• [Ze Glaz and Prez Show] #127
    https://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/ze-glaz-and-prez-show/127

    Mamer – Daydydaw Daniel Blumberg - Bone Dwight Trible - African Drum Bengt Berger - The Widows of Kundar Village Joana Queiroz - Dois Litorais DJ Danifox - Gentleman Call Super featuring Julia Holter – Illumina Me-You - Burns Nondi - Long Ago Memotone - DroneX-7 (Extended Mix) inês malheiro - Liquid Roar Sourdurent - Le Tonnerre Marche de Palladuc Natural Information Society – Immemorial John Roseboro - Fetal Position Letieres Leite & Orkestra Rumpilezz - Coisa nº 8 (Part. Joander Cruz, saxofone alto) Ensemble 0 - Jojoni 4 Roger 3000 - Nouveau typhon

    https://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/ze-glaz-and-prez-show/127_16026__1.mp3

    • voilà ce qu’on voit quand on est pas loggé :

      https://i.imgur.com/Jlh6hAW.png

      note : le titre est visible dans l’onglet et dans le titre de la fenêtre juste au dessus.

      si on fait « view source » :

      <!DOCTYPE html>
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      <meta charset="utf-8">
      <link rel="canonical" href="https://seenthis.net/messages/1002744">
      <title>🍓 Pour des lacrymos goût fraise 🍓 (2016)</title>
      <meta name="twitter:card" content="summary_large_image"/>
      <meta property="og:image" content="https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L400xH225/wHbZtUgsJsDA6410-1e782.jpg"/>
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      [...]
    • Ah oui, toutes les balises OG sont présentes et complètes.

      <title>🍓 Pour des lacrymos goût fraise 🍓 ❝ Les citoyen-ne-s exerçant leur droit de manifester sont…</title>
      <meta name="twitter:card" content="summary"/>
      <meta name="author" content="Olaf"/>
      <meta name="og:title" content="&#38;#127827; Pour des lacrymos go&#251;t fraise &#38;#127827; &#10077; Les citoyen-ne-s&#8230;"/>
      <meta name="twitter:title" content="&#38;#127827; Pour des lacrymos go&#251;t fraise &#38;#127827; &#10077; Les citoyen-ne-s&#8230;"/>
      <meta name="description" content="&#38;#127827; Pour des lacrymos go&#251;t fraise &#38;#127827; &#10077; Les citoyen-ne-s&#8230;"/>
      <meta name="og:description" content="t leur droit de manifester sont confront&#233;-e-s r&#233;guli&#232;rement et depuis plusieurs ann&#233;es &#224; un usage massif de lacrymog&#232;nes par la police. Constatant l&#039;inad&#233;quation du produit &#224; la sant&#233; publique, exigeons des lacrymog&#232;nes go&#251;t fraise. &#10078; (...)"/>
      <meta name="twitter:description" content="t leur droit de manifester sont confront&#233;-e-s r&#233;guli&#232;rement et depuis plusieurs ann&#233;es &#224; un usage massif de lacrymog&#232;nes par la police. Constatant l&#039;inad&#233;quation du produit &#224; la sant&#233; publique, exigeons des lacrymog&#232;nes go&#251;t fraise. &#10078; (...)"/>
      <meta property="og:locale" content="fr_FR"/>
      <meta property="og:url" content="https://seenthis.net/messages/1003174"/>
    • en particulier, goOgLe continue trankwil à indexer les pages effacées, et les affiche fièrement en tête de gondole. p.ex, google : lacrymo fraise

      (cette pétition est marrante au demeurant, moi j’ai signé, même si j’aurais préféré framboise)

    • ah, et aussi, tant qu’à faire, si @seenthis pouvait couper un peu plus net le texte utilisé pour les tags og:title et og:description ...

      paske là, tel quel, ça bouffe quelques caractères du texte d’origine, entre la fin de og:title et le début de og:description ; ça rend les preview p.ex. slack ou WhatsApp, pas super lisibles.

  • La jeune femme serbe enfermée au 127bis avec son bébé n’avait pas assez d’argent
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/belgique/detail_la-jeune-femme-serbe-enfermee-au-127bis-avec-son-bebe-n-avait-pas-assez-

    La touriste serbe arrivée à #Bruxelles la semaine dernière avec son bébé de 9 mois n’a pas pu entrer dans le pays en raison d’un manque d’argent. Elle a été enfermée une journée au centre #127bis de #Steenokkerzeel et a encore dû attendre quatre jours avant de pouvoir rentrer chez elle, affirme le site d’information Apache https://www.apache.be/2018/09/26/servische-toeriste-met-baby-in-gesloten-centrum-omdat-ze-te-weinig-geld-bijha . L’information a été confirmée par Geert De Vulder, porte-parole de l’Office des étrangers, tout en précisant qu’il s’agissait d’une procédure standard.


    La manière d’agir des services belges n’a pas été appréciée en Serbie, ni au Monténégro, d’où la Serbe avait pris un vol le 16 septembre vers Bruxelles, pour un séjour de cinq jours chez son frère qui réside aux Pays-Bas.

    Au contrôle des frontières, il s’est avéré que la jeune femme ne répondait pas à l’une des conditions d’entrée, celle de posséder suffisamment d’argent sur soi. La loi fixe cette somme à 45 euros par jour lorsqu’on est en visite dans la famille ou chez des amis. La femme avait 300 euros, soit 20 euros par jour pour elle-même et son bébé. Apache signale que le revenu mensuel moyen en Serbie oscille entre 400 et 450 euros. « Nous n’avons fait que suivre la loi », poursuit M. De Vulder. « Cette femme aurait dû mieux préparer son voyage ».

    C’est pour cette raison qu’il a été décidé d’emmener cette personne au centre fermé 127bis. Le lendemain, elle a été transférée en centre ouvert où elle a pu recevoir la visite de son frère. Finalement, elle n’a pu prendre le chemin du retour que le jeudi 20 septembre. Lors de ce vol retour, elle a dû donner son passeport et a été escortée par des agents de police.

    #Belgique #Bruxelles #Serbie #Monténégro #tourisme dans l’#union_européenne #UE #Femme #enfant

    • My god.

      La « femme »

      La loi fixe à 45 euros par jour la somme minimale lorsqu’on est en visite dans la famille ou chez des amis. La femme avait 300 euros, soit 20 euros par jour pour elle-même et son bébé. Apache signale que le revenu mensuel moyen en Serbie oscille entre 400 et 450 euros. « Nous n’avons fait que suivre la loi », poursuit M. De Vulder. « Cette femme aurait dû mieux préparer son voyage .

      La « serbe »

      La manière d’agir des services belges n’a pas été appréciée en Serbie, ni au Monténégro, d’où la Serbe avait pris un vol le 16 septembre vers Bruxelles, pour un séjour de cinq jours chez son frère qui réside aux Pays-Bas.

  • Radical Agendas #1: South Africa - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    The set of essays initially entitled “South Africa: What Next?” that is accessible here over a number of weeks consists of five essays that, together with my introduction posted below, focus on various areas of political creativity currently being acted upon by various peoples, groups and fledgling movements in South Africa. It is complementary to an earlier set of essays on the wider southern Africa region entitled “Southern Africa – the liberation struggle continues” the title of which is self-explanatory and that included case-studies, by various writers, of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa itself. This was a series first edited for the AfricaFiles “At Issue Ezine”, and then had been reproduced in ROAPE in March, 2011 as vol. 38, #127.

    –—

    Radical Agendas #2: Community Resistance from Below - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    Amongst the most studied and celebrated aspects of the anti-apartheid struggle during the 1980s in South Africa was the breadth and impact of community resistance (Ballard et al 2006; Buhlungu 2010).

    The origins of that resistance came during the late 1970s and early 1980s when the working class, broadly conceived, was hit with a double blow. Emerging clusters of neoliberal capitalism privileged the opening up of global markets, increasing capital mobility and reorganising states to guarantee and catalyze ‘free market principles’ (Harvey 2005), while pushing for a flexible, insecure and informal labour regime (Chun 2009).

    –—

    Radical Agendas #3: The Numsa Moment - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    The Marikana massacre of 16 August 2012 triggered a wave of strikes across South Africa, culminating in an unprecedented uprising in the rural areas of the Western Cape. It also began a process of political realignment. The dramatic entry of the Economic Freedom Front (EEF) into parliament was to become the most spectacular. But could the historic decision of Numsa in December 2013 to withdraw its logistical support for the ANC and its mandate to the union’s leadership to form a United Front and Movement for Socialism, be of more long term significance? It certainly was the popular view on the left at the time (Satgar, 2014). The “Numsa moment”, one support group boldly proclaimed, “constitutes the beginning of the end for the ANC and its ambivalence towards neo-liberalism” (Democracy from Below, December 2013).

    –—

    Radical Agendas #4: Gender in South African Politics - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    Recently, the University of Cape Town (UCT) student organization #RhodesMustFall, displayed a banner proclaiming: “Dear History: This revolution has women, gays, queers, and trans. Remember that.” It was a profound declaration that the old politics of the left can no longer hold, and that the masculinist, male-dominated forms of oppositional politics that centred the male subject as the defining agent of transformation must be confronted.

    To understand where this statement – which went viral on social media – comes from, we need to consider both the failures of the state-led democratic project and the modes of analysis and organisation on the left. An honest examination is especially timely as progressive politics is re-grouping around new formations ranging from political parties such as the Economic Freedom Fighters, to student movements, to broad front civil society arrangements such as the United Front. The women’s movement itself, to the extent that it ever existed in coherent form, has also seen several changes in the past two decades with the collapse of the Women’s National Coalition, the ever-increasing distance between the ANC Women’s League and feminists, and the emergence of a much wider range of organisations dealing with issues of violence and sexuality. Importantly, through initiatives such as the Feminist Table, connections are being forged between women’s organisations working at the brutal edge of the economic crisis in families, households and communities, and feminist thinkers.

    –—

    Radical Agendas #5: An Eco-Socialist Order in South Africa - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    n ecological transformation is required as part of a ‘new liberation struggle’ in South Africa. This involves a ‘just transition’ from the present fossil fuel regime that is moving us towards ecological collapse and catastrophe. The article suggests that the impetus to this ecological transformation is coming strongly from two aspects of the ecological crisis: accelerating climate change and the spread of toxic pollution of water, air, land and food that is experienced as ‘environmental racism’. The implication is that what Von Holdt and Webster (2005) conceptualised as a triple transition from democracy (economic liberalisation, political democracy and post-colonial transformation), requires a fourth dimension: an ecological transition to a society marked by a very different relation with nature, a relation combining social justice with ecological sustainability.

    “new coalitions and forms of co-operation between both labour and environmental activists contains the promise of a new kind of socialism that is ethical, ecological and democratic.”

    –—

    Radical Agendas #6: Where to for South Africa’s Left? - ROAPE
    http://roape.net

    n October 2015, South Africa was rocked by over two weeks (commencing 14th October) of student protests. These protests shut down most universities, led to violent confrontations between police and students (most notably at parliament and with a march of thousands of students on the Union Buildings), and vocalized demands that President ZUMA address the call for free higher education, “insourcing” and a moratorium on fee increases for 2016. Twenty-one years into post-apartheid democracy a new generation of university student activists openly rebelled against the ANC government’s neoliberal fiscal cutbacks of public universities and reclaimed the importance of “public goods.” The use of mass mobilisation and social media, such as #FeesMustFall, led some commentators to suggest the “Arab Spring Moment” had arrived in South Africa. Students themselves in their assemblies and messaging also discoursed in the language of revolution. This manifestation of resistance is far from over and cannot be isolated. It has to be located in the crisis of national liberation politics and renewal of a new South African left.

    #afrique_du_sud

  • LibreSignal
    https://fdroid.eutopia.cz

    Why have Signal, TextSecure and RedPhone been renamed?

    Moxie Marlinspike apparently doesn’t like the idea of independent builds of TextSecure and RedPhone so much, that he started with legal threats on Twitter. Independent builds of TextSecure have been therefore renamed to TextLibre and RedPhone to PhoneLibre.

    Latest TextSecure for Android has been merged with RedPhone and is now Signal. Independent builds of Signal have been renamed to LibreSignal.

    Application IDs are still the same, so you will not lose data after upgrade.
    Motivation

    My primary motivation for creating this repository has been the absence of TextSecure private messenger from the official F-Droid repository. TextSecure has already been included in F-Droid for a brief time in the past, but Moxie Marlinspike (author of TextSecure) didn’t like this and demanded it to be removed. TextSecure is Free Software (licensed under GPL), so F-Droid maintainers didn’t have to remove it, but nevertheless they did.

    There has been big discussion about it (issue #127), but simply told, Moxie is not open to arguments and wants TextSecure to be distributed only via Google Play. He already locked this discussion. This is unacceptable for me, because applications installed from Google Play can be silently updated without user knowing about it, e.g. to version with hidden backdoor.

    TextSecure still needs Google Play Services (because it uses Google Cloud Messaging), but you don’t need Google Account and Google Play cannot silently update app that has been installed outside of Google Play store. Hopefully in the future, it will be possible to use official TextSecure client without Google Play Services (see issue #1000 - Websocket support, unfortunately Moxie also locked this discussion).

    For now there is unofficial TextSecure fork by JavaJens, which already uses WebSocket instead of GCM and therefore doesn’t need Google Play Services. You can install it from my experimental F-Droid repository.

    Signal (aka TextSecure), développé par Open Whisper System, est une application centralisée de messagerie instantanée très similaire à Whatsapp dans son fonctionnement. Mais l’application et le serveur sont libres et open-source. De plus, les clients intègrent by design un chiffrement de bout en bout. Ce qui en fait l’application de messagerie instantanée la plus aboutie, facile d’utilisation par n’importe qui et avec à priori un bon niveau de confidentialité.

    Cependant l’application officielle de Signal pour Android dépend du service de notification Google Cloud Messaging. Ce service nécessite l’installation de la bibliothèque Google Play Service sur son mobile, qui elle n’est pas open-source.

    LibreSignal est un fork de Signal débarrassé de la dépendance à Google Cloud Messaging. Il repose sur les websockets (implémentés par le serveur officiel). Il permet ainsi de communiquer avec l’ensemble des utilisateur de Signal, même ceux ayant (pas) choisi l’installation du mouchard Google ou ceux utilisant iOS.

    Pour l’utilisation de SMS chiffrés de bout en bout en rappellera l’existence pour Android de SMSSecure :
    https://smssecure.org
    https://f-droid.org/repository/browse/?fdid=org.smssecure.smssecure
    https://github.com/SMSSecure/SMSSecure

    #Android #Cryptographie #F-Droid #Fork_(développement_logiciel) #Google_Cloud_Messaging #Messagerie_instantanée #Off-the-Record_Messaging #Principe_de_bout-à-bout #Signal #TextSecure