• Afghanistan : entre les pipelines et ISIS-K, les Américains sont encore là _ Par Pepe Escobar

    Les forces de sécurité afghanes formées et armées par les États-Unis rejoignent l’ISIS-K (Daesh), ce qui fait que le « retrait » des États-Unis d’Afghanistan ressemble aujourd’hui davantage à un « repositionnement » visant à maintenir le chaos.


    #Afghanistan #USA

  • « Au cours des années 1960, Kaboul connaît de profondes mutations et sort de son isolement séculaire. Cinémas, théâtres, restaurants, clubs de jazz sortent de terre. Le pays est désormais accessible, aussi voit-on apparaître de nombreux hippies aux cheveux longs et tenues bariolées déferlent. Les touristes occidentaux sont attirés à la fois par le patrimoine (les bouddhas de Bamiyan, Herat) et les substances psychotropes locales. Kaboul est alors une ville cosmopolite de 400 000 habitants, dont la moitié environ sont d’origine pachtoune. On y parle le dari, une variante du persan. Le cœur de la vieille ville est constitué par le bazar s’étendant de part et d’autre du fleuve. Non loin de là se trouve Kharabat, le quartier du vice et de la spiritualité. Les prostituées y côtoient les mystiques soufis. Depuis le XIX° siècle, c’est aussi le quartier des musiciens traditionnels afghans, joueurs de rubâb, de tablas, d’harmonium, de saranda, tous très influencés par la musique indienne. Au nord du fleuve sortent également de terre de nouveaux quartiers abritant les classes moyennes et supérieures, dont les enfants fréquentent l’université, apprivoisent le mode de vie à l’occidental, mais aussi une plus grande liberté de parole. C’est dans ce milieu que grandit Ahmad Zahir, dont le père fut tour à tour médecin, puis premier ministre du roi Zaher Shah, de 1971 à 1972. Le fils fréquente le lycée Habibia et voue une véritable passion à la musique, en dépit du mépris dans lequel la société afghane tient les musiciens. Finalement, après avoir vaincu les réticences paternelles, le jeune homme fonde les Amateurs d’Habibia, une formation au sein de laquelle il chante et joue de l’accordéon. Le groupe, qui se produit bientôt sur les ondes de radio Kaboul, rencontre un certain succès. »


  • Afghan chess pieces moving fast and furious
    Iran leader Raisi claims Shiite mosque bombings in Afghan cities backed by US while China establishes a military base in next door Tajikistan
    by Pepe Escobar October 28, 2021- Asia Times

    Afghanistan was the missing link in the complex chessboard of Eurasia integration. Now time is running out. After four long decades of war, getting the nation up and running as soon as possible is a pressing matter for all its neighbors.

    The three key nodes of Eurasia integration are very much aware of the high stakes. Hence an all-out diplomacy drive from Russia, China and Iran to get the ball rolling.

    A confab, officially named Second Meeting of Foreign Ministers – Afghanistan’s Neighbor Countries, was held on October 27 in Tehran uniting heavyweights China and Russia; Iran and Pakistan; and three Central Asian ‘stans: Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.

    Call it a sort of extended replay of the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit – where they were all discussing Afghanistan in detail. Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian pointed to what everyone is aiming at. Peace, he tweeted, depends on an “inclusive government and respect for the will of the Afghan people.”

    The joint statement once again revisited all the main themes: the necessity of a “broad-based political structure, with the participation of all ethno-political groups” in Afghanistan; the need for “non-interference in its internal affairs”; and an emphasis on “national sovereignty, political independence, unity and territorial integrity.”

    And last but not least, the definitive red line, which is also an SCO red line: No support in any way, shape or form for any jihadi outfit.

    The foreign ministers also re-emphasized what was already imprinted in the wide-ranging summit in Moscow: “Countries primarily responsible for the difficulties in Afghanistan should earnestly deliver on their commitment and provide Afghanistan with urgently needed economic, livelihood and humanitarian assistance to help realize a stable transition.”

    The European Union has promised 1 billion euros in humanitarian assistance. So far, that’s just a promise. Washington has not sent any signs it might consider alleviating Kabul’s dire economic plight.

    Nor has the Biden administration indicated it plans to release nearly US$9.5 billion in Afghan gold, investments and foreign currency reserves parked in the US that it froze after the Taliban’s takeover – despite rising pressure from humanitarian groups and others who say the punitive measure may cause the collapse of the Afghan economy.

    Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, after meeting with the foreign ministers of Pakistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, went no holds barred. He had already alleged, on the record, that the US was facilitating the expansion of ISIS-K in Afghanistan – a fast-flip irony, if true, considering the terror group was responsible for killing 13 US military service members and scores of others in a late August bomb blast at Kabul’s international airport.

    Then the Iranian leader doubled down, claiming that the recent sequence of terror bombings during Friday prayers in Shiite mosques in large Afghan cities has also been supported by the US.

    Raisi is voicing, at a very high level, an analysis that intel services of several SCO member-nations have been actively exchanging: There’s only one major geopolitical player who benefits, divide-and-rule-style, from the chaos generated by ISIS-K.

    The Russians, Iranians and Chinese are all paying close attention to all matters Afghanistan. Before his current European tour, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi dropped by Doha on Monday for the first top-level China-Afghanistan meeting since the Saigon moment on August 15.

    That also marked the return to the political stage of Mullah Baradar, the acting Afghan deputy prime minister, who seems anyway to be restricted to Doha political office business.

    Wang once again made it very clear that it’s crucial to engage with the Taliban “in a rational and pragmatic manner” and emphasized, at the same time, that the Taliban should “demonstrate openness and tolerance.”

    Beijing’s top priority is to start dealing with a functional government in Kabul as soon as possible. The integration of Afghanistan to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and also to the now fast-developing Iran-to-China corridor is a matter of urgency.

    But all that pales in comparison with the challenges facing a still far-from-inclusive government: the looming economic crisis, the already de facto humanitarian nightmare, and the ISIS-K terror threat.

    Only two days after Wang’s meeting in Doha, and nearly simultaneously with the meeting in Tehran, Tajikistan approved the setup of a Chinese military base in its territory. So here we go again.

    Expect a fierce campaign exposing “human rights abuses” by Dushanbe to pop up anytime soon.

    #Afghanistan #Russie #Iran #Chine #Tajikistan #Uzbekistan #Turkmenistan

  • Comment les féministes peuvent soutenir les femmes afghanes vivant sous le régime des talibans

    Depuis que les talibans ont pris le contrôle de Kaboul et du gouvernement central le 15 août 2021, les efforts pour soutenir les femmes afghanes sont devenus extrêmement difficiles. Selon certaines féministes éminentes étasuniennes ayant des liens étroits avec les femmes afghanes, les talibans « n’ont aucune légitimité au-delà de la force brutale qu’ils commandent ». Et les gouvernements, les Nations unies et les acteurs régionaux ne devraient pas les reconnaître ni travailler avec eux. Pour certains, cela signifie isoler les talibans en continuant à geler les fonds afghans détenus à l’étranger et en suspendant toute aide coordonnée avec une agence gouvernementale. Mais cette position aide-t-elle vraiment les femmes afghanes ?


    #féminisme #Afghanistan

  • Military Bases Turn Into Small Cities as Afghans Wait Months for Homes in U.S.

    An estimated 53,000 evacuees from Kabul remain on eight military bases across the country. Thousands more are waiting at U.S. bases abroad to come to the United States.

    In late August, evacuees from Afghanistan began arriving by the busload to the #Fort_McCoy_Army_base in the Midwest, carrying little more than cellphones and harrowing tales of their narrow escapes from a country they may never see again. They were greeted by soldiers, assigned rooms in white barracks and advised not to stray into the surrounding forest, lest they get lost.

    More than a month later, the remote base some 170 miles from Milwaukee is home to 12,600 Afghan evacuees, almost half of them children, now bigger than any city in western Wisconsin’s Monroe County.

    The story is much the same on seven other military installations from Texas to New Jersey. Overall, roughly 53,000 Afghans have been living at these bases since the chaotic evacuation from Kabul this summer that marked the end of 20 years of war. While many Americans have turned their attention away from the largest evacuation of war refugees since Vietnam, the operation is very much a work in progress here, overseen by a host of federal agencies and thousands of U.S. troops.

    While an initial group of about 2,600 people — largely former military translators and others who helped allied forces during the war — moved quickly into American communities, a vast majority remain stranded on these sprawling military way stations, uncertain of when they will be able to start the new American lives they were expecting. An additional 14,000 people are still on bases abroad, waiting for transfer to the United States.

    “We built a city to house almost 13,000 guests,” said Col. Jen McDonough, deputy commander for sustainment at Fort McCoy, where about 1,600 service members are tasked with ensuring the massive operation runs smoothly.

    On a recent warm autumn day here, refugees played a pickup game of soccer with soldiers, young children made arts and crafts with volunteers while their mothers studied English in an adjacent classroom, and families at a warehouse rummaged through boxes of donated underwear, shirts and jackets.

    Afghan evacuees said they were grateful for the warm reception they have received at the fort, but for many, the long wait has been grueling. None have left the base since arriving, unless they were green card holders or U.S. citizens.

    “I have asked many times about the date of departure,’’ said Farwardin Khorasani, 36, who was an interpreter at the U.S. embassy in Kabul. He fled Afghanistan with his wife and two young daughters and hopes to relocate to Sacramento. “We are jobless here and have nothing to do.”

    U.S. officials say the delays are a result of a measles outbreak, medical checks and a vaccination campaign, as well as the need to complete immigration processing, which involves interviews, biometric exams and applications for work permits. Most bases in the United States are at or near capacity, and Afghan evacuees waiting on bases in the Middle East, Spain and Germany can be flown in only once space opens up.

    A shortage of housing also is creating delays. Many families wish to settle where they already have friends or relatives, in places with existing Afghan communities such as California and the Washington, D.C., area. But officials have said that a dearth of affordable apartments could postpone their resettlement. On Thursday, Congress passed a short-term spending bill that included $6.3 billion to relocate and settle Afghan refugees.

    Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, commander of the United States Northern Command, which oversees the operation at Fort McCoy, said the military was prepared to accommodate arrivals on bases through the spring, giving the authorities time to work through the housing shortage.

    “We’ve built housing capacity and we are providing our Afghan guests the environment they need,” he said.

    One of the first priorities has been to inoculate evacuees against a variety of diseases.

    There have been 24 cases of measles, prompting a vaccination campaign against that illness, along with mumps, rubella and polio, an effort that is just winding down. People must wait at least 21 days after those vaccinations before receiving medical clearance to leave the bases.

    Almost 85 percent of all evacuees on bases have received the single-dose Johnson & Johnson vaccine against the coronavirus, and the rate of infection among the population is less than 1 percent, General VanHerck said.

    The bases also have seen crime, not unlike densely packed cities.

    Two Afghan evacuees are in federal custody; one has been charged with engaging in a sexual act with a minor and another charged with assaulting his spouse, both at Fort McCoy.

    The F.B.I. is investigating an assault on a female service member by Afghan men at Fort Bliss in El Paso. And in Quantico, Va., a military police officer on guard duty reported that he had observed a 24-year-old Afghan sexually assaulting a 3-year-old Afghan girl, according to a criminal complaint.

    General VanHerck said the military would “continue taking all necessary measures to ensure the safety” of both those working on the base and the Afghan evacuees. He said many reports to law enforcement were made by Afghans.

    The residents seen on a tightly controlled media tour of the base represented a cross-section of Afghan society.

    Among them was a group of 148 young women who hoped to finish their university education in the United States, and the principal of an international school. There was an Afghan Air Force pilot who had learned to fly UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters in Alabama and Texas.

    There were men and women from remote provinces, including a cook who had prepared food for soldiers in a far-flung outpost. Some people wore traditional Afghan attire. Others donned jeans and T-shirts. About half knew some English, but others would need to begin learning to read and write once they resettled in the United States, officials said.

    Farzana Mohammadi, a member of the Afghan women’s Paralympic basketball team who has been unable to walk since she had polio as a child, said she hoped to keep playing sports and to study psychology in Seattle.

    While optimistic about her own future, “I am only thinking all the time about my parents and younger sister,” said Ms. Mohammadi, 24, whose family was still in Kabul.

    About 50 to 60 people live in each two-story barracks, where single beds sit side-by-side. For privacy, families have improvised partitions using sheets.

    There are robust security details outside the living quarters, which are clustered into “communities,” each with a center where evacuees can get personal hygiene items or learn about activities, such as town halls with military leadership.

    “Grab and go” cafes offering tea, coffee and light snacks are bustling. But the eight self-service laundromats have been underutilized: Most Afghans have preferred to wash their clothing by hand and hang it out to dry on lines, which the military quickly erected.

    An imam certifies that meals served at four cafeterias are halal, but the lines to buy pizza at the base exchange often stretch outside.

    After weeks of being bottled up together with no timeline for leaving, there have been tensions among the residents. Fights often break out in the line to enter the cafeteria, and there are occasional arguments between people from different tribes.

    Several young single women said they were verbally harassed by Afghan men because they were on the base alone.

    “We were told, ‘How are you here without your male family member? We won’t tolerate this,’” recalled Nilab Ibrahimy, 23, who made it to the Kabul airport in a convoy of seven buses carrying the 148 students from the Asian University for Women, based in Bangladesh, where they had all been studying before the coronavirus outbreak stranded them in Kabul.

    Ms. Ibrahimy took the issue to the U.S. military leadership, and the entire group of students was moved to another barracks housing mainly single women. There have been no problems since, she and others said.

    Passing the time has been another challenge. “When we arrived here, we were sitting in our rooms doing nothing,” said Sepehra Azami, 25, who was studying economics before she fled.

    Ms. Azami, Ms. Ibrahimy and another friend, Batool Bahnam, asked some mothers whether they were interested in having their children learn basic conversational English: What is your name? How are you? Thank you.

    They were. Soon, adults began approaching the young women about lessons, too, and classes were added for women and men. “The demand is really high,” Ms. Azami said. “Families are struggling with language barriers.”

    Mounds of clothing have been donated to the refugees, but it took until last week for every evacuee to receive items.

    On Thursday, it was finally the turn of a 12-year-old boy named Nayatola. Dressed in a brown kurta pajama, he searched for clothes in his size. He ended up with an oversize white pullover. On his feet were the adult-size plastic slippers his father had brought from Afghanistan — Nayatola had no other shoes.

    As the day wore on, children could be seen outside doodling with chalk. When the visitors passed by, they called out. “Hello, how are you?” a few of them shouted, trying out their new English phrases.

    Abdulhadi Pageman, the former Afghan Air Force pilot, looked toward the warehouse where families were getting clothes. “These children are the future of the United States,” he said, talking about the children on the base. “They will be scientists, engineers. You just have to be patient.”


    #bases_militaires #réfugiés #asile #migrations #transit #Afghanistan #réfugiés_afghans #limbe


    A mettre en lien avec les pays qui ont accepté d’accueillir des #réfugiés_afghans sur demande des #Etats-Unis (#USA) et dans l’attente d’une #réinstallation (qui n’arrivera jamais ?). Métaliste ici :

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • En Afghanistan comme ailleurs, prendre sa part d’un combat universel (plus autres textes)

    Il y a vingt ans, il n’était pas nécessaire d’être un expert en géopolitique pour comprendre, qu’après la chute du régime taliban, il était urgent et décisif, quel que soit le domaine d’action envisagé, de ne pas se concentrer sur Kaboul mais d’intervenir, en partenariat avec la population afghane, dans l’ensemble du pays.

    Pourtant le ministère français des Affaires étrangères de l’époque ne semblait voir que la capitale afghane. Pour ne prendre que l’exemple de l’aide éducative, il ne s’intéressait qu’à la réouverture des deux lycées franco-afghans, Esteqlal et Malalaï, situés en plein centre de Kaboul. L’idée d’aller reconstruire des écoles ailleurs lui était totalement indifférente.


    #international #afghanistan

  • Ambassador in limbo makes plea for Afghans to be allowed into EU

    Former Afghan government’s ambassador in Greece appalled by Athens’ media blitz against ‘illegal migrant flows’

    The centre-right government of the prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, unveiled the EU-funded initiative, saying its goal was “to make clear that Greece guards its borders in an organised way and does not allow illegal migration flows”.

    Amid fears of the country again becoming the gateway for thousands of Europe-bound refugees desperate to escape the excesses of Islamist hardliners still seeking international legitimacy, the Greek migration ministry admitted the move had been prompted by “the latest geopolitical developments in Afghanistan”.

    Under the campaign, mainstream Afghan newspapers and social media will be targeted in what officials have called a blitzkrieg of messaging aimed at dissuading Afghans from paying smugglers to help them flee.

    Platforms including YouTube will be employed, with videos reportedly being prepared to convey the unvarnished reality of what awaits people if they succeed in reaching Greece through irregular means. This week asylum seekers on Samos were moved into a “closed” and highly fortified reception centre – the first of five EU-funded facilities on Aegean isles – that is encircled by military-style fencing and equipped with magnetic gates more resonant of a prison than a migrant camp, NGOs say.

    #migration #Greece #Afghanistan #Taliban #refugees #borders #camps #asylum


    • les principaux journaux afghans et les médias sociaux seront ciblés dans ce que les autorités ont appelé un blitzkrieg de messages visant à dissuader les Afghans de payer des passeurs pour les aider à fuir.

      Des plates-formes telles que YouTube seront utilisées, avec des vidéos qui seraient préparées pour transmettre la réalité sans fard de ce qui attend les gens s’ils réussissent à atteindre la Grèce par des moyens irréguliers. Cette semaine, les demandeurs d’asile à Samos ont été transférés dans un centre d’accueil « fermé » et hautement fortifié – le premier des cinq établissements financés par l’UE sur les îles de la mer Égée – qui est entouré de clôtures de style militaire et équipé de portes magnétiques plus proches d’une prison que un camp de #migrants, disent les ONG.

      #union_européenne #asile #réfugiés

  • Chinas Sonderbeauftragter für Afghanistan führte Gespräche in Kabul

    Donnerstag, 23.9.2021 - Bei seinem jüngsten Besuch in Kabul bekräftigte Chinas Sonderbeauftragter für Afghanistan, China verfolge eine Politik der Nichteinmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten Afghanistans und habe stets eine konstruktive Rolle bei der politischen Lösung der afghanischen Frage gespielt.

    Der Sprecher des chinesischen Außenministeriums, Zhao Lijian, erklärte dazu weiter, der Gesandte habe mit afghanischen Vertretern eine eingehende und konstruktive Diskussion über die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Afghanistan, insbesondere über die Toleranz, die Menschenrechte, die Wirtschaft und die humanitären Angelegenheiten geführt und die Unterstützung für die Bekämpfung von Terrorismus und Drogenverbrechen zum Ausdruck gebracht. China verfolge eine Politik der Nichteinmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten Afghanistans und habe stets eine konstruktive Rolle bei der politischen Lösung der afghanischen Frage gespielt, bekräftigte Außenamtssprecher Zhao Lijian.

    #Chine #Afghanistan #diplomatie #relations-bilatérales

  • The Temporary Hosting of Evacuated Afghans in Third Countries : Responsibility Sharing or Externalisation ?

    In the days after the Taliban took over Kabul, tens of thousands of people tried to escape Afghanistan through emergency airlift evacuations. Many sought passage to the United States (US), having been associated with the American presence in the country. Between the fall of the Afghan government on 15 August and the end of the US withdrawal on 31 August, tens of thousands of Afghans were able to flee the country among the nearly 130,000 people evacuated on US aircraft.

    However, not all of the Afghans landed on US soil. Instead, a range of other countries, with various levels of experience hosting refugees and some with no ties to the conflict in Afghanistan, announced that they would temporarily host evacuated Afghans on behalf of the US. As reported by the US State Department, this list now includes Albania, Bahrain, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, Guyana, India, Kuwait, Mexico, Netherlands, North Macedonia, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Singapore, Uganda, and the United Arab Emirates. In addition, thousands of other Afghans transited or are still in one of the US military bases in the Middle East or in Europe. Altogether, these agreements represent an novel form of international cooperation: the provision of temporary protection in third states at US request, in the context of the largest emergency evacuation since the Kosovo crisis.

    While the Biden administration has not made explicit why it asked third countries to provide temporary refuge to evacuees, three main factors can explain this decision. First, these deals have bought the US government some time to run security screenings in these countries, before moving evacuees to US soil. While a number of the evacuated Afghans already applied for the Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) or Priority 2 (P-2) programs,[1] the Biden administration initially needed more time to decide on the legal channels for all those who have not completed their application, as well as the at-risk Afghans who are not SIV or P-2 applicants. Lastly, some analysts have pointed that these arrangements with third countries were partly driven by political concerns, with the Administration worried about a public backlash if tens of thousands of Afghans landed on US soil simultaneously and without a thorough security vetting.

    This post sets out what we know about the situation of the Afghans who were evacuated to a third country (outside of a US military base), specifically looking at what living conditions, protection, and legal pathways to the US the evacuees have access to. The post finally discuss whether these agreements between the US and third countries should be understood as a form of responsibility sharing or externalisation of international protection.

    Temporary hosts

    So far, the group of states that have offered temporary protection to evacuated Afghans announced pledges ranging from 450 in Northern Macedonia, 2,000 in Uganda and 5,000 evacuees in Ecuador. But while governments have publicised these targets, there is limited information as to how many Afghans each country has received so far, and how many more people, including family members of evacuees, could be evacuated in the future.

    The nature of the agreements between the US and third countries has also been informal so far, mainly publicised through government press releases or media coverage. There are presently no signs of more detailed arrangements, suggesting they were negotiated hastily, with operational details being worked out after public announcement.

    At operational level, reception conditions for Afghans upon arrival vary from country to country, with evacuees being hosted in reception centres or ad hoc accommodation, including student housing and hotels. In Albania, for instance, the reception capacity for asylum seekers is limited overall but the government decided to open a separate mechanism to host the rescued Afghans.

    The budget and funding for these arrangements are yet to be made public, but the US government is presumably bearing the costs of reception and processing. However, in high-income countries like Canada or where the government is directly coordinating the operation, it remains unclear which state bears the costs for these arrangements.

    Finally, and critically, the duration of the arrangements remains unclear. The agreements for the purpose of transit through US military bases made clear that Afghan evacuees should not spend over 10 days in the third countries, including the United Arab Emirates or Germany. In contrast, the information available on the temporary hosting arrangements with third countries shows that these governments have not set a time limit, simply calling it a temporary mechanism. The Albanian government, for example, already shared that it expected the evacuees to stay for at least one year.

    Unanswered questions and emerging answers

    The procedure for Afghans in these third countries is yet to be clearly outlined, starting with the question of who was (and could be) sent there in the first place. Due to the chaotic situation at Kabul airport before 31 August, it is possible that evacuated Afghans were sent to US bases abroad or third countries more-or-less at random. But it is also likely that people who had already launched a SIV or P-2 application were sent to US military bases to be processed more quickly. Some anecdotal evidence also suggests that the distribution may be based on the occupation of the evacuees in Afghanistan. For instance, the North Macedonian government reported they would host people who previously worked with US-led international forces while the Albanian Prime Minister said they were focusing on Afghans who previously worked for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

    Second, it remains to be seen what status Afghans will enjoy in these third countries, and the implications for their rights, including reception conditions and freedom of movement. Albania, for instance, reported that it would grant evacuees temporary protection status, Kosovo announced they would get a one-year residence permit and North Macedonia provided them with a three-month visa.

    Third, there is limited information as to what will happen to evacuees after screenings in these third countries and how this procedure differs in nature and duration from a screening in the US or at a US military base abroad. It remains unclear, for example, how many of the evacuees in these third countries could benefit from the humanitarian parole scheme announced for 50,000 Afghans on 23 August, that allows access to the US on a temporary humanitarian residence permit. Other legal pathways to the US could be offered to these groups, but it remains to be seen what they would be and how long it would take for these options to materialize.

    The third country agreements seem to leave open the possibility that some Afghans could be granted a form of local integration in the host state as refugees or beneficiaries of other forms of international protection. While there has been little indication of such development in the third countries so far, 90 Afghans staying in a US base in Germany have applied for asylum there in the past week.

    Ultimately, one of the most pressing questions is what will happen to those evacuees who are ‘screened out’ by the US. The government insists that Afghans who do not pass the security vetting will not be allowed into the US, or may be deported if security concerns arise after their arrival on US soil. However, officials have not specified where these people will be sent.

    Of course, the US and third states are bound by the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits the return of any person to a real risk of torture or other ill treatment at the hands of the Taliban. Some Afghans in third states may receive offers of local integration or an alternative resettlement country, though where they are rejected by the US on security grounds, it is difficult to imagine that any other country would want to assume this responsibility.

    Responsibility sharing or externalisation?

    The rapid emergence of these temporary protection agreements could be a sign of a new responsibility sharing mechanism for refugees, but it could also constitute another form of externalisation designed to prevent Afghan refugees from accessing US territory and protection. Given that these arrangements grew out of an emergency situation and were primarily agreed upon broad principles, their operationalization in the next few weeks should provide a definitive answer to this question.

    Responsibility sharing, on the one hand, is a principle of international refugee law emerging from the preamble to the 1951 Refugee Convention, which provides in part:

    the grant of asylum may place unduly heavy burdens on certain countries, and that a satisfactory solution of a problem of which the United Nations has recognized the international scope and nature cannot therefore be achieved without international co-operation

    The principle does not form part of the substantive obligations of the Convention, though a UNHCR expert roundtable on the principle recommends that cooperation must ‘enhance refugee protection and prospects for durable solutions’ and ‘must be in line with international refugee and human rights law’. The Global Compact on Refugees, a non-binding agreement passed by the United Nations General Assembly in 2018, has ‘more equitable sharing of the burden and responsibility for hosting and supporting the world’s refugees’ as its primary objective.

    Thus, one reading of the third country arrangements for Afghan refugees is as a new form of responsibility sharing, with a varied range of states, often with no prior links to Afghanistan, stepping up to host evacuees as a sign of international solidarity. This might neatly fit into what Durieux labels the ‘rescue paradigm’ as the provision of a safe haven by a collective of states. Many of these countries are from the Global South, with some like Colombia and Uganda already hosting very large refugee populations despite widely underfunded humanitarian and development responses. But even though these arrangements were born to a sense of global responsibility, it remains to be seen how the US will have to show its appreciation and payback.

    On the other hand, externalisation describes migration control policies carried out by high-income states outside their borders. Crisp previously defined externalisation as ‘measures taken by states in locations beyond their territorial borders to obstruct, deter or otherwise avert the arrival of refugees.’ UNHCR recently referred to ‘measures preventing asylum-seekers from entering safe territory and claiming international protection, or transfers of asylum-seekers and refugees to other countries without sufficient safeguards.’ While the term ‘externalisation’ does not appear in international refugee law, it has developed into an umbrella concept encompassing migration control measures intended to deter asylum seekers and refugees either extraterritorially or with extraterritorial effects.

    Another reading of these arrangements could then place them alongside existing externalisation efforts. Thus, rather than providing evacuees admission into its territory, the US government is using its diplomatic clout to delegate responsibility for Afghans to partner states. This is likely to raise serious challenges as without guarantees that evacuated Afghans will receive protection in the US, they could enter a form of legal limbo, with no status in the third country nor the US, and no possibility to return home.


    It is too early to say whether the current US-led temporary protection arrangements for Afghan evacuees in third countries should be considered responsibility sharing, externalisation or even a third policy approach. What is clear is that the US government is still figuring out how these arrangements will be implemented. Ultimately, they will be assessed based on their impact on the rights of Afghans in need of protection, including their reception conditions and freedom of movement in third countries, the duration of their temporary hosting, the scale of admission to the US, and the provision of solutions for those who are not granted passage to the US.

    Many thanks to Camille Le Coz for her invaluable help in drafting this piece.

    [1] The SIV program grants those who worked with the American government of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) or a successor mission in Afghanistan legal status in the US. On August 2, the US government also announced a broader category, the Priority-2 refugee status, opened to a broader category of applicants such as Afghans who do not qualify for SIV but still worked for the US government or ISAF, Afghans who worked for a US-funded program, and Afghans who were employed by a US-based media organization or non-governmental organization.


    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #transit #pays_de_transit #Afghanistan #évacuation #réinstallation #responsabilité


    ajouté à la métaliste des pays qui ont accepté d’accueillir des #réfugiés_afghans sur demande des #Etats-Unis (#USA) et dans l’attente d’une #réinstallation (qui n’arrivera jamais ?)

  • #Midnight_Traveler

    Lorsque les talibans mettent sa tête à prix, le réalisateur afghan Hassan Fazili est forcé de prendre la fuite avec sa femme et ses deux jeunes filles. Saisissant leur parcours incertain à l’aide de trois smartphones, Fazili montre à la fois le danger et le désespoir auxquels sont confrontés les réfugiés demandeurs d’asile mais aussi l’immense amour qui le lie à sa famille.

    « Lorsque les talibans mettent sa tête à prix, le réalisateur afghan Hassan Fazili, sa femme et leurs deux filles sont contraints de fuir leur pays. Leur crime ? Avoir ouvert un café proposant des activités culturelles. D’abord réfugiés au Tadjikistan, l’impossibilité d’obtenir l’asile les pousse à prendre à nouveau la route, cette fois pour l’Europe. Commence alors un périple incertain et dangereux qui les met à la merci des passeurs. Pendant trois ans, Hassan Fazili filme sa famille et leur vie d’attente, de peur, d’ennui. Cinéaste sans autre caméra que son téléphone portable, il filme la lutte quotidienne qu’est devenue leur existence, ses filles qui grandissent dans des camps de transit, et l’amour qui les unit. Il filme pour ne pas être oublié. Il filme pour ne pas devenir fou. Ce désir impérieux de créer, même dans les pires conditions, Midnight Traveler nous le fait partager avec une intensité rare. Pour nos yeux tristement accoutumés aux images des migrants, le film est non seulement une odyssée familiale bouleversante, mais aussi une réflexion sur la nature et le pouvoir de ces images. »


    –-> film réalisé avec un téléphone portable

    #film #film_documentaire #documentaire

    #Tadjikistan #migrations #talibans #Afghanistan #Hassan_Fazili #asile #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #Iran #Qom #frontière_Iran-Turquie #Iran #Turquie #Istanbul #Bulgarie #Sofia #passeurs #camps_de_réfugiés #Ovcha_Kupel #Dimitrovgrad #forêt #Belgrade #Serbie #route_des_Balkans #Krnjaca #Hongrie #Röszke #centre_de_transit

  • Sonita Alizadeh – Mariées à Vendre (… brides for sale) + L’artiste. Shamsia Hassani (et autres textes)

    Sonita Alizadeh – Mariées à Vendre (… brides for sale)
    L’artiste. Shamsia Hassani
    Bruna Alasia : Mostra de Venise 2021 : l’appel des réalisatrices Karimi et Mani pour venir en aide aux artistes afghans
    Roksana Bahramitash : Mes soeurs afghanes


    #international #afghanistan

  • L’afghan « inclusif » et les tanks de la pensée - ... Par Ben Norton de Grayzone

    Avant de voler 169 millions de dollars et de fuir honteusement son État défaillant , le président fantoche de l’Afghanistan Ashraf Ghani a été formé dans des universités américaines d’élite, a reçu la citoyenneté américaine, a été formé à l’économie néolibérale par la Banque mondiale, a été glorifié dans les médias en tant que technocrate « incorruptible », a été coaché par de puissants Tanks de la pensée de Washington comme l’Atlantic Council, et a reçu des prix pour son livre « Fixing Failed States ».


    #Afghanistan #USA

  • Frappe de drone meurtrière en Afghanistan, le journalisme grand public de ces vingt dernières années en cause - Par Caitlin Johnstone

    De fait, le Pentagone a admis un massacre injuste de civils, dans ce cas, uniquement parce que les médias ont correctement fait leur travail d’investigation sur cette frappe aérienne précise. Nous avons ici une mise en accusation du protocole des frappes aériennes du Pentagone, mais aussi des médias de masse.

    Après tout, cela fait suite à un nouveau rapport du Byline Times selon lequel « au moins 5,8 à 6 millions de personnes sont susceptibles d’être mortes au total à cause de la guerre contre le terrorisme – un chiffre stupéfiant, qui est probablement encore très en-dessous de la vérité »


    #USA #Afghanistan #médias

  • 11 septembre : comment les Etats-Unis – et le Royaume-Uni – ont récolté ce qu’ils ont semé + Washington verse des larmes de crocodile pour les femmes afghanes

    Il y a vingt ans, dix-neuf hommes, remplis de haine envers les Etats-Unis et de foi dans la promesse du paradis, se faisaient exploser, tuant des milliers de personnes et provoquant l’un des plus grands chocs politiques de l’histoire mondiale. Ils étaient tous originaires du Moyen-Orient ; quinze d’entre eux étaient des citoyens du plus ancien et plus proche allié de Washington dans cette région : le royaume saoudien. Les Etats-Unis récoltaient ainsi ce qu’ils avaient semé.


    #international #afghanistan

  • "L’#insécurité et la #guerre en #Afghanistan à quoi ça mène ? Ça mène a beaucoup de #pauvreté qui entraîne de l’#immigration illégale"
    Dixit #Roland_Kobia, envoyé spécial de l’UE en Afghanistan dans le documentaire « Les Afghans, sacrifiés au nom de la paix » :


    Les Afghans, sacrifiés au nom de la paix

    Le 15 août 2021, Kaboul est tombée aux mains des talibans : une victoire éclair des islamistes, mais aussi un échec cuisant des Américains. En 2020, la réalisatrice Alexandra Jousset a réalisé ce documentaire, qui dresse le bilan éloquent d’une guerre pour rien.

    Ce poignant voyage dans une terre ravagée par dix-neuf ans de guerre commence aux portes de Kaboul, dans le Wardak, à la rencontre des miliciens taliban qui tiennent la zone. Après avoir contraint Donald Trump, en février 2020, à négocier un accord de désengagement militaire, les combattants islamistes, qui contrôlent de fait une large partie du territoire, espèrent bientôt reprendre la totalité du pouvoir en Afghanistan. Après 250 000 morts, des centaines de milliers de blessés, des déplacements de population massifs, que sont devenues les promesses brandies par George W. Bush quand, au lendemain du 11 septembre 2001, il a lancé l’offensive qui allait chasser Al-Qaïda du pays sans jamais venir à bout de la résistance de ses alliés locaux ?

    De la capitale ceinturée par les campements de réfugiés aux environs de Djalalabad, où le taux de malnutrition ne cesse de grimper, Alexandra Jousset (Avortement, les croisés contre-attaquent) capte le dénuement et l’amertume d’une population exsangue, tout en disséquant les termes d’un accord qui n’a prévu aucune garantie pour préserver les fragiles acquis de deux décennies de présence occidentale. Alternant entretiens officiels (avec l’ancien président Hamid Karzaï, le porte-parole des taliban au Qatar Suhail Shaheen, le très critique inspecteur général américain pour la reconstruction de l’Afghanistan John Sopko…) et éloquentes rencontres de terrain, elle dresse un bilan sans ambiguïtés de ce faux accord de paix, auquel le peuple afghan, une fois de plus, a été sacrifié. Une enquête aussi fouillée que sensible, portée par de splendides images, dont les photographies de la reporter Véronique de Viguerie.


    #mots #migrations #illégalité #migrations_illégales #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #terminologie #vocabulaire

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Avec un bilan d’au moins 3 000 morts et de 6 000 blessés, les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 constituent à la fois l’attentat terroriste et l’attaque étrangère les plus meurtriers perpétrés en sol américain. Les Etats-Unis sont alors entrés dans une guerre contre le terrorisme. 7 000 militaires américains ont été tués, des centaines de milliers de civils sont morts pendant ces guerres qui ont laissé l’Irak et l’Afghanistan en ruines.

    Dessin de Pakman pour #Urtikan.net

    #Afghanistan. « Personne n’a jamais demandé aux femmes afghanes ce qu’elles voulaient »

    [...Les Etats-Unis considéraient le peuple afghan comme des « alliés », mais ont traité ces alliés comme des « victimes malheureuses » dans ce scénario. Le fait que le président Biden laisse entendre que les soldats afghans étaient des lâches qui ne voulaient pas se battre pour eux-mêmes revient à nier les quelque 66 000 soldats afghans qui sont morts au cours de cette guerre. Ce chiffre à lui seul est synonyme de sacrifice et d’engagement...]

  • Afghanistan : les guerres éclatent quand elles sont nécessaires…. et se terminent de la même façon - Victor Sarkis

    « Ils pensaient que j’allais arriver avec une carte leur indiquant qui étaient les bons et les méchants », déclare un ancien conseiller anonyme d’une équipe des forces spéciales [américaines] à l’agence Sigar en 2017. « Il leur a fallu du temps pour comprendre que je n’avais pas ces informations entre les mains. Au début, ils n’arrêtaient pas de me demander : “Mais qui sont les méchants ? Où sont-ils ?[1]” ».

    « Ils se sont délivrés du Malin, mais les méchants sont restés, et le Mal est désormais neuf fois pire[2] ».


  • Sudan says willing to host Afghan refugees

    Sudan on Thursday said willing to host Afghan refugees evacuated recently after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from the Muslim country located in South Central Asia.

    The U.S. army evacuated more than 100,000 Afghans from Kabul since August But they have not been taken directly to the U.S. as many friendly countries showed a willingness to give them temporary asylum to allow Washington to prepare their resettlement.

    Until now, Uganda is the only African country that has received Afghan refugees in transit to the United States. Rwanda also agreed to house Afghan refugees, according to the State Department.

    On Thursday the Sudanese Security and Defence Council discussed the matter in a meeting chaired by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Head of the Sovereign Council.

    Defence Minister Lt-Gen Yassin Ibrahim Yassin stated that the meeting discussed hosting a limited group of Afghans in the country for a known period.

    “Based on Humanitarian grounds, the Council agreed in principle (to temporarily host Afghan refugees), while subjecting the matter to further arrangements and procedures (...),” Yassin further said.

    In a briefing call to the US House of Representatives on 20 August, Secretary of State Antony Blinken told lawmakers that some countries including Sudan offered to house Afghan evacuees.

    The evacuated Afghan may face extended-stay in third countries. Besides the logistical preparations before resettling the Afghan refugees, U.S. security services prefer to conduct security screening for the evacuated people.

    U.S. Army has already placed in custody an Afghan who failed the screening in a military base in Germany. French authorities took a similar decision for an evacuee that was linked to the Taliban.


    Après le #Kosovo, l’#Albanie, la #Macédoine_du_Nord, l’#Ouganda, c’est au tour du #Soudan d’accueillir des #réfugiés_afghans évacués de l’#Afghanistan, et qui attendront (à l’infini ?) une #réinstallation...
    C’est l’heure de commencer une métaliste, la voilà :

  • #Afghanistan : un chanteur folklorique brutalement tué par les talibans

    Le musicien a été exécuté d’une balle dans la tête il y a quelques jours, selon une déclaration de son fils à l’agence Associated Press. Depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir des talibans le 15 août, les artistes afghans vivent dans la peur.


    Taliban’s brutality continues in Andarab. Today they brutally killed folkloric singer, Fawad Andarabi who simply was brining joy to this valley and its people. As he sang here “our beautiful valley….land of our forefathers…” will not submit to Taliban’s brutality.

  • Le monde à l’envers : à peine les talibans ont-ils conquis l’Afghanistan que la Cour nationale du droit d’asile envisage de restreindre la protection des Afghan⋅es… (plus Appel à rassemblement)

    15 août : en Afghanistan, les talibans s’emparent de Kaboul, achevant ainsi d’imposer leur « ordre moral » au peuple afghan.

    16 août : certains dossiers de demandeurs d’asile afghans en cours d’examen devant la Cour nationale du droit d’asile (CNDA) sont placés « en délibéré prolongé », la cour différant ainsi sa décision.

    Quelques jours plus tard : une note interne [1] à la juridiction programme une diminution de la protection des Afghanes et des Afghans au motif d’une « cessation du conflit armé ayant opposé les talibans au gouvernement du président Ashraf Ghani ». Sans la moindre hésitation, on considère donc à la CNDA que la férule talibane ne porte pas atteinte aux libertés et que le champ de protection de l’asile doit se limiter aux situations de guerre.


    #afghanistan #droitasile

  • Les réfugié.e.s afghan.e.s bloqué.e.s à la frontière turque ont besoin de la protection de l’UE

    Alors que les ministres de l’intérieur de l’UE se réunissent aujourd’hui pour discuter de la situation en Afghanistan et des personnes afghanes déplacées, il est urgent de fournir aux Afghan.e.s une protection et une aide immédiates dans les pays de transit et au sein de l’UE. Au lieu de cela, ils.elles sont coincé.e.s dans les limbes à la frontière turque.

    Depuis juin 2021, des centaines de réfugié.e.s – dont des Afghan.e.s – qui tentaient de passer dans la région turque de #Van, à la frontière avec l’#Iran, ont été détenu.e.s par les forces de sécurité turques. Des itinéraires dangereux utilisés par les passeurs ont été réactivés entre la région de Van et Istanbul, à travers le lac de Van et l’autoroute Tatvan, entraînant des incidents mortels, des noyades et des risques accrus de violences sexuelles. La Turquie a accéléré la construction d’un #mur destiné à couvrir l’ensemble des 295 km de sa frontière avec l’Iran. Le mur sera équipé de mesures de sécurité, telles que des tours de guet, des caméras thermiques, des radars et des capteurs. De plus, le ministre turc de l’Intérieur a envