traumatisme #guerre #conflit #santé_mentale #Somalie #Somaliland #argent #revenu #prix_du_café #accord_international_sur_le_café #Dadaab #Kenya #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #toxicomanie #dépendance #femmes #hommes #oubli #alternative #Angleterre #genre #qat

  • Le #développement en #Afrique à l’aune des #bassins_de_migrations

    Sur le continent africain, les migrations sont organisées autour de #pôles_d’attraction_régionale qui constituent des bassins de migrations. Une réalité qu’il convient de prendre davantage en compte dans les politiques de développement.

    Quelques chiffres pour commencer. La planète compte 272 millions de migrants internationaux en 2019, soit 3,5 % de la population mondiale. En 2017, 36,3 millions d’Africains vivaient hors de leur pays de résidence habituelle, représentant environ 15 % des migrants internationaux. Alors que les migrations africaines vers l’Europe captent régulièrement l’attention médiatique, il faut rappeler que les mouvements de populations ont majoritairement lieu à l’intérieur même du continent africain (https://unctad.org/fr/pages/PublicationWebflyer.aspx?publicationid=2118). Ainsi, 7 migrants subsahariens sur 10 demeurent en Afrique. Seules les migrations nord-africaines sont majoritairement extracontinentales : 9 migrants nord-africains sur 10 résident en effet hors du continent. Des mobilités avant tout sur le continent Pour l’essentiel intracontinentales, les migrations subsahariennes sont organisées autour de pôles d’attraction régionale. Les principaux pays d’immigration en Afrique sont l’Afrique du Sud (4 millions d’immigrants sur une population de 56,7 millions), la Côte d’Ivoire (2,3 sur 24,3 millions), l’Ouganda (1,7 sur 42,9 millions), le Nigeria (1,5 sur 191 millions), le Kenya (1,3 sur 49,7 millions) et l’Éthiopie (1,2 sur 105 millions). Ces États voient converger en leur sein des migrants issus de pays limitrophes, pour des durées plus ou moins longues.

    Le Kenya, par exemple, héberge une majorité de migrants ougandais et somaliens. L’Éthiopie accueille essentiellement des ressortissants érythréens, somaliens et sud-soudanais. En Afrique du Sud, les migrants sont principalement issus du Mozambique, du Zimbabwe, du Lesotho et de Namibie, etc. Ces sous-ensembles migratoires régionaux, regroupant à chaque fois plusieurs pays d’émission autour d’un même pôle d’attraction, constituent ce que l’on appelle des « bassins de migrations ». Les migrations s’effectuent généralement à l’intérieur d’une même région car migrer loin implique de posséder un capital économique, social et culturel. Dans certaines régions, la porosité des frontières, l’existence de dynamiques migratoires traditionnelles et la mise en place progressive d’espaces de libre circulation des personnes tendent à renforcer ce phénomène. À rebours des discours alarmistes qui prédisent une « ruée » de la jeune Afrique vers le Vieux Continent, le caractère intrarégional des migrations subsahariennes est un état de fait, un schéma dominant et structurel des mobilités humaines en Afrique. Les déterminants des mobilités intrarégionales : des bassins de migrations diversifiés Le phénomène des bassins de migrations est récurrent, mais les motivations des personnes qui se déplacent et les contextes migratoires sont divers. Bien que la décision de migrer soit toujours multifactorielle et inscrite dans un contexte spécifique, la recherche de sécurité et la quête d’emploi sont les deux déterminants principaux des migrations vers ces pôles d’attraction régionale. Ainsi, l’Ouganda, troisième pays d’accueil des réfugiés après la Turquie et le Pakistan, héberge 1,2 million de réfugiés sur une population immigrée de 1,7 million : il s’agit principalement de personnes ayant fui les conflits voisins au Soudan du Sud et en République démocratique du Congo. Ces migrants ont cherché refuge en Ouganda et se sont établis, généralement pour de longues durées, dans les camps du nord et de l’ouest du pays. Les migrations intrarégionales vers la Côte d’Ivoire sont, quant à elles, fortement déterminées par la demande en main-d’œuvre peu qualifiée dans plusieurs secteurs tels que l’agriculture, la construction et les industries extractives. Le dynamisme économique relatif du pays et ses salaires plus avantageux expliquent que de nombreux Burkinabès, Maliens, Guinéens, Libériens et Nigériens s’y rendent pour travailler, à plus de 90 % dans le secteur informel (soit 10 % de plus que les nationaux). Sur ces territoires, différentes temporalités migratoires peuvent se côtoyer : ainsi, certains Burkinabès cultivent le cacao dans les forêts ivoiriennes depuis plusieurs décennies, d’autres s’y rendent de manière saisonnière en fonction du calendrier agricole. Les migrants, potentiels facteurs de développement économique Jeunes (31 ans en moyenne), les migrants africains, dont 47 % sont des femmes, sont autant de potentiels contributeurs au développement des pays de départ et d’installation. Dans ces bassins de migrations, les mobilités humaines contribuent au tissage de réseaux et à l’établissement de relations entre les territoires.

    En Côte d’Ivoire, par exemple, l’activité économique de la population immigrée contribue à 19 % du PIB. Les migrants représentent donc un facteur de développement économique pour le pays d’installation. En outre, ils soutiennent le développement de leur pays d’origine, notamment via leurs transferts de fonds, qui peuvent être des sources d’épargne, d’investissement productif ou de complément de revenus pour les ménages restés sur place. En 2017, la Côte d’Ivoire a ainsi reçu 307 millions de dollars de la part de sa diaspora, tandis que les immigrés sur son sol ont envoyé 845 millions de dollars vers leurs pays d’origine. Intégrer davantage les migrations intrarégionales dans les politiques de développement Facteur de développement, les migrations sont un enjeu à part entière pour les pays africains, autant que le changement climatique, le développement socio-économique et territorial, la gouvernance, l’urbanisation, l’accès aux services de santé et d’éducation, etc. L’approche par les bassins de migrations implique une analyse intersectorielle et multipays, et une prise en compte des mobilités intrarégionales. Au niveau opérationnel, il s’agit d’adopter une démarche décloisonnée et d’intégrer davantage les migrations dans les projets sectoriels. Des exemples d’une telle démarche existent déjà. En matière de santé, citons le projet Réseau de surveillance et d’investigation épidémiologique (RSIE), initié par la Commission de l’océan Indien. Ce réseau regroupe les Comores, Madagascar, Maurice, la France au titre de la Réunion (y associant Mayotte) et les Seychelles. Financé par l’AFD, il permet une veille régionale et un système d’alerte aux épidémies dans les îles de l’ouest de l’océan Indien (Réseau Sega One Health), espace caractérisé par des migrations intrarégionales fortes. Basé sur le paradigme One Health qui associe la santé à un bien-être global partagé par les humains, les animaux et les écosystèmes, le projet RSIE illustre bien cet intérêt d’intégrer les mobilités humaines et animales intrarégionales à un projet sectoriel. C’est une logique qu’il s’agit désormais d’élargir à d’autres régions et domaines d’action. La migration est inhérente à la dynamique des sociétés et les populations continueront de migrer, comme elles l’ont toujours fait. La question, finalement, est de savoir dans quelles conditions.


    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #migrations_intra-africaines #visualisation #cartographie #chiffres #statistiques #migrations_subsahariennes #Afrique_du_Sud #Ouganda #Nigeria #Kenya #Ethiopie #capital_économique #capital_social #capital_culturel #préjugés #invasion #afflux #développement_économique #ressources_pédagogiques #remittances #diaspora

    signalé par @fil

  • J’écoutais ça sur Mutine (THE radio brestoise) dernièrement, et je découvre aujourd’hui par le biais de http://www.acim.asso.fr/ziklibrenbib/ukandanz-awo que l’album est en creative commons, classe :)


    uKanDanZ (Ehtiopian crunch - France / Ethiopia)

    uKanDanZ... a unique style, an unusual meeting between an electric quartet and Asnake Guebreyes,charismatic lead singer originates from the vibrant music scene in Addis Abeba.

    Their music is inspired by traditional and popular Ethiopian songs. uKanDanZ has a real crunch energy. Between rock, jazz, noise...

    With impertinence, they rock it wildly. Without compromise. Guitar, saxophone, bass, drums and vocals shuffle our bearings. What a pleasure! The stage presence of uKanDanZ swings alternately between energy and emotion... then the public, transcended, dances and shivers.

