• ‘We failed to reach Europe – now our families disown us’

      Most of the West African migrants who fail to reach Europe eventually return to their own countries, but it can be a bitter homecoming. In Sierra Leone, returnees are often rejected by relatives and friends. They’re seen as failures, and many stole from their families to pay for their journey.

      Some readers will find this story disturbing

      Fatmata breaks into sobs when she remembers the six months she spent in slavery as the “wife” of a Tuareg nomad who seized her in the Sahara desert.

      “They call him Ahmed. He was so huge and so wicked,” she says. “He said, ’You are a slave, you are black. You people are from hell.’ He told me when somebody has a slave, you can do whatever you want to do. Not only him. Sometimes he would tell his friend, ’You can have a taste of anything inside my house.’ They tortured me every day.”

      That was only the beginning of the horrors Fatmata, aged 28, from Freetown, Sierra Leone, experienced as she tried to cross West Africa to the Mediterranean. She eventually escaped from Ahmed, but was recaptured by traffickers who held her in their own private jail in Algeria.

      After she and other migrants broke out, Fatmata, deeply traumatised, decided to abandon her dreams of a new life in Europe - and go back to where she started. She applied to an intergovernmental agency, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), which pays the fares for migrants who want to return home.

      Last December, she arrived back in Freetown, by bus from Mali - after nearly two years away. But there were no emotional reunions, no welcomes, no embraces. Nearly a year later, Fatmata hasn’t even seen her mother - or the daughter, now eight, she left behind.

      “I was so happy to come back,” she says. “But I wish I had not.”

      When she got back, she called her brother. But his reaction terrified her. “He told me, ’You should not even have come home. You should just die where you went, because you didn’t bring anything back home.’”

      After that, she says, “I didn’t have the heart to go and see my mother.”

      Image caption Fatmata thought she’d be able to pay back the money she stole

      But her family didn’t reject her just because she was a failure. It was also because of how she funded her journey.

      She stole 25 million leones - about US $2,600 at today’s exchange rate, but then worth a lot more - from her aunt. It was money her aunt had given her to buy clothes, that could then be resold as part of her trading business. Her aunt regularly trusted her in that way.

      “I was only thinking how to get the money and go,” Fatmata says, though she adds that she’s not a selfish person. “If I had succeeded in going to Europe, I decided that I would triple the money, I would take good care of my aunt and my mum.”

      But Fatmata’s aunt’s business never recovered from the loss of the money. And - to make things even worse - the theft has caused a rift between the aunt and her sister, Fatmata’s mother, whom she falsely accuses of being in on Fatmata’s plan.

      “I’m in pain, serious pain!” her mother says, when I visit her. “The day I set eyes on Fatmata, she will end up in the police station - and I will die.”

      It’s a story that’s repeated in the families of many of the 3,000 or so Sierra Leoneans who have returned in the last two years after failing to reach Europe.

      At one time, relatives often raised the money to send someone, but there’s less willingness to do that now that stories of imprisonment and death along the route have multiplied. Now, many would-be migrants keep their plans secret, and take whatever money they can, sometimes even selling the title deeds to the family land.

      Image caption Jamilatu stole money which had been lent to her mother

      At the headquarters of the Advocacy Network Against Irregular Migration, a voluntary group that helps returned migrants rebuild their lives, all the returnees I meet have stolen from their families.

      Jamilatu, aged 21, who escaped with Fatmata from the traffickers’ prison in Algeria, took a plastic bag of cash worth $3,500 from her mother’s room when she was out of the house. The money didn’t even belong to her mother. It had all been lent to her by neighbours, as part of a microcredit scheme.

      After Jamilatu left, the furious creditors besieged her mother’s house, threatening to kill her if she didn’t return the money. She was forced to flee Freetown for Bo, three hours away in the south of the country, leaving her three other children behind with their father.

