• #Sit-in, #cocktail_Molotov, #intrusions... La fronde anti-IA en pleine expansion

    Des #blocages pacifiques aux #menaces_physiques, le rejet des algorithmes s’intensifie aux Etats-Unis et ailleurs. Face à la #colère, les géants de la Silicon Valley revoient leur copie en matière de sécurité.

    C’est un logo, simple, que l’on croise de plus en plus souvent. Deux lettres à l’intérieur d’un cercle barré : « IA ». En Australie, des milliers d’employés de l’université de Sydney se sont mis en #grève fin août pour exiger une protection de leur emploi face à cette technologie. En Angleterre, des centaines de manifestants ont défilé à Londres en mars en demandant à être « débranchés ». En France, un piquet d’activistes a même brandi cet été slogans et pancartes au pied de la société parisienne #Mistral. Contre les algorithmes, la #fronde s’intensifie. Mais nulle part elle ne culmine autant qu’aux Etats-Unis.

    Inquiétudes pour l’emploi, bafouement des droits d’auteur, crainte d’une « perte de contrôle »… 52 % des Américains se disent plus inquiets qu’enthousiastes face à la place croissante de l’IA dans leur vie, estime une étude du Pew Research Center. De fait, les actions se diversifient outre-Atlantique, entre résistances écologiques aux #centres_de_données, campagnes de neutralisation des caméras algorithmiques et grèves syndicales historiques de secteurs bouleversés, à l’image de Hollywood. Mais ces derniers mois, ce sont les bureaux des géants de la Silicon Valley qui sont régulièrement ciblés.

    Habillés en agents IA « hors de contrôle », des militants ont semé en août une joyeuse zizanie dans des locaux d’OpenAI près de Seattle. Une opération symbolique, à base de ballons gonflables, de danse du robot et de saute-mouton dans l’entrée. Au siège de San Francisco, un petit groupe d’#activistes équipé de chaises de camping occupe depuis un mois le trottoir devant le bâtiment. Symbole de son ampleur, la #contestation connaît aussi ses premières fois. Cet été, #Wynd_Kaufmyn, une enseignante de Berkeley âgée de 69 ans, est devenue la première militante anti-IA à être condamnée à une peine de prison (14 jours). Elle avait, l’année précédente, enchaîné les portes de la maison-mère de ChatGPT.

    Fascination

    A l’origine de la plupart de ces actions, deux groupes : #Pause_AI et #Stop_AI. Apparus respectivement aux Pays-Bas en 2023 et en Californie en 2024, tous deux réclament une pause dans le développement des modèles les plus puissants. Au cœur de leurs inquiétudes ? Les « risques existentiels », l’idée que l’IA pourrait amener une catastrophe mondiale voire l’extinction de l’humanité en favorisant l’apparition d’armes autonomes ou d’attaques informatiques surpuissantes. Une théorie controversée au sein de la communauté scientifique. Et, ironiquement, un discours alarmiste que les grands patrons de l’IA cultivent également, avec un objectif marketing en tête : entretenir la fascination autour de leurs produits.

    Outre les actions pacifiques, ce climat anxiogène enregistre déjà quelques dérives. Au printemps, un vingtenaire, persuadé de l’imminence d’une techno-apocalypse, a été arrêté après avoir lancé un cocktail Molotov sur la maison du créateur de ChatGPT, Sam Altman. Dans ses affaires, un manifeste prônant la mort des grands patrons de l’IA avait été retrouvé. Inculpé pour tentative de meurtre, le Texan a plaidé non coupable, affirmant souffrir d’une psychose aiguë au moment des faits.

    « Menace terroriste »

    Concurrent direct d’OpenAI, Anthropic aussi a été pris pour cible. Un homme, qui avait postulé sous un faux nom à un emploi au sein de la société de Claude, menaçait en ligne d’écorcher vifs les enfants de ses employés. Une « punition » pour avoir volé son travail, rapportait en juillet le Wall Street Journal. L’incident, qualifié de « menace terroriste » par les autorités, n’a donné suite à aucune arrestation.

    Pour calmer le jeu, certains dirigeants de l’IA chercheraient donc à tempérer leurs discours, affirme le quotidien économique. D’autres auraient opté pour une garde renforcée et armée. En outre, le budget sécurité des grandes boîtes tech se serait envolé. En 2025, Palantir Technologies a déboursé 3 millions de dollars (+ 150 % en un an) pour assurer la protection de ses dirigeants, Salesforce 4 millions (un million de plus qu’en 2024) et Oracle près de 6 millions (+ 85,5 %).

    Quant aux employés ? A la fin de la journée, OpenAI leur conseille désormais de retirer leur badge et tout vêtement à l’effigie de la boîte, rapporte Wired. Une bascule historique pour la Silicon Valley, qui laissait jusqu’ici ses milliardaires circuler sans escorte et ses ingénieurs arborer leurs logos comme des médailles.

    https://www.liberation.fr/economie/economie-numerique/sit-in-cocktail-molotov-intrusions-la-fronde-anti-ia-en-pleine-expansion-
    #AI #IA #intelligence_artificielle #action_directe #résistance #anti-IA

    • #Pause_IA

      Pour garder l’IA sous contrôle,
      agissons maintenant

      Chaque mois, de nouveaux systèmes franchissent des seuils que l’on pensait lointains. Les experts alertent : sans garde-fous, cette course fait peser un risque catastrophique à court terme.

      La fenêtre se referme, agissons maintenant.

      https://pauseia.fr/fr

    • Young adults in the U.S. are increasingly wary of AI, concerned it will take jobs

      Americans have become increasingly worried about artificial intelligence over the years, and young adults’ concern has continued to climb. Worry over job loss, too, is on the rise.

      Today, 52% of Americans say they are more concerned than excited about the increased use of AI in daily life – up from 37% in 2021. Another 9% are more excited than concerned and 37% say they’re equally excited and concerned, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted June 22-28, 2026.

      Concern about AI is up among younger and older Americans alike since we first asked this question in 2021. But while the rise was mainly in the first two years for Americans ages 30 and older, concern continues to climb for adults under 30 – whose skepticism of AI has made headlines in recent months.
      For the first time, a majority of adults under 30 (55%) now say they’re more concerned than excited about AI. About one-in-ten say they’re more excited than concerned, and roughly a third feel both equally. Their concern is now on par with those in their 30s and 40s, and those 65 and up.

      Across age groups, about half or more say they’re more concerned than excited about AI. Excitement, in turn, has dropped off since 2021 among all age groups.

      AI and jobs

      Even in 2021, job loss was one of the top reasons behind Americans’ concern about AI. Today, Americans largely – and increasingly – think AI-related job loss is on the horizon.

      In our new survey, 71% of adults think AI will lead to fewer jobs in the United States over the next two decades, up from 64% in 2024. Few (5%) say AI will lead to more jobs. One-in-ten say it won’t make much difference, and a slightly larger share are unsure.

      Across most age groups, it’s become more common for Americans to foresee job loss from AI. For example, 73% of adults under 30 now say AI will lead to fewer jobs, up from 61% two years ago.

      The youngest adults are now just as likely as those ages 30 to 64 to hold this view. Americans 65 and older are a bit less likely to think AI will lead to fewer jobs, though this is still the majority view among this age group.

      Worry over job loss has shown up throughout our research about AI, including among workers and even teenagers. And there’s no shortage of expert debate – many warn AI is a threat to jobs, while others have argued it creates them.

      Young adults aren’t the only ones concerned about AI’s increasing use in daily life, or about job loss. Still, our past work shows they stand out in other ways.

      Adults under 30 are most likely to think AI will be bad for society – and for them. They largely think it will make connection and creativity harder to come by. And though most say they use chatbots, they’re just as likely to say these tools hurt their own creativity as help it.

      https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/08/18/young-adults-in-the-us-are-increasingly-wary-of-ai-concerned-it-will-ta
      #travail #sondage

  • « Nos corps ne sont pas vos frontières »
    https://migreurop.org/article3611.html

    Du 3 au 9 août 2026, plusieurs membres du réseau Migreurop se sont rassemblé·es avec plus de 70 organisations au sein du “Village Migration” à Cotonou (Bénin), dans le cadre du Forum Social Mondial 2026. Des riches échanges lors de cette rencontre transnationale est né ce manifeste pour la #Liberté_de_circulation, initié et rédigé par des survivant·es des routes migratoires mortelles et travaillé collectivement. "Parce qu’on ne peut pas vraiment se considérer comme des survivant·es si on (…) #Actions_collectives

    / #Racisme, Liberté de circulation, #Business_migratoire, #Militarisation_des_frontières, #Frontex, #Externalisation, #Union_Européenne, #Union_Africaine

    https://migreurop.org/IMG/pdf/nos_corps_ne_sont_pas_vos_frontie_res_-_le_manifeste_de_cotonou_pour_la_l
    https://migreurop.org/IMG/pdf/our_bodies_are_not_your_borders_-_the_cotonou_manifesto_for_freedom_of_mo

  • Les réfractaires depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie (31ème épisode • août-septembre 2026)
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article751

    Chronique des actes de désertion, d’insoumission, de désobéissance et d’exil posés pour refuser de combattre, les actions de désobéissance civiles pour entraver la guerre et les appuis que les réfractaires reçoivent tant dans les pays concernés qu’à l’étranger. 31ème épisode, rédigé par Guy Dechesne depuis octobre 2022. Les épisodes précédents sont disponibles dans la rubrique Résistances L’Ukraine cible un site d’e-commerce L’Ukraine adapte une nouvelle fois sa tactique et diversifie (…) #Chroniques_des_réfractaires

    / #La_une, #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #Antimilitarisme, #Guerres

  • « Extrême Danger » : rendez-vous à #Rennes ce 19 juin pour mieux connaître l’extrême droite radicale avec #streetpress
    https://splann.org/soiree-extreme-danger-rennes

    Dans le prolongement du partenariat autour de la « bataille des municipales », « Splann ! » s’associe à « StreetPress » et aux Éditions du commun pour accompagner la sortie du livre « Extrême Danger ». Rendez-vous ce vendredi 19 juin, à partir de 19 h au BAM, à Rennes, pour échanger sur les différents visages de l’extrême droite radicale bretonne. L’article « Extrême Danger » : rendez-vous à Rennes ce 19 juin pour mieux connaître l’extrême droite radicale avec Streetpress est apparu en premier sur Splann ! | Premier média d’enquête indépendant en Bretagne.

    #La_vie_de_« Splann !_ » #Academia_Christiana #Action_française #callac #Civitas #conférence #démocratie #éditions_du_commun #extrême_droite #Fraternité_sacerdotale_Saint-Pie_X #Parti_national_breton #radio_c-lab #saint-brevin #section_west #table_ronde #Talion_Brest

  • La gauche et l’armée en France • De Mai 68 à nos jours
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article748

    J’ai eu un sentiment assez étrange lorsque j’ai refermé ce livre. Ce livre me concerne-t-il ? Question a priori stupide. Je me sens de gauche, sans cerner réellement de quelle gauche je me sens le plus proche. Débat long et difficile. Étant militant à l’Observatoire de l’armement, l’armée me concerne aussi, bien entendu. L’armée ? Pas si sûr, peut-être plutôt un monde sans armée. J’y reviendrai. Alors, pourquoi lire, puis écrire sur ce livre. Tout est dans le sous-titre : « De mai 68 à (…) #Fiches_de_lecture

    / #La_quatre, Service national / conscription, #Politique_de_défense, #Actions_contre_la_guerre

    #Service_national_/_conscription

  • Les réfractaires depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie (30ème épisode • juin 2026)
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article745

    Chronique des actes de désertion, d’insoumission, de désobéissance et d’exil posés pour refuser de combattre, les actions de désobéissance civiles pour entraver la guerre et les appuis que les réfractaires reçoivent tant dans les pays concernés qu’à l’étranger. 30ème épisode, rédigé par Guy Dechesne depuis octobre 2022. Les épisodes précédents sont disponibles dans la rubrique Résistances Xenia Fedorova Le 21 mai 2026, une ministre du gouvernement, Annie Genevard, ministre de (…) #Résistances_aux_guerres

    / #La_deux, #Antimilitarisme, #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #Guerres

  • Lever la tête • La recherche interdite sur la résistance kurde
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article743

    Malgré quatre acquittements de Pinar Selek, une 7e audience du 5e procès a eu lieu le 2 avril 2026 à Istanbul. L’ouvrage a été versé au dossier du tribunal. Les délibérations ont duré 7 minutes ! Une nouvelle audience aura lieu à Istanbul le 18 septembre 2026. Les collectifs et institutions solidaires de Pinar Selek — dont l’Observatoire des armements — seront toujours là pour la défendre, elle et sa recherche, tant qu’il le faudra. Je laisse Pinar expliquer : « Le 11 juillet 1998, j’ai (…) #Fiches_de_lecture

    / #La_quatre, #Droit_des_peuples, #Guerres, #Actions_contre_la_guerre

  • Militarisation des enseignements à l’université
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article742

    Une quarantaine d’organisations politiques, syndicales, associatives et culturelles, ont mis en place un village internationaliste à l’Université du Mirail le 7 mai 2026 en réponse au salon militariste « Space Summit for a Resilient Future » initialement prévu en mai et qui se déroulera les 27 et 28 octobre 2026 avec le soutien de la Région Occitanie. Ci-dessous l’intervention de Christiane Geoffroy à la table ronde sur la militarisation des enseignements universitaires. Je suis artiste (…) #Transferts_d'armements

    / Recherche & développement, #Industrie_d'armement, #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #Antimilitarisme, #Féminisme, #La_une

    #Recherche_&_développement

  • Reclaim your attention through creative action

    Andrew Zitcer and Shannon Litzenberger share the belief that our attention is being diminished, and it is not accidental – it is political. They argue that creative practice done with others, like the examples they share here, can cultivate resources for collective action, mutual aid, and the pursuit of social justice.

    Reader – stand up!
    Find a window and look out of it.
    Imagine you are seeing through the eyes of the building you are standing within.
    Gaze from inside to outside.
    Visualize the scene as it might change hour to hour, day to day, season to season, year to year, generation to generation.
    Savour the role of witness.

    Do these instructions strike you as strange? Maybe you read them and thought I’d never do that! The first time I was given a prompt like this, I reacted with cynicism and disbelief – at first.

    But sitting in that stuffy conference room, suddenly I (Andrew) realized I was intrigued. What was outside these windows? What direction does this building face?

    I’m a professor of city planning and cultural policy who studies the relationship between arts and democracy. Lately, I have been in lots of urgent meetings on the fate of democracy that are full of smart people. And usually, I’m just sitting at a long grey conference table or staring at little Zoom boxes while a headache brews. But as Shannon spoke, I became curious about the world outside the window, about my forsaken body, about my own creative desires. As she led us through these exercises, the other participants and I forged a bond with each other, to the here and the now.

    Since then, my teaching and my research increasingly revolve around the methods we share later in this article. Every day, I see the power of this approach teaching emerging arts and planning leaders in the United States. To me, democracy is more than an abstract idea; it’s a practice created by people together in real time. To rebuild democracy in today’s perilous times, we need to get back in touch with our attention, our bodily needs and desires, our strengths, and our limitations.

    *

    Let me jump in (this is Shannon): as an artist working at the intersection of embodied relational practice and systems change, I design practices like the one Andrew experienced because I need them – just as urgently as he does. When I am overwhelmed by the events of the world, I lose the capacity for contemplation. I don’t have the presence needed to ask questions germane to my own thriving and to the health of the communities I serve. Instead, I am swept into a current of nervous-system activation, captured by a chaotic world and suspended in a state of constant reactivity: productive, but not fully alive. Like so many of you, I can feel how easily our attention is pulled into the churn of addictive technologies, relentless media cycles, and an economy that profits from keeping our minds constantly interrupted.

    Why would an artist and an urban planner come together? Andrew and I have joined forces as collaborators because we are concerned about the future of democracy in North America.

    We share the belief that our attention is being diminished, and it is not accidental – it is political. Democracy is both a premise and a practice. It depends on the ability to deliberate collectively, which requires that we remain active participants in a system increasingly designed to remove our agency. As our capacity to connect erodes, we lose our voice, our power, and our ability to discern our own desires. And when that happens, democracy quietly snuffs itself out.

    How can we recover our attention so we don’t lose our freedom?

    Creative practice offers a new opening for non-profits and philanthropy: one centred on collective, embodied experiences. What inspires the creation of works of art is the act of noticing – attuning to a more expansive perceptual field of possibility. Artists have long understood this. Some have even developed tools, like composer Pauline Oliveros’s Deep Listening and Brian Eno’s Oblique Strategies, dedicated to recovering attention. Cultivating poetic and embodied forms of attention can help restore the perceptual capacities that healthy organizations and democratic societies depend upon.

    Our institutions, our organizations, and our civic life depend on leaders like you, reader! – to perceive clearly, sense relational dynamics, and respond thoughtfully to the complex challenges we face together. If we build up our capacity to pay attention, it will change our agency and our well-being as individual people, and as a sector. But in this moment of ongoing crises, how do we actually put these practices to work?

    *

    So, reader – has your mind begun to drift over the course of the last few paragraphs? How about a quick pause to reset the attention?

    Listen closely and identify an ambient sound around you.
    Try to hum the exact tone you hear.
    Now, try to harmonize with it.

    The environment shifts its presence, from backdrop to inspiration.

    This prompt is part of Activating Poetic Attention, a series of daily practices Shannon designed to disrupt default, self-in-the-world relationships by stimulating novel discoveries within familiar encounters. Through short prompts, you are invited to foreground embodied and sensory perception in order to reclaim a sense of interdependence with the world around you.

    In my classroom, I turn to poetry for similar reasons. I invite students – many of whom are training to become urban planners – to write short poems about the places and communities they are studying, and then to read them aloud together. The goal isn’t polished poetry; it’s a shift in attention. Writing and sharing poems slows the room down and helps students ignite imagination, self-awareness, and communal connection. In a field oriented toward plans, policies, and outcomes, poetry reminds us that meaningful civic work begins with perception, empathy, and presence.

    These practices do not require elaborate facilitation. They require a willingness to sense before solving. They can be done while you’re alone. But when practised collectively, they can transform how groups relate to one another and to the work they are trying to accomplish.

    The small examples you’ve encountered so far are designed as individual practices. They are simple ways of recalibrating your own field of attention. What follows are two practices intended to be done with others. What if you took these to work and proposed them as small experiments with radical intent?

    When shared within teams, organizations, or even among friends and family, practices like these can reshape how people listen, relate, and act together. They create the conditions for attention to expand beyond the individual, reshaping relationships and the potential for collective action.

    The Silent Walk

    I (Shannon) once opened a daylong dialogue on a complex civic challenge hosted by a prominent philanthropic foundation in Toronto with a simple facilitation practice called The Silent Walk.

    You might try this at the start of a one-hour meeting you are leading.

    You are invited to pair up with someone you don’t already know well.

    Take a silent walk outside together for 15 minutes.
    One of you will be the timekeeper.
    You must negotiate your route without speaking and you must return on time.

    Once you and your partner cross the threshold out of the building, the silence begins. Once you cross the same threshold back inside, the exercise is complete.

    Without speaking, participants have to sense one another – adjusting pace, negotiating direction, and noticing the environment they move through together. By the time they return, something has shifted. Strangers become collaborators in a small act of navigation. The conversations that follow unfold from a softer, more attentive place.

    Priming a meeting with presence and shared awareness transforms how the rest of the hour unfolds. When people arrive differently, the work moves differently.

    I get it – it seems far-fetched; maybe it may feel impossible. The agenda is full, and it can seem indulgent – even irresponsible – to spend a quarter of the meeting “doing nothing.” But what many teams discover is that attention is not separate from productivity. The quality of attention at the beginning of a conversation often determines the clarity of everything that follows – a small but powerful reminder that democracy begins with how we listen to one another.

    I have experienced this many times in my work with colleagues in the Wild Soma Collective, a group of artists researching embodied world-making practices. To support our shared work, we gather for quarterly retreats to plan, reflect, and process our projects together.

    We often arrive with long lists of tasks: reporting, planning, designing, decision-making. Yet during these retreats, nearly 80% of our time is spent doing things that might appear unrelated to the work itself: walking on the land, cooking together, moving, listening, and talking without an agenda.

    At first it can feel as though nothing is getting done.

    But from a place of deeper resonance, the rest of the work often happens in the final 20% of our time together. What is not essential falls away. What needs to happen becomes clearer. Decisions emerge with surprising ease.

    The clarity does not come from forcing productivity. It arises in the liminal spaces – over preparing dinner together, walking through the forest, or sitting quietly with a question that matters. These moments of shared attention do not delay the work. They prepare the ground in which meaningful work can actually occur.

    Ready to try another one?
    The Shape of the Collaboration

    One way to make visible patterns of proximity, hierarchy, and isolation is to invite a team to stand and reposition themselves physically into a shape that represents “the organization today.” Here, you’ll employ the tools of theatrical improvisation to surface unspoken organizational dynamics.

    No analysis is required at first; the group simply observes. Meaning emerges from noticing and naming what is. Often there is an extraordinary amount of information available in this moment – information that might otherwise take days of conversation to uncover.

    Using an open space, you are invited to arrange yourselves physically in a way that represents the current state of your collaboration. Enter the space one at a time, allowing a collective tableau to emerge.

    Once the shape has formed, the group pauses.

    You and the other participants are invited simply to notice.

    Notice the space between bodies.
    Notice where everyone stands – close together or far apart.
    Notice how they face one another, their posture, their energetic tone.

    I used a version of this exercise during an embodied leadership workshop with a team of C-suite executives at a major Canadian financial institution. As the tableau slowly formed, the dynamics of the team became visible almost immediately.

    Here is what I saw: two senior leaders crossed their arms and turned their backs to one another. An HR director stretched her body across the space in an attempt to create connection within the group. One high-ranking executive repeatedly disrupted the activity, preventing the team from achieving its shared aim.

    In that moment, the group could see – quite literally – the patterns shaping their collaboration. The body often reveals what conversation alone struggles to surface.

    Organizational democracy is a precursor to civic democracy. When we practise democracy at the level of the workplace, we strengthen the muscles we need to scale up and out. Otherwise, democracy remains an abstraction, a hoped-for thing.

    When shared embodied experiences are followed by shared interpretation, narrative sovereignty strengthens. Generating shared stories that grow from meaningful collective experiences is one of the most powerful ways attention can be reclaimed. Teams learn to sense together before they solve together, widening perception and allowing decisions to emerge from a richer field of awareness.

    For organizations working to sustain civic life – advancing affordable housing, food security, social and mental health, climate transition, cultural vitality, and the health of democratic participation – the capacities cultivated through attentional and embodied practice are not luxuries. They are prerequisites.

    This goes beyond simply reducing screen time. Voice, power, and agency are the tools organizations and individuals need to reclaim. We are at risk of losing access to a fundamental human capacity: the ability to consciously choose what we attend to and how we make meaning together. This moment in history demands more of us than distraction.

    Let’s be clear: creative practice alone will not alleviate the wider societal conditions that threaten democracy. But it cultivates a space inside each of us that we need to become powerful actors in a world on fire. When we do this work in community with others, it opens a collective space that gives us the resources for collective action, mutual aid, and the pursuit of social justice.

    From that expanded perception, discernment grows, decisions deepen, and relationships strengthen. Organizations seeking to shape a more just and thriving society must begin there.

    So, dear reader, I invite you to look out the window and see the world anew.
    Take the time, take a deep breath, and notice what you hadn’t noticed before.

    https://thephilanthropist.ca/2026/04/reclaim-your-attention-through-creative-action
    #démocratie #créativité #justice_sociale #action_collective #art #aménagement_du_territoire #urbanisme #capacité_de_concentration #pratiques_créatives #écoute #perception #agency #agentivité #poésie #sens #attention #enseignement #silent_walk

    ping @reka @fil

    • Why We’re Teaching Urban Planning Students To Write Poetry

      Op-ed: To prepare students for the complexities of community work, two educators turn to creative writing to help ignite imagination, self-awareness and communal connection.

      Civic engagement is central to the mission and moral legitimacy of higher education. While it is challenging to foster authentic relationships between campus and community, we have found a way to make it happen: We’re teaching urban planning students to write poetry.

      In the basement of an off-campus building with unreliable heat, our students pulled their chairs into a circle and pulled out their writer’s notebooks. The class consisted of Drexel students, West Philly community leaders, and two faculty members who had gone way out on a limb – us.

      Few in the class had ever written a poem, let alone read their work out loud in front of an audience. We each took turns reading the poems we’d written, while the others snapped and nodded in affirmation. This was not a humanities course. This was the final “exam” in a required class on civic engagement and participatory planning.

      Our class, Civic Engagement and Participatory Methods — a required course in Drexel University’s Department of Architecture, Design & Urbanism — helps students hone the skills necessary to engage in community work, whether as an architect, a community organizer, the leader of a local nonprofit or an urban planner. We have co-taught this Side by Side class for the last nine years; half of the participants are students at Drexel University and the other half are community students who reside in surrounding West Philadelphia neighborhoods.

      Over the course of 10 weeks, students explore and refine their approach to leadership, how they show up in a group setting, cross-cultural communication skills, public meeting facilitation, media engagement and other essential competencies. The class blends practical training with a critical look at the historical and present-day factors that influence life in the city of Philadelphia.

      This raises two questions: What does poetry have to do with civic engagement? And why center the humanities in a class designed for urban planners and architects?

      We see civic engagement as a creative practice. Planners, architects, organizers and block captains need to strengthen their creative muscle so they can respond to the demands of a dynamic, uncertain world.

      Writing and reading poetry does this by surprising us, drawing our attention to a particular moment in time and space, and making space to process difficult emotions. Poetry allows students to draw upon their humanity and meet each other (and themselves) across vast differences in expertise and experience. These tools help us understand the stories of people who are different from us.

      Poetry cultivates our capacity for attention to people and places. This sensitivity allows us to imagine together, turning the dream language of the poem into the steel cables of Hart Crane’s Brooklyn Bridge or the rust and gold of J.P. Clark’s Ibadan. Civic awareness makes poetry stronger, not just planning.

      Access to poetry’s dream language enables us to be more flexible. To successfully run a community meeting, facilitators need to be able to “dance in the moment” (a favorite phrase in the coaching world). “Dancing in the moment” refers to being fully present for the person you are listening to while tuning in to your own reactions. It requires curiosity about what the other person brings with them, even if it doesn’t fit the story about them that you came in with.

      The poetry we write and read in class helps our students learn to dance in the moment, and it helps build the bonds of trust that allow Drexel and community students to reckon with each other’s stories and viewpoints. From our own years of experience in community work, we know these are essential skills for any community leader and any aspiring urbanist.

      These days, there is a lot of handwringing about the future of the humanities in higher education. After all, the humanities, including creative writing, have been considered essential to a well-rounded education for many hundreds of years. We believe students stay away from humanities courses not out of a lack of interest, but because they are worried about the return on investment.

      So why are some of us simply wishing for students to come to their senses and prioritize humanities and arts classes, when we can integrate these tools into every discipline and allow creative practice to permeate our pedagogy?

      In spite of reports of diminished student resilience when it comes to difficult texts, we do not feel the need to water down the rigor of our class. We have been consistently inspired by our students’ excitement, and their bravery, when writing poems with pen and paper so that they may add more tools to their urbanist toolkit.

      Early on in the term, we studied Ross Gay’s “To the Fig Tree on 9th and Christian,” a poem set in our beloved city of Philadelphia. Gay describes a moment when strangers unexpectedly come together around a neighbor’s overflowing fig tree. Students wrote poems trying to capture this feeling of unexpected togetherness. For one undergraduate, this inspired her to write an ode to public libraries in Philadelphia, which she sees as “an underappreciated staple,” “a gathering place,” “a shelter,” “a mental escape,” even “a home office.” For her, the social infrastructure of the public library provides a space with “the possibility of conversing with a stranger.” In a time of disappearing funding and the ongoing privatization of public space, public libraries just found their newest advocate.

      In the fifth week of class, we introduced the describe-interpret-evaluate model, an intercultural communication tool we have adapted to teach students how to communicate across differences of race and class. This tool forces students to withhold their impulse to jump to conclusions, pausing long enough to take in the whole situation from a variety of points of view. Only at the end of the exercise are they invited to engage their faculty of judgment.

      The pause is what matters, and it is precisely where students frequently struggle. This year, we assigned a poem about forgiveness — “Phase One” by Dilruba Ahmed — to help students accustomed to the hot takes of the social media era to learn how to pause to offer grace and understanding, to others and to themselves.

      After crafting her response poem on forgiveness, an architecture student reflected, “A crucial part of both forgiveness and being a leader is accountability. Leaders make mistakes and they deserve grace. As a leader it’s important that I learn to forgive myself, but also important that I take accountability for my mistakes.”

      We have taught this content many times before, but only this year, when engaging her creative muscle, could a student come to this insight so quickly. We wish all experts in planning and design would be open to making mistakes, taking responsibility for them, and using that insight to grow and change.

      Like every city, Philly has its struggles to overcome. Our students, from Drexel and the neighborhood, are working to mend this broken place. In response to Alice Walker’s poem “I Will Keep Broken Things,” a graduate student reflected that “brokenness does not equate to worthlessness. In fact, there is an inherent beauty in things that carry the marks of time, history and experience.”

      Recognizing this beauty allows designers, planners and other leaders to work with the strengths and assets that exist in every community and neighborhood in Philadelphia. It gifts the power of poetry to the practice of planning and offers the insights of the attentive urbanist to the poet’s gaze. Too often, experts notice only what’s missing, deficient or broken, and we lose the power of possibility to reimagine and build anew.

      Just as we did in our class, poetry can ignite our creative capacity to reimagine together what possibilities exist for cities and communities that stand together, recognize each other’s worth and dignity, and build collective power.

      Around 9 p.m., the classroom’s heater sputtered. The security guard rapped on the window, telling us it was time to close up for the night. The students signed each other’s poetry zines, like you would a high school yearbook. We emerged, lingering for a few more minutes under the streetlights of the West Philadelphia neighborhood we call home.

      https://nextcity.org/urbanist-news/why-were-teaching-urban-planning-students-to-write-poetry

    • About Deep Listening

      Deep Listening, as developed by Pauline Oliveros, explores the difference between the involuntary nature of hearing and the conscious nature of listening. The practice includes bodywork, sonic meditations, and interactive performance, as well as listening to the sounds of daily life, nature, one’s own thoughts, imagination, and dreams. It cultivates a heightened awareness of the sonic environment, both external and internal, and promotes experimentation, improvisation, collaboration, playfulness, and other creative skills vital to personal and community growth.

      Inherently collaborative, the first published Deep Listening scores and activities (Sonic Meditations, 1971) were workshopped in the context of a female-identified collective, the fem-ensemble, over a period of many months. From the 1980s onwards, Deep Listening workshops, retreats, and the Deep Listening Certification Program were developed and facilitated in close partnership with playwright IONE (also Oliveors’ life partner) and movement artist Heloise Gold. Today, the philosophy and practice of Deep Listening continues to evolve through a growing international community of listeners.

      https://www.deeplistening.rpi.edu/deep-listening
      #deep_listening

    • How the Arts Can Create the Foundation for a Multiracial US Democracy

      A few Mondays ago, the emails started to roll in. One after another, my colleagues announced their departure from leadership roles at the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA). These advocates helped culture thrive in every corner of the United States—on an annual budget that was less than 10 percent of the cost of the Trump Organization’s latest $3 billion condo project in Miami. Their farewell letters came on the heels of grim updates about cuts in the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Kennedy Center, and the Smithsonian Institution.

      Let me be clear: President Donald Trump and his administration have taken a chainsaw to programs that affect actual life and death. By contrast, the arts may seem a matter of small importance. Still, for me, these were the cuts that broke my heart.

      For instance, I help run one of the leading university-based arts administration departments in the country. For more than 50 years, our program at Drexel University in Philadelphia has helped train thousands of students for careers in arts management, fundraising, community engagement, and cultural planning.

      And yet, I have a confession to make. To paraphrase Shakespeare, there is something rotten in the way arts and culture work in the United States. The Trump administration’s actions, harmful though they are, are a wake-up call. For too long, the arts have been an elitist, exclusive space. The chance now is for arts workers and creatives to heed that call—and do better.
      Arts and Democracy

      The current upheaval of our sector gives those of us in the arts and creative fields an opportunity to rethink everything. Instead of seeking a return to the status quo, we have the chance to place culture and creativity at the center of US political life.

      Artists explore complicated questions. They help to open new ways of understanding and acting in the world. They take us on a collective journey that can be joyful and exhilarating.

      For me, nothing compares to a live jazz drummer pushing the beat on the ride cymbal, while a trumpeter dances up and down the scales. No laughter is more genuine than an improv theater group that takes an audience suggestion somewhere very, very silly.

      These tools of group process, improvisation, and deep listening are vital tools for building a democratic culture. Arts leader and former NEA Chair Maria Rosario Jackson linked the domains of democracy and creative practice, when she said during a 2024 commencement speech that “creating and experiencing art is one of the most powerful ways to develop the skills and habits needed to be curious, to ask questions, and to fulfill the duties of citizenship in a participatory democracy.”
      Legitimation Crisis

      Of course, many people have lost faith in the US political system. Even before the 2024 elections, 68 percent of people surveyed by the Pew Research Center said they were dissatisfied with the way America’s democracy works.