    #son #creative_commons #cc

  • Yémen : à marche forcée - ARTE Reportage | ARTE

    Chez eux, en #Éthiopie, les Oromos n’ont rien. Par centaines de milliers, ils migrent vers l’Arabie Saoudite, richissime contrée où ils s’imaginent un avenir.

    Mais la route est longue, périlleuse, impossible. Elle se pratique à pied, faute de pouvoir payer les passeurs et elle est semée d’embuches. Les montagnes de Galafi, à la frontière de #Djibouti, irradiées par un soleil brûlant, mettent à terre les plus vaillants, terrassés par la soif.

    A Obock, un petit port sans charme, les migrants sont convoyés de nuit vers des boutres surchargés qui affrontent les vagues de la #Mer_Rouge. Et, ultime danger : au #Yémen, l’industrie migratoire est infiltrée par les mafias locales. Là-bas, les #migrants #oromos deviennent des proies. Les plus pauvres sont les plus vulnérables. Déviés de la route, aux prises avec des #passeurs sans scrupules, ils sont torturés jusqu’à ce que leurs familles paient la rançon, parfois ruinées par la vente de toutes leurs terres pour tirer un fils ou une fille de l’enfer des maisons de torture.

    D’une rive à l’autre du Golfe d’Aden, Charles Emptaz et Olivier Jobard ont marché avec ces migrants éthiopiens, animés par une idée fixe et lancinante : gagner un jour son pain.

    Des bribes de cette odyssée, ils tentent de reconstituer le récit d’une traversée mortelle, dessinant en creux le portrait d’un peuple transfiguré par l’épreuve, les Oromos.

  • Entre violence et répression, l’inquiétude en Éthiopie

    “C’est l’État éthiopien qui risque de s’écrouler”

    Civils tués, magasins brûlés et pillés, “ce chaos est dû au mécontentement des Oromos, qui ne sont pas entendus dans leurs revendications, et plus largement aux difficultés politiques de l’Éthiopie”, explique William Davison, un analyste pour l’International Crisis group, cité par The Reporter. L’inquiétude est forte autour de ce pays clé d’Afrique de l’Est, d’autant qu’une élection présidentielle doit se tenir au printemps prochain. “Si Abiy ne prend pas des mesures fortes pour la stabilité du pays, c’est tout l’État éthiopien qui risque de s’écrouler”, écrit le Mail and Guardian.

    #ethiopie #afrique #Abiy-Ahmed #nationalisme

  • Continuous Influx of Eritrean Refugees Challenges Ethiopia

    Refugee and host communities in Ethiopia came together on June 20 to commemorate World Refugee Day through various cultural activities, organized within refugee camps as well as urban settings. But the reality behind the festivities is that hundreds of Eritrean refugees continue to cross the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia every day.

    Despite the peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea, signed in July 2018, the internal situation and oppression of Eritrean people, mainly through the indefinite military service, remains intact. The continued inflow of young Eritreans fleeing oppression is putting strain on Ethiopia’s refugee camps.

    A senior official from the Ethiopian refugee agency has reported that Eritrean refugees continue to arrive in Ethiopia in large numbers, 250 to 300 persons a day. The increasing number of people residing in refugee camps is posing an enormous challenge for the Ethiopian Agency for Refugees and Returnees Affair (ARRA) as well as development and relief organizations working with refugees. “We have challenges of shelter, Core Relief Items (CRI), water and energy alternatives,” states the senior official. Earlier reports indicate that many young Eritreans currently flee due to the increase of raids, Giffas, to force them into the indefinite national service.

    It is not just Eritreans who are fleeing the country. According to the informed sources, around 5000 Somali refugees living in Eritrea are trying to reach Ethiopia in search of safety. Out of this group, more than 400 individuals have already arrived at Zalambessa, a border town between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where they are supported by Gulomokeda Wereda, a local administrative district of Tigray region.

    Ethiopia has introduced an open door approach and is currently hosting more than 915,000 refugees inside the country. Even though the Federal Government of Ethiopia has shifted its national legislation to give broader rights to refugees, including work permits, the strain on Ethiopian reception facilities is growing.

    Meanwhile, the European Union (EU) has hosted a summit in Brussels in which migration and its management was high on the agenda. The external migration policies of the EU have been challenged this week by a group of organizations through a joint initiative.

    In the letter, addressed to the president of the European Council, organizations denounced migration policies and platforms such as the Khartoum Process through which the EU and several member states cooperate with regimes accused of systematic and severe human rights violations.

    Civil society actors have been mobilizing in the form of legal action, campaigns and protests in order to challenge the adverse effect on human rights, democracy and rule of law that the EU’s external policies are creating. The Foundation Human Rights for Eritreans has initiated a court case against the EU’s €20 million project supporting the Eritrean regime to build roads through a forced labour. Amnesty International and seven other NGOs have taken legal steps against France over the allegedly unlawful donation of boats to the Libyan coast guard. Also, a young Ethiopian asylum seeker has sued the UK’s Department for International Development for funding detention centres in Libya where refugees are exposed to human rights violations, torture and abuse.

    Furthermore, NGOs have legally challenged the blocking of rescue operations on the Mediterranean Sea; meanwhile, a German rescue boat captain Pia Klemp faces prosecution in Italy for her rescue work. A group of lawyers has submitted a document to the International Criminal Court, which calls for EU prosecution over migrant and refugee deaths as a result of EU policy.

    Meanwhile in the Greater Horn of Africa, citizens are raising their voice. Sudanese citizens have been demonstrating, first against the oppressive regime and now against the Transitional Military Council, and are calling for a democratic civilian government. A group of prominent African activists has written an open letter urging Eritrea’s president, Isaias Afwerki, to launch political reforms and to protect human rights of Eritrean people.

    This initiative was predictably dismissed by the regime. Nevertheless, diaspora and even activists within Eritrea are pushing for change through the #Enough and #Yiakil campaign demanding end of indefinite national service, slavery and human rights violations.

    If change is to happen, oppressive leaders and militia should be held accountable for their actions through empowerment of the people. As the letter to the president of the European Council highlights, the EU should support the people, rather than unaccountable external actors, by directing its policies and instruments towards this objective. [IDN-InDepthNews – 22 June 2019]


    #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Ethiopie #Erythrée #réfugiés_érythréens #passages #traversées

    Une news qui date de juin 2019, mais que je mets ici pour archivage, et notamment pour ces #statistiques #chiffres :

    A senior official from the Ethiopian refugee agency has reported that Eritrean refugees continue to arrive in Ethiopia in large numbers, 250 to 300 persons a day.

    J’ai trouvé ce chiffre aussi ici :

  • Eritrean refugees defy border closures only to find hardship in Ethiopia

    The long-dormant border crossings re-opened with such fanfare between Eritrea and Ethiopia last year as a symbol of warming relations are all now closed – but that isn’t stopping a steady flow of Eritrean refugees from fleeing across the heavily militarised frontier.

    According to the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, around 300 people continue to cross each day, using remote paths to avoid arrest by Eritrean border guards. They are prima facie refugees, typically escaping compulsory national service, repression, and joblessness, or looking to reunite with family members who have already made the journey.

    New arrivals join roughly 170,000 Eritrean refugees already in Ethiopia, staying in overcrowded camps, or living in nearby host communities. Younger, more mobile men and women typically head to the capital, Addis Ababa, to look for work, taking advantage of Ethiopia’s liberal employment policies for refugees.

    Finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet in Ethiopia, many Eritrean refugees are choosing to move on, seeking better opportunities in Europe – or even further afield in the Americas – to support their families.

    Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, but relations between the two governments soured, leading to a war from 1998 to 2000 in which 100,000 people died. Eritrea’s closed economy and the harshness of a regime that has remained on a war footing created a generation of exiles – some 460,000 people had fled the country by the end of 2016 out of a population of 5.3 million.

    The peace agreement signed in July 2018 between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki ended almost two decades of frozen conflict – and won Abiy a Nobel Peace Prize earlier this month. The accord was meant to usher in trade and development, and revive the historical ties between the two nations. But, as progress towards normalising relations has stalled, the four frontier posts thrown open under the agreement have shut, with the last one, Assab-Bure, closing in May.

    “No proper explanation was given, but most probably the [Eritrean] regime fears the risk of losing control over the command economy and further acceleration of the mass exodus,’’ said Nicole Hirt, a researcher on Eritrea with the German Institute of Global and Area Studies.
    Safety, but little work

    The Ethiopian government’s “open-camp” policy means refugees don’t have to stay in camps and can work or continue with their education.

