• Precarity means top students quitting academia, warns OECD expert

    Report author says increasing funding would only lead to more insecurity, and culture shift is needed instead.

    Academic precarity is a wide-ranging threat to the quality of research globally, with the brightest students now eschewing a career in academia because of poor working conditions, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has warned.

    While the problem of short-term, high-pressure and insecure jobs for early career researchers is well known, the Paris-based thinktank, which recently conducted interviews with some 100 policymakers and scientists, has concluded that it is one of the most serious problems facing the research enterprise.

    “It clearly is the case that the best people aren’t going into academia any more,” said Carthage Smith, a senior policy analyst at the OECD who contributed to a report on the issue. This conclusion came through “no matter what type of stakeholder we spoke to”, he added.

    “It’s really serious for science if many of these brightest young people are choosing not to go into science or are dropping out early,” he said. “It’s a fundamental issue.”

    The OECD report, Reducing the Precarity of Academic Research Careers, characterises academia as a “shrinking protected research elite and a large precarious research class that now represents the majority in most academic systems”.

    Several factors have contributed to precarious working conditions. A switch away from core funding to competitive grant systems has meant more pressure for

    “flexibility in staffing”. Meanwhile, there has been a “staggering” increase in the number of PhD holders, growing by 25 per cent among the working-age population in OECD countries in the five years to 2019.

    Just 52 per cent of corresponding authors have a permanent contract, the report warns. For authors under 34, three-quarters are in fixed-term positions.

    According to interviewees, “many positions are filled with what they consider as less able national students and/or international students. They are concerned that this will ultimately affect the quality of the research being produced.”

    “Bright people see what happens in an academic career, and they can go elsewhere,” said Dr Smith.

    While differences between countries exist, the problem is now globally endemic, the report makes clear.

    “It’s almost as though the precarity is viral; it’s spread from country to country,” Dr Smith said. Countries need precarious, flexible academic labour to remain competitive in research, and what results is a global race to the bottom, he explained.

    “There’s a bit of passing the buck to some extent,” with universities blaming research funders, and vice versa, Dr Smith added. Precarious researchers were hidden “off the books”, meaning some university authorities “are not even aware they are there”, he said.

    As for solutions, “I actually don’t think money is the issue,” he said, and added that interviewees had backed this up.

    The problem is that with a glut of new funding, universities tend to recruit a handful of “overseas top professors” who in turn hire an army of temporary PhDs and postdocs below them. “The net effect is that the university gets more people on precarious positions,” he said.

    Instead, precarity would be better eased by an end to the “almost complete dependence” on bibliometric indicators and “obsession with lots of short-term outputs that have a high profile”, which encourages short-term, insecure working conditions, Dr Smith said.

    Training early career researchers for jobs outside academia would also ease job market pressure, he said, as fewer scholars would apply for limited early-stage jobs.

    https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/precarity-means-top-students-quitting-academia-warns-oecd-expe

    #précarité #université #enseignement_supérieur #ESR #facs #OCDE #rapport #précarité_académique #science #recherche #travail #conditions_de_travail #compétition #flexibilité #bibliométrie

    ping @_kg_

  • Straßen nach im Dienst getöteten Polizisten benannt: Unbekannte überkleben Straßenschilder mit Namen von Anschlagsopfern - Berlin - Tagesspiegel Mobil
    https://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/strassen-nach-im-dienst-getoeteten-polizisten-benannt-unbekannte-ueberkleben-strassenschilder-mit-namen-von-anschlagsopfern-/26743274.html

    Da waren ein paar Anwohner nicht mit dem Heldengedenken für Polizisten einverstanden. Manche im Kiez kennen die Polizei nicht als „Freund und Helfer“ sondern als Feind und Unterdrücker. Die Heldensträßchen wurden ihnen genau vor die Nase gesetzt und erinnern sie jeden Tag daran, wo der Feind steht. Straßenschnipsel laden ein, auf die zu speien, die keine Gnade verdienten. Deeskalation sieht anders aus.

    Wäre es den Straßenumbenennern ausschließlich um eine angemessene Würdigung der im Dienst verstorbenen Beamten gegangen, hätten ihre Namen einen Platz auf einer Gedenktafel in einem Polizeigebäude gefunden. Hier wurde statt dessen einem Kiez der Krieg erklärt.

    22.12.2020 von Madlen Haarbach - Erst im Februar wurden zwei Straßen in Neukölln nach im Dienst getöteten Polizisten umbenannt. Nun haben Unbekannte die Namen überklebt – mit jenen der Anschlagsopfer aus Halle.

    Am Montagmittag überklebten Unbekannte Straßenschilder in Berlin-Neukölln, die die Namen von zwei im Bezirk im Dienst getöteten Polizisten tragen. 

    Sowohl die Schilder der Roland-Krüger-Straße als auch der Uwe-Lieschied-Straße wurden beidseitig mit einem neuen Namen überdeckt. Alarmierte Einsatzkräfte entfernten die Überklebungen.

    Die Schilder seien mit den Namen der beiden bei dem Anschlag in Halle getöteten Menschen verdeckt worden, sagte eine Polizeisprecherin am Dienstag der Deutschen Presse-Agentur. Auf zwei Schildern wurde außerdem eine Seite mit dem Schriftzug „say their names“ (Deutsch: Sagt ihre Namen) versehen.

    Bei dem Anschlag in Halle am 9. Oktober 2019 wurden Jana L. und Kevin S. getötet, nachdem ein Terrorist versucht hatte, in die Synagoge in Halle einzudringen und dort die Gläubigen umzubringen.

    Das Oberlandesgericht Naumburg verurteilte den rechtsextremen Attentäter am Montag zu lebenslanger Haft mit anschließender Sicherungsverwahrung.

    Die überklebten Straßenschilder stehen vermutlich in Zusammenhang mit dem Prozess. Zu den genauen Hintergründen machte die Polizei zunächst keine Angaben.

    Die Straßen wurden erst im Februar nach den beiden Polizisten benannt, die 2003 und 2006 im Dienst getötet wurden. In der Vergangenheit waren ihre Gräber und auch Gedenktafeln wiederholt Ziel von Farbanschlägen und Vandalismus.

    Im April wurden die beiden Gräber verwüstet, Grabsteine umgeschmissen und mit Hakenkreuzen beschmiert.

    Lasst die Toten ruhen, heisst es. Das funktioniert nicht nicht mit Helden, auch nicht mit verbeamteten.

    OSM Roland-Krüger-Straße: https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/32133489

    OSM Uwe-Lieschied-Straße / Uwe-Liedschied-Straße: https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/32118083

    Roland-Krüger-Straße in Berlin - KAUPERTS
    https://berlin.kauperts.de/Strassen/Roland-Krueger-Strasse-Berlin

    Ehemaliger Bezirk Neukölln
    Vorheriger Name Kopfstraße (zwischen Morusstraße und Lessinghöhe)
    Name seit 27.02.2020
    Der Kommissar Roland Krüger stürmte 2003 an der Spitze eines Spezialeinsatzkommandos eine Wohnung in Neukölln, um einen gesuchten Täter festzunehmen. Der gesuchte Mann schoss mehrfach auf die Polizisten. Roland Krüger wurde am Kopf getroffen und starb wenige Tage später.

    Uwe-Liedschied-Straße in Berlin - KAUPERTS
    https://berlin.kauperts.de/Strassen/Uwe-Liedschied-Strasse-12053-Berlin

    Ehemaliger Bezirk Neukölln
    Vorheriger Name Morusstraße (zwischen Rollbergstraße und Werbellinstraße)
    Name seit 27.02.2020
    Uwe Lieschied wurde im März 2006 erschossen, als er auf Zivilstreife am Volkspark Hasenheide unterwegs war. Als er zwei Handtaschenräuber festnehmen wollte, schoss einer der beiden Männer um sich und traf die linke Schläfe des Polizisten. Er verstarb vier Tage später.

    Der Autor dieser Zeilen fühlt sich nicht so getroffen von den Polizeistraßenumbenennungen wie manche in Neukölln. Ihn stört die Zerstückelung über Jahrhunderte gewachsener städtischer Zusammenhänge, die sich als Straßennamen äußern und täglich in das Unterbewusstsein der Städter einbrennen.

    Die Morusstraße teilweise umzubenennen zerstört, was vom städtischen Kontext nach Krieg, brutaler Kiez-Modernisierung und scheibchenweiser Umnutzung der ehemaligen Schultheiss-Brauerei noch übrig ist. Eine alte Lessingstraße 1950 in Morusstraße umzubenennen wäre besser in Tiergarten erfolgt, wo bereits zuvor viele andere christliche Rebellen mit Straßennamen geeehrt wurden. Immerhin blieb die Neuköllner Lessing- und nunmehr Morusstraße ein Ganzes mit einheitlichem Namen. Das 2020 umbenannte Zipfelchen zwischen Rollber- und Werbellinstraße überschreibt den historischen Straßenverlauf und bedeutet einen weiteren Identitätsverlust für Berlin und seine Bewohner.

    Das gilt auch für die ebenso halbherzig teilweise umbenannte Kopfstraße.

    Im Zeitalter der Mini-Bildschirme von Navigationsgeräten ist dieser Umgang mit Straßen und ihren Namen zugleich Folge und Verstärker der grassierenden Unfähigkeit, Zusammenhänge wahrzunehmen. Sogar der patentgefaltete Falk-Plan vermittelte immer einen größeren Zusammenhang. Im Digitalzeitalter gibt es für Menschen nur noch winzige Kartenausschnitte, zusammengesetzt aus unendlich kleinen Punkten im Raum, symbolisiert und lokalisiert von ausschließlich durch EDV-Systeme verarbeitbare Koordinaten.

    Dank der Nachlässigkeit des Kaupert-Verlags erstreckt sich die Morusstraße zumindest in ihrem Datenbankeintrag weiter bis zur Rollbergstraße.

    Morusstraße 1-32 in Berlin - KAUPERTS
    https://berlin.kauperts.de/Strassen/Morusstrasse-12053-Berlin

    Straßenverlauf von Rollbergstraße bis Mittelweg
    Falk‑Stadtplan Planquadrat P 19
    Geschichte von Morusstraße
    Ehemaliger Bezirk Neukölln
    Alte Namen Lessingstraße (vor 1882-1950)
    Name seit 14.2.1950
    More (Morus, Moore), Thomas, * 7.2.1478? London, + 6.7.1535 London, englischer Politiker, Philosoph.

    Auch die Kopfstraße ist und bleibt wahrscheinlich unangetastet im nach und nach verlotternden Kaupert.

    Kopfstraße 14-65 in Berlin - KAUPERTS
    https://berlin.kauperts.de/Strassen/Kopfstrasse-12053-Berlin

    Straßenverlauf von Hermannstraße über Morusstraße rechts Nr 14-26, links 38-65
    Falk‑Stadtplan Planquadrat P 18-19
    Geschichte von Kopfstraße
    Ehemaliger Bezirk Neukölln
    Name seit vor 1877
    Sie soll nach den Kopfschmerzen, die die Suche nach einem Straßennamen verursacht haben, benannt sein.

    Wie schön, wenn es ein wenig menschelt. Das läßt auf Zusammenhänge hoffen.

    #Berlin #Neukölln #Straßenumbenennung #Roland-Krüger-Straße #Uwe-Lieschied-Straße #Uwe-Liedschied-Straße #Morusstraße #Kopfstraße #Lessingstraße #Polizei #Widerstand #Vandalismus #Revierkämpfe #Heldenverehrung #ACAB

  • Débats enflammés autour du futur numéro d’appel d’urgence unique - France - Le Télégramme
    https://www.letelegramme.fr/france/debats-enflammes-autour-du-futur-numero-d-appel-d-urgence-unique-21-05-

    Un numéro unique d’appel pour les urgences, pour remplacer les 13 numéros existant déjà en France. La proposition de loi, qui ne fait pas l’unanimité chez les professionnels, sera débattue à l’Assemblée nationale du 26 au 28 mai.

    Un seul numéro (le 112) pour joindre les services de sécurité, de secours et d’urgence médicale : c’est ce que préconise l’Union européenne depuis quinze ans. « Il existe 13 numéros d’urgence différents en France (†). Il est temps de simplifier les choses », relève Fabien Matras, député (LREM) du Var et rapporteur d’une proposition de loi en ce sens. Celle-ci sera débattue à l’Assemblée pendant trois jours (40 articles, dont un créant le numéro d’appel unique), du 26 au 28 mai.