      Discourse on democracy may sound appealing, but try asking poor people, Black people, queer people, youth, people with disabilities—the list is long—how much influence they feel they have on how the system functions. The answer you’ll get in most cases, simply put, will be little or none.

      And this popular perception is not wrong. Back in 2014, political scientists Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page published a study that found that “business interests have substantial independent impacts on US government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence.”

      In reality, what the media likes to call “democracy” feels out of reach to most Americans, especially if by “democracy” we mean popular control over governance. As it happens, a similar malady affects the thing that many people like to call “the arts.”

      In fact, both politics and the arts are widely considered the province of elites, removed from everyday life. Too many political leaders are “sorry, not sorry” about this. Political scientist Nicholas Tampio wrote back in 2017: “In recent years, numerous political theorists and philosophers have argued that experts ought to be in charge of public policy and should manipulate, or contain, the policy preferences of the ignorant masses.” And philosopher Olúf ẹ́mi O. Táíwò noted in 2020 that “when elites run the show, the group’s interests get whittled down to what they have in common with those at the top.”

      My own field of arts and culture has also been content to reward experts who embody “excellence” with funding and institutional support. Notwithstanding recent efforts to support equity, diversity, and inclusion, the arts field remains mostly dominated by large, typically Eurocentric institutions, like ballet companies and symphony orchestras that receive the lion’s share of funding from private philanthropy.

      Sixty percent of arts philanthropy goes to just 2 percent of cultural institutions, according to research by Holly Sidford and Alexis Frasz of the Helicon Collaborative. These institutions generally do a poor job of speaking to the hopes, fears, and questions of everyday people, steeped in symbols and behaviors that are utterly incomprehensible to the uninitiated.

      For example, I may be a university professor, but even I have only a foggy idea of how the Electoral College works. Nor can I figure out the appropriate time to applaud during a classical music concert. Yet somehow these systems claim to represent us.

      Instead of leaving our fate to the elites, there is an opportunity, particularly in this moment of crisis, to use the arts to build a true multiracial democracy through participatory, collective, creative action.
      Building Democratic Culture Through the Arts

      Over the last year, I have seen firsthand the power of the arts breathing life into democratic practices. I’ve been gathering artists, urban planners, policymakers, and students to explore the ideas raised in Democracy as Creative Practice, a book I coedited with cultural planner Tom Borrup.

      Instead of talking about democracy, we’re trying to improvise it together. We’ve pretended our bodies were trees in Nashville, generated performance poetry in Denver, and devised theater skits in Spain. After the artist-facilitators help us create something together in real time, only then do we sit and talk about democracy and “the issues,” and have noticed the conversation flows much more easily. There is even video evidence of the fun we had in West Philadelphia, when we used art to reclaim democracy.

      One moment stands out. At a pro-democracy conference held this past April in Toronto, I led workshop participants in a surrealist writing game. Vocalist Roula Said helped us transform these poems into a set of improvised songs. Choreographer Shannon Litzenberger turned the whole glorious mess into a folk dance.

      The participants, including policymakers, funders, scholars—not the typical arts crowd—laughed, sang, and danced together. We moved beyond rational argumentation into embodied cocreation. The rest of our conversations about the US-Canada relationship and the future of democracy proceeded from a place of intimacy and camaraderie that no group of strangers could ever attain at a different sort of political meeting.
      Envisioning a New Role for the Arts

      When I describe participatory arts practices, I often get arched eyebrows and am regularly asked: “If everyone is an artist, does that mean that anything is art? Don’t good artists have to spend 10,000 hours practicing first?”

      I respond with a smile. Art has the capacity to be many different things; there is room for experts, hobbyists, and dabblers alike.

      I am a mediocre piano player, so I pose no threat to Thelonious Monk. In fact, I spend more time and money than most people I know so I can see professional artists practice their craft, since I know firsthand how hard it is to play music well.

      Creative practice is everyone’s birthright. When it’s done as a collective activity by amateurs and experts alike, we can hold each other in community and bolster our brave explorations.
      The Path to Rebuilding Culture

      In short, to rebuild democracy using creative practice, the arts and culture sectors need to make their own structural changes and clean our own house.

      We need to start with a narrative shift. Arts and culture are not just about excellence. Creativity is also a vital tool to make sense of our individual and collective experience. The arts are a radical act that enables sovereignty over our own narratives and our own attention in a time when attention has been coopted as a for-profit commodity and narrative sovereignty is a battleground—politically, technologically, and economically.

      Artists should be embedded in government agencies to make them function better. Theater should be part of the curriculum in every K-12 classroom, not just an elective where funding permits. Participatory art is key to reimagining our cities.

      Certainly, it is important to join the fight to save the NEA and the Smithsonian, but let’s not leave it at that. Let’s remake society around our collective artistry. I commit to being part of building a creative democracy, and I am not alone.

      Now that US democratic practices and the arts are in free fall, this is an opportunity to assert that their fates are inextricably linked. Let’s not greet Trump’s takeover of culture with a shrug just because other vital systems are under threat.

      Resisting the enclosure of our own minds, and our bodies—that is what democratic, revolutionary praxis is all about. This is especially the case when done collectively and made visible so that we may bolster each of our efforts and exploration.

      https://nonprofitquarterly.org/how-the-arts-can-create-the-foundation-for-a-multiracial-us-demo

    • Democracy as Creative Practice. Weaving a Culture of Civic Life

      Democracy as Creative Practice: Weaving a Culture of Civic Life offers arts-based solutions to the threats to democracies around the world, practices that can foster more just and equitable societies. Chapter authors are artists, activists, curators, and teachers applying creative and cultural practices in deliberate efforts to build democratic ways of working and interacting in their communities in a range of countries including the United States, Australia, Portugal, Nepal, the United Kingdom, and Canada. The book demonstrates how creativity is integrated in place-based actions, aesthetic strategies, learning environments, and civic processes. As long-time champions and observers of community-based creative and cultural practices, editors Tom Borrup and Andrew Zitcer elucidate work that not only responds to sociopolitical conditions but advances practice. They call on artists, funders, cultural organizations, community groups, educational institutions, government, and others to engage in and support this work that fosters a culture of democracy.

      https://www.routledge.com/Democracy-as-Creative-Practice-Weaving-a-Culture-of-Civic-Life/Borrup-Zitcer/p/book/9781032758725
      #livre

  • Mapping local, state, and federal policy interventions to stop or restrict data center development.

    This policy toolkit is primarily geared toward stopping, slowing, and restricting rampant data center development in the US at the local and state level. Our approach recognizes the extractive relationship between data centers and local communities: Hyperscale data centers deplete scarce natural resources, pollute local communities and increase the use of fossil fuels, raise energy costs for everyday ratepayers, pull tax dollars away from community needs, and fail to deliver on overpromised economic developments.

    This toolkit is intended to help organizers and policymakers identify the strongest possible actions. Recognizing that the North Star policy may not always be feasible, we also offer scaffolded protections that put people above corporate profits.

    https://datacenters.ainowinstitute.org

    #résistance #data_centers #centres_de_données #infrastructure #IA #AI #opposition #manuel #kit #communautés_locales #actions

    via @hubertguillaud
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1171148

  • La Frontiera, ovunque. Centri d’Italia 2026

    823 minori soli nei Centri per adulti dal 2023 al 2025, mentre in accoglienza dedicata c’è posto
    Nessuna invasione, ma il Governo Meloni “programma” l’emergenza del sistema

    Assegnati porti lontani per gli sbarchi delle Ong senza che i centri al Sud siano sovraffollati

    Il sistema di accoglienza italiano riproduce ogni anno un’emergenza interna, voluta dalle scelte pubbliche, in assenza di arrivi da “invasione”. Gli accolti a fine 2024, 134.549 persone, sono lo 0,23% della popolazione residente. Grandi centri e sovraffollamento, crescita dei gestori profit, servizi per l’integrazione ridotti, aumento elevato della prima accoglienza, diminuzione dei controlli delle prefetture e mancata protezione del minore. Queste le conseguenze di uno stato “eccezionale” trasformato a regola, che penalizza i più vulnerabili, prima di tutto i minori stranieri non accompagnati. ActionAid, in collaborazione con Openpolis, ricostruisce quanto accade nei CAS-centri di accoglienza straordinaria, centri governativi di prima accoglienza e SAI-centri degli enti locali con il report “La Frontiera, ovunque. Centri d’Italia 2026”. Dati inediti ottenuti con oltre 70 procedure di richiesta a Ministeri e Prefetture*.

    “La quantità di Decreti e norme introdotte dal Governo Meloni in quattro anni ha trasformato l’accoglienza da tutela delle persone straniere in un mero dispositivo di filtro e contenimento. Il futuro è già qui: l’applicazione del Patto europeo su Asilo e migrazione, infatti, è già iniziata, e i dati lo mostrano inequivocabilmente. Tra il 2021 e il 2024 la capienza della prima accoglienza sale da 3.460 a 6.357 posti (+83,7%), e gli hotspot passano da 611 a 3.054 posti e da 3 a 11 strutture.
    Cresce il segmento che concentra identificazione, screening e smistamento. La frontiera si sposta dentro i confini nazionali dove le procedure su ammissibilità, priorità e trasferimenti si fanno più rapide, rendendo più instabile il passaggio da prima assistenza ad accoglienza effettiva. L’opacità è parte dell’approccio del governo, che rende meno visibili le conseguenze delle scelte amministrative sulla vita delle persone, e sottrae queste scelte al controllo parlamentare e della società civile” – dichiara Fabrizio Coresi, esperto Migrazioni ActionAid.

    L’emergenza programmata: sovraffollamento, aumento del for profit, centri e gestori sempre più grandi.Nel 2024 i CAS ospitano 96.738 persone, 71,9% del totale. Il SAI si ferma al 24,7% e la prima accoglienza al 3,4%. Non programmare equivale a predisporre le basi di un’emergenza costante in un sistema, privo di un assetto stabile, trasparente e controllabile. Il sovraffollamento, per esempio, impatta quasi esclusivamente sui CAS adulti. Su 6.024 strutture prefettizie attive nel 2024, 973 risultano oltre la capienza stabilita, 520 sono oltre il 120% e 13 hanno presenze pari al doppio della capienza. Parallelamente crescono i gestori for profit: il numero dei posti passa da 7.089 a 14.813 tra 2022 e 2024 (+109%). Insieme all’assenza di competenze e alla penetrazione nel mercato di soggetti con scopo di lucro, il rafforzamento dei centri medi e grandi (il 36,0% della capacità di accoglienza è concentrata in centri sopra i 50 posti) e il maggior peso dei grandi gestori (i primi dieci controllano il 19,1% dei posti totali), mostrano che si tende a premiare la riduzione di costi dovuta a grandi volumi e scarsi servizi. La Croce Rossa Italiana, con le sue articolazioni territoriali, gestisce 5.743 posti e Medihospes 5.233. Quest’ultimo soggetto cresce del 40,1% tra 2022 e 2024 e gestisce il 44,45% dell’accoglienza nella città metropolitana di Roma (il 54,61% per il solo Comune).

    I minori stranieri soli nei CAS adulti, simbolo di un fallimento. ActionAid ha per la prima volta monitorato gli effetti del Decreto-legge 133/2023 che introduce la possibilità eccezionale – in casi di comprovata emergenza – di introdurre minori sopra i 16 anni temporaneamente nei Centri per adulti. Su un campione di 29 prefetture (la totalità di quelle che ospitano Msna in Cas adulti a fine 2024), a fine novembre 2025 sono almeno 823 i ragazzi registrati dal 2023 in queste strutture, ma 138 di questi erano già in centri per adulti prima del varo della norma. La legge istituzionalizza così una prassi fino ad allora illegittima. Almeno 16 prefetture registrano permanenze oltre 90 giorni (tempo ordinario consentito dalla nuova norma), ma sono almeno 13 quelle che vanno oltre i 150 giorni, con picchi fino a 1.413 giorni. Una forma stabile di accoglienza impropria, priva di servizi educativi e abitativi adatti alla minore età. Ma tutto questo avviene in violazione della stessa norma: mentre si mandano i minori nei Cas per adulti, ci sono posti liberi nei circuiti loro dedicati nello stesso comune, provincia o regione. In 9 prefetture esistono infatti posti liberi nel comune, in 21 prefetture ve ne sono liberi almeno in provincia e in tutte le 29 esaminate esistono disponibilità in regione. Ad allarmare ancora di più è l’uscita dal sistema dell’accoglienza dei minori: abbandoni, allontanamenti e revoche (almeno 407) sono il segno più tangibile del fallimento della tutela dei più fragili. Altri indicatori del fallimento riguardano il sistema Sai. Nel segmento dedicato ai Msna, a fine novembre 2025, vi erano solo 43 posti liberi su 6.563 e, nello stesso momento (dal gennaio 2023), le richieste pendenti di inserimento arrivavano a 4.725. Nessun collegamento efficace tra sistemi, nessuna tutela effettiva.

    Le mancate ispezioni dei Centri. La debolezza dei controlli è evidente e preoccupante: secondo i dati ottenuti da ActionAid dal Ministero dell’Interno, nel 2024 si sono svolti 1.564 controlli (con sanzioni per i gestori pari a circa 677mila euro). Ci sono poli iper-monitorati come Napoli (100% delle strutture), Potenza 93,2%) e Caserta (il 95,6%) e grandi zone cieche come le Prefetture di Roma, Frosinone e Ravenna. Queste ultime sono le prime tre prefetture italiane per posti gestiti sulle 33 totali, dove non si registrano controlli nel 2024 (nel 2019 erano 13). Le ispezioni inoltre diminuiscono rispetto al passato: se nel 2019 era stato raggiunto il 40,5 per cento, nel 2024 le ispezioni riguardano solo il 19,1% delle strutture. In pratica, quattro centri su cinque non vengono controllati.

    Dal mare all’accoglienza. Il report dimostra anche come l’assegnazione di porti lontani voluta con il Decreto Piantedosi di inizio 2023 usi pretestuosamente il soccorso in mare come leva per la distribuzione territoriale e prolunghi il dispositivo della frontiera anche dentro il sistema ordinario d’accoglienza. Una scelta non giustificata da reali esigenze di sovraffollamento dei Centri al Sud. Emblematico il caso del 31 dicembre 2023, quando ad una Ong è stato assegnato un porto nel Lazio. Lo sbarco ha coinvolto 55 persone, tra cui 15 minori e 13 MSNA. Nello stesso giorno, lungo il corridoio Sud-Tirreno formato da Sicilia, Calabria, Campania e Lazio, risultavano 6.370 posti inutilizzati, pari a quasi 116 volte le persone sbarcate. Aumentano dunque gli sbarchi nei porti lontani (oltre un terzo delle persone soccorse da navi Ong vengono sbarcate al centro-nord) e il peso dei salvataggi delle Ong (oltre il 16% del totale), che, con la giustificazione inconsistente della distribuzione del carico dell’accoglienza, vengono allontanate dall’area SAR del Mediterraneo. Aumentano anche i minori soli: quando una quota elevata di persone minorenni viene fatta permanere più a lungo in mare e poi redistribuita verso territori lontani, cresce il rischio di collocamenti impropri, di rallentamento della tutela e di ulteriore frattura tra luogo del salvataggio, screening iniziale e presa in carico successiva.

    * In dettaglio: 40 istanze di accesso civico generalizzato ad altrettante Prefetture e oltre 20 tra istanze di riesame e richieste informali di chiarimento; 12 istanze di accesso civico e altrettante richieste di riesame al Ministero dell’Interno con il coinvolgimento del Dipartimento Libertà Civili e Immigrazione e del Dipartimento di Pubblica Sicurezza – Polizia delle Frontiere, e del Servizio Centrale; un’istanza e relativo riesame rispettivamente al Ministero della Giustizia e alla Commissione Nazionale per l’Asilo.

    https://www.actionaid.it/press-area/frontiera-ovunque-centri-italia-2026
    #rapport #Italie #ActionAid #migrations #réfugiés #asile #urgence #accueil #frontière_partout #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #chiffres #statistiques #hotspots #pacte_migration_et_asile #frontière_mobile #urgence_programmée #CAS #SAI #privatisation #business #profit #Medihospes #Croix-Rouge #ports #débarquement

  • Les réfractaires depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie (29ème épisode • avril 2026)
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article738

    Chronique des actes de désertion, d’insoumission, de désobéissance et d’exil posés pour refuser de combattre, les actions de désobéissance civiles pour entraver la guerre et les appuis que les réfractaires reçoivent tant dans les pays concernés qu’à l’étranger. 29ème épisode, rédigé par Guy Dechesne depuis octobre 2022. Les épisodes précédents sont disponibles dans la rubrique Résistances Des Nord-Coréens, esclaves en Russie La fondation de défense des droits de l’Homme Global Rights (…) #Résistances_aux_guerres

    / #La_une, #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #Antimilitarisme, #Guerres

  • Que pensent les Russes ?
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article736

    Dans le conflit qui oppose la Russie à l’Ukraine, l’autrice utilise le terme « fatal » qu’elle applique aux Ukrainiens, principales et majoritaires victimes et à la jeunesse russe qui doit choisir entre exil et soumission à « l’ogre s’attaquant à sa propre population ». Elsa Vidal appelle le lecteur à un examen de conscience à propos de la guerre : « Et nous, que ferions-nous ? Que faisons-nous ? Que devrions-nous faire pour être à la hauteur de nos engagements et valeurs ? […] Notre société (…) #Fiches_de_lecture

    / #Guerres, #Opinion_publique, #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #La_deux

  • L’accord « One in One out » continue de porter atteinte aux droits humains en plus d’être inefficace
    https://migreurop.org/article3558.html

    Dans ce communiqué de presse, plus de 14 organisations alertent sur les effets de l’accord franco-britannique d’août 2025 qui a mis en place le dispositif expérimental « One in, one out », et appellent à la non-reconduite de cet accord qui marchande les vies des personnes exilées et porte atteinte à leurs droits. Le 26 février dernier, le ministère de l’intérieur a communiqué sur cet accord dans le cadre de la commission d’enquête parlementaire sur les conséquences des accords du Touquet. (…) #Actions_collectives

    / #Royaume-Uni, #France, #Politiques_migratoires, #Manche

    https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=30524
    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/12/judge-halts-removal-eritrean-asylum-seeker-france-one-in-one-out

  • Comment les maires peuvent réduire les inégalités
    https://www.inegalites.fr/Comment-les-maires-peuvent-reduire-les-inegalites

    Des services pour tous ? (...) Quels prix pratiquer ? (...) Logement et urbanisme : des piliers (...)
    Action sociale : l’urgence pour les plus modestes

    Les dépenses d’action sociale des communes, réalisées principalement par les centres communaux d’action sociale (CCAS), atteignaient plus de neuf milliards d’euros en 2024 [3]. Une goutte d’eau dans l’ensemble des prestations sociales au niveau national (environ 600 milliards d’euros), mais ces dépenses ne sont pas contraintes par la loi – comme le sont les prestations obligatoires nationales (allocations logement ou familiales) –, et peuvent être adaptées aux besoins spécifiques des habitants de la commune. Pour les plus démunis, le #CCAS est souvent l’ultime recours avant la rue.
    (...) Réduire les inégalités au sein de l’emploi communal

    La « goutte d’eau » est à comparer, par exemple, aux 12,3 milliards d’euros de dépense État pour le RSA.

    #action_sociale #municipalités

  • Élections, à chacun son style de promesses
    https://metropolitiques.eu/https-metropolitiques-eu-Elections-a-chacun-son-style-de-promesses-h

    Les programmes électoraux ont un style : plus ou moins précis, portant plutôt sur les résultats ou sur les moyens... L’article analyse ces textes présentés aux électeurs dans les quinze grandes villes ayant connu une alternance politique en 2020 Sélection des candidats, structuration des préférences du public, définition d’alternatives pour les politiques publiques : les campagnes électorales sont des moments politiques intenses pendant lesquels toutes les fonctions classiques des partis #Terrains

    / #élections_municipales, #campagne_électoral, #action_publique, #vote

    https://metropolitiques.eu/IMG/pdf/met-gougou-etal.pdf

  • Élections, à chacun son style de promesses
    https://metropolitiques.eu/Les-promesses-font-elles-gagner-les-elections.html

    Les programmes électoraux ont un style : plus ou moins précis, portant plutôt sur les résultats ou sur les moyens... L’article analyse ces textes présentés aux électeurs dans les quinze grandes villes ayant connu une alternance politique en 2020 Sélection des candidats, structuration des préférences du public, définition d’alternatives pour les politiques publiques : les campagnes électorales sont des moments politiques intenses pendant lesquels toutes les fonctions classiques des partis #Terrains

    / #élections_municipales, #campagne_électoral, #action_publique, #vote

    https://metropolitiques.eu/IMG/pdf/met-gougou-etal.pdf

  • #Loi_d’urgence_agricole, la stratégie du #pompier_pyromane | #Alternatives_Economiques
    https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/harold-levrel/loi-durgence-agricole-la-strategie-du-pompier-pyromane/00117646

    Loi d’urgence agricole, la stratégie du pompier pyromane

    Le scénario est dorénavant bien connu du public : la grogne monte dans les campagnes du fait d’évolutions économiques, réglementaires ou climatiques ; la #FNSEA « prend la main » pour canaliser ce mécontentement et s’imposer comme unique représentant de la « #colère_agricole » ; des #actions « #coup_de_poing » ont lieu dans les régions et une montée de tracteurs à Paris peut être organisée ; le ministère de l’#Agriculture (si la colère est contenue) ou #Matignon (si le blocage devient général) annonce une aide exceptionnelle ou l’abandon d’une mesure. Les #tracteurs rentrent dans leurs fermes. Fin de la séquence.

    #harrold_levrel

  • Oltre 80 ONG protestano contro il Regolamento sui rimpatri: no a una legge dell’UE che consente le perquisizioni domiciliari, la presenza della polizia nei servizi pubblici e la profilazione razziale.
    https://migreurop.org/article3543.html

    In this collective statement signed by Migreurop, more than 80 European organizations protest against the return regulation that is currently being negociated, warning that it could expand and normalize immigration raids and surveillance measures across our communities. L’Unione europea sta attualmente discutendo il Regolamento sui “rimpatri” che mira ad ampliare e normalizzare retate e misure di sorveglianza sui nostri territori. L’obiettivo è obbligare gli Stati membri a misure di (…) #Actions_collectives

    / #Union_Européenne, #Pacte_européen_sur_la_migration_et_l'asile

    https://picum.org/blog/no-to-eu-law-enabling-home-raids-policing-of-public-services-and-racial-profi

  • #Pablo_Servigne : « L’#effondrement à craindre, c’est celui du #lien_social »

    Renforcer nos liens pour lutter contre les crises climatiques et politiques, telle est l’idée du collapsologue et chercheur Pablo Servigne. De quoi permettre aussi, dit-il, de faire tomber le #fascisme.

    Comment se préparer au pire ? En renforçant nos #liens, répond très simplement le collapsologue et chercheur Pablo Servigne. Tissons chacun un solide #réseau, pour qu’il soit notre #filet_de_sécurité en cas de #crise. C’est ce qu’il propose dans son dernier ouvrage paru en octobre, Le réseau des tempêtes, manifeste pour une entraide populaire (éd. Les Liens qui libèrent). Alors que l’actualité peut parfois donner l’impression que le sol se dérobe sous nos pieds, Reporterre lui a demandé comment faire face.

    Reporterre — Il y a dix ans, quelques mois avant l’Accord de Paris, Reporterre vous interviewait à l’occasion de la sortie du livre qui vous a fait connaître, « Comment tout peut s’effondrer » (coécrit avec Raphaël Stevens, éd. du Seuil). Depuis, il y a eu le Covid-19 et les confinements, la guerre en Ukraine, la réélection de Donald Trump aux États-Unis, des négociations climat qui patinent... De notre point de vue occidental, on se demande parfois si l’effondrement n’a pas déjà commencé ?

    Pablo Servigne — Avec les collapsologues, cela fait quinze ans que l’on voit tout cela venir. On ne peut pas avoir la certitude que l’effondrement a déjà commencé. C’est une question pour les historiens du futur. Mais c’est utile de considérer que c’est le cas. C’est le pari du philosophe Jean-Pierre Dupuy avec le catastrophisme éclairé : on va considérer que l’on y est pour avoir une chance de l’éviter ou de l’atténuer. En se mettant dans ce récit, notre manière d’être au monde et d’agir change à la hauteur des enjeux.

    Effondrement ou pas, on sent que de nombreuses tempêtes menacent. Quand vous avez écrit votre livre, à quelles tempêtes pensiez-vous ?

    C’est une expression très belle de la psychologue #Joanna_Macy, qui m’a beaucoup influencé. Quand on lui demandait pourquoi, à 85 ans, elle continuait de parcourir le monde, de former des gens pour créer du lien ; elle répondait tout simplement que les tempêtes arrivent et pour éviter que l’on se tape dessus. On parle des tempêtes climatiques, des inondations, des mégafeux, etc., mais aussi des tempêtes géopolitiques ou celles de tous les jours — les pertes, les deuils, les accidents, les maladies.

    La vie est une succession de #tempêtes et il y a toujours, après la pluie, le beau temps, mais après le beau temps, la tempête. Si l’on n’apprend pas à les traverser et à danser sous la pluie, comme disait le proverbe, on vivra mal. C’est au sens métaphorique d’apprendre à vivre malgré l’#adversité, et même avec l’adversité.

    Cette idée de se préparer aux tempêtes semble à la mode. L’exécutif dit que nous devons nous « préparer à la guerre », la ministre de l’Agriculture Annie Genevard parle de « guerre agricole », le chef d’état-major des armées que l’on doit « accepter de perdre [nos] enfants »… Que pensez-vous de ces discours ?

    Je n’ai pas trop l’habitude de commenter l’actualité, mais ma culture politique, l’#anarchisme, est opposée aux guerres et aux dominations. Je n’ai pas envie d’être de la chair à canon, ni que mes enfants le soient. Je n’ai pas envie de tuer des gens non plus. Point barre.

    Les dominants sont pris dans des mécaniques de #violence, ils sont tout en haut de la pyramide, en haut de la #violence_verticale. À chaque étage, ils prônent la #violence_horizontale, la #compétition. Plus on crée des #hiérarchies pyramidales, plus on crée de la compétition, et plus on va mécaniquement vers la #guerre. C’est toujours comme ça que ça finit : guerre, #maladie, #famine.

    C’est dans leur logique de se préparer à la guerre, de financer des marchands d’armes, de racheter des médias pour convaincre les gens d’aller se faire tuer. L’enjeu aujourd’hui, pour la société civile, c’est de diminuer les niveaux de violence et de démanteler les #dominations, sinon on y va tout droit.

    Que pensez-vous du guide de survie aux catastrophes publié par l’État ?

    On aurait dû l’avoir depuis 40, 50 ans. Le point négatif de cette brochure, c’est qu’elle reste très matérialiste, c’est du chacun pour soi dans sa petite famille. C’est même infantilisant. Il n’y a qu’une demi-page — sur une vingtaine — sur l’#entraide et l’#action_collective, c’est ridicule, c’est le plus important. Comme si l’État avait peur que les citoyens s’organisent et soient responsables. C’est très énervant, mais c’est déjà un bon début d’avoir un guide.

    Dans votre ouvrage, vous expliquez que le #survivalisme tel qu’on l’imagine est un #sous-vivalisme. Pouvez-vous le définir ?

    La posture survivaliste quand une crise arrive — qui est celle du #repli, du #chacun_pour_soi, et de miser sur le matériel — pousse à fond les curseurs de notre société libérale, c’est-à-dire la compétition et le #matérialisme. Comme si le meilleur couteau, le meilleur sac à dos, allait nous permettre de #survivre. C’est absurde, contre-productif et dangereux.

    Le survivalisme, dans ce repli vers le #bunker, coupe le lien social avant même que la crise n’arrive. C’est une destruction de la société avant même que la catastrophe n’ait lieu. C’est en cela que c’est un sous-vivalisme.

    Nous prônons l’inverse. Ce que dit la science, et ce que l’on a confirmé avec les recherches auxquelles je participe, c’est que la meilleure manière de se préparer aux crises, c’est de faire du lien social.

    Le bunker peut être une stratégie temporaire. Pour sauver sa famille, survivre à un bombardement, un ouragan ou une attaque nucléaire. Ce qui est dangereux, c’est d’en faire une posture politique de repli pour le moyen et le long terme. La vie ne peut pas être faite que de survie. Un ami me disait : « Tu mets vingt survivalistes dans une forêt, quand tu reviens un an après, il n’y a plus de forêt et ils se sont tous entre-tués. Tu mets vingt Amérindiens dans une forêt, un an après, il y a une communauté et la forêt est plus vivante qu’avant. » C’est la différence entre la survie et la #vie.

    Plutôt que d’être survivaliste, vous nous invitez à tisser un réseau des tempêtes. Que sont-elles ?

    C’est ce qui nous manque. Pour moi, nos sociétés ont déstructuré le lien social. Nous devons en reconstruire un dense. La science nous montre qu’avant une crise, une catastrophe, si on a du lien social horizontal (avec les voisins, la famille, les amis) et vertical (la confiance réciproque envers les autorités) de qualité, alors la crise se passe mieux. Il y a moins de morts, moins de traumas et la reconstruction est plus facile.

    De même, il y a des liens denses et légers. Les liens denses, la famille, les amis, etc., nous maintiennent dans des bulles d’entre-soi. Donc les liens légers, le boulanger du coin, la voisine, le garagiste, les collègues de travail, etc., sont aussi vitaux. Leur diversité permet de sortir de l’entre-soi. Quand il y a une crise, la qualité des #liens_légers est fondamentale. C’est un facteur de #résilience. Par exemple, quand on perd son travail, avoir beaucoup de liens légers permet d’en retrouver un plus vite.

    Cette densité de liens sociaux est notre réseau de tempêtes. Chacun en a un. C’est ce qui reste, même si l’électricité, l’État ou l’espoir disparaît.

    J’invite à développer les liens que j’ai appelés voisinautaires. C’est vraiment la force du vivre-ensemble. On ne s’entend pas forcément bien avec ses voisins, on ne les a pas choisis. Mais parfois, il vaut mieux s’entendre avec eux qu’avec ses propres idées. Cela résoudrait aussi plein de problèmes de #cohésion_sociale et d’#isolement.

    Pourquoi nos liens sociaux sont-ils trop froids aujourd’hui ?

    Parce que les systèmes de #domination, le #capitalisme, le #patriarcat, l’État, etc. génèrent une violence verticale et l’idéologie de la compétition. Ces systèmes détruisent les liens. Le #lien_dense n’arrive que quand on peut exprimer sa vulnérabilité, son authenticité à l’autre. Or, un #système_de_domination empêche d’être authentique. Quand on lâche la bride à la compétition, on finit par détruire les individus et la société.

    Vous parlez aussi de la relation aux institutions et incitez à leur faire en quelque sorte confiance. Peut-on encore ?

    Cela dépend de l’échelle. Il y a des autorités proches, comme des élus locaux que l’on peut connaître, les pompiers volontaires, auxquels on peut plus facilement faire confiance. Pour moi, le #local, c’est le niveau de société le plus important.

    L’arrivée de l’extrême droite au pouvoir est-elle un risque auquel on peut se préparer avec un réseau des tempêtes ?

    Oui, puisque le principe du réseau des tempêtes est de créer du lien social de partout. Avec nos proches, avec les humains, les non-humains… C’est la démarche inverse du fascisme. En créant du lien et en diminuant les violences, on lutte structurellement contre le fascisme.

    Peut-on lutter contre le fascisme en nouant des liens avec des voisins qui votent extrême droite ? Ces questions stratégiques traversent la gauche aujourd’hui.

    Oui, et surtout s’ils ne votent pas comme nous ! C’est la clé, et c’est contre-intuitif. Quand on voit une crise arriver, une guerre civile, la meilleure posture, c’est de faire du lien social aussi avec des gens différents. C’est très dur. Nous avons besoin de méthodologie, et j’ai créé une association pour cela.

    Dans la fable des trois petits cochons, quand le loup — ou le fascisme — arrive, alors qu’il a détruit les deux premières maisons [en paille et en bois], la porte de la troisième maison [en briques] reste ouverte. Parce que malgré leurs différences, ils sont frères. Ils avaient un lien social puissant avant la catastrophe. C’est cela qu’il faut travailler aujourd’hui.

    https://reporterre.net/Pablo-Servigne-L-effondrement-a-craindre-c-est-celui-du-lien-social
    #liens_voisinautaires

  • Les réfractaires depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie (28ème épisode • février 2026)
    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article729

    Chronique des actes de désertion, d’insoumission, de désobéissance et d’exil posés pour refuser de combattre, les actions de désobéissance civiles pour entraver la guerre et les appuis que les réfractaires reçoivent tant dans les pays concernés qu’à l’étranger. 28ème épisode, rédigé par Guy Dechesne depuis octobre 2022. Les épisodes précédents sont disponibles dans la rubrique Résistances Roger Waters Roger Waters, bassiste, chanteur et parolier des Pink Floyd, traumatisé par la mort de (…) #Résistances_aux_guerres

    / #Actions_contre_la_guerre, #Antimilitarisme, #Guerres, #La_deux