    But most Eritreans here have no proof of their academic qualifications. The Eritrean government doesn’t issue them to those who haven’t completed national service or can’t show evidence of an exemption.

    That complicates the search for work, as Eritrean refugees have to compete in an economy that is struggling to deliver jobs to an already large pool of unemployed youth.

    In the densely-populated Mebrat Hail suburb of Addis Ababa, many apartment buildings are home to Eritreans who arrived after the peace agreement was signed.

    The influx of people looking for work and accommodation led to a jacking up of rents – adding to the struggle of new refugees trying to make a fresh start in Ethiopia.

    “Rent is becoming very expensive in Addis Ababa and, even when you can find a job, you can barely pay the bills,’’ said Abinet, a young Eritrean working as a taxi driver.

    Rent on a one-bedroom flat is between $150 and $200 – a large amount of money to find each month.

    Faven, who was a laboratory technician in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, came to Addis Ababa to join her family. She is now working in a small shop earning $34 a month. “Not even enough to pay my rent,” she said.
    No way back

    Compulsory national service is the “primary driver behind the mass exodus of thousands of young Eritreans each month who brave dangerous foreign journeys and callous governments to reach safety abroad”, Human Rights Watch has noted.

    Mickel, 22, fled the country after doing three years in the military – leaving him now marooned.

    “I’m afraid to return. I will end up in jail, or worse [if I do],” he told The New Humanitarian. “I don’t have a passport and I cannot move freely.”

    Attendance at Sa’wa, Eritrea’s national defence training centre, is compulsory for every high school student. Conscription can be indefinite. Human rights groups have repeatedly documented “slavery-like” conditions during military training at Sa’wa, including torture and sexual violence.

    “I wake up in the night and I feel the government is coming to take me.”

    "We are prisoners of our dreams in Sa’wa. We are not free. That’s why I ran away,” said a 27-year-old former physics teacher, who taught at Sa’wa before escaping.

    Filomon, a teenager, said he constantly worries he could be kidnapped in Addis Ababa by Eritrean secret police and taken back to Asmara – a fear heightened by the reopening of the Eritrean embassy in July last year.

    “I wake up in the night and I feel the government is coming to take me. I still feel they can arrest me at anytime,” Filomon told TNH. “I don’t feel safe here.”
    Travelling on

    For many Eritreans, life in Ethiopia is a frustrating state of limbo.

    Those who can, make plans to leave the country. For example, Robel, 27, is waiting for his application for a family reunification visa to the UK to be processed. In the meantime, his brother sends him money each month.

    Others contemplate more difficult journeys, north to Sudan and then the Mediterranean route to Europe via Libya – although that is tempered by the well-known dangers.

    “We are aware of the risk and we all know what’s happening there,’’ a young Eritrean woman said in reference to Libya, where migrants can face detention, extortion, and torture at the hands of militia, even before attempting the perilous sea crossing to Europe.

    It is difficult to gauge how many Eritreans are journeying on from Ethiopia, but according to UNHCR, it is a significant number, with many of them unaccompanied minors.

    Apart from the well-trodden journey north to Sudan, new routes are emerging – or being re-explored.

    For those who can afford it, Latin America is a growing destination – with the hope of then making it on from there to the United States or Canada – according to the UN’s migration agency, IOM.

    “Nothing is impossible if you have money,” said Ghebre, who arrived in Addis a few months ago but is already dreaming of a better life abroad, and who preferred to only give one name.

    Forged travel documents that can get you to Colombia, Ecuador, or Panama are available from smugglers in Uganda for $3,500 per person, TNH was told by several Eritreans in Addis Ababa. It is then a treacherous overland trek to Mexico.

    Getting through Mexico, though, is a major hurdle. A report this month by the Mixed Migration Centre noted that some 4,779 Africans were apprehended in Mexico from January through July of 2019 – almost a fourfold increase over the same period the previous year. Among those were Eritreans, according to IOM.

    Between 1,500 and 3,000 Africans are currently stranded in the southern city of Tapachula – although the Mexican authorities say they are on pace to triple the number of African migrants being processed this year, up from 2,100 in 2017.

    An unknown number of migrants are also camped on Mexico’s northern border – stalled by the tough new US immigration policies. In a one week period earlier this year, the US Border patrol at Del Rio stopped more than 500 African migrants – some with children – who had taken the risk to cross undocumented.

    Even if Eritreans do make it to the United States, there has been an “alarming uptick” in deportations by the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, known as ICE, which specifically targets them, according to news reports.

    The US Department of Homeland Security has also imposed visa restrictions on Eritreans, in direct retaliation for Asmara’s perceived non-cooperation over the deportation of its citizens – a move that in reality punishes the migrants rather than the government.

    #fermeture_des_frontières #ouverture_des_frontières #paix #processus_de_paix #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #Erythrée #Ethiopie #Addis_Abeba #travail

  • Abiy Ahmed, artisan de la réconciliation entre l’Ethiopie et l’Erythrée, reçoit le prix Nobel de la paix
    11 octobre 2019 Par René Backmann

    Le premier ministre éthiopien Abiy Ahmed et le président érythréen Isaias Afwerki en juillet 2018. © Reuters

    Le premier ministre éthiopien a conclu en juillet 2018 une déclaration de paix historique avec le président érythréen Isaias Afwerki. Mais celle-ci n’a pas que des partisans à Addis-Abeba, où ceux qui ont confisqué pouvoir et richesse pendant des décennies ne rendent pas les armes. Au risque de réveiller les fantômes de la guerre civile. (...)

    #Nobel #Ethiopie #Erythrée,

    • Bien que les attaques contre Greta Thunberg me l’aient rendue sympathique, même si son Nobel n’aurait pas été plus ridicule que celui de Barack Obama, et même si je ne connais pas du tout ce dossier, je trouve que ce choix a de la gueule. C’est moins la bourgeoisie occidentale qui se regarde le nombril.

    • Opinion: Abiy Ahmed’s Nobel Peace Prize win is a flawed decision

      When the Norwegian Nobel Committee gives the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize medal to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Tuesday, celebrations will be undercut by many expressions of disappointment and outrage. Local and international voices criticizing his domestic record attracted considerable media attention, while some took to opinion pages to develop their arguments further.
      But Abiy’s domestic record was not why he was awarded the prestigious prize. According to the committee, he was chosen for “his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighboring Eritrea,” resulting in a peace deal they hope “will help to bring about positive change for the entire populations of Ethiopia and Eritrea.”

      Yet the impact of this “peace” in Eritrea has had little coverage. One needs to only look a little more deeply at the relationship between the Ethiopian leader and Eritrea to understand why the decision to award him the Nobel Peace Prize was wrong and makes a mockery of the Eritrean people’s suffering.
      The mainstream narrative around the peace agreement has been that the two countries had long been locked in “no peace-no-war” hostilities until Ethiopia got a fresh-faced and courageous leader who began the peace process expected to lead to positive change for the Horn of Africa. However, Abiy’s decision to initiate peace talks with Eritrea was neither novel nor brave — and he had no interest in improving the lot of the Eritrean population.

      The 17-year conflict has been portrayed as one between Eritrea and Ethiopia when it instead should be viewed as one between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the then leader of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EFRDF) coalition Abiy now leads, and the Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki.
      No-peace-no-war stalemate
      After Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in the early 90s, a failure to resolve a border dispute resulted in a deadly two-year war, beginning in 1998, costing more than 80,000 lives across the two countries.
      Although the Algiers agreement in 2000 formally ended active hostilities, TPLF refused to demarcate the border in accordance with the deal, which put the two governments in a no-peace-no-war stalemate. Diplomatic relations were severed and the border and air routes between the neighbors closed.

      This negatively affected both countries, as all trade stopped, while Ethiopia lost access to the coast and used its powerful position on the international scene to diplomatically isolate Eritrea. Afwerki’s regime compounded the impact on the Eritrean people. It argued that the failure to demarcate the border was a threat to Eritrea’s national security, as it put the country at constant risk of war.
      And it used this threat as an excuse to refuse to implement the Eritrean constitution, conscript to indefinite national service, imprison countless people without trial in poor conditions, and shut down the free press and other democratic institutions.
      Occupying Eritrean land
      More than a year after the lauded peace agreement was signed, the Algiers accord from 2000 has still not been implemented. Ethiopian soldiers remain at the border and continue to occupy Eritrean land. Neither country has made the details of the latest pact public.
      The terms from the Algiers accord was demarcation and that has still not happened. How did Abiy manage to get Afwerki to agree to a peace deal without fulfilling any of Eritrea’s prior demands? It might sound like Abiy performed a miracle, but the reality is far different.