    Concrètement, si le texte est voté, des plateformes communes, rassemblant pompiers, Samu, police et gendarmerie, devront être créées dans chaque département pour réguler les appels d’urgence. « Soit c’est possible matériellement, soit ces services devront être interopérables », précise le député.
    […]
    (†) La police et la gendarmerie (17), le Samu (15), les pompiers (18), les secours en mer (196), les urgences aéronautiques (191), les urgences pour sourds et malentendants (114), le Samu social (115), les urgences pour les enfants en danger (119 ; 116 000), les alertes attentat (197)…

    • En Allemagne il y a le 112 pour appeler les pompiers en cas d’urgence médicale, pour les incendies et les appels de secours technique (chat dans l’arbre, cave innondée, etc.). Pour les besoins spécifiques comme l’aide aux mineurs le centre d’appel passe le message aux services compétents.

      Quand on appelle le 110 on entre en contact avec le centre d’appel régional de la police, donc c’est pour les dangers immédiats et les secours juridiques. Quand j’ai besoin de faire déplacer une voiture garée devant ma sortie je dois appeller la police car sur la voie publique ceci constitue un acte dont seulement la police à le droit.

      Quand je raccroche avant d’avoir parlé à un agent le centre d’appel va systématiquement rappeller afin de prévenir les malheurs causés par négligence. La communication est enrégistrée et le numéro est identifié même s’il n’est pas affiché pour les utilisateurs normaux.

      Lors d’un appel mobile le lieu approximatif de l’appel est automatiquement détecté et l’appel arrive dans le centre d’appel le plus proche. Pour les appels par voice-over-ip il y un problème car ces appels manquent d’identifiant géographique.

      Les services des pompiers et de la police sont en contact permanent et font intervenir l’organisme compétent, donc en cas de blessure par une autre personne on appelle les pompier qui enverront et le médecin d’urgence et la police pour le procès verbal et la protection des personnes sur place.

      Contrairement à la France on appelle la police au 110 pour les constats des accidents de la route. Ce n’est pas obligatoire mais tout le monde ś’en sert pour faire établir un procès verbal solide.

      La plupart des appels pour des questions moins urgentes comme les problèmes entre voisins passent toujours par le 110 mais on essaye de les orienter vers le « numéro citoyen » qui varie selon les municipalités.

      A Munich par exemple c’est le (089) 2910-1910 et Berlin utilise le (030) 4664 – 4664 .

      C’est un système qui fonctionne très bien sauf que les delais avant l’arrivée de la police ou des pompiers sont parfois plus longs que prévus.

      Quand j’ai des questions sur le mode de fonctionnement des appels d’urgence je m’adresse aux spécialistes qui gérent les processus de communication de la police et des pompiers. J’obtiens systématiquement des informations complètes et précises pour d’être servi de la manière la plus efficace.

      Avec l’introduction des smartphomes et smartwatchs et des systèmes de surveillance et d’alarme privées ces questions se posent de plus en plus souvent.

      Le problème le plus important à resoudre est donc le design de l’interface entre les sphères privées et publiques. J’ai l’impression qu’il n’est toujours pas prévu de transmettre et traiter des metadonnés lors d’un appel d’urgence par téléphone ou par un système automatique. Au niveau technologique c’est faisable mais il n’y a ni de protocole prévu ni les ressources pour traiter ces donnés au sein du système des pompiers et de la police.

      Après il y a toujours les décisions politiques qui font que tel ou tel organisme fonctionne plus ou moins bien. Je pense qu’on ne trouvera jamais de solution aux problèmes liés au double-caractère de la police. Tant que ses agents seront à la fois responsables pour aider les personnes et pour exercer la répression il y aura des bavures et méprises.

      La démarche allemande tente de réduire ce problème en donnant un maximum de responsabilité aux pompiers qui sont un organisme municipal et civil. La police par contre extiste parallèlement sous plusieurs structures différentes.

      Il y a l’organisation fédérale, la Bundespolizei qu’on a crée en transformant la police des frontières ( Bundesgrenzschutz ) dans une copie de la FBI étatsunienne. Puis il y a la police en tant que structure du Land et la police militaire (Feldjäger) qui ne s’occupe en général que des problèmes concernant les membres de forces armées.

      Depuis 1949 la gauche et les mouvements démocratiques tentent de limiter les compétences des structures nationaĺes et fédérales afin de préserver le contrôle citoyen et parlementaire de la police. En conséquence la police régionale est généralement assez ouverte et « proche des citoyens » tant qu’on s’adresse à elle pour des questions de la vie de tous les jours.

      Le numéro unique ne sera donc jamais le seul sauf au cas où les décideurs politiques refusent la mise en place d’une communication variée et adéquate pour le commun des citoyens. Le moment est venu pour vous de vous adresser aux responsables avec vos proposition et mises en garde.

      #ACAB #police #pompiers #urgences #technologie #politique

  • Gérald Darmanin sera aux côtés des policiers qui manifesteront le 19 mai | LCI
    https://www.lci.fr/societe/manifestation-de-policiers-devant-l-assemblee-nationale-le-19-mai-gerald-darmani

    Le ministre de l’Intérieur a annoncé ce lundi qu’il se rendrait à la manifestation des policiers prévue mercredi 19 mai devant l’Assemblée nationale.

    Pourquoi des milliers de policiers manifesteront devant l’Assemblée nationale mercredi
    https://www.ouest-france.fr/societe/police/pourquoi-des-milliers-de-policiers-manifesteront-devant-l-assemblee-nat

    Alors que la sécurité est devenue un thème de campagne à quelques semaines des Régionales et à un an de la présidentielle, un large spectre d’élus devrait être présent, des Républicains au Rassemblement national, en passant par le Parti socialiste et le Parti Communiste (PCF).

    Pour le PS, c’est le cas depuis un moment. Au PCF, ils ont décidé de suivre, et eux aussi de se droitiser.

  • Zusammenhang #Kolonialismus und #Faschismus: "Den hier empfohlenen ...
    https://diasp.eu/p/12900331

    Zusammenhang #Kolonialismus und #Faschismus: „Den hier empfohlenen kompakten Überblick über eine richtungsweisende Debatte empfehle ich dringend, denn kürzer fand ich bislang keine Zusammenfassung von hoher Qualität, die die Haltung wichtiger Protagonisten skizziert.“ (piqd) https://www.republik.ch/2021/05/05/wer-die-einzigartigkeit-des-holocaust-belegen-will-kommt-nicht-um-vergleich

    • #Afrique #Allemagne #Colonialisme #orientalisme #fascisme #nazisme #racisme #antisemitisme #Shoah
      #Madagascar Tanganyika (aujourd’hui #Tanzanie)

      Von Jörg Heiser, 05.05.2021

      [...]

      1885 spricht der deutsche «Orientalist» Paul de Lagarde, einer der übelsten Vordenker des modernen völkischen Antisemitismus, beinahe beiläufig von den «nach Palästina oder noch lieber nach Madagaskar abzuschaffenden» Juden Polens, Russlands, Österreichs und Rumäniens. Brechtken hört hier noch den «exotisch-erlösenden Ton» des Kolonial­romantikers heraus, den es schon zwei Jahre später bei Theodor Fritsch – einem der wenigen, die Hitler explizit als Einfluss nennt – nicht mehr hat; nun sollen die Juden sich nur mehr selbst «irgendwo ein Colonial-Land erwerben».

      Hans Leuss fordert 1893 «die Transplantation» des jüdischen Volkes nach Südafrika. Der Engländer Henry Hamilton Beamish, ein weiterer Verfechter der Madagaskar-Idee – ehemals Soldat in Südafrika –, trat 1923 mit Hitler vor 7000 Zuschauern im Münchner Zirkus Krone auf. Derselbe schrieb 1926 im «Völkischen Beobachter» zynisch: «Wo ist das Paradies, das allen Juden vergönnt, in Frieden und Freude dahinzuleben, dabei sich rein zu halten und auch ihren Idealen […] nachzugehen? Das ist Madagaskar.»

      1934 traf sich ein internationaler Antisemiten-Kongress gleich zweimal – erst in der Schweiz, in Bellinzona, dann in Belgien – und gipfelte in einem gemeinsamen «Rütli-Schwur» aller Teilnehmer, man werde «nicht ruhen und rasten», bis auch der Jude «sein eigenes Vaterland habe», das allerdings nicht Palästina sein könne, sondern gross genug sein müsse für alle Juden der Welt. Als Alternative bleibe sonst nur die «blutige Lösung der Judenfrage».

      Unter Nazigrössen kursierten in den folgenden Jahren auch andere Szenarien; so spielte Göring mit dem Gedanken, man könnte die Jüdinnen in der ehemaligen deutschen Kolonie Tanganyika (heutiges Tansania) ansiedeln – Hitler wandte ein, man könne Territorien, «in denen so viel deutsches Helden­blut» geflossen sei, nicht den ärgsten Feinden der Deutschen überlassen.

      [...]

    • oAnth :

      Le texte fournit un bon exemple de l’effort d’argumentation et de la connaissance méticuleuse des détails qu’il faut déployer en Allemagne pour être autorisé à établir en public sans répercussions négatives (#BDS) le moindre parallèle entre la pratique coloniale historiquement prouvée et les relations actuelles d’ #Israël avec les #Palestiniens. Dans la pratique professionnelle, cela équivaut à une interdiction thématique clairement définie de parler et d’écrire, dont est exempté au mieux un cercle hermétique d’universitaires. Il ne fait aucun doute qu’un bon nombre des détails compilés de manière experte dans cet article peuvent être considérés comme évidents, ou du moins peuvent être classés comme connus de manière latente. Si, toutefois, on devait dire de telles choses sans le contexte scientifiquement établi - "la violence coloniale vise à assurer la domination et l’exploitation, tandis que la violence antisémite vise à l’anéantissement complet" - on se retrouverait dans un champ miné de suspicions dans l’opinion publique, dont on ne pourrait guère s’échapper, même avec des clarifications ultérieures, et, bien sûr, tout cela ne manquerait pas de sérieuses conséquences professionnelles. En tout cas je considère cet article comme une lecture hautement recommandée, mais en même temps, il montre indirectement à quel point il est devenu risqué en Allemagne de discuter ouvertement de la politique d’ #apartheid d’Israël à l’égard des Palestiniens sans licence académique institutionnelle.

      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boycott,_désinvestissement_et_sanctions#En_Allemagne

      Traduit avec l’aide de deepl.com de l’allemand :

      Der Text liefert ein gutes Beispiel, mit welchem argumentativen Aufwand und akribischer Detailkenntnis man in Deutschland zu Werke gehen muss, um öffentlich ohne negative Auswirkungen (BDS) auch nur annähernd eine Parallele zwischen der historisch belegten kolonialen Praxis und dem anhaltenden Umgang Israels mit den Palästinensern ziehen zu dürfen. Das kommt in der beruflichen Realität einem thematisch klar umgrenzten Rede- und Schreibverbot gleich, von dem bestenfalls ein hermetischer Zirkel von Wissenschaftlern ausgenommen ist. Zweifelsohne können viele der hier im Artikel fachkundig zusammengestellten Details als evident angesehen werden, oder sind zumindest als latent bekannt einzustufen. Würde man dergleichen allerdings ohne den wissenschaftlichen gesicherten Kontext “bei kolonialer Gewalt geht es um Herrschaftssicherung und Ausbeutung, bei antisemitischer Gewalt geht es um restlose Vernichtung” äußern, gelangte man in der öffentlichen Meinung auf ein Minenfeld von Verdächtigungen, aus dem es auch mit nachträglichen Klarstellungen, kein Entrinnen mehr gäbe, was selbstredend mit schwerwiegenden beruflichen Konsequenzen einherginge. Grundsätzlich halte ich diesen Artikel für eine sehr empfehlenswerte Lektüre, die aber gleichzeitig indirekt zeigt, wie riskant es in Deutschland geworden ist, die Apartheidpolitik von Israel gegenüber den Palästinensern ohne institutionelle akademische Lizenz offen zu diskutieren.

      #académisme_obligatoire #Palestine

    • Voici un article dans le sens susmentionné de la licence académique et du conflit concernant la question de la relation entre le colonialisme et l’ #antisémitisme dans le #national-socialisme.

      Decolonizing #Auschwitz ?

      https://taz.de/Steffen-Klaevers-ueber-Antisemitismus/!5763362

      [...]

      Es gibt Tendenzen in der postkolonialen Theorie, welche die Spezifik des Antisemitismus nicht richtig erkennen. Man könnte von einer Bagatellisierung sprechen. Das geschieht meist dann, wenn ­Antisemitismus als Spielart, Unterform oder Variante des Rassismus begriffen wird, obwohl es signifikante Unterschiede in den Dynamiken und den ­Wirkungsweisen dieser beiden Ideologien gibt.

      In dem Moment, wo Antisemitismus als Unterform des Rassismus und Rassismus als grundlegende Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus bezeichnet wird, gerät man an theoretische Probleme und Grenzen des Rassismus­konzepts

      [...]

  • Les nouveaux mots du Petit Larousse et du Petit Robert 2021 : Que disent-ils de nous ? - Orthographe et Projet Voltaire
    https://www.projet-voltaire.fr/divers/nouveaux-mots-petit-larousse-petit-robert-2021-disent-de

    Le terme covid a bien entendu fait son entrée. C’est, rappelons-le, un acronyme anglais, abréviation de coronavirus disease. Dépourvu de majuscule, il peut être masculin ou féminin , indique Le Robert, qui ne suit pas les recommandations de l’Académie française qui l’a fait féminin.

    • Trigger Warnings | Centre for Teaching Excellence

      A trigger warning is a statement made prior to sharing potentially disturbing content. That content might include graphic references to topics such as #sexual_abuse, #self-harm, #violence, #eating_disorders, and so on, and can take the form of an #image, #video_clip, #audio_clip, or piece of #text. In an #academic_context, the #instructor delivers these messages in order to allow students to prepare emotionally for the content or to decide to forgo interacting with the content.

      Proponents of trigger warnings contend that certain course content can impact the #wellbeing and #academic_performance of students who have experienced corresponding #traumas in their own lives. Such students might not yet be ready to confront a personal #trauma in an academic context. They choose to #avoid it now so that they can deal with it more effectively at a later date – perhaps after they have set up necessary #resources, #supports, or #counselling. Other students might indeed be ready to #confront a personal trauma in an academic context but will benefit from a #forewarning of certain topics so that they can brace themselves prior to (for example) participating in a #classroom discussion about it. Considered from this perspective, trigger warnings give students increased #autonomy over their learning, and are an affirmation that the instructor #cares about their wellbeing.

      However, not everyone agrees that trigger warnings are #necessary or #helpful. For example, some fear that trigger warnings unnecessarily #insulate students from the often harsh #realities of the world with which academics need to engage. Others are concerned that trigger warnings establish a precedent of making instructors or universities legally #responsible for protecting students from #emotional_trauma. Still others argue that it is impossible to anticipate all the topics that might be potentially triggering for students.

      Trigger warnings do not mean that students can exempt themselves from completing parts of the coursework. Ideally, a student who is genuinely concerned about being #re-traumatized by forthcoming course content would privately inform the instructor of this concern. The instructor would then accommodate the student by proposing #alternative_content or an alternative learning activity, as with an accommodation necessitated by a learning disability or physical disability.

      The decision to preface potentially disturbing content with a trigger warning is ultimately up to the instructor. An instructor who does so might want to include in the course syllabus a preliminary statement (also known as a “#content_note”), such as the following:

      Our classroom provides an open space for the critical and civil exchange of ideas. Some readings and other content in this course will include topics that some students may find offensive and/or traumatizing. I’ll aim to #forewarn students about potentially disturbing content and I ask all students to help to create an #atmosphere of #mutual_respect and #sensitivity.

      Prior to introducing a potentially disturbing topic in class, an instructor might articulate a #verbal_trigger_warning such as the following:

      Next class our discussion will probably touch on the sexual assault that is depicted in the second last chapter of The White Hotel. This content is disturbing, so I encourage you to prepare yourself emotionally beforehand. If you believe that you will find the discussion to be traumatizing, you may choose to not participate in the discussion or to leave the classroom. You will still, however, be responsible for material that you miss, so if you leave the room for a significant time, please arrange to get notes from another student or see me individually.

      A version of the foregoing trigger warning might also preface written materials:

      The following reading includes a discussion of the harsh treatment experienced by First Nations children in residential schools in the 1950s. This content is disturbing, so I encourage everyone to prepare themselves emotionally before proceeding. If you believe that the reading will be traumatizing for you, then you may choose to forgo it. You will still, however, be responsible for material that you miss, so please arrange to get notes from another student or see me individually.

      Trigger warnings, of course, are not the only answer to disturbing content. Instructional #strategies such as the following can also help students approach challenging material:

      – Give your students as much #advance_notice as possible about potentially disturbing content. A day’s notice might not be enough for a student to prepare emotionally, but two weeks might be.

      – Try to “scaffold” a disturbing topic to students. For example, when beginning a history unit on the Holocaust, don’t start with graphic photographs from Auschwitz. Instead, begin by explaining the historical context, then verbally describe the conditions within the concentration camps, and then introduce the photographic record as needed. Whenever possible, allow students to progress through upsetting material at their own pace.

      – Allow students to interact with disturbing material outside of class. A student might feel more vulnerable watching a documentary about sexual assault while in a classroom than in the security of his or her #home.

      – Provide captions when using video materials: some content is easier to watch while reading captions than while listening to the audio.

      – When necessary, provide written descriptions of graphic images as a substitute for the actual visual content.

      – When disturbing content is under discussion, check in with your students from time to time: #ask them how they are doing, whether they need a #break, and so on. Let them know that you are aware that the material in question is emotionally challenging.

      – Advise students to be #sensitive to their classmates’ #vulnerabilities when they are preparing class presentations.

      – Help your students understand the difference between emotional trauma and #intellectual_discomfort: the former is harmful, as is triggering it in the wrong context (such as in a classroom rather than in therapy); the latter is fundamental to a university education – it means our ideas are being challenged as we struggle to resolve cognitive dissonance.

      https://uwaterloo.ca/centre-for-teaching-excellence/trigger

    • Why Trigger Warnings Don’t Work

      Because trauma #survivors’ #memories are so specific, increasingly used “trigger warnings” are largely #ineffective.

      Fair warning labels at the beginning of movie and book reviews alert the reader that continuing may reveal critical plot points that spoil the story. The acronym NSFW alerts those reading emails or social media posts that the material is not suitable for work. The Motion Picture Association of America provides film ratings to advise about content so that moviegoers can make informed entertainment choices for themselves and their children.

      Enter stage right: Trigger warning.

      A trigger warning, most often found on #social_media and internet sites, alerts the reader that potentially upsetting information may follow. The words trigger warning are often followed by a subtitle such as *Trigger warning: This may be triggering to those who have struggled with _________. Fill in the blank. #Domestic_abuse. #Rape. #Body_image. #Needles. #Pregnancy.

      Trigger warnings have become prevalent online since about 2012. Victim advocate Gayle Crabtree reports that they were in use as early as 1996 in chat rooms she moderated. “We used the words ‘trigger warning,’ ‘#tw,’ ‘#TW,’ and ‘trigger’ early on. …This meant the survivor could see the warning and then decide if she or he wanted to scroll down for the message or not.” Eventually, trigger warnings spread to social media sites including #Tumblr, #Twitter, and #Facebook.

      The term seems to have originated from the use of the word “trigger” to indicate something that cues a #physiological_response, the way pollen may trigger an allergy attack. A trigger in a firearm is a lever that activates the sequence of firing a gun, so it is not surprising that the word was commandeered by those working in the field of #psychology to indicate objects and sensations that cause neurological firing in the brain, which in turn cause #feelings and #thoughts to occur.

      Spoiler alerts allow us to enjoy the movie or book as it unfolds without being influenced by knowledge about what comes next. The NSFW label helps employees comply with workplace policies that prohibit viewing sexually explicit or profane material. Motion picture ratings enable viewers to select movies they are most likely to find entertaining. Trigger warnings, on the other hand, are “designed to prevent people who have an extremely strong and damaging emotional response… to certain subjects from encountering them unaware.”

      Say what?

      Say hogwash!

      Discussions about trigger warnings have made headlines in the New Yorker, the Los Angeles Times, the Guardian, the New Republic, and various other online and print publications. Erin Dean writes that a trigger “is not something that offends one, troubles one, or angers one; it is something that causes an extreme involuntary reaction in which the individual re-experiences past trauma.”

      For those individuals, it is probably true that coming across material that reminds them of a traumatic event is going to be disturbing. Dean’s definition refers to involuntary fear and stress responses common in individuals with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder characterized by intrusive memories, thoughts, or dreams; intense distress at cues that remind the individual of the event; and reactivity to situations, people, or objects that symbolize the event. PTSD can result from personal victimization, accidents, incarceration, natural disasters, or any unexpected injury or threat of injury or death. Research suggests that it results from a combination of genetic predisposition, fear conditioning, and neural and physiological responses that incorporate the body systems and immunological responses. Current theories suggest that PTSD represents “the failure to recover from the normal effects of trauma.” In other words, anyone would be adversely affected by trauma, but natural mechanisms for healing take place in the majority of individuals. The prevalence of PTSD ranges from 1.9 percent in Europe to 3.5 percent in the United States.

      The notion that trigger warnings should be generalized to all social media sites, online journals, and discussion boards is erroneous.

      Some discussions have asserted that because between one in four and one in five women have been sexually abused, trigger warnings are necessary to protect vast numbers of victims from being re-traumatized. However, research shows that the majority of trauma-exposed persons do not develop PTSD. This does not mean they aren’t affected by trauma, but that they do not develop clinically significant symptoms, distress, or impairment in daily functioning. The notion that trigger warnings should be generalized to all social media sites, online journals, and discussion boards is erroneous. Now some students are pushing for trigger warnings on college class syllabi and reading lists.

      But what?

      Balderdash!

      But wait, before people get all riled up, I’d like to say that yes, I have experienced trauma in my life.

      I wore a skirt the first time George hit me. I know this because I remember scrunching my skirt around my waist and balancing in heels while I squatted over a hole in the concrete floor to take a piss. We were in Tijuana. The stench of excrement made my stomach queasy with too much tequila. I wanted to retch.

      We returned to our hotel room. I slid out of my blouse and skirt. He stripped to nothing and lay on the double bed. He was drinking Rompope from the bottle, a kind of Mexican eggnog: strong, sweet, and marketed for its excellent spunk. It’s a thick yellow rum concoction with eggs, sugar, and almond side notes. George wanted to have sex. We bickered and argued as drunks sometimes do. I said something — I know this because I always said something — and he hit me. He grabbed me by the hair and hit me again. “We’re going dancing,” he said.

      “I don’t feel like dancing — “

      “Fine. Stay.”

      The world was tilting at an angle I didn’t recognize. The mathematician Matt Tweed writes that atoms are made up of almost completely empty space. To grasp the vast nothingness, he asks the reader to imagine a cat twirling a bumblebee on the end of a half-mile long string. That’s how much emptiness there is between the nucleus and the electron. There was more space than that between George and me. I remember thinking: I am in a foreign country. I don’t speak Spanish. I have no money. We went dancing.

      Labeling a topic or theme is useless because of the way our brains work. The labels that we give trauma (assault, sexual abuse, rape) are not the primary source of triggers. Memories are, and not just memories, but very specific, insidious, and personally individualized details lodged in our brain at the time of the trauma encoded as memory. Details can include faces, places, sounds, smells, tastes, voices, body positions, time of day, or any other sensate qualities that were present during a traumatic incident.

      If I see a particular shade of yellow or smell a sickly sweet rum drink, I’m reminded of my head being yanked by someone who held a handful of my hair in his fist. A forest green Plymouth Duster (the car we drove) will too. The word assault does not. The words domestic violence don’t either. The specificity of details seared in my mind invokes memory.

      Last year a driver slammed into the back of my car on the freeway. The word tailgate is not a trigger. Nor is the word accident. The flash of another car suddenly encroaching in my rearview mirror is. In my mid-20s, I drove my younger sister (sobbing, wrapped in a bed sheet) to the hospital where two male officers explained they were going to pluck her pubic hair for a rape kit. When I see tweezers in a hospital, I flash back to that awful moment. For my sister, other things may be triggers: the moonlight shining on the edge of a knife. The shadow of a person back lit in a doorway. An Hispanic man’s accent. If we were going to insist on trigger warnings that work, they would need to look something like this:

      Trigger warning: Rompope.

      Trigger warning: a woman wrapped in a bed sheet.

      Trigger warning: the blade of a knife.

      The variability of human #perception and traumatic recall makes it impossible to provide the necessary specificity for trigger warnings to be effective. The nature of specificity is, in part, one reason that treatment for traumatic memories involves safely re-engaging with the images that populate the survivor’s memory of the event. According to Dr. Mark Beuger, an addiction psychiatrist at Deerfield Behavioral Health of Warren (PA), the goal of PTSD treatment is “to allow for processing of the traumatic experience without becoming so emotional that processing is impossible.” By creating a coherent narrative of the past event through telling and retelling the story to a clinician, survivors confront their fears and gain mastery over their thoughts and feelings.