      “My mum doesn’t want to talk to me, because of the money,” Jamilatu says. “So since I came back, I haven’t seen her. And I want to see my mum - it’s over two years now that I’m not seeing her.”

      Jamilatu and her mother
      Image caption Jamilatu has been estranged from her mother for more than two years

      I visit her mother, Maryatu, at her new home in Bo, and after a long conversation she says she would like to see Jamilatu again, despite the suffering she’s caused.

      But when they meet, soon afterwards, it’s a short, awkward and almost silent reunion. They embrace stiffly. Then Jamilatu kneels in front of her, asking for forgiveness. Neither looks the other in the eye.

      Afterwards, Jamilatu goes straight back to Freetown.

      “I am the happiest woman on Earth today because I have seen my mum,” she says. But she doesn’t look happy. Her mother has told her they can’t live under the same roof again until Jamilatu has raised the money to repay the creditors.

      It’s hard to see how that will be possible. Jamilatu, like Fatmata, has no job. They both depend on support from Advocacy Network Against Irregular Migration. The group was founded by Sheku Bangura, himself a returned migrant, who lobbies the Sierra Leonean government to do more for returnees - currently there’s very little official support - and tries to give practical help himself. He finds accommodation for those who are homeless, intervenes with the police if returnees get into trouble, and organises basic psychological counselling.

      Sheku Bangura
      Image caption Sheku Bangura has personal experience of the challenges faced by returnees

      “I have had a lot of migrants who have mental problems,” he says. “These young people, they are on the streets, they don’t have place to sleep. It’s not really easy for them.”

      One of those helping out at the Advocacy Network is 31-year-old Alimamy, who set out across the Sahara three years ago, after stealing and selling an expensive water-packaging machine belonging to his uncle.

      One of his two travelling companions died of starvation in the desert. The second drowned trying to cross the Mediterranean in a dinghy. Alimamy ended up in a Libyan detention camp. He was only rescued in November 2017 when the IOM began organising flights from Tripoli to West Africa for those who wanted to go home.

      Emaciated and exhausted, he accepted the offer of a ticket, but he was terrified of the reception he would get. “I was thinking I should not come back to Sierra Leone, because I know my uncle has a very high temper,” he says.

      Image caption Alimamy’s attempt to reach Europe ended in a Libyan migration detention centre

      Since returning, Alimamy has lived with friends. His elder brother, Sheik Umar, a former professional footballer, says: “We are hearing he is in Freetown, he is suffering. And yet he hasn’t got the guts to face any of us in the family.”

      Sheik Umar says he used to be close to his brother, but if he sees him now, he will ensure he is “arrested, prosecuted and convicted”.

      “If he dies in prison, I will not have any regrets, I am sure no family members will have regret, because of the shame he has put on all of us.”

      He says the water-packaging business Alimamy had been entrusted to run by his uncle could have generated enough money to support the whole family.

      “But he misused that opportunity and all of us are in this mess now… Wherever I go now, people taunt me. Our mother is sick, she has moved to a village. That (business) was the beginning of our hopes. But Alimamy has shattered all of that.”

      Alimamy himself is angry and frustrated. “I have come back home, no impact, just like I’m zero,” he says. “The place where I am living, it’s like a hell for me. The way people look at me, I don’t feel happy. They’re looking at me like I’m not human.”

      Sheik Umar
      Image caption Sheik Umar says his family has suffered as a result of Alimamy’s actions

      The IOM offers migrants who return voluntarily to their home countries in Africa “re-integration allowances” worth up to 1,500 euros (£1,270). The money comes from a 347m-euro fund financed mainly by the European Union. But the allowances aren’t paid in cash. If they were, most people would just use them to repay their relatives. So the IOM pays for goods or services that applicants can prove they need to set up a specific business.

      Alimamy got an allowance to buy a motorcycle to rent out to other drivers to use as a taxi. But after just four months, one of the drivers went off with it and never came back. Alimamy himself had become a victim of theft.