      Abiy currently leads the Oromo Democratic Party, which succeeded the TPLF in its leadership of the EPRDF Coalition, and consequently, the Ethiopian state. His party has historically had disagreements with the ruling TPLF elite.
      When young people in Oromia began to organize massive protests against TPLF-backed policies, Abiy and his party were selected to lead Ethiopia in the hopes of alleviating Oromo protests and other problems in that region.
      Afwerki had spent the last ten years backing Ethiopian opposition groups and cultivating a relationship with key Oromo ones, among others.
      An uncomfortable reality
      The uncomfortable reality is that, in addition to the obvious financial benefits a peace agreement would lead to, Abiy and Afwerki came together under the guise of peace to isolate the TPLF, which scored political points for the both of them. The TPLF and Eritrean government remain enemies and the Eritrean-Ethiopian border is not demarcated. There is still no peace between the groups who initiated the original border conflict.

      Many Ethiopians have asked me why I criticize the decision to award Abiy the Nobel Peace Prize from an Eritrean perspective, arguing that he has no responsibility to fix our internal problems. I do it for two reasons. Firstly, because awarding him the prize for the potential this deal might have is wrong when it never had the potential nor intention to benefit the Eritrean people.
      The Nobel Committee hopes that it still can, and relies on the assumption that the conflict was the main obstacle to peace in Eritrea. However, it has not been the root of the extreme human rights abuses in Eritrea that has caused hundreds of thousands to flee. The internal actions taken following the border dispute were disproportionate to the threats posed by the conflict and were never formally sanctioned by any Eritrean legal process. The war was simply used as an excuse by the regime.
      A flawed decision
      There have not been any reforms or improvements in Eritrea following the peace agreement. The borders that were briefly opened were quickly closed. The constitution has still not been implemented, national service is still indefinite and dissidence is still strictly forbidden. In October last year, three months after the peace agreement, a former finance minister was imprisoned for writing a critical book about the Eritrean regime.
      Secondly, and most importantly, I criticize the Nobel Committee’s flawed decision because, in addition to the lack of domestic prospects for change, Abiy has actively supported and legitimized Afwerki’s regime, thus hindering efforts to bring peace to Eritrea.
      In combination with Europe’s desperation to stifle migration from Eritrea, Abiy’s constant appearances alongside Afwerki and his rallying of Ethiopia’s allies have softened the international pressure on the dictator. I was invited to speak at the United Nations earlier this year and was shocked by the overwhelming support for Eritrea.

      Abiy reportedly also recently told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who for years has tried multiple ways to deport Eritrean refugees, that his friendship with Eritrea can help him come up with “innovative projects to deport them back.”
      That is despite the fact that returned refugees face an imminent threat of torture and that their deportation would constitute a violation of international human rights principles.
      This peace agreement was not about resolving the border dispute or bringing peace to Eritrea. Instead, it was a strategic political move by Abiy that has benefited both leaders financially and diplomatically, whilst uniting them against their common political enemy.
      Political opportunism
      One Twitter user joked that Abiy was given the wrong prize and that he and Afwerki instead should have received an Oscar for their performances. They went from strangers to best friends in the span of a few days, dressed up in wedding clothes, cut cake, exchanged rings, drank champagne, and constantly spoke lovingly about each other — all to send a strong message to their audience, the TPLF.
      This is political opportunism, not an effort to create peace in the lives of the Eritrean people.

      What hurts me, and many more Eritreans, is that none of this is hard to understand for a competent and well-resourced body like the Nobel Committee. Disregarding the Eritrean people and their suffering was not a lazy oversight but an informed and deliberate decision.
      I hope that the rest of the world does not follow their lead and instead supports the Eritrean people’s efforts for peace and justice.


  • The human cost of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam - East Africa Monitor

    The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) project has been a constant source of controversy since construction began in 2011. Africa’s biggest dam project is expected to cost a total of US$4.8 billion but the completion date has been pushed back until 2020, raising the prospect of total expenses increasing further. (…) The most obvious concern about Ethiopia’s dam project – ad the one getting most press coverage – is the impact it will have on Egypt’s vital water supply from the river Nile. Egypt is one of the world’s most water-stressed nations, almost entirely dependent on the Nile, which provides 90% of the country’s entire water supply.

    #Égypte #Éthiopie #grand_projets #eau

  • Café et climat : La culture du café face aux effets du changement climatique - Toute l’actualité des Outre-mer à 360° - Toute l’actualité des Outre-mer à 360°

    Le #café compte environ 80 espèces (#Typica, #Maragogype, #Bourbon, #Blue_Mountain ou #Mundo_Novo….) , mais ce sont l’#Arabica et le #Robusta qui s’imposent. L’arabica – un marché évalué à 16 milliards de dollars – est le plus consommé au monde et pourrait disparaître à l’état sauvage d’ici 2080. Car aujourd’hui, c’est toute la production d’Amérique centrale qui se trouve menacée par la rouille orangée causée par un champignon. Mais la rouille n’est pas la seule menace pour le café. La chaleur a favorisé les attaques dans les zones d’altitude, liée à l’appauvrissement génétique des plantations. A son origine, en #Ethiopie, le café sauvage poussait à l’ombre. Dès le 14ème siècle au #Yemen, on le remet au soleil, et la moitié du café dans le monde aujourd’hui est cultivée industriellement, en plein soleil, comme au #Brésil. « Les jours de ces #méthodes de production pourraient être comptés, en raison des changements climatiques » nous met en garde Hervé Etienne (CIRAD).

    #climat #monoculture

  • Antisémitisme : les petits arrangements de Yann Moix avec la vérité à « ONPC »

    Yann Moix s’est expliqué samedi soir sur le plateau de Laurent Ruquier. On attendait un mea culpa sincère, on a eu droit à des éléments de langage. Décryptage.

    Yann Moix a décidément du mal avec les mea-culpa. À la suite des révélations de L’Express https://web.archive.org/web/20190826152559/https://www.lexpress.fr/culture/quand-yann-moix-publiait-dans-un-journal-antisemite_2095721.html, il lui avait déjà fallu s’y reprendre à deux fois avant d’avouer qu’il était bien l’auteur non seulement des dessins, mais aussi des textes publiés dans un petit magazine étudiant à tendance #négationniste. Hier soir, sur le plateau de #Laurent_Ruquier, le romancier a de nouveau présenté ses excuses pour ces errements de jeunesse. Mais interviewé par #Adèle_Van_Reeth et #Franz-Oliver_Giesbert, qui n’avaient pas la moindre idée de ce que contenaient les trois numéros d’Ushoahia, #Yann_Moix a de nouveau eu tendance à minimiser sa participation à coups de petits arrangements avec la vérité.

    Par ailleurs, Le Monde avait révélé hier https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/08/31/ces-heures-ou-yann-moix-a-tente-de-rester-frequentable_5504880_3224.html avant l’émission que Moix était le salarié de la maison de production #Tout_sur_l'écran, productrice d’On n’est pas couché. C’est en effet cette même société qui produit Chez Moix, l’émission présentée sur #Paris-Première par le romancier. Un étrange mélange des genres sur le Service Public. Retour sur un mea-culpa incomplet.

    "Je demande pardon pour ces bandes dessinées"

    Yann Moix connait trop bien le sens des mots pour les employer au hasard, surtout au coeur d’une polémique aussi explosive. Il a asséné pendant plus d’une heure un « élément de langage » forgé à l’avance : « Je faisais des bandes dessinées #antisémites. » Nous avons compté : Yann Moix a martelé dix-neuf fois l’expression « bande dessinée » durant l’émission, sans jamais avoir été repris une seule fois par ses interviewers ! Or, en demandant le pardon pour ces « bandes dessinées », le romancier renvoie à un mode d’expression qui évoque inconsciemment l’enfance et suscite donc l’indulgence.

    Vérification faite, sur la centaine de pages que forment au total les trois numéros d’Ushoahia, on ne trouve aucune bande dessinée de sa main dans le numéro 1 (le plus négationniste), trois pages seulement dans le numéro 2 et deux pages dans le troisième numéro. Soit donc seulement cinq pages sur... cent ! À noter que ces rares bandes dessinées visent le plus souvent à ridiculiser #Bernard-Henri_Lévy, parfois sur le mode scatologique, parfois pour se demander comment « le distinguer de Jean-Jacques Goldman ».