      If a survivor has had adequate clinical support, they could engage online with thoughts or ideas that previously had been avoided.

      According to the National Center for Health, “#Avoidance is a maladaptive #control_strategy… resulting in maintenance of perceived current threat. In line with this, trauma-focused treatments stress the role of avoidance in the maintenance of PTSD. Prolonged exposure to safe but anxiety-provoking trauma-related stimuli is considered a treatment of choice for PTSD.” Avoidance involves distancing oneself from cues, reminders, or situations that remind one of the event that can result in increased #social_withdrawal. Trigger warnings increase social withdrawal, which contributes to feelings of #isolation. If a survivor who suffers from PTSD has had adequate clinical support, they could engage online with thoughts or ideas that previously had been avoided. The individual is in charge of each word he or she reads. At any time, one may close a book or click a screen shut on the computer. What is safer than that? Conversely, trigger warnings perpetuate avoidance. Because the intrusive memories and thoughts are internal, trigger warnings suggest, “Wait! Don’t go here. I need to protect you from yourself.”

      The argument that trigger warnings help to protect those who have suffered trauma is false. Most people who have experienced trauma do not require preemptive protection. Some may argue that it would be kind to avoid causing others distress with upsetting language and images. But is it? Doesn’t it sometimes take facing the horrific images encountered in trauma to effect change in ourselves and in the world?

      A few weeks ago, I came across a video about Boko Haram’s treatment of a kidnapped schoolgirl. The girl was blindfolded. A man was digging a hole in dry soil. It quickly became evident, as he ushered the girl into the hole, that this would not end well. I felt anxious as several men began shoveling soil in around her while she spoke to them in a language I could not understand. I considered clicking away as my unease and horror grew. But I also felt compelled to know what happened to this girl. In the 11-minute video, she is buried up to her neck.

      All the while, she speaks to her captors, who eventually move out of the frame of the scene. Rocks begin pelting the girl’s head. One after the other strikes her as I stared, horrified, until finally, her head lay motionless at an angle that could only imply death. That video (now confirmed to be a stoning in Somalia rather than by Boko Haram) forever changed my level of concern about young girls kidnapped in other countries.

      We are changed by what we #witness. Had the video contained a trigger warning about gruesome death, I would not have watched it. Weeks later, I would have been spared the rush of feelings I felt when a friend posted a photo of her daughter playfully buried by her brothers in the sand. I would have been spared knowing such horrors occur. But would the world be a better place for my not knowing? Knowledge helps us prioritize our responsibilities in the world. Don’t we want engaged, knowledgeable citizens striving for a better world?

      Recently, the idea of trigger warnings has leapt the gulch between social media and academic settings. #Universities are dabbling with #policies that encourage professors to provide trigger warnings for their classes because of #complaints filed by students. Isn’t the syllabus warning enough? Can’t individual students be responsible for researching the class content and reading #materials before they enroll? One of the benefits of broad exposure to literature and art in education is Theory of Mind, the idea that human beings have the capacity to recognize and understand that other people have thoughts and desires that are different from one’s own. Do we want #higher_education to comprise solely literature and ideas that feel safe to everyone? Could we even agree on what that would be?

      Art occurs at the intersection of experience and danger. It can be risky, subversive, and offensive. Literature encompasses ideas both repugnant and redemptive. News about very difficult subjects is worth sharing. As writers, don’t we want our readers to have the space to respond authentically to the story? As human beings, don’t we want others to understand that we can empathize without sharing the same points of view?

      Trigger warnings fail to warn us of the very things that might cause us to remember our trauma. They insulate. They cause isolation. A trigger warning says, “Be careful. This might be too much for you.” It says, “I don’t trust you can handle it.” As a reader, that’s not a message I want to encounter. As a writer, that is not the message I want to convey.

      Trigger warnings?

      Poppycock.

      http://www.stirjournal.com/2014/09/15/trigger-what-why-trigger-warnings-dont-work

    • Essay on why a professor is adding a trigger warning to his #syllabus

      Trigger warnings in the classroom have been the subject of tremendous #debate in recent weeks, but it’s striking how little the discussion has contemplated what actual trigger warnings in actual classrooms might plausibly look like.

      The debate began with demands for trigger warnings by student governments with no power to compel them and suggestions by #administrators (made and retracted) that #faculty consider them. From there the ball was picked up mostly by observers outside higher ed who presented various #arguments for and against, and by professors who repudiated the whole idea.

      What we haven’t heard much of so far are the voices of professors who are sympathetic to the idea of such warnings talking about what they might look like and how they might operate.

      As it turns out, I’m one of those professors, and I think that discussion is long overdue. I teach history at Hostos Community College of the City University of New York, and starting this summer I’m going to be including a trigger warning in my syllabus.

      I’d like to say a few things about why.

      An Alternative Point of View

      To start off, I think it’s important to be clear about what trigger warnings are, and what purpose they’re intended to serve. Such warnings are often framed — and not just by critics — as a “you may not want to read this” notice, one that’s directed specifically at survivors of trauma. But their actual #purpose is considerably broader.

      Part of the confusion arises from the word “trigger” itself. Originating in the psychological literature, the #term can be misleading in a #non-clinical context, and indeed many people who favor such warnings prefer to call them “#content_warnings” for that reason. It’s not just trauma survivors who may be distracted or derailed by shocking or troubling material, after all. It’s any of us, and a significant part of the distraction comes not from the material itself but from the context in which it’s presented.

      In the original cut of the 1933 version of the film “King Kong,” there was a scene (depicting an attack by a giant spider) that was so graphic that the director removed it before release. He took it out, it’s said, not because of concerns about excessive violence, but because the intensity of the scene ruined the movie — once you saw the sailors get eaten by the spider, the rest of the film passed by you in a haze.

      A similar concern provides a big part of the impetus for content warnings. These warnings prepare the reader for what’s coming, so their #attention isn’t hijacked when it arrives. Even a pleasant surprise can be #distracting, and if the surprise is unpleasant the distraction will be that much more severe.

      I write quite a bit online, and I hardly ever use content warnings myself. I respect the impulse to provide them, but in my experience a well-written title and lead paragraph can usually do the job more effectively and less obtrusively.

      A classroom environment is different, though, for a few reasons. First, it’s a shared space — for the 75 minutes of the class session and the 15 weeks of the semester, we’re pretty much all #stuck with one another, and that fact imposes #interpersonal_obligations on us that don’t exist between writer and reader. Second, it’s an interactive space — it’s a #conversation, not a monologue, and I have a #responsibility to encourage that conversation as best I can. Finally, it’s an unpredictable space — a lot of my students have never previously encountered some of the material we cover in my classes, or haven’t encountered it in the way it’s taught at the college level, and don’t have any clear sense of what to expect.

      For all these reasons, I’ve concluded that it would be sound #pedagogy for me to give my students notice about some of the #challenging_material we’ll be covering in class — material relating to racial and sexual oppression, for instance, and to ethnic and religious conflict — as well as some information about their rights and responsibilities in responding to it. Starting with the summer semester, as a result, I’ll be discussing these issues during the first class meeting and including a notice about them in the syllabus.

      My current draft of that notice reads as follows:

      Course Content Note

      At times this semester we will be discussing historical events that may be disturbing, even traumatizing, to some students. If you ever feel the need to step outside during one of these discussions, either for a short time or for the rest of the class session, you may always do so without academic penalty. (You will, however, be responsible for any material you miss. If you do leave the room for a significant time, please make arrangements to get notes from another student or see me individually.)

      If you ever wish to discuss your personal reactions to this material, either with the class or with me afterwards, I welcome such discussion as an appropriate part of our coursework.

      That’s it. That’s my content warning. That’s all it is.

      I should say as well that nothing in these two paragraphs represents a change in my teaching practice. I have always assumed that if a student steps out of the classroom they’ve got a good reason, and I don’t keep tabs on them when they do. If a student is made uncomfortable by something that happens in class, I’m always glad when they come talk to me about it — I’ve found we usually both learn something from such exchanges. And of course students are still responsible for mastering all the course material, just as they’ve always been.

      So why the note, if everything in it reflects the rules of my classroom as they’ve always existed? Because, again, it’s my job as a professor to facilitate class discussion.

      A few years ago one of my students came to talk to me after class, distraught. She was a student teacher in a New York City junior high school, working with a social studies teacher. The teacher was white, and almost all of his students were, like my student, black. That week, she said, one of the classes had arrived at the point in the semester given over to the discussion of slavery, and at the start of the class the teacher had gotten up, buried his nose in his notes, and started into the lecture without any introduction. The students were visibly upset by what they were hearing, but the teacher just kept going until the end of the period, at which point he finished the lecture, put down his papers, and sent them on to math class.

      My student was appalled. She liked these kids, and she could see that they were hurting. They were angry, they were confused, and they had been given nothing to do with their #emotions. She asked me for advice, and I had very little to offer, but I left our meeting thinking that it would have been better for the teacher to have skipped that material entirely than to have taught it the way he did.

      History is often ugly. History is often troubling. History is often heartbreaking. As a professor, I have an #obligation to my students to raise those difficult subjects, but I also have an obligation to raise them in a way that provokes a productive reckoning with the material.

      And that reckoning can only take place if my students know that I understand that this material is not merely academic, that they are coming to it as whole people with a wide range of experiences, and that the journey we’re going on #together may at times be #painful.

      It’s not coddling them to acknowledge that. In fact, it’s just the opposite.

      https://www.insidehighered.com/views/2014/05/29/essay-why-professor-adding-trigger-warning-his-syllabus

  • La loi de l’inceste
    Les couilles sur la table

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=43PMwj5NQLA

    Nous avons toutes et tous grandi dans une culture de l’inceste qui impose qu’on y soit aveugle et qu’on n’en parle pas. Alors que les victimes - et donc leurs agresseurs - sont banalement répandu·es, l’inceste est considéré comme le plus grand interdit voire le plus grand tabou de notre société. Selon l’anthropologue Dorothée Dussy, cette idée reçue entraîne un déni de la réalité de ce phénomène. Plus encore, cette vision désincarnée de l’inceste manque de prendre en compte le point de vue des femmes et des enfants, et participe à la constitution de l’inceste comme « structurant de l’ordre social ».

    En quoi les sphères intellectuelles, législatives et judiciaires véhiculent une perspective patriarcale et masculiniste de l’inceste, et plus largement du viol ? Comment l’inceste est représenté dans les œuvres d’art ?

    Dans cette deuxième partie de leur entretien, Victoire Tuaillon et Dorothée Dussy analysent ce qu’est la culture de l’inceste. Selon la directrice de recherche du CNRS, l’inceste est à la base des rapports d’oppression, d’où titre de son ouvrage majeur sur la question : « Le Berceau des dominations » (éd. Pocket, 2020 ; initialement publié en 2013 aux éditions La Discussion).

    #inceste #viol #culture_du_viol #masculinité

  • Liaisons dangeureuses
    https://lundi.am/Liaisons-dangeureuses

    Un-e manifestant-e avertit en vaut deux

    Manifs & liaisons dangeureuses
    https://rebellyon.info/e-Liaisons-dangeureuses-23068

    Pour rétablir l’ordre en période de contestation, la police n’est jamais à cour d’idées. Dernière en date : les ELI. Des agents présent pour dialoguer avec les manifestants, expliquer, entamer des « négociations », préciser les zones interdites et les itinéraires de dispersion, désolidariser la foule de l’action des plus déterminés, agir sur les réseaux sociaux... Petit tour d’horizon de ce nouveau dispositif policier.


    #maintien_de_l'ordre #SNMO #acab

  • Langage égalitaire : vers une rationalisation des procédés et des approches

    L’écriture inclusive, vaste sujet de polémique de ces dernières années, « péril mortel » pour certaines personnes, relève d’enjeux historiques et sociaux de plusieurs siècles. À partir d’une histoire de la #langue et des #femmes, l’historienne Éliane Viennot a étudié le phénomène de #masculinisation de la #langue_française, sous l’impulsion de l’#Académie_française, dès le 17e siècle. Le #langage n’est pas immuable, il se construit socialement selon des codes et au fil des siècles, il participe à l’#invisibilisation des femmes à travers un credo bien célèbre : « le masculin l’emporte sur le féminin. » Éliane Viennot propose des recommandations d’usage pour un #langage_égalitaire qui intègre les femmes et les hommes. Du #point_médian et des #accords jusqu’à la féminisation des #noms_de_métiers, ces usages interrogent les #représentations de #genre dans nos sociétés à travers l’écrit.

    https://journals.openedition.org/chrhc/14838

    #écriture_inclusive #histoire #égalité

  • Nantes Révoltée - 🔵 DES CENTAINES DE FLICS PAYÉS POUR FAIRE DE LA PROPAGANDE DANS LES MÉDIAS !
    https://www.nantes-revoltee.com/des-centaines-de-flics-payes-pour-faire-de-la-propagande-dans-les-m

    Matin, midi et soir, dans les JT, sur les plateaux, dans les séries : la police est partout. Omniprésente, écrasante dans les médias. Il n’existe pas une profession aussi représentée à la télévision que celle des forces de l’ordre. Un fait divers ? Un syndicaliste d’extrême droite à la télé. Un reportage ? La #police. La moindre fiction à l’écran ? Un flic tourmenté par son travail. Une propagande quotidienne, étouffante, pour légitimer dans les esprits la sale besogne des matraqueurs.

    Le Canard Enchainé de cette semaine nous apprend que ce matraquage n’est pas suffisant pour le gouvernement. « Douze commissaires de police viennent d’être recrutés comme communicants », selon l’hebdomadaire. Spécialement pour arpenter les plateaux télés, grassement payés à plein temps. De quel droit ? Le gouvernement paie-t-il des enseignants ou des soignants pour communiquer dans les médias ?

    Ce dispositif scandaleux s’ajoute en réalité à une véritable armée de propagandistes de la répression. En effet, le ministère de l’Intérieur rémunère déjà quatre porte-parole : pour la Préfecture, pour la gendarmerie, pour la police et pour le ministère, auxquels s’ajoutent 11 « adjoints » ! Un pognon de dingue. Il faut dire qu’avec l’explosion des violences policières et la viralité des réseaux sociaux, le pouvoir a du travail pour étouffer les discours discordants.

    Ce n’est pas tout : au total, ce sont 409 flics dans plusieurs services de l’État qui sont payés pour assurer la com’ de la répression gouvernementale. Des centaines d’agents ! On ferme des hôpitaux et des écoles, mais on muscle la #propagande. Le gouvernement est en guerre contre la vérité. Et pour être certain d’imposer son récit, il met les grands moyens.

    https://www.lecanardenchaine.fr

    • Ah ok, c’est donc une stratégie de #propagande_macroniste, ce qui explique pourquoi des flics du pire des syndicats peuvent s’exprimer sans contradicteur sur les radios nationales sur les bienfaits sanitaires des restrictions sociales du confinement comme si ils étaient des médecins verbalisateurs.
      J’en étais abasourdie tellement c’était énorme.

    • https://themuslims.bandcamp.com/track/call-the-cops


      If I wanna get shot, I call the cops
      If I’m wanna get popped, I call the cops
      If I wanna die, I call the cops
      If I hate my life, I call the cops

      I would never call the cops
      That’s just not my steeze
      If you’ve got some beef with us
      Let’s take it to the streets
      I would rather get beat up
      Than end up in jail
      I would never call the cops
      Cuz then I’d burn in hell

      Cops. Cops. Cops. Cops

      If I wanna get shot, I call the cops
      If I’m wanna get popped, I call the cops
      If I wanna die, I call the cops
      If I hate my life, I call the cops

      It’s not my steeze yo
      Better come get your people
      Looking at me through the peephole
      Claiming we’re equal, receipts show that that is a lie

      If I wanna get shot, I call the cops
      If I wanna die, I call the cops
      If I hate my life, I call the cops
      Commit suicide, I call the cops

      Cops. Cops. Cops. Cops
      Cops. Cops. Cops. Cops
      Bacon, oh bacon, oh bacon, oh bacon, oh bacon

      #acab

  • Rassemblement contre les violences policières à 13h12 à Rennes ce samedi, pourquoi cet horaire ?
    https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/societe/rassemblement-contre-les-violences-policieres-a-13h12-a-rennes-ce-samedi-

    Awa Gueye, sœur de #Babacar_Gueye, abattu par un policier en décembre 2015 et Franck Lambin, père du jeune Allan, mort en garde à vue au commissariat de Saint-Malo en 2019 seront notamment présents lors de ce rassemblement organisé à 13h12. La précision de cet horaire peut surprendre mais il s’agit d’un symbole.
    Ces quatre chiffres 1,3,1,2 doivent être mises en relation avec les lettres de l’alphabet. Ils permettent ainsi de former l’acronyme #Acab pour All cops are bastards (tous les policiers sont des salauds), un slogan utilisé par les mineurs britanniques lors des grèves des années 80 puis repris ou détourné ensuite par plusieurs groupes de manifestants.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/889208

  • Solidarity with French Academics - Info collection about the political debate

    Context
    French social sciences and the humanities are attacked by members of the government, including the Minister of Education, the Minister of Higher Education and members of the National Assembly. Specifically scholars working in the field of gender studies, critical race theory and postcolonial studies are concerned. These attacks have been criticized by many official instances (CNU, CNRS, CPU, CNFG), trade unions and collective initiatives. In the last weeks especially researchers affiliated to several French universities (Angers, Grenoble, Tours, Paris) suffered attacks. Anne-Laure Amilhat Szary, a political geographer and border scholar and director of the PACTE laboratory at the University Grenoble Alpes received hate messages and death threats following a mediatized conflict. These extremely serious attacks touch independence, transparency and quality of higher education and research. The entire scientific community is targeted and the debate lead to question the place of the university in our society.

    More information and a petition to sign below:

    Petition
    International Statement of Solidarity with Decolonial Academics and Activists in France
    https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSc46U844ETt0fBsq-6v9n1pcaVIx_U8LLMiU16VpMo5NwgU_w/viewform

    #France #Higher_Education #Academia #Frédérique_Vidal #islamo-leftism #separatism

    ping @cdb_77 @aslitelli

    • Are ’woke’ academics a threat to the French republic? Ask Macron’s ministers | Didier Fassin (The Guardian)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/907328

      Academic Freedom under Attack in France (Academe blog)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/907327

      Growing concern inside French academia due to controversy about “Islamo-leftism” (Center for Research on Extremism)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/907326

      “Islamo-leftism” is not a scientific reality (CNRS)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/907325

      –-
      Islamo-leftism - reporting in Germany (German)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/908197

      –-

      More infos collected here (mainly French)
      Separatism/islamo-leftism: https://seenthis.net/messages/884291
      Frédérique Vidal: https://seenthis.net/messages/902062
      First statements: https://seenthis.net/messages/907514

      –-
      Collection about the situation in Grenoble (mainly French)
      https://seenthis.net/messages/905509
      Support statements to Pacte laboratory and its director
      https://seenthis.net/messages/907501
      How ’Islamophobia’ row erupted at French political sciences school (Mediapart)
      –-> see below:

    • How ‘Islamophobia’ row erupted at French political sciences school

      A national controversy blew up in France earlier this month over a ‘naming and shaming’ campaign by students at a political sciences school who accused two of their teachers of Islamophobia, prompting police protection for the pair. While there has been widespread political and media condemnation of the students’ campaign, this investigation by Mediapart found that the case is far more complex than so far presented, and that the controversy was fanned by the timidity of the school’s management to intervene in a simmering dispute within its walls. David Perrotin reports.

      The Institut d’études politiques (IEP) in Grenoble, south-east France, one of the ten French public political sciences schools more commonly known as Sciences Po, became the centre of a national controversy earlier this month after students publicly denounced and named two of their lecturers who they accuse of Islamophobia.

      The students’ actions have been criticised as placing the lives of the two men in danger, notably following the beheading last October of Samuel Paty, a secondary school teacher in the Paris suburb of Conflans-Sainte-Honorine. He was assassinated by an 18-year-old man of Chechen origin after the Muslim father of a pupil at the school posted angry messages on social media over Paty’s presentation, in a class on free speech, of caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad.

      The controversy at the IEP in Grenoble had already been building in the media when, on March 9th, around 20 students gathered at midday outside the entrance to their establishment. They had taped a banner on a wall which read “Islam ≠ Terrorisme”, below which were propped strips of cardboard with the slogans “Racism is an offence” and “Halt to Islamophobia”.

      A few journalists were there to cover the event, waiting to interview the protestors. The atmosphere was tense; the young students present were wary of the press which they accuse of biased reporting.

      One of the students addressed the gathering, and while the reporters present had expected that the group were ready to publicly excuse themselves for their actions, they in fact reiterated their accusations. “Do you realise that you are ‘assassinating’, between quotes, your prof?” asked one of the journalists angrily.

      “I shouldn’t have spoken out. I didn’t make myself understood,” said, later, the tackled student.

      A few days earlier, posters had been put up on those same walls at the IEP with the names of the two lecturers the students accuse of Islamophobia. One of them read: “Fascists in our lecture halls”, and “Vincent T. […] and Klaus K. resign. Islamophobia kills.” While the posters were rapidly taken down, they had already been posted on social media by the local branch of the UNEF, the principal French students’ union, before it also withdrew the contents, in which the lecturers’ names appeared.

      The events were reported in French weekly Marianne and daily newspaper Le Figaro following which the Grenoble public prosecution authorities opened a preliminary investigation into potential offences of engaging in “public insults” and “defacement”.

      The French political class were unanimous in denouncing the students for placing the lecturers’ lives at risk. “I firmly condemn [the fact that] just six months – not even – after the assassination of Samuel Paty, [people’s] names have been thrown to the lions,” said Éric Piolle, the EELV Green party mayor of Grenoble. “Freedom of expression is constitutional for teachers and researchers.”

      Meanwhile, France’s junior minister for higher education, Frédérique Vidal, called for an internal administrative report on the matter, saying that “attempts at bringing pressure” on individuals, and “the establishment of doctrinaire thought”, had no place in universities.

      At the gathering outside the entrance of the IEP on March 9th, the students were also apparently unanimous in criticising the naming of the two teaching staff. “The poster pasting was a true cockup and placed the two profs in danger,” commented one third-year student whose name is withheld. “The UNEF should never have relayed them either.” Emma, the president of the Grenoble branch of student union UNEF admitted that, “Our communication was clearly clumsy”. For Maxime Jacquier, a member of the IEP’s students’ union representative body, “We don’t tolerate [the fact] that posters can put the lives of profs in danger”. All of them said they do not know who put up the posters.

      “Since all that blew up, the media compare this affair with what happened to Samuel Paty,” said Thibault, a master’s degree student at the Grenoble IEP. “There’s talk of intellectual terrorism, of Islamo-leftist entryism or fatwa. But there is a ginormous gap between the reality of what goes on at the IEP and the hijacking [of the events] by politicians. It’s a much more complex business that began well before.”

      One of the two lecturers targeted by the posters is Klaus Kinzler, 61, who teaches German language and civilisation. He has been giving numerous interviews to the media in which he offers his version of how the affair began. What he calls a “cabal” came about, he has said, after he simply questioned the proper use of the term “Islamophobia” alongside “racism” and “anti-Semitism” in the title of a project at the IEP. He has also said that “freedom of expression no longer exists at Science Po”. In an interview with French weekly news magazine Le Point , he said of some of the students that, “They wanted to have my hide and that of my colleague.”

      Questioned by Mediapart, Kinzler, 61, who has spent 35 years in the teaching profession, began by saying he was pleased that the media are “so many” to take an interest in the events. “It’s a proper marathon, but the most interesting was CNews,” he said, referring to a French TV news channel to whom he spoke at length. “There are extracts from the programme which have been seen more than 100,000 times on social media.” He said he now wants to concentrate on the legal aspects of the affair. “Thanks to the essayist Caroline Fourest, I took on the lawyer Patrick Klugman to prepare my riposte,” added Kinzler, who accused his colleagues of having deserted him.

      Kinzler said he had been excluded from a staff-student working group at the IEP for having contested the use of the term “Islamophobia” in the title of the group’s project, and said he was accused of harassment after he questioned the contrary arguments of one of his colleagues, Claire M., (last name withheld) and who sat on the working group, in email exchanges on the subject. Kinzler also said the director of the IEP Grenoble, Sabine Saurugger, had made him remove a page of his own website for having published details of the exchanges.

      “The problem is that there are lots of errors and lies in his account,” one of Kinzler’s IEP colleagues, whose name is withheld, told Mediapart, and who insisted that the lecturer received immediate support from teaching staff.

      “We are scandalised by what he said on CNews,” said Florent Gougou, a senior lecturer at the IEP. “He regrets not having had support whereas there was a loop of emails [of support] straight after the posters were pasted. Our support was unanimous and immediate, and the condemnation of these posters was very firm.”

      Earlier this month, the IEP supervisory board voted in favour of a motion which “firmly” disapproved of the posters “which are a matter of insult and intimidation”. But the motion also insisted on the importance of “a duty of confidentiality” and respect for “established and legitimate rules on academic exchanges” – a key element in understanding the build-up to the poster controversy, and which began last November. To trace the sequence of events, Mediapart has interviewed lecturers, students and management from the Grenoble political sciences school, and obtained access to the initial emails and exchanges that sparked the row.

      It was at the end of November 2020 when seven IEP students and one of their teachers, senior lecturer Claire M., formed a working group for a project entitled “Racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism”. The project was created to prepare a one-day forum of discussion on the same theme in early January, as part of a yearly “Week of equality and against discrimination” programme in place since 2017.

      Klaus Kinzler joined the working group after it had been constituted, and immediately brought into question the project’s title. “Good evening everyone,” began his email, addressed to his colleague Claire M. and with the students of the group copied in. “Concerning our group thematic ‘Racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism,’ I am quite intrigued by the revelatory alignment of these three concepts of which one should certainly not figure here (one can even debate whether this term has a real sense or if it is not simply the propaganda weapon of extremists cleverer than us).” Kinzler then went on to explain why he had chosen to join the group: “I won’t hide from you that it is because of this obvious nonsense in the name of our thematic group that I chose it.”

      Claire M. responded the next day, when she defended the name of the project, although it was not her who was behind it. The name was chosen on the basis of an online poll organised by the IEP administration, and was approved by a committee. “The notion of Islamophobia is indeed contested and taken to task in the political and partisan field,” wrote Clair M. in reply. “That is not the case in the scientific field,” she added. She also commented that “to use a concept does not dispense with questioning its pertinence, to aske oneself if it is effective”.

      A few hours later, Kinzler replied, with the students still copied in to the exchange. “To peremptorily affirm, as Claire does, that the notion of Islamophobia would be ‘not contested in the academic field’ seems to me to be an imposture,” he wrote. “Or, let’s be frank and recognise immediately this: the ‘academic field’ which [Claire] speaks about, and of which she is a perfect example, has itself, at least in certain social sciences (which at the IEP is called ‘soft sciences’), become partisan and militant since a long time.”

      He continued: “Contrary to what Claire affirms, ex cathedra, the academic debate on the highly problematic notion of ‘Islamophobia’ is absolutely not closed.” Kinzler wrote of a “hotchpotch” of ideas “completely invented as an ideological weapon by the ‘Fous de Dieu’ [fanatics of god] (in the literal sense) against the ‘impious’ peoples, a notion which appears to have invaded numerous minds, including within our venerable institute […] It is because of that that I categorically refuse to allow it to be suggested that the (imaginary) persecution of Muslim extremists (and other Muslims led astray) today really has its place alongside millenary and almost universal anti-Semitism or the racism that our own Western civilisation (just like the Muslim civilisation indeed) has become world champion of during the course of centuries.”

      He went on to denounce “the veritable scandal” of the name given to the working group, “a re-writing of history” that will “shame” the IEP, and concluded: “I have decided that, in the case that the group decides to maintain [what is] this absurd and insulting name for the victims of racism and anti-Semitism, I will immediately leave it (that’s almost the case, in fact).”

      Shortly after that email was sent, Vincent T., a senior lecturer in political sciences, and who Kinzler had hidden in copy to his email, joined the discussion although he was not part of the group. He took up Kinzler’s defence and directly targeted Claire. M., writing that he had discovered “with alarm to what degree academics are sunk in militantism and ideology”, adding: “To associate the Grenoble IEP to the combat led by Islamists, in France and in the world, and what’s more at a time when the government has just dissolved the CCIF, well, have you become mad or what?”

      The CCIF he referred to is the French acronym for the ‘Collective against Islamophobia in France’, which was dissolved after the murder of Samuel Paty, when it was accused by interior minister Gérald Darmanin as being a “radical Islamic” body and an “enemy” of France.

      Claire M. replied citing several scientific publications to support her view that the use of the term “Islamophobia” was not problematical.

      But the situation became further inflamed when Vincent T. responded to her, copying in the IEP management. He wrote of how the weekly magazine Charlie Hebdo, the target of a 2015 terrorist attack for having published caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad which left 12 people dead, had been “accused of Islamophobia”, citing also the murder of Samuel Paty, “accused of Islamophobia”, adding that he could not imagine “for one moment that the Grenoble IEP finds itself in this camp”. He invited the institute’s management to make known its position.

      Meanwhile, Klaus Kinzler followed up with a lengthy email, in which he noted that, “Every day, the departments in ‘gender studies’, ‘race studies’, and other ‘post-colonial studies’ (the list is far from exhaustive!) of the world’s most prestigious universities come out with their production of new ‘scientific’ books and articles, the conclusions of which are strictly staggering (for persons of a normal constitution)”. He deplored a “cancel culture” that was at work, and commented that social sciences produce “a whole lot of implausible things” unlike the “hard sciences”.

      “I am going to be clear,” he wrote. “I absolutely refuse to accept that we can continue, as Claire proposes to the group, to keep the title for the planned day.”

      When questioned by Mediapart, Kinzler admitted to a taste for provocation. Meanwhile, one of his staff colleagues, whose name is withheld, commented: “He and Vincent are two profs with a reputation for being rightwing, and sometimes very militant.”

      In one email Kinzler wrote: “Were the Muslims made slaves and sold as such for centuries, like were the Blacks (who are still today numerous in suffering real racism)? No, historically Muslims were for a long while major slave traders themselves! And there is among them, still today, at least as much racism against Blacks as [there is] among Whites.” He added that Muslims had never been “persecuted”, “killed” or “exterminated” as have Jews, and that among them are “a very large number of virulent anti-Semites”.

      Kinzler wrote that while he had “no sympathy” for Islam “as a religion”, he had no “antipathy” towards Muslims. Regarding a rejection of terrorism by Muslims, he asked, “Why aren’t there millions of Muslims out in the street to say it clear and loud, immediately, after each attack. Why?”

      Finally, he proposed that the working group project be renamed as “Racism, anti-Semitism and contemporary discrimination”, the latter to encompass “homophobia, Islamophobia and misogyny”.
      Police protection for all three teaching staff in the dispute

      “Following these exchanges, Claire M. considered herself to have been the victim of an aggression, and even harassment,” commented one of her colleagues, who did not want to be named. Claire M. reportedly criticised Kinzler for opposing his personal opinions in face of scientific arguments, and also of denigrating her as being an extremist. For her, he had surpassed professional requirements of moderation, and also secular principles in his praising of the values of Christian religion.

      Her request for the IEP management to intervene in the dispute was met with a refusal on the grounds of the right to free expression. “We accompanied her move because we felt that the management had a duty to react,” said a representative of the CGT trades union branch at the University of Grenoble, which is home to the IEP. “We even gave a warning of imminent, serious danger.”

      Kinzler, who told Mediapart he had “never exceeded” the boundaries of politeness in his emails, said he was finally excluded from the working group. One of the students taking part said he had in fact excluded himself from the project. She added that, contrary to what Kinzler has said in media interviews, at the time of the email exchanges the students did not take part in the controversy.

      “We asked to be left out of this loop of emails,” she said. “We contacted the management which didn’t want to react. As a result, we let it be known that in these conditions we didn’t want to work with [Kinzler] anymore. His aggressiveness and his anti-Islam talk put us ill at ease, but there was not a will to shut him up or exclude him […] These emails attacking Islam or Muslims in this way were difficult to live with for some students.”

      In an email dated December 4th, Kinzler told Claire M.: “I have just re-read our exchange. On your side, a perfectly moderate and polite tone; on my side, I admit it, I did not have the same control of language and, in the heat of the action, I at moments let myself get carried away. I regret it.” Interviewed by Mediapart, he said: “I excused myself to calm things down, it was diplomatic, but I maintain that there was no problem in my emails.”

      According to people close to her, Claire M. was upset at the IEP management’s refusal to intervene and she was even given sick leave between December 7th-11th. Shortly before that, she raised the case with her on-campus social sciences research unit, the PACTE, which is jointly run by the IEP, the University of Grenoble and the French national scientific research centre, the CNRS. The PACTE prepared a statement sent out to internal departments expressing its “full support” for Claire M., who it said had been the target of personal attacks. Although it refrained from naming Klaus Kinzler in person, it said her scientific work of several years on issues surrounding Islam and Muslims had been called into question, and denounced a form of “harassment” she had been subjected to, underlining that scientific debate required “freedom, calm and respect”.

      A colleague within the PACTE told Mediapart: “We didn’t want to target management, but we couldn’t allow a teacher to denigrate the SHS [Human and Social Sciences] in this manner, to copy in a prof who has nothing to do with this working group, and to let them so violently have a go at a colleague in emails in front of the students. It was a call to order of form, given that management refused to intervene.”

      According to the student from the working group cited above, the affair should have stopped there. All the more so given that the original title of the project, ‘Racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism’ had finally been changed to ‘Feminisms and anti-racism’.

      “Besides, we were careful not to publicly mention his emails,” she said. “In reality, it’s Klaus who was the first to publicise them.” This was an important part in the chronology of events, and which Kinzler did not mention in his recent media interviews. For, angry at the reaction of the PACTE, he sent out numerous emails within the academic community exposing the row and complaining about Claire M.

      “He even used the email exchanges and the response of the lab [PACTE] as a teaching tool to discuss with his students the ‘cancel culture’ which he said he was a victim of,” said one of Kinzler’s colleagues, who did not want to be named. “Claire M. had asked for nothing, and it was firstly her name which was thrown to the lions. He is careful not to say that he went so far.” Mediapart has seen a document illustrating how the row was used for a German-language course for third-year students on the subject of “cancel culture”.

      Questioned by Mediapart, Kinzler confirmed that he had posted all the email exchanges on his website, but said he did so because the PACTE had made its statement public. In fact, the statement was sent by email to only those involved in the dispute and also the IEP management. “It was never made public on our site,” one member of the PACTE unit told Mediapart, although he admitted it had been a mistake to describe the text as a “statement”.

      In its report on the controversy, weekly news magazine Marianne echoed Kinzler’s account that the student collective, “le collectif Sciences Po Grenoble en lutte”, published extracts from the emails on January 7th, when it denounced Kinzler’s arguments as “rooted on the far-right”. However, the extracts published, in which Kinzler’s name was not mentioned, were copied from among those he had already published on his own website.

      “I don’t regret having circulated them because it was my only means of defending myself,” Kinzler told Mediapart, although he said he now regretted publishing the name of Claire M. “I should have withdrawn her name but I had other anger to deal with.” He finally withdrew her name when the row became the national controversy that erupted earlier this month. “But I don’t understand too well that a song and a dance is made about the safety risk for my colleague,” he added.

      However, like Kinzler and Vincent T., Claire M. has been given special police protection since March 6th, and a CGT union official said earlier this month she had received a hate message by email.

      In a riposte to the IEP management’s failure to intervene, Claire M. also made a complaint last December to the office of France’s rights watchdog, the Défenseur des droits, which, beyond its role as ombudsman with regard to administrative matters, also has authority to probe situations of alleged discrimination and deontological misdemeanours. Mediapart understands that the watchdog sent a letter on January 11th to IEP director Sabine Saurugger, through its regional office in Grenoble, in which, while not commenting on the substance of the issues behind the dispute, it underlined the requirement for mutual respect between staff, concluded that Vincent T. and Klaus Kinzler had failed to show proper respect to Claire M., and noted that the latter had not been given support by the management.

      Questioned by Mediapart, Saurugger refutes any inertia over the affair. “These events led to very firm action by the management, which moreover led to the writing of apologies by Klaus Kinzler,” she said. Indeed, on December 16th Kinzler again offered his excuses – while also publishing the email exchanges on his website, and justifying his position in a message sent to the PACTE in response to their statement. “It is incorrect to say we didn’t react, but we tried to have a constructive dialogue,” added Saurugger
      ’Calm must be brought to this debate’

      Contrary to what was reported, the IEP’s internal administration had, before the posters naming the Kinzler and Vincent T. were put up, been largely made aware of the problems. The students’ union council, which represents their different unions in one body, had also criticised the management inaction and sent a letter asking it to express its disapproval of Kinzler’s comments. “Islamophobia does not have its place in our institute, just like other discriminations that can be racism and anti-Semitism,” it wrote on January 9th, while expressing its support for Claire M.

      In response, IEP director Sabine Saurugger underlined the importance of the teaching staff’s freedom of expression, but also principles of “tolerance and objectivity” as required by “university tradition and the code of education”. On January 13th, student representatives reiterated their demands, arguing that the IEP should “not hide behind pedagogic freedom to defend Islamophobia”. They also requested that the agenda for the next IEP board meeting include a motion to cancel a course led by Vincent T. called “Islam and Muslims in contemporary France”. On February 22nd, the students’ union council launched an appeal on Facebook asking students to report Islamophobic comments during lectures. “We had had several problematic reports,” said a students’ union representative.

      Vincent T. is a member of an association of academics called the Observatoire du décolonialisme (“Observatory of de-colonialism”), signing an opinion article on the subject in the weekly news magazine Le Point in January, and also regularly contributes to the news website Atlantico. “His opinion articles are all cited in the IEP’s official press review,” commented a staff colleague, who said it was an illustration that the IEP is far from being “a university undermined by ‘Islamo-leftism’”.

      “Islamo-leftist and decolonial ideologies have become so powerful that the official authorities try to protect them,” commented Vincent T. in an interview published by Atlantico in February. “Our best students are today conditioned to react in a stereotyped manner to the major problems of society,” he said, further into the interview. “They are for example convinced that French society is racist, sexist and discriminatory, that immigrants were brought by force to France to be exploited and placed in ghettos, that Napoleon was a sort of fascist, or that colonisation was synonymous with genocide.”

      “Vincent is known for being on the right of sociology,” said a lecturer at IEP Grenoble, whose name is withheld. “Having said that, there is no element today that allows to prove that he made Islamophobic comments in his lectures […] What is certain is that he makes an obsession of it. But there is also a large [presence of] fright within him.”

      Contacted by Mediapart, Vincent T. declined to personally comment on the events, and instead invited us to contact his lawyer and the management at the Grenoble IEP.

      Following the murder of Samuel Paty last October, Vincent T. sent an email to the Grenoble university presidency. “The caricatures published by Charlie Hebdo have become a demarcation line between civilisation and barbarism, between us and our enemies,” he wrote. “Either we accept these caricatures, or either we refuse them: it is for each one to choose their camp.”

      “In the framework of my teaching, it happens that, as certainly for other colleagues, I present these drawings when I broach the case of the caricatures,” he added. “For this reason, my life is therefore potentially in danger. It will stop being so if every academic takes up solidarity by posting the caricatures everywhere they can.” He concluded: “In the absence of such an elementary measure of solidarity and courage, you will put my life in danger.” The university administration said it would alert the police if it believed there was a need.

      For that reason, some teaching staff and students believe the Facebook appeal by the students’ unions for reports of Islamophobic comments was a mistake. “This appeal for reports, even if it didn’t mention his name, should have been kept to internal [messaging] and not posted on social media,” said one. “Vincent was too identifiable.” After Vincent T. discovered the post on social media, he sent an email to the students: “For reasons I cannot explain by email, I ask all the students who belong to the union called ‘union council’ to immediately leave my lecture classes and to never set foot in them again.” He concluded: “I am Charlie and I will remain so.”

      The same day, Klaus Kinzler sent an email to both students and management, presented as a humorous note, following a stormy meeting between students and teaching staff, during which he had drunk alcohol. “Good day, above all to our little Ayatollahs in germination (what is the gender-inclusive again for Ayatollah?),” he began. “I see that it is beginning to be a habit with you to launch fatwas against your profs […] It shocks you so much, you the self-declared ‘Guardians of good mores’ that, after four interminable hours spent with you […] I had the need to knock back a few glasses behind the tie in order not to blow a fuse?” he asked, before reiterating his support for Vincent T. He then signed off: “A teacher ‘in the struggle’, Nazi by his genes, an Islamophobe repeat offender.”

      One of Kinsler’s colleagues described the events as, “A succession of faults, he went too far”. Once again, the students contacted the IEP management over the email, but to no reaction. The union council filed a formal legal complaint for “defamation and discrimination because of union activities”, which was eventually dismissed. It was four days later when the names of Kinzler and Vincent T. appeared on the posters pasted on the IEP’s walls.

      While all the teaching staff have unreservedly condemned the posters, some are unhappy with the account Kinzler has been giving in television interviews and the accusations made against his colleagues, students, management and the PACTE research unit. “I very firmly condemn these posters but I contest any responsibility of the [PACTE] in the allegations made against these two lecturers, one of who is also a member of the PACTE,” said Anne-Laure Amilhat-Szary, head of the joint research unit.

      All of the teaching staff, including Klaus Kinzler, agree that the contagious conflicts resulting from the countless exchange of emails had aggravated the situation. “The timid reactions from management as well,” said one teacher.

      “We gave support to these two teachers, condemned the posters, but the affair that is reported in the media puts a slant on the matter that presents the educational community as thoughtless Islamo-leftists,” said IEP Grenoble lecturer Simon Persico. “That’s false. Calm must be brought to this debate which has become unprecedented in scale, aggravated by the lockdown situation which is very heavy for the students, and which prevents any peaceful and respectful discussion.”

      French junior minister for higher education minister Frédérique Vidal has ordered two education authority inspectors to interview the different protagonists, and meanwhile Klaus Kinzler has continued with his media appearances. “Just after the programme I was on at CNews, I chatted twenty minutes with Serge Nedjar, the head of the channel, who wanted me to come along more regularly,” he told Mediapart. “That flattered me. I’m going to think about it.”

      https://www.mediapart.fr/en/journal/france/220321/how-islamophobia-row-erupted-french-political-sciences-school?_locale=en&o

  • Coronavirus à Rennes : Un cluster décelé au sein du poulailler central
    https://www.20minutes.fr/rennes/2969295-20210204-coronavirus-rennes-cluster-decele-sein-commissariat-polic

    Un cluster de coronavirus a été décelé au sein du commissariat central de Rennes. D’après la direction, contactée par 20 Minutes, 22 cas positifs auraient été enregistrés dans les rangs des policiers, confirmant l’information révélée par Ouest-France. En interne, certaines sources évoquent un nombre de cas plus élevé, autour d’une trentaine, et s’inquiètent d’une potentielle propagation du virus. « En cas de suspicion, les personnes sont immédiatement placées à l’isolement », explique un membre de la direction.

    #acab

  • Déclin des #insectes : l’urgence d’agir | CNRS Le journal
    https://lejournal.cnrs.fr/articles/declin-des-insectes-lurgence-dagir

    Dans un avis publié le 26 janvier, l’#Académie_des_sciences sonne l’alarme au sujet du déclin des insectes. Explications avec Philippe Grandcolas, directeur de l’Institut de systématique, évolution, biodiversité et co-auteur du rapport scientifique sur lequel s’appuie cet appel.

    […] Cet #effondrement est un phénomène complexe, quatre facteurs principaux y contribuent : la destruction de #milieux_naturels, la #pollution, les effets de la #crise_climatique et l’introduction des #espèces_exotiques, elle-même facilitée par la #mondialisation des échanges. En ce qui concerne la conversion des milieux terrestres, autrement dit la disparition des #forêts naturelles, des #zones_humides et des #prairies, rappelons que plus de 40 millions d’hectares de forêts ont disparu depuis vingt ans dans le monde, soit plus que la superficie de l’Allemagne ! Et les plantations d’arbres — qui se limitent souvent à une seule espèce voire à un seul clone, avec un sous-bois ou des sols très simplifiés — ne suffisent pas à restaurer toute la richesse des #écosystèmes forestiers qui disparaissent.

    La diversité des #habitats dans un #paysage doit en outre être préservée. Quant à l’usage massif et irraisonné de #pesticides, il est la deuxième cause majeure de l’effondrement des populations d’insectes à proximité des zones agricoles. La dérogation récemment accordée par le gouvernement français aux producteurs de betteraves pour l’usage de néonicotinoïdes est à cet égard fort regrettable.

    Il faut aussi noter que l’intensité de ces facteurs n’est pas la même selon les régions. Par exemple, la déforestation massive touche davantage la forêt amazonienne que les forêts européennes ; tandis que les grands incendies liés à la crise climatique, comme ceux qui ont récemment frappé l’Australie, affectent des zones géographiques bien particulières.

  • À la veille d’une nouvelle manifestation, Maria raconte son agression par des policiers à Marseille en 2018
    https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/faits-divers-justice/a-la-veille-d-une-nouvelle-manifestation-maria-raconte-son-agression-par-

    https://twitter.com/afpfr/status/1337827055078010883

    Le 8/12/2018, Maria, 19 ans, est frappée par des policiers en marge d’une manifestation marquée par des incidents à Marseille. 2 ans + tard, malgré la vidéo d’un voisin, l’enquête se dirige vers un non-lieu, laissant la jeune fille à ses cauchemars.

    https://www.lexpress.fr/actualites/1/societe/retour-sur-deux-ans-apres-l-enquete-sur-des-violences-policieres-sur-maria-

    Ce samedi de 2018, une semaine après la mort de Zineb Redouane, une octogénaire décédée après avoir été touchée de plein fouet, à sa fenêtre, par une grenade lacrymogène tirée par un policier, l’ambiance est très tendue. « Gilets jaunes », militants contre le logement insalubre et manifestants pour le climat ont envahi la Canebière.

    « La situation était insurrectionnelle », décrira le chef d’état major Jean-Marc Luca, directeur du service d’ordre ce jour-là, devant l’IGPN, la police des polices.

    Quand Maria (un prénom d’emprunt, NDLR) quitte la boutique où elle travaille en alternance, à quelques mètres de là, plusieurs commerces ont déjà été vandalisés. Il est 18H30, la jeune femme est avec son ami et veut acheter à manger avant de rentrer dans le foyer pour jeunes travailleurs où elle vit.

    Coincée entre les échauffourées d’un côté, vers le Vieux-Port, et un groupe de policiers qui se met à charger vers les incidents, elle se réfugie dans une ruelle. Là, touchée par un tir de lanceur de balles de défense (LBD) à la cuisse droite, elle s’effondre.

    « J’ai cru que j’avais perdu ma jambe », explique Maria à l’AFP. Mais elle ne sait toujours pas pourquoi elle a été ciblée. Tout juste se souvient-elle avoir lancé quelques petits pétards - des « claque-doigts » - avant les faits, mais jamais les policiers ne lui en parleront.

    – « Enquête +Canada Dry+ » -

    Tombée à terre, elle reçoit un coup de pied en plein visage, d’un homme chaussé de rangers. Et une pluie d’autres coups, de pieds, de matraques, qui lui fracturent le crâne : « J’avais les yeux ouverts, j’étais consciente, mais à un moment j’ai cru que j’allais lâcher ».

    Une photo prise à l’hôpital témoigne de la violence des coups : la tête partiellement rasée, elle porte sur le crâne deux énormes cicatrices.

    Ce dossier est « une non-affaire », expliquera Jean-Marc Luca, nommé depuis directeur départemental de la Sécurité publique de Vaucluse, dans un document consulté par l’AFP.

    Quant aux agresseurs, une quinzaine de policiers, dont au moins une femme, filmés par un voisin avec son téléphone, aucun n’a été identifié par l’IGPN.

    « C’est un artifice d’enquête, une enquête +Canada Dry+ », s’insurge Me Brice Grazzini, l’avocat de Maria, auprès de l’AFP.

    Interrogée par l’AFP, la Direction générale de la police nationale n’a pas souhaité faire de commentaire.

    Après l’avis de fin d’information du juge d’instruction en août, le premier vice-procureur de Marseille a signé un réquisitoire aux fins de non-lieu, le 2 septembre.

    Pour le représentant du parquet, l’information judiciaire a « démontré que ces violences illégitimes avaient été perpétrées par des fonctionnaires de police ». Et qu’elles n’étaient « ni absolument nécessaires au regard des circonstances, ni proportionnées à un comportement qui serait imputable » à Maria.

    Mais il n’y a personne à renvoyer devant un tribunal et c’est une ordonnance de non-lieu que devrait rendre le juge d’instruction d’ici à quelques jours, s’insurge Me Grazzini, pour qui « Maria a été victime d’une meute qui n’a rien à faire dans la police ».

    « Ils savent très bien qui c’était », lâche la jeune femme : « Je ne crois plus à un procès. A l’IGPN, quand j’ai raconté ce que j’avais vécu, c’était plus un interrogatoire qu’une déposition... Ils auraient au moins pu s’excuser, mais même pas ! »

    – « J’ai été abandonnée » -

    Quand Maria dépose une plainte le 19 décembre 2018 sur la plateforme de l’IGPN, à sa sortie de l’hôpital, les images des caméras de vidéosurveillance de la ville, conservées 10 jours, ont déjà été « écrasées ».

    Les échanges radios entre les policiers sur le terrain sont eux stockés deux mois, mais ils n’ont jamais été demandés avant l’ouverture de l’enquête préliminaire fin avril.

    Quant au logiciel Pegase, qui enregistre le positionnement de chaque brigade lors d’une intervention, un trou de près de neuf heures, entre 14H37 et 23H21 le jour des faits, rend son exploitation inutile. « Un bug informatique », affirme-t-on au Centre d’information et de commandement (CIC).

    « J’ai été abandonnée. Ils n’ont rien cherché », accuse Maria qui a depuis décroché son bac pro, mention très bien. Mais « les cauchemars sont toujours là », comme les cachets contre les migraines, les insomnies, les crises de colère, les troubles de la vue à l’oeil droit, les douleurs à la jambe.

    « Je survis, mais je n’y arrive plus. Je me demande si je suis folle. Je ne sors plus, je ne fais plus rien », explique-t-elle, craignant de perdre son travail une nouvelle fois : « J’aimerais juste faire mon deuil de ce jour là, je veux juste vivre ».

    #violences_policières #impunité #omerta

    • Violences policières sur Maria : le procureur de Marseille demande un non-lieu
      16 décembre 2020 Par Pascale Pascariello

      En marge d’une manifestation des « gilets jaunes » à Marseille, des policiers avaient fracassé le crâne de Maria∗, 19 ans, lui blessant gravement le cerveau. Alors que notre enquête avait révélé la partialité de l’IGPN, le réquisitoire du procureur conclut au non-lieu, aucun des agresseurs n’ayant été retrouvé.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/161220/violences-policieres-sur-maria-le-procureur-de-marseille-demande-un-non-li

      e 8 décembre 2018, Maria rentrait tranquillement chez elle après sa journée de travail. Mais ce maudit 8 décembre était aussi une journée de mobilisation des « gilets jaunes » et de manifestation contre les logements insalubres. Sur son chemin, elle croisa des policiers, qui, pour une raison inexpliquée, se jetèrent sur elle, la rouèrent de coups. Et changèrent le cours de sa vie.

      Dans un réquisitoire définitif révélé ce mercredi par l’AFP, le procureur de Marseille évoque ces « violences illégitimes » commises sur « une plaignante dont il ne ressort nulle part qu’elle ait manifesté une quelconque violence justifiant l’intervention des policiers ». Ce réquisitoire conclut cependant au non-lieu : aucun des agresseurs n’a été mis en cause. « Les investigations très poussées réalisées par le juge d’instruction n’ont pas permis d’identifier les auteurs, qui demeurent inconnus », conclut le parquet de Marseille.

      « Très poussées » les investigations ? Il faut relire notre enquête (ci-dessous) pour s’en faire une idée plus juste. Deux autres articles complétaient l’enquête :

      – Maria : « Les policiers m’ont enlevé ma vie »

      – Le 8 décembre à Marseille, un dispositif « de guerre » face aux « gilets jaunes »

      *

      Blanchir les policiers. Dédouaner les responsables. Et ne retrouver sous aucun prétexte les auteurs du tir et des coups qui ont changé la vie de Maria, 19 ans, qui rentrait chez elle après sa journée de travail à Marseille, le 8 décembre 2018, samedi de mobilisation des « gilets jaunes » et de manifestation contre les logements insalubres. À la lecture des pièces du dossier, que Mediapart a pu consulter, ce sont les seuls objectifs que semble s’être donnés l’Inspection générale de la police nationale (IGPN), la police des polices.

      Le 30 avril, le procureur de la République de Marseille a ouvert une enquête préliminaire pour « violences aggravées » par trois circonstances : elles auraient été commises par des personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique, en réunion et armées. Dans ce cadre, l’IGPN a été saisie, puis son enquête versée à l’information judiciaire enclenchée fin juillet.

      Il y a quelques jours, le 31 octobre, le ministère de l’intérieur vantait encore la transparence de l’IGPN en annonçant que sur les 313 enquêtes judiciaires pour violences policières pour lesquelles elle avait été saisie, la police des polices avait transmis les deux tiers à la justice. Mais transmis quels éléments ? Après quelles enquêtes ?

      Aucune mesure n’a à ce jour été prise à l’encontre du moindre policier. Cet été, déjà, la cheffe de l’IGPN, Brigitte Jullien, réfutait « le terme de violences policières » et déclarait au Parisien que s’il n’y avait pas de policier suspendu, c’était « parce qu’aucune enquête n’a[vait] permis de conclure que la responsabilité d’un policier était engagée à titre individuel ».

      À la lecture de « l’enquête » menée à Marseille, on comprend mieux comment il est possible de ne jamais aboutir.

      Le fait que ce soit la section marseillaise de l’IGPN qui ait été saisie et non une antenne délocalisée (comme celle de Paris ou de Lyon) a-t-il accentué ce manque d’empressement à identifier les responsables ? Pour rappel, c’est déjà à Marseille que tout a été fait pour que le policier ayant causé la mort de Zineb Redouane le 1er décembre 2018, une semaine avant le drame de Maria, ne soit jamais identifié (à lire ici).

      Dans le cas de Maria, l’autoprotection des policiers a commencé par une obstruction. La jeune femme de 19 ans se serait d’abord vu opposer deux refus de dépôt de plainte dans deux commissariats en décembre, à sa sortie de l’hôpital. Elle n’a pu le faire qu’en avril. (voir et entendre ici son récit complet).

      L’IGPN est alors saisie. Mais près de cinq mois après les faits, les images de vidéosurveillance de la ville ont été écrasées selon les délais d’usage, de même que les écoutes des échanges radio de la police (Acropol), qui sont, elles, conservées deux mois.

      Maria à terre entourée de policiers, aux alentours de 18 h 40, le 8 décembre. Maria à terre entourée de policiers, aux alentours de 18 h 40, le 8 décembre.
      L’IGPN dispose donc seulement de deux vidéos et de quelques photos prises par des témoins.

      Le problème est que d’autres preuves, qui auraient pu être exploitées par la justice, ont disparu : le précieux rapport informatique faisant état de l’ensemble des mouvements et des interventions des policiers la journée du 8 décembre a été tronqué entre 14 h 37 et 23 h 21. Plus un mot de disponible.

      Auditionnée sur ce dysfonctionnement majeur, la fonctionnaire en charge de ce logiciel policier nommé Pegase, n’en revient pas : « C’est particulièrement étonnant. Cela fait deux ans que je suis au CIC [centre d’information et de commandement – ndlr] et c’est la première fois que je vois une fiche avec un tel défaut. Je ne suis jamais tombée sur une fiche qui présentait un tel “trou” dans les commentaires ». Selon cette fonctionnaire, il ne peut en aucun cas s’agir d’un bug informatique. Seulement d’une intervention humaine.

      Pourtant la conclusion que l’IGPN livre au procureur de la République est radicalement différente : le « rapport de synthèse Pegase […] apparaissait comme tronqué sur la tranche horaire 14 h 37-23 h 21 en raison d’un dysfonctionnement informatique, incident s’étant produit ponctuellement par le passé ».

      Interrogée par Mediapart sur cette contre-vérité, l’IGPN est restée silencieuse sur ce point, se réfugiant derrière « un nombre important d’auditions et d’actes d’enquête ». Comme si le volume du dossier d’enquête pouvait en masquer les incohérences.

      D’autres dysfonctionnements apparaissent vite. Alors que Maria a reçu un tir de LBD dans la cuisse, Philippe Combaz, le commissaire divisionnaire, qui supervise les opérations sur le terrain, concède n’avoir « peut-être même pas fait de sommations » ce samedi 8 décembre. Selon le code de la sécurité intérieure (ici et là) et le code pénal, il lui incombe pourtant impérativement de le faire avant que la force ne soit employée. Seule exception, si les policiers sont violemment attaqués et en danger – cas de figure qu’exclut la vidéo de Maria.

      Au cours des auditions, les responsables de police disculpent les agents placés directement sous leur commandement. Plusieurs d’entre eux rejettent la faute sur des policiers appartenant aux « compagnies de marche ». (lire ici notre article Un dispositif de « guerre »). Reconstituées à l’occasion des mouvements des gilets jaunes, ces brigades sont composées de huit à dix agents, en tenue ou en civil et recrutés dans différentes unités, comme la brigade anticriminalité (BAC), le service de sécurité des transports en commun, des fonctionnaires de bureaux, ou de la sûreté départementale.

      Certains policiers portent donc un brassard et un casque identifiable. D’autres n’ont ni insigne ni brassard, ont le visage masqué et sont affublés de matériels non réglementaires comme des casques de skate. Leur hiérarchie va se dire incapable de les authentifier.

      Lorsqu’il est auditionné, l’ami de Maria∗ rappelle qu’il a essayé de lui venir en aide, lorsqu’elle était rouée de coups, à terre, mais que d’autres policiers « l’ont poussé contre le mur […] et [lui] ont donné un coup de genou dans la tête ». Quand il a enfin pu porter secours à son amie, « consciente. Elle tremblait. Elle était pleine de sang, sa veste était pleine de sang. On voyait qu’elle était blessée gravement. Aucun policier n’est venu pour l’aider […] ou pour appeler des secours ».

      Il précise que si « les trois policiers du début qui donnent des coups de pied étaient en civil […] portaient des jeans, certains avec des rangers, d’autres des chaussures normales », ils ont ensuite été rejoints « par des policiers » identifiables à leur casque qui, eux aussi « ont frappé » Maria.

      Une partie des difficultés est là : certains des policiers ont sciemment masqué leur visage et ne portaient aucun signe indiquant leur appartenance à la police comme les y oblige pourtant le Règlement général d’emploi (RGE) de la police nationale.

      Faire porter la responsabilité aux « compagnies de marche » est dès lors pratique pour la haute hiérarchie policière.

      Loin de les disculper, les principaux chefs d’unité répondent souvent « je ne sais pas ». Impossible, par exemple, de savoir s’ils avaient des casques personnels. Ni de quel type d’armes ils disposaient. « C’est possible qu’ils aient été porteurs de grenades, mais je n’en suis pas sûr du tout. »

      Au terme de l’enquête préliminaire ouverte le 30 avril pour « violences aggravées par personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique, en réunion, avec arme », le procureur de la République de Marseille a requis, le 25 juillet, l’ouverture d’une information judiciaire pour que soit saisi un juge d’instruction. Cette instruction a aussi été ouverte pour « non-assistance à personne en danger » et « violences aggravées ».

      Brice Grazzini, l’avocat de Maria, n’est pas rassuré pour autant. Il souhaite que les investigations ne soient plus menées par l’IGPN. « Quand on entre dans le détail, on s’aperçoit que les questions qui fâchent ne sont pas toujours posées, que les personnes “ambiguës” ne sont pas toujours interrogées ! Après avoir essuyé deux refus de plainte, une enquête partiale de l’IGPN, il faut continuer à se battre même au niveau judiciaire. J’ai dû de nouveau porter plainte pour tentative de meurtre contre les policiers… »

      Interrogé par Mediapart, le ministère de l’intérieur est catégorique : « L’IGPN déploie toutes les investigations pour faire la lumière sur cette affaire. » Le ministère assure aussi que l’IGPN a pris des mesures administratives sans préciser lesquelles.

      Des sanctions peut-être ? Le chef d’état-major Jean-Marc Luca, principal responsable de ce dispositif, en salle de commandement au moment des faits, a bien connu une évolution de carrière au cours de l’enquête. Mais pas celle qu’on aurait pu imaginer. Il a été promu directeur départemental de la sécurité publique du Vaucluse , le lundi 3 juin, en cours d’enquête.

    • Deux lycéennes portent plainte pour violences et humiliation sexuelle lors de leur arrestation, mais ce sont elles qui sont mise en examen
      https://mars-infos.org/deux-lyceennes-portent-plainte-5530

      Ce 23 décembre, une des deux lycéennes de 15 ans arrêtées et blessées par les flics à la manif du 12 décembre a été replacé en garde à vue. Toutes deux avaient initialement été relâchées sans charge, en effet la première avait dû être hospitalisée, et la garde à vue de la seconde était bourrée de trop d’irrégularités. Non seulement elles avaient été blessée, l’une d’entre elle souffrant d’un trauma crânien et de blessures à la mâchoires, mais aussi traitées de « petite pute », de « salope », menacées de fouille au corps par les policiers hommes.

      Et, comme par hasard, une semaine après leur dépôt de plainte respectif pour violences et humiliation sexuelle par les flics, les voilà mise en examen pour violences et rébellion. Une tactique tristement classique des flics qui ont « dérapé ». Dissuader leurs victimes de porter plainte en attendant qu’elles portent plainte pour le faire à leur tour, en sachant pertinemment qu’une plainte de keuf a plus de poids.

      Joyeuses #ACAB !