      As for Fatmata and Jamilatu, they never received an allowance because they returned from Mali at a time when some other Sierra Leoneans were abusing the system by catching a bus to Mali, pretending they’d returned from across the Sahara, and claiming the allowance. So everyone returning from Mali lost out, including Fatmata and Jamilatu.

      Awareness raising event organised by the Advocacy Network

      Now, all three returnees take part in “awareness-raising” events organised by the Advocacy Network. They go out on the streets with placards and loudspeakers to warn other young people of the dangers of illegal migration, and urge them to stay in “sweet Sierra Leone”.

      But for them, home is no longer sweet. All three are consumed by feelings of worthlessness.

      Fatmata says: “I have nothing to offer, I have nothing to show. I can’t even go and see my daughter, I only see the pictures, because I have nothing to give her when I get there, so I can’t.”

      Alimamy says the “stigmatisation” he suffers is forcing him to do the opposite of what he says on the streets. He wants to make another attempt to reach Europe.

      “Staying here is like a hell for me,” he says. I remind him of the horrors he experienced on his first attempt, being enslaved, imprisoned, and seeing friends die.

      “Well,” he says, “I have been through that, and I’m sure I could cope.”


      #return_migration #Sierra_Leone #Advocacy_Network_Against_Irregular_Migration #Sheku_Bangura #awareness-raising [sic] #stigmatisation #mental_health #trauma #IOM #re-integration_allowances

  • Dossier Libia. Abusi e violazioni sull’altra sponda del Mediterraneo

    Stiamo assistendo ormai da tempo ed impotenti da parte dell’Italia e dell’Unione Europea al tentativo di “sigillare” i confini e le frontiere dell’Europa, motivando queste azioni come necessarie al contrasto dell’immigrazione irregolare ma con lo scopo reale di impedire, scoraggiare, bloccare o diminuire i flussi migratori diretti in Europa.

    Tra giugno 2014 e giugno 2017 sono arrivate via mare in Italia 550 mila persone, la gran parte proveniente dall’Africa subsahariana – Nigeria ed Eritrea i paesi di origine più rappresentati – su imbarcazioni partite dalla Libia. Da luglio 2017 la frequenza degli arrivi è calata sensibilmente, come effetto degli accordi che Italia e Unione Europea hanno stretto con la Libia e con altri paesi di transito dei migranti, come il Niger.

    Nel 2018 il calo degli sbarchi e degli arrivi in Italia è dell’81% (111.478 al 31.10.2017 contro i 21.578 del 31.10.2018).

    Sul fronte della gestione dei flussi in partenza, il nuovo governo italiano non ha cambiato quasi nulla rispetto al precedente, scegliendo di proseguire con le politiche tracciate dall’ex ministro dell’Interno, Marco Minniti, che aveva notevolmente ridotto le partenze attraverso accordi con la Libia e altri paesi africani.

    L’attuale Governo ha introdotto però una nuova modalità di gestione delle imbarcazioni che partono dalla Libia, rafforzando la collaborazione con la guardia costiera libica allo scopo di aumentare i respingimenti e rendere sempre più complicato il salvataggio in mare. Anche la “strategia” della criminalizzazione dele associazioni e delle Ong impegnate nel Mediterraneo nelle operazioni di Sar hanno prodotto un progressivo e quasi totale “svuotamento” degli operatori civili.

    Grazie a programmi di distrazione dei fondi per la cooperazione e agli accordi economici con governi che di democratico hanno solo il nome (dalla Turchia di Erdogan alla Libia di Al Serraj), stiamo assistendo ad una impressionante crescita del business legato all’immigrazione ed al traffico di esseri umani. Come prima conseguenza, si è accresciuto il dramma di migliaia di donne, uomini e minori, profughi in viaggio, ricattati e detenuti in Libia dalle milizie “governative” o meno.

    Le violenze, gli stupri, le torture, i ricatti a carico dei migranti rinchiusi nei lager libici sono oramai un “fatto” documentato da moltissimi media e giornalisti internazionali.

    L’Italia e l’Europa si stanno macchiando di veri e propri crimini contro l’umanità.

    La “politica” di “scambio di denaro” contro quella di “scambio dei diritti” è semplicemente inaccettabile.

    Ognuno di noi ha il dovere e il diritto di denunciare tutto questo, di indicare i responsabili, i colpevoli ed i mandanti di queste politiche disumane.

    Nel dicembre del 2017, il Tribunale Permanente dei Popoli ha emesso una sentenza che rende evidenti le responsabilità delle politiche europee rispetto a quanto sta avvenendo in Libia, sancendo de facto la diretta corresponsabilità dell’Italia e dell’Unione Europea, definendo quando accade in Libia e “le oggettive conseguenze di morte, deportazione, sparizione delle persone, imprigionamento arbitrario, tortura, stupro, riduzione in schiavitù, e in generale persecuzione contro il popolo dei migranti, un crimine contro l’umanità”

    Il nostro progetto

    #DOSSIERLIBIA si propone come uno strumento di informazione, controinformazione e denuncia. Accorpare, aggregare, riunire in un unico strumento di comunicazione e di denuncia tutti gli atti, inchieste, articoli, le interviste, i video, le analisi che sono state raccolte e pubblicate dai media nazionali ed internazionali, compresi i rapporti delle Ong come Amnesty, Human Rights watch, Medu e altre.

    Ma pubblicheremo anche materiale inedito, come i video e le registrazioni che ci arrivano dai lager libici tramite le nostre reti di attivisti.

    #DOSSIERLIBIA sarà uno strumento di denuncia ma anche di #advocacy e pressione rivolto al Governo italiano e al Consiglio d’Europa, al Commissario europeo per la Giustizia, i diritti fondamentali e la cittadinanza, all’Alto rappresentante dell’Unione per gli Affari Esteri e la Sicurezza, Commissario per i Diritti Umani del Consiglio d’Europa, alla Cedu Corte Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo, all’Onu.

    Un’altra finalità del nostro progetto, attinente al lavoro di contenzioso strategico avviato da Asgi e da molti altri soggetti a livello nazionale e internazionale, è quella di dimostrare la responsabilità giuridica dell’EU e dei Paesi membri (in particolare dell’Italia) nelle operazioni di soccorso forzato operate dalla guardia costiera libica, in collaborazione, se non sotto la direzione, della Marina Italiana o delle agenzie UE.

    IL PORTALE WEB è lo strumento essenziale per dare corpo al nostro progetto. Lo abbiamo realizzato con le garanzie di massima sicurezza, sia per evitare attacchi informatici che per garantire la massima tutela delle fonti, come la protezione dell’anonimato delle denunce e delle persone con le quali siamo in contatto.

    Aggiorneremo di continuo tutte le notizie che giungono dalla Libia e abbiamo predisposto una sezione per ricevere segnalazioni, in maniera protetta, ed essere un possibile supporto ad azioni di difesa (cosa peraltro avvenuta recentemente grazie alla rete attiva con contatti locali in Libia ed in Europa).

    NOTA – Abbiamo già una mappatura/archivio di articoli stampa, nazionali ed internazionali, ma in particolare abbiamo attivi dei contatti che sono estremamente importanti per la ricezione di documentazione che ovviamente non possiamo più gestire con i mezzi classici (email, whats’app, sms). Tutte le realtà con le quali siamo in contatto in via formale ed informale ci hanno chiesto di avviare con estrema urgenza questo strumento di denuncia e di possibile azione concreta per sottrarre alle reti di trafficanti i migranti in transito in Libia.

    #Libye #fermeture_des_frontières #externalisation #migrations #asile #réfugiés

  • Atelier populaire d’#urbanisme

    L’Atelier Populaire d’Urbanisme de la Villeneuve est une initiative lancée à l’automne 2012 pour construire une alternative au projet de rénovation urbaine de l’urbaniste Yves Lion et de la ville de Grenoble alors dirigé par M.Destot.

    Ce projet décidé "d’en haut avait suscité beaucoup des oppositions de la part d’habitants qui refusaient la logique qui a mené à la démolition du 50 galerie de l’Arlequin, la construction d’un nouveau parking et le redécoupage du réseau routier. Un collectif contre la démolition, ensuite surnommé Vivre à la Villeneuve a lancé la mobilisation, dénoncé la fausse concertation et a lancé un appel à la ministre du logement pour la remise en cause du projet de rénovation urbaine.

    En 2013, à l’occasion du 40ème anniversaire de la Villeneuve et à l’initiative du collectif interassocati Villeneuve Debout, une multitude d’ateliers ont aboutit à la formulation d’un projet urbain stratégique et démocratique. Ce projet a montré qu’une autre approche de l’urbanisme est possible, issue « d’en bas », basée sur les intérêts des habitants, et qui visent les logiques de pouvoir d’agir des habitants.


    #association_planning #grenoble #droit_à_la_ville #logement #Villeneuve #droit_au_logement #activisme_urban #urban_matter #villes #méthodes_participatives #savoirs_citoyens #savoirs_pratiques #savoirs_théoriques #community_organizing #advocacy_planning #désorganisation_sociale #empowerment

    Les liens et documents qui suivent dans ce fil de discussion sont tirés d’informations que j’ai entendu dans un cours donné par David Gabriel, co-auteur du livret « Les tours d’en face » (https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01261860/document)

    • #Saul_Alinsky

      Saul David Alinsky, né le 30 janvier 1909 à Chicago et mort le 12 juin 1972 à Carmel (Californie), est un écrivain et sociologue américain, considéré comme le fondateur du groupement d’organisateurs de communauté (community organizing) et le maître à penser de la gauche radicale américaine.


      Un livre de Saul Alinsky: «#Rules_for_radicals»
      –-> ici des extraits choisis

    • #Jane_Jacobs

      Jane Jacobs (née Jane Butzner 4 mai 1916 à Scranton, Pennsylvanie - 25 avril 2006 à Toronto) est une auteure, une militante et une philosophe de l’architecture et de l’urbanisme. Ses théories ont sensiblement modifié l’urbanisme nord-américain.

      Jane Jacobs a passé son existence à étudier l’urbanisme. Ses études sont basées sur l’observation : elle commença par observer les villes, reporter ce qu’elle observe, puis créa des théories pour décrire ses observations. Elle a changé le cours de l’urbanisme dans de nombreuses villes nord-américaines, y compris Toronto.

      En 1944, elle épouse Robert Hyde Jacobs, avec qui elle a eu deux fils, James Kedzie (né en 1948) et Edward Decker (né en 1950) et une fille, Mary. En 1968, durant la guerre du Viêt Nam, elle quitte les États-Unis avec ses fils afin de leur éviter le service militaire et trouve refuge au Canada.

      En 1980, elle offre une perspective « urbanistique » sur l’indépendance du Québec dans son livre The Question of Separatism : Quebec and the Struggle over Sovereignty.


    • #Personnalisme

      Le personnalisme, ou #personnalisme_communautaire, est un courant d’idées fondé par #Emmanuel_Mounier autour de la revue Esprit et selon le fondateur, recherchant une troisième voie humaniste entre le capitalisme libéral et le marxisme. Le personnalisme « post-mounier » est une philosophie éthique dont la valeur fondamentale est le respect de la personne. Le principe moral fondamental du personnalisme peut se formuler ainsi : « Une action est bonne dans la mesure où elle respecte la personne humaine et contribue à son épanouissement ; dans le cas contraire, elle est mauvaise. »1

      Il a eu une influence importante sur les milieux intellectuels et politiques français des années 1930 aux années 1950. Il a influencé, entre autres, les milieux de l’éducation populaire et plus tard de l’éducation spécialisée2, et les libéraux-chrétiens notamment conservateurs dont Chantal Delsol.


    • Forum social des quartiers populaires :

      Le #FSQP sera un lieu d’échanges et de confrontations autour des expériences militantes dans les quartiers.
      Pour dépasser les discours abstraits, l’ambition est de déboucher sur des perspectives de luttes communes, tant au niveau national que local, autour des questions suivantes :

      > Apartheid urbain
      La politique de rénovation urbaine brasse des milliards d’euros sans réelle participation des habitant-e-s des quartiers. Quel pouvoir des habitant-e-s pour le futur de leur quartier ?

      > Education au rabais
      L’école joue mal son rôle d’accès au savoir dans nos quartiers. Elle devient un lieu de discrimination, de gardiennage et de sélection programmée vers des voies de garage. Quelle relation entre l’école et le quartier (élèves, parents, etc.) ?

      > Police-Justice
      Les multiples révoltes populaires contre les crimes policiers depuis une trentaine d’années révèlent la gestion policière et judiciaire des banlieues. Trop de jeunes sont destinés au parcours piégé : échec scolaire - police - justice - prison. Comment s’organiser face aux violences policières, une justice de caste et des prisons hors-la-loi ?

      > Engagement politique et social
      Les quartiers ne sont pas des déserts politiques. Il est nécessaire de confronter les différentes formes d’engagement et d’en faire un bilan (les limites du milieu associatif, la participation aux élections, les associations musulmanes, etc.). Vers un mouvement autonome des quartiers populaires ?

      > Chômage et précarité
      Les taux de chômage et de précarité (intérim permanent) atteignent des « records » dans les banlieues. Le fossé entre les syndicats et les cités marque l’abandon des classes populaires par la gauche. Quelles relations entre les quartiers et le mouvement ouvrier ?

      > Les anciens dans la cité
      La question de la vieillesse dans les banlieues n’est pas prise en compte dans les grands plans de solidarité nationaux. Quelles formes de solidarité et de mobilisation pour les anciens ?

      > Histoire et mémoire
      Malgré l’occultation par les institutions et les problèmes de transmission de la mémoire, l’histoire des luttes des quartiers et de l’immigration est riche d’expériences et d’enseignements. Comment transmettre nous-mêmes cette Histoire aux plus jeunes ?

      > Les musulmans entre criminalisation et engagement dans la cité
      Les musulmans subissent un climat islamophobe et des lois d’exception. Comment y faire face ? Quelle implication des organisations musulmanes dans les luttes sociales et politiques des quartiers ?

      > Cultures des quartiers
      Les banlieues sont des lieux de brassage, de solidarités et d’invention culturelle. Comment défendre et mettre en valeur cette richesse ?

      Nous avons décidé que la question des femmes et de leurs luttes sera transversale à l’ensemble des thèmes.


    • William Foote Whyte

      William Foote Whyte (né le 27 juin 1914 et mort le 16 juillet 2000), était un sociologue américain surtout connu pour son étude ethnologique de sociologie urbaine, Street Corner Society.

      Pionnier de l’#observation_participante, il vécut quatre ans dans une communauté italienne de Boston alors qu’il étudiait par ailleurs à Harvard dans le but d’analyser l’organisation sociale des gangs du North End.


    • Street Corner Society. La structure sociale d’un quartier italo-américain

      Street Corner Society fait partie du petit nombre des classiques de la sociologie mondiale. Mais si la description saisissante que fait William Foote Whyte de la vie d’un quartier italien de Boston dans les années trente a connu un succès durable aux États-Unis, ce n’est pas seulement parce qu’il s’agit d’un modèle pour les recherches d’ethnologie urbaine. Reconnu bien au-delà des cercles universitaires, Street Corner Society est en effet de ces livres qui font passer un souffle d’air frais dans le territoire austère des sciences sociales.
      À l’écoute des humeurs de la rue, écrit dans une langue exempte de tout jargon et proche de la meilleure prose journalistique, cette fascinante immersion dans la vie d’un quartier, de ses sous-cultures et de ses systèmes d’allégeance a bouleversé les images convenues de la pauvreté urbaine et de l’identité communautaire. Référence majeure pour quiconque affronte les problèmes de l’observation participante en sociologie, Street Corner Society constitue également une lecture délectable pour le profane et un portrait savoureux de la comédie humaine dans sa version italo-américaine.


    • #Edward_Chambers

      Edward Thomas Chambers (April 2, 1930 – April 26, 2015) was the executive director of the Industrial Areas Foundation from 1972 to 2009, a community organizing group founded by Saul Alinsky.[1] Chambers was born in Clarion, Iowa to Thomas Chambers and Hazella Downing.[2] He is credited with developing systematic training of organizers and leaders of congregation-based community organizations, and establishing relational meetings (or “one-on-ones”) as a critical practice of organizers. He is the author of Roots for Radicals: Organizing for Power, Action, and Justice (Continuum International Publishing Group, 2003, ISBN 0-8264-1499-0.[3]). A memorial article in The New Yorker called him “community organizing’s unforgiving hero.” [4] He died of heart failure in Drimoleague, Ireland in 2015.[2]


      The Power of Relational Action

      In this booklet, Ed Chambers mulls about the building of relationships in public life that allow us to share our values, passions and interests with one another — what he calls “mixing human spirit.” He describes the art of the relational meeting or “one-to-one,” which he helped develop and which is now being used by clergy, leaders and organizers around the United States and in several other countries to build their congregations and community institutions and to take joint action for the common good.


    • La production d’études comme instrument de mobilisation dans le cadre de la campagne pour un « revenu décent londonien » (London Living Wage)

      A recent campaign led by London Citizens - a coalition of churches, mosques, trade unions, schools and other associations - brought on the forefront the issue of low paid workers. The production of studies is the linchpin of this campaign for decent wages. It is more the process of making the studies, linked to the methods of community organizing, rather than the end product itself that has established the opportunity and feasibility of new wages policies. The urban study is here considered as a tool for mobilization. Its authors, its subjects and its addressees are the actors of the London Living Wage campaign.

      7Le travail des employés de London Citizens est basé sur la construction de relations avec les habitants membres des 160 groupes de l’alliance. Dans son contrat de travail, il est stipulé qu’un community organizer doit effectuer une moyenne hebdomadaire de quinze entretiens en face à face (appelés « #one_to_one »). Ces entretiens ne sont ni retranscris ni soumis à une analyse statistique mais ont pour but de construire une relation d’égal à égal avec chacun des membres de l’alliance. Ils permettent aux community organizers d’acquérir une connaissance des problèmes auxquels font face les citoyens de leur alliance. L’organisation a également pour but de former des leaders dans chaque groupe membre. Ces leaders sont encouragés à relayer ce travail de développement de relations au sein de leur institution. Ils sont par exemple invités à organiser des house meetings, des réunions dans leur domicile ou sur leur lieu de travail avec des amis, voisins ou collègues. Les leaders et les employés de London Citizens imaginent alors des idées de campagne en fonction des intérêts des personnes rencontrées. C’est toujours grâce à ces entretiens et réunions qu’ils peuvent ensuite tester ces idées avec d’autres personnes. Ce processus participatif est finalisé lors d’assemblées annuelles où les institutions membres votent, parmi les idées évaluées, les campagnes à mener dans l’année.