    Dans l’absolution que #BHL accorde ce matin à Moix, le philosophe reprend symptomatiquement le même élément de langage, n’évoquant que « ces fameuses BD ».

    Case d’une des rares bandes dessinées de Yann Moix publiée dans Ushoahia.

    En revanche, dans ces numéros, on trouve de très nombreuses caricatures de la main de Moix, très souvent antisémites. Le romancier, qui rêvait de publier dans Hara-Kiri, sait que caricature et bande dessinée sont loin d’être synonymes. Tout particulièrement quand le sujet en est l’ #antisémitisme, comme le rappelle le spécialiste Didier Pasamonik ce matin https://www.actuabd.com/TRIBUNE-LIBRE-A-DIDIER-PASAMONIK-A-propos-des-bandes-dessinees-de-Yann-Moix

    Mais surtout, en demandant pardon pour ses « bandes dessinées », Yann Moix occulte à nouveau l’essentiel : il était bel et bien l’auteur de nombreux textes d’Ushoahia. Après l’avoir tout d’abord farouchement nié dans son entretien à L’Express, il avait été contraint de le reconnaître vingt-quatre heures plus tard dans Libération, lorsque L’Express avait retrouvé https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/societe/negationnisme-le-mensonge-de-yann-moix_2095809.html l’un de ses manuscrits signés de sa main contenant nombre des textes antisémites publiés dans Ushoahia.

    Or, en plus d’une heure passée dans le fauteuil de l’émission de Laurent Ruquier, Yann Moix n’a pas une seule fois évoqué ou assumé ces textes. Que cache ce déni ?

    "J’avais 20 ans"

    Quel âge avait vraiment Yann Moix au moment où il publiait ces textes et dessins ? La maturité n’est pas la même à 18 ans, à 20 ans ou à 22 ans. Dans Le Monde, son éditeur Olivier Nora évoque un « fanzine lycéen ». Sur le plateau d’ONPC, Moix parle de l’année 1988. Précisons donc que certains numéros d’Ushoahia sont parus dans les premiers mois de 1990 (l’un d’entre eux évoque longuement la mort du dictateur roumain Nicolae Ceaucescu survenue le 25 décembre 1989). Yann Moix, né le 31 mars 1968, s’apprêtait donc à fêter ses vingt-deux ans. Il avait quitté le lycée trois ans plus tôt, avait passé deux ans en classes préparatoires et étudiait dans une grande école, l’ESC Reims.

    Dans Orléans, il ne cesse d’ailleurs de rappeler combien il était précoce intellectuellement, s’amusant même du fait qu’il était sans doute le plus jeune abonné du Bulletin des amis d’André Gide de l’Histoire (il était alors en quatrième). Il raconte aussi comment il dévorait les oeuvres de Francis Ponge, Charles Péguy, Sartre, Céline, Baudelaire, Gombrowicz... D’ailleurs, le « style » des textes d’Ushoahia, aussi odieux soit-il, fait preuve d’une virtuosité certaine.

    "Je m’en prenais aussi aux myopathes, aux handicapés, aux Éthiopiens"

    Yann Moix sous-entend donc que les Juifs ne seraient qu’une cible parmi d’autres dans ses écrits de jeunesse et qu’il « faisait feu de tout bois ». Les myopathes ? Les handicapés ? Pas une ligne sur eux dans les trois numéros d’Ushoahia. En revanche, la couverture du numéro 2 est bien consacrée à la famine en #Éthiopie. Voici les premières lignes de l’article consacré au sujet : « Après les six millions de #Juifs soi-disant morts dans les camps en carton pâte que la Metro Goldwyn Meyer a fait construire un peu partout en Europe pour le compte (en banque) de quelques Juifs avides de pognon, on réinvente l’actualité pour renflouer les caisses de quelques dictateurs nègres dont le roseau de 30 cm ne suffit plus à aguicher les putains d’Adis-Abeba. » Et un peu plus loin : « En fait, ces #nègres maigres n’existent pas. Ce ne sont que les négatifs des photos truquées par les Juifs sur les prétendus camps de la mort. »

    Texte paru dans le numéro 2 d’Ushoahia.

    Le numéro 3 d’Ushoahia est lui consacré à l’abbé Pierre. Là encore, voici les toutes premières lignes de l’article : « Il est petit, épais comme un #Juif version #Buchenwald, porte des binocles pour mieux voir le fric (...) et une barbe de père Noël pouilleux qui serait resté trop longtemps à distribuer des cadeaux aux pensionnaires d’ #Auschwitz. Faut dire, vu le nombre de cheminées qu’il y avait là-haut, il devait y avoir du pain (grillé) sur ces planches qui ont servi à casser du Youpe, etc. » Le texte est signé « #Auschwitz-Man ».

    Extrait du numéro 3 d’Ushoahia.

    Bref, les #Éthiopiens et l’abbé Pierre ne sont une nouvelle fois que prétexte à développer une obsession antisémite et négationniste. Dans le numéro 3, même la pauvre peluche Casimir -pour laquelle Moix a toujours eu un faible, au point de la mettre en scène longuement dans son premier roman, Jubilations vers le ciel- porte un brassard à #croix_gammée.

    On comprend mieux pourquoi Yann Moix n’a pas souhaité s’appesantir sur les textes.

    "Ces révélations sont téléguidées par l’extrême-droite"

    Discréditer le supposé émetteur d’une information est une technique vieille comme le monde. Dans son interview à L’Express, en début de semaine, Yann Moix accusait son frère d’être la « balance ». À On n’est pas couché, changement de stratégie, c’est l’ « extrême-droite ». Deux anciennes amitiés de Moix avec des personnages sulfureux ont d’ailleurs été évoquées sur le plateau de Laurent Ruquier.

    Premier nom : #Marc-Edouard_Nabe, écrivain dont Moix fut très admiratif à ses débuts et dont il fut proche un temps, avant de se brouiller avec lui. Depuis, les deux hommes sont à couteaux tirés. Nabe est le premier à avoir cité le titre Ushoahia, en 2017, dans son livre Les Porcs 1, mais il n’a jamais eu entre les mains ces publications. Sinon, lui qui publie régulièrement sur son site « Nabe News » des documents révélant les parts d’ombre de ses ennemis, se serait évidemment fait un malin plaisir de rendre public un florilège des oeuvres de jeunesse compromettantes de Moix, étrillé à longueur de pages dans Les Porcs 1.

    Couverture du premier numéro d’Ushoahia dessinée par Yann Moix.

    L’autre ami évoqué à ONPC s’appelle #Paul-Éric_Blanrue. Auteur d’un documentaire avec le négationniste #Robert_Faurisson, il fut très proche de Moix dans les années 2000. Ce dernier lui donna même en 2007 une préface (sans ambiguïtés) à une anthologie de textes antisémites d’auteurs célèbres. Pour l’anecdote, #Blanrue fait une petite apparition - en sosie d’Elvis Presley - dans le film Podium de Yann Moix. Aujourd’hui, les deux ex-complices sont en froid. Mais si Blanrue avait entendu parler lui-aussi d’Ushoahia, il n’en détenait aucun exemplaire. Il nous l’avait confirmé, lorsque nous l’avions interrogé avant notre premier article sur le sujet. Il nous avait même envoyé trois mails, demandant si nous ne pouvions pas lui envoyer en primeur une capture d’écran de l’une des couvertures (ce que nous n’avons évidemment pas fait).

    Yann Moix le sait donc bien. Si l’ « #extrême-droite » avait eu la possibilité de faire « fuiter » ses dessins et écrits de jeunesse, elle l’aurait fait depuis longtemps. Alors pourquoi l’accuser ? Ne peut-il imaginer que certaines personnes aient tout simplement été horrifiées par ce qu’elles ont découvert dans les publications antisémites et négationnistes dont il était l’auteur et le dessinateur ?

    #Shoah #Racisme #Raciste

    • Par ailleurs, Le Monde avait révélé hier avant l’émission que Moix était le salarié de la maison de production Tout sur l’écran, productrice d’On n’est pas couché. C’est en effet cette même société qui produit Chez Moix, l’émission présentée sur Paris-Première par le romancier. Un étrange mélange des genres sur le Service Public. Retour sur un mea-culpa incomplet.

  • Ethiopians Abused on Gulf Migration Route

    Ethiopians undertaking the perilous journey by boat across the Red Sea or Gulf of Aden face exploitation and torture in Yemen by a network of trafficking groups, Human Rights Watch said today. They also encounter abusive prison conditions in Saudi Arabia before being summarily forcibly deported back to Addis Ababa. Authorities in Ethiopia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have taken few if any measures to curb the violence migrants face, to put in place asylum procedures, or to check abuses perpetrated by their own security forces.

    A combination of factors, including unemployment and other economic difficulties, drought, and human rights abuses have driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to migrate over the past decade, traveling by boat over the Red Sea and then by land through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states are favored destinations because of the availability of employment. Most travel irregularly and do not have legal status once they reach Saudi Arabia.

    “Many Ethiopians who hoped for a better life in Saudi Arabia face unspeakable dangers along the journey, including death at sea, torture, and all manners of abuses,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ethiopian government, with the support of its international partners, should support people who arrive back in Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes on their back and nowhere to turn for help.”

    Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Ethiopians in Addis Ababa who had been deported from Saudi Arabia between December 2018 and May 2019. Human Rights Watch also interviewed humanitarian workers and diplomats working on Ethiopia migration-related issues.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates as many as 500,000 Ethiopians were in Saudi Arabia when the Saudi government began a deportation campaign in November 2017. The Saudi authorities have arrested, prosecuted, or deported foreigners who violate labor or residency laws or those who crossed the border irregularly. About 260,000 Ethiopians, an average of 10,000 per month, were deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia between May 2017 and March 2019, according to the IOM, and deportations have continued.

    An August 2 Twitter update by Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry said that police had arrested 3.6 million people, including 2.8 million for violations of residency rules, 557,000 for labor law violations, and 237,000 for border violations. In addition, authorities detained 61,125 people for crossing the border into Saudi Arabia illegally, 51 percent of them Ethiopians, and referred more than 895,000 people for deportation. Apart from illegal border crossing, these figures are not disaggregated by nationality.

    Eleven of the 12 people interviewed who had been deported had engaged with smuggling and trafficking networks that are regionally linked across Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland state, the self-declared autonomous state of Somaliland, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Traffickers outside of Ethiopia, particularly in Yemen, often used violence or threats to extort ransom money from migrants’ family members or contacts, those interviewed told Human Rights Watch. The 12th person was working in Saudi Arabia legally but was deported after trying to help his sister when she arrived illegally.

    Those interviewed described life-threatening journeys as long as 24 hours across the Gulf of Aden or the Red Sea to reach Yemen, in most cases in overcrowded boats, with no food or water, and prevented from moving around by armed smugglers.

    “There were 180 people on the boat, but 25 died,” one man said. “The boat was in trouble and the waves were hitting it. It was overloaded and about to sink so the dallalas [an adaptation of the Arabic word for “middleman” or “broker”] picked some out and threw them into the sea, around 25.”

    Interviewees said they were met and captured by traffickers upon arrival in Yemen. Five said the traffickers physically assaulted them to extort payments from family members or contacts in Ethiopia or Somalia. While camps where migrants were held capture were run by Yemenis, Ethiopians often carried out the abuse. In many cases, relatives said they sold assets such as homes or land to obtain the ransom money.

    After paying the traffickers or escaping, the migrants eventually made their way north to the Saudi-Yemen border, crossing in rural, mountainous areas. Interviewees said Saudi border guards fired at them, killing and injuring others crossing at the same time, and that they saw dead bodies along the crossing routes. Human Rights Watch has previously documented Saudi border guards shooting and killing migrants crossing the border.

    “At the border there are many bodies rotting, decomposing,” a 26-year-old man said: “It is like a graveyard.”

    Six interviewees said they were apprehended by Saudi border police, while five successfully crossed the border but were later arrested. They described abusive prison conditions in several facilities in southern Saudi Arabia, including inadequate food, toilet facilities, and medical care; lack of sanitation; overcrowding; and beatings by guards.

    Planes returning people deported from Saudi Arabia typically arrive in Addis Ababa either at the domestic terminal or the cargo terminal of Bole International Airport. Several humanitarian groups conduct an initial screening to identify the most vulnerable cases, with the rest left to their own devices. Aid workers in Ethiopia said that deportees often arrive with no belongings and no money for food, transportation, or shelter. Upon arrival, they are offered little assistance to help them deal with injuries or psychological trauma, or to support transportation to their home communities, in some cases hundreds of kilometers from Addis Ababa.

    Human Rights Watch learned that much of the migration funding from Ethiopia’s development partners is specifically earmarked to manage migration along the routes from the Horn of Africa to Europe and to assist Ethiopians being returned from Europe, with very little left to support returnees from Saudi Arabia.

    “Saudi Arabia has summarily returned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to Addis Ababa who have little to show for their journey except debts and trauma,” Horne said. “Saudi Arabia should protect migrants on its territory and under its control from traffickers, ensure there is no collusion between its agents and these criminals, and provide them with the opportunity to legally challenge their detention and deportation.”

    All interviews were conducted in Amharic, Tigrayan, or Afan Oromo with translation into English. The interviewees were from the four regions of SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region), Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray. These regions have historically produced the bulk of Ethiopians migrating abroad. To protect interviewees from possible reprisals, pseudonyms are being used in place of their real names. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ethiopian and Saudi governments seeking comment on abuses described by Ethiopian migrants along the Gulf migration route, but at the time of writing neither had responded.

    Dangerous Boat Journey

    Most of the 11 people interviewed who entered Saudi Arabia without documents described life-threatening boat journeys across the Red Sea from Djibouti, Somaliland, or Puntland to Yemen. They described severely overcrowded boats, beatings, and inadequate food or water on journeys that ranged from 4 to 24 hours. These problems were compounded by dangerous weather conditions or encounters with Saudi/Emirati-led coalition naval vessels patrolling the Yemeni coast.

    “Berhanu” said that Somali smugglers beat people on his boat crossing from Puntland: “They have a setup they use where they place people in spots by weight to keep the boat balanced. If you moved, they beat you.” He said that his trip was lengthened when smugglers were forced to turn the boat around after spotting a light from a naval vessel along the Yemeni coast and wait several hours for it to pass.

    Since March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of countries in a military campaign against the Houthi armed group in Yemen. As part of its campaign the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition has imposed a naval blockade on Houthi-controlled Yemeni ports, purportedly to prevent Houthi rebels from importing weapons by sea, but which has also restricted the flow of food, fuel, and medicine to civilians in the country, and included attacks on civilians at sea. Human Rights Watch previously documented a helicopter attack in March 2017 by coalition forces on a boat carrying Somali migrants and refugees returning from Yemen, killing at least 32 of the 145 Somali migrants and refugees on board and one Yemeni civilian.

    Exploitation and Abuses in Yemen

    Once in war-torn Yemen, Ethiopian migrants said they faced kidnappings, beatings, and other abuses by traffickers trying to extort ransom money from them or their family members back home.

    This is not new. Human Rights Watch, in a 2014 report, documented abuses, including torture, of migrants in detention camps in Yemen run by traffickers attempting to extort payments. In 2018, Human Rights Watch documented how Yemeni guards tortured and raped Ethiopian and other Horn of Africa migrants at a detention center in Aden and worked in collaboration with smugglers to send them back to their countries of origin. Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch indicate that the war in Yemen has not significantly affected the abuses against Ethiopians migrating through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. If anything, the conflict, which escalated in 2015, has made the journey more dangerous for migrants who cross into an area of active fighting.

    Seven of the 11 irregular migrants interviewed said they faced detention and extortion by traffickers in Yemen. This occurred in many cases as soon as they reached shore, as smugglers on boats coordinated with the Yemeni traffickers. Migrants said that Yemeni smuggling and trafficking groups always included Ethiopians, often one from each of Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara ethnic groups, who generally were responsible for beating and torturing migrants to extort payments. Migrants were generally held in camps for days or weeks until they could provide ransom money, or escape. Ransom payments were usually made by bank transfers from relatives and contacts back in Ethiopia.

    “Abebe” described his experience:

    When we landed… [the traffickers] took us to a place off the road with a tent. Everyone there was armed with guns and they threw us around like garbage. The traffickers were one Yemeni and three Ethiopians – one Tigrayan, one Amhara, and one Oromo…. They started to beat us after we refused to pay, then we had to call our families…. My sister [in Ethiopia] has a house, and the traffickers called her, and they fired a bullet near me that she could hear. They sold the house and sent the money [40,000 Birr, US $1,396].

    “Tesfalem”, said that he was beaten by Yemenis and Ethiopians at a camp he believes was near the port city of Aden:

    They demanded money, but I said I don’t have any. They told me to make a call, but I said I don’t have relatives. They beat me and hung me on the wall by one hand while standing on a chair, then they kicked the chair away and I was swinging by my arm. They beat me on my head with a stick and it was swollen and bled.

    He escaped after three months, was detained in another camp for three months more, and finally escaped again.

    “Biniam” said the men would take turns beating the captured migrants: “The [Ethiopian] who speaks your language beats you, those doing the beating were all Ethiopians. We didn’t think of fighting back against them because we were so tired, and they would kill you if you tried.”

    Two people said that when they landed, the traffickers offered them the opportunity to pay immediately to travel by car to the Saudi border, thereby avoiding the detention camps. One of them, “Getachew,” said that he paid 1,500 Birr (US $52) for the car and escaped mistreatment.

    Others avoided capture when they landed, but then faced the difficult 500 kilometer journey on foot with few resources while trying to avoid capture.

    Dangers faced by Yemeni migrants traveling north were compounded for those who ran into areas of active fighting between Houthi forces and groups aligned with the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition. Two migrants said that their journey was delayed, one by a week, the other by two months, to avoid conflict areas.

    Migrants had no recourse to local authorities and did not report abuses or seek assistance from them. Forces aligned with the Yemeni government and the Houthis have also detained migrants in poor conditions, refused access to protection and asylum procedures, deported migrants en masse in dangerous conditions, and exposed them to abuse. In April 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that Yemeni government officials had tortured, raped, and executed migrants and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa in a detention center in the southern port city of Aden. The detention center was later shut down.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced in May that it had initiated a program of voluntary humanitarian returns for irregular Ethiopian migrants held by Yemeni authorities at detention sites in southern Yemen. IOM said that about 5,000 migrants at three sites were held in “unsustainable conditions,” and that the flights from Aden to Ethiopia had stalled because the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition had failed to provide the flights the necessary clearances. The coalition controls Yemen’s airspace.

    Crossing the Border; Abusive Detention inside Saudi Arabia

    Migrants faced new challenges attempting to cross the Saudi-Yemen border. The people interviewed said that the crossing points used by smugglers are in rural, mountainous areas where the border separates Yemen’s Saada Governorate and Saudi Arabia’s Jizan Province. Two said that smugglers separated Ethiopians by their ethnic group and assigned different groups to cross at different border points.

    Ethiopian migrants interviewed were not all able to identify the locations where they crossed. Most indicated points near the Yemeni mountain villages Souq al-Ragu and ‘Izlat Al Thabit, which they called Ragu and Al Thabit. Saudi-aligned media have regularly characterized Souq al-Ragu as a dangerous town from which drug smugglers and irregular migrants cross into Saudi Arabia.

    Migrants recounted pressures to pay for the crossing by smuggling drugs into Saudi Arabia. “Abdi” said he stayed in Souq al-Ragu for 15 days and finally agreed to carry across a 25 kilogram sack of khat in exchange for 500 Saudi Riyals (US$133). Khat is a mild stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands and Yemen; it is popular among Yemenis and Saudis, but illegal in Saudi Arabia.

    “Badessa” described Souq al-Ragu as “the crime city:”

    You don’t know who is a trafficker, who is a drug person, but everybody has an angle of some sort. Even Yemenis are afraid of the place, it is run by Ethiopians. It is also a burial place; bodies are gathered of people who had been shot along the border and then they’re buried there. There is no police presence.

    Four of the eleven migrants who crossed the border on foot said Saudi border guards shot at them during their crossings, sometimes after ordering them to stop and other times without warning. Some said they encountered dead bodies along the way. Six said they were apprehended by Saudi border guards or drug police at the border, while five were arrested later.

    “Abebe” said that Saudi border guards shot at his group as they crossed from Izlat Al Thabit:

    They fired bullets, and everyone scattered. People fleeing were shot, my friend was shot in the leg…. One person was shot in the chest and killed and [the Saudi border guards] made us carry him to a place where there was a big excavator. They didn’t let us bury him; the excavator dug a hole and they buried him.

    Berhanu described the scene in the border area: “There were many dead people at the border. You could walk on the corpses. No one comes to bury them.”

    Getachew added: “It is like a graveyard. There are no dogs or hyenas there to eat the bodies, just dead bodies everywhere.”

    Two of the five interviewees who crossed the border without being detained said that Saudi and Ethiopian smugglers and traffickers took them to informal detention camps in southern Saudi towns and held them for ransom. “Yonas” said they took him and 14 others to a camp in the Fayfa area of Jizan Province: “They beat me daily until I called my family. They wanted 10,000 Birr ($349). My father sold his farmland and sent the 10,000 Birr, but then they told me this isn’t enough, we need 20,000 ($698). I had nothing left and decided to escape or die.” He escaped.

    Following their capture, the migrants described abusive conditions in Saudi governmental detention centers and prisons, including overcrowding and inadequate food, water, and medical care. Migrants also described beatings by Saudi guards.

    Nine migrants who were captured while crossing the border illegally or living in Saudi Arabia without documentation spent up to five months in detention before authorities deported them back to Ethiopia. The three others were convicted of criminal offenses that included human trafficking and drug smuggling, resulting in longer periods in detention before being deported.

    The migrants identified about 10 prisons and detention centers where they were held for various periods. The most frequently cited were a center near the town of al-Dayer in Jizan Province along the border, Jizan Central Prison in Jizan city, and the Shmeisi Detention Center east of Jeddah, where migrants are processed for deportation.

    Al-Dayer had the worst conditions, they said, citing overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, food and water, and medical care. Yonas said:

    They tied our feet with chains and they beat us while chained, sometimes you can’t get to the food because you are chained. If you get chained by the toilet it will overflow and flow under you. If you are aggressive you get chained by the toilet. If you are good [behave well], they chain you to another person and you can move around.

    Abraham had a similar description:

    The people there beat us. Ethnic groups [from Ethiopia] fought with each other. The toilet was overflowing. It was like a graveyard and not a place to live. Urine was everywhere and people were defecating. The smell was terrible.

    Other migrants described similarly bad conditions in Jizan Central Prison. “Ibrahim” said that he was a legal migrant working in Saudi Arabia, but that he travelled to Jizan to help his sister, whom Saudi authorities had detained after she crossed from Yemen illegally. Once in Jizan, authorities suspected him of human trafficking and arrested him, put him on trial, and sentenced him to two years in prison, a sentenced he partially served in Jizan Central Prison:

    Jizan prison is so very tough…. You can be sleeping with [beside] someone who has tuberculosis, and if you ask an official to move you, they don’t care. They will beat you. You can’t change clothes, you have one set and that is it, sometimes the guards will illegally bring clothes and sell to you at night.

    He also complained of overcrowding: “When you want to sleep you tell people and they all jostle to make some room, then you sleep for a bit but you wake up because everyone is jostling against each other.”

    Most of the migrants said food was inadequate. Yonas described the situation in al-Dayer: “When they gave food 10 people would gather and fight over it. If you don’t have energy you won’t eat. The fight is over rice and bread.”

    Detainees also said medical care was inadequate and that detainees with symptoms of tuberculosis (such as cough, fever, night sweats, or weight loss) were not isolated from other prisoners. Human Rights Watch interviewed three former detainees who were being treated for tuberculosis after being deported, two of whom said they were held with other detainees despite having symptoms of active tuberculosis.

    Detainees described being beaten by Saudi prison guards when they requested medical care. Abdi said:

    I was beaten once with a stick in Jizan that was like a piece of rebar covered in plastic. I was sick in prison and I used to vomit. They said, ‘why do you do that when people are eating?’ and then they beat me harshly and I told him [the guard], ‘Please kill me.’ He eventually stopped.

    Ibrahim said he was also beaten when he requested medical care for tuberculosis:

    [Prison guards] have a rule that you aren’t supposed to knock on the door [and disturb the guards]. When I got sick in the first six months and asked to go to the clinic, they just beat me with electric wires on the bottom of my feet. I kept asking so they kept beating.

    Detainees said that the other primary impetus for beatings by guards was fighting between different ethnic groups of Ethiopians in detention, largely between ethnic Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrayans. Ethnic tensions are increasingly common back in Ethiopia.

    Detainees said that conditions generally improved once they were transferred to Shmeisi Detention Center, near Jeddah, where they stayed only a few days before receiving temporary travel documents from Ethiopian consular authorities and deported to Ethiopia. The migrants charged with and convicted of crimes had no opportunity to consult legal counsel.

    None of the migrants said they were given the opportunity to legally challenge their deportations, and Saudi Arabia has not established an asylum system under which migrants could apply for protection from deportation where there was a risk of persecution if they were sent back. Saudi Arabia is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    Deportation and Future Prospects

    Humanitarian workers and diplomats told Human Rights Watch that since the beginning of Saudi Arabia’s deportation campaign, large numbers of Ethiopian deportees have been transported via special flights by Saudia Airlines to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and unloaded in a cargo area away from the main international terminal or at the domestic terminal. When Human Rights Watch visited in May, it appeared that the Saudi flights were suspended during the month of Ramadan, during which strict sunrise-to-sunset fasting is observed by Muslims. All interviewees who were deported in May said they had returned on regular Ethiopian Airlines commercial flights and disembarked at the main terminal with other passengers.

    All of those deported said that they returned to Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, and that Saudi authorities had confiscated their mobile phones and in some cases shoes and belts. “After staying in Jeddah … they had us make a line and take off our shoes,” Abraham said. “Anything that could tie like a belt we had to leave, they wouldn’t let us take it. We were barefoot when we went to the airport.”

    Deportees often have critical needs for assistance, including medical care, some for gunshot wounds. One returnee recovering from tuberculosis said that he did not have enough money to buy food and was going hungry. Abdi said that when he left for Saudi Arabia he weighed 64 kilograms but returned weighing only 47 or 48 kilograms.

    Aid workers and diplomats familiar with migration issues in Ethiopia said that very little international assistance is earmarked for helping deportees from Saudi Arabia for medical care and shelter or money to return and reintegrate in their home villages.

    Over 8 million people are in need of food assistance in Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million. It hosts over 920,000 refugees from neighboring countries and violence along ethnic lines produced over 2.4 internally displaced people in 2018, many of whom have now been returned.

    The IOM registers migrants upon arrival in Ethiopia and to facilitate their return from Saudi Arabia. Several hours after their arrival and once registered, they leave the airport and must fend for themselves. Some said they had never been to Addis before.

    In 2013 and 2014, Saudi Arabia conducted an expulsion campaign similar to the one that began in November 2017. The earlier campaign expelled about 163,000 Ethiopians, according to the IOM. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report found that migrants experienced serious abuses during detention and deportation, including attacks by security forces and private citizens in Saudi Arabia, and inadequate and abusive detention conditions. Human Rights Watch has also previously documented mistreatment of Ethiopian migrants by traffickers and government detention centers in Yemen.

    Aid workers and diplomats said that inadequate funding to assist returning migrants is as a result of several factors, including a focus of many of the European funders on stemming migration to and facilitating returns from Europe, along with competing priorities and the low visibility of the issue compared with migration to Europe.

    During previous mass returns from Saudi Arabia, there was more funding for reintegration and more international media attention in part because there was such a large influx in a short time, aid workers said.

    #migrations #asile #violence #réfugiés #réfugiés_éthiopiens #Ethiopie #pays_du_Golfe #route_du_Golfe #mer_Rouge #Golfe_d'Aden #Yémen #Arabie_Saoudite #frontières #violent_borders #torture #trafic_d'êtres_humains #exploitation #routes_migratoires

    signalé par @isskein

    • Migrants endure sea crossing to Yemen and disembark in hell

      Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants.

      Hundreds of men, women and teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf emerging, exhausted, on the shores of Yemen.

      The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi — which means Worshipper of the Strong.

      “What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.

      She and 300 other Africans had just endured six hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the Red Sea and the gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal village of Ras al-Ara.

      There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for money and pleaded for her freedom.
      Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the 20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.

      “They used each of the girls,” she told The Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”

      With its systematic torture, Ras al-Ara is a particular hell on the arduous, 900-mile (1,400 kilometer) journey from the Horn of Africa to oil-rich Saudi Arabia. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and 113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs of bread and salty water from ancient wells.

      In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some find their way safely across war-torn Yemen to Saudi Arabia, only to be caught and tossed back over the border. The lucky ones make it into the kingdom to earn their livings as a servant and laborers.

      But others are stranded in Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors, outsourcing migrants to other countries.

      The European Union began paying Libyan coast guards and militias to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa, through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted — from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.

      Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen in 2018, a 50% increase from the year before, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.

      And European policies may be making the Yemen route more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous paths and increasing the risk of abuses.

      Many of those migrants end up in Ras al-Ara.

      Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra, they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or simply lost in the desert.
      “Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.

      Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.

      At the same time, because the three main ethnic groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their families.

      The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who survived torture at Ras al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths, and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
      The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by Yemeni authorities.

      The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”

      “The traffickers move freely, in public, giving bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer who now runs a gas station in the center of town.

      From Ras al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is brought in.

      Nearly the entire population profits from the human trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards, drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.

      Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of them, a Yemeni named Mohammed al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.

      Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties to any of the warring parties.
      Many traffickers speak openly of their activities, but deny they torture, blaming others.

      Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay ransom.

      “I thought we need to have a different way,” he said, “I will help you go to Saudi, you just pay the transit and the transportation. Deal.”

      The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras al-Ara, one after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.

      The migrants climbed out of the boats into the turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain. Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces from the rugged journey.

      The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks. They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside.

      From time to time, Ethiopians escape their imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town.
      Eman Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian smuggler.

      She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on her shoulder; the smuggler received $700 to take her to Saudi Arabia, but wouldn’t let her go, because “he wanted me.”

      Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means the traffickers need him and leave him alone.

      On a day when the AP team was visiting, several young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and that three men had died.

      Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest. The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten. His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group, Tigray, while he is Oromo.

      Hassan said he was freed after his father went door to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the smugglers demanded.
      “My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”

      Starvation is another punishment used by the traffickers to wear down their victims.

      At Ras al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water, they said.

      One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras al-Ara, he was brought to a compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.

      He cried as he described how he was held for five months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said. One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered sheep.”
      But the worst was starvation.

      “From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have nothing.”

      Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids but he died several hours later.

      The torment that leaves the young men and women physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.

      Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted to change my life.”

      She came from a broken home. She was a child when her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer — remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant, sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.

      Unable to save any money, she decided to try her luck elsewhere.

      She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the torments she suffered at the compound.

      “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.

      She and the other women were locked in three rooms of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.

      One group tried to flee when they were allowed to wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought them back and beat them.
      “You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.

      Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for others.

      Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other women who also were tortured. .

      Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she can count.

      The first time was during the boat crossing from Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
      “I am speechless about what happened in the boat,” the 17-year-old said.

      Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.

      “We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.

      Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor.

      Nor do they have money to continue their travels.

      “I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family.

      Now, she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
      “If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know what would happen to us.”

      Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey.

      Others, like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.

      The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent the money.

      When Taha landed at Ras al-Ara, traffickers took him and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without food and water.

      One night, he gave them a wrong number. The traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.

      When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move — they were dead.
      A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his leg was amputated.

      Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for themselves back home.

      Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”

      “Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is unbearable.”

      And so it is still.

      #réfugiés_éthiopiens #famine #mourir_de_faim #Oromo

    • Sbarcare all’inferno. Per i migranti diretti in Europa la tappa in Yemen vuol dire stupro e tortura

      Il durissimo reportage fotografico di Associated Press in viaggio con i migranti etiopi lungo la rotta che dal Corno d’Africa porta verso la penisola arabica racconta l’orrore perpetrato negli ’#hosh' di #Ras al-Ara che la comunità internazionale non vuole vedere. Le terribili storie di Zahra, Ibrahim, Abdul e gli altri.

      #viol #viols #torture #violences_sexuelles #photographie

  • #Africa_Rising documentary

    From Clover films and film maker #Jamie_Doran, comes a documentary examining the failure of western policies towards Africa and rethinking the role of western aid workers on the continent.

    Narrated by Tilda Swinton, Africa Rising takes a look at the benefits of ’Self Help’ in Ethiopia, a country potentially rich in resources, looking to find its own way out of poverty.


    #film #documentaire #Afrique #développement #aide_au_développement #coopération_au_développement #Ethiopie #self-help #pauvreté #Afrique #famine #sécheresse #monoculture #agriculture #seasonal_hunger #malnutrition #cash_crops #semences #femmes #genre #micro-crédit #Sodo_region #syndrome_de_la_dépendance #dépendance_de_l'aide_internationale #santé #self-aid #désertification #self-help_Sodo #coopérative #coopérative_agricole #éducation