    • #Theory_U

      Theory U is a change management method and the title of a book by #Otto_Scharmer.[1] During his doctoral studies at Witten/Herdecke University, Scharmer studied a similar method in classes taught by Friedrich (Fritz) Glasl, and he also interviewed Glasl.[2] Scharmer then took the basic principles of this method and extended it into a theory of learning and management, which he calls Theory U.[1] The principles of Theory U are suggested to help political leaders, civil servants, and managers break through past unproductive patterns of behavior that prevent them from empathizing with their clients’ perspectives and often lock them into ineffective patterns of decision making.[3][4]


      La théorie U d’#Otto_Scharmer

      Ces 5 étapes visent à capter de nouveaux modes d’émergence et à rénover l’approche collaborative et la conduite de projet. La théorie U est donc un modèle de conduite du changement fondé sur la conscience de l’urgence pour la mise en place de solutions durables et globales. Les 9 environnements d’apprentisssage qu’il propose constituent une réponse concréte aux questions posées.


    • L’ambition démocratique du community organizing

      La mise en place, depuis quelques années, des méthodes de community organizing peut-être envisagée comme une tentative de dépassement des limites du système représentatif. Par un rappel des ressorts de leur développement, aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne, et par l’observation de leur mise en pratique au sein de l’Alliance citoyenne de l’agglomération grenobloise, cet article s’attache à montrer ce qui fait l’originalité de ces démarches : rapport pragmatique au pouvoir, mobilisation autour des « colères » des habitants, actions collectives centrées sur le conflit. Un regard sur l’objectif de prise d’autonomie des habitants, formulé par les fondateurs de l’alliance, permet d’inclure une analyse de la structure et des méthodes du community organizing sous l’angle des processus d’émancipation qu’elles sont susceptibles de favoriser.


  • A book for George Clooney and college classrooms on #humanitarianism

    In the world of transnational activism, there is a pre- and post-#Kony2012 era. In fact, #Kony2012 constituted a cathartic moment, a psychotic disturbance – both literally and figuratively – that unleashed.....

    #CULTURE_PAGE #advocacy #Books #Celebrity #Literature #reviews

  • A day in the life of King Abdullah


    Un entretien avec le fils du roi d’Arabie saoudite, sur la Syrie mais aussi sur les situation sociale dans le royaume

    Welfare is increasingly the king’s concern, said Prince Miteb. Between two million and four million citizens live below the poverty line, and Saudi Arabia also has one of the highest rates of unemployment in the region, with an estimated two million of 28 million Saudis without work .
    “[King Abdullah] gets upset when he repeatedly hears about unemployment, shortage of housing or delay in providing medical treatment to citizens,” he said.
    Since 2011, the King has widely expanded welfare spending, including a pledge to invest US$37 billion (Dh136bn) on new housing projects, wage increases and unemployment benefits.

    • http://globalvoicesonline.org/2013/03/09/saudi-court-sentences-reformists-to-10-and-11-years-in-prison

      Earlier today, March 9th, the Riyadh Criminal Court issued its verdict against the two prominent reformists and human rights activists Mohammad al-Qahtani and Abdullah al-Hamid, after being prosecuted for “breaking allegiance to the ruler and his successor” and “trying to impede the country’s developments”. al-Qahtani was sentenced to 10 years in prison and al-Hamid was sentenced to 5 years in prison in addition to completing his previous sentence (7 years, released after a year with a royal pardon). The judge stated that their presence outside prison was “dangerous” and ordered their immediate arrest. In addition, the judge ordered dissolving the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Associations (ACPRA), and confiscating all of its propriety immediately. The defendants have a right to appeal the decision within 30 days.

      al-Qahtani and al-Hamid’s trial started in June 2012, separately and secretly. After the first hearing, the judge merged both cases but he insisted that it shall remain behind closed doors. The two activists refused, saying that it was a political trial, and publicity was their only grantee for justice. By the fifth hearing, the judge finally capitulated, turning it effectively into a public trial. [...]

      #activisme #advocacy #Proche-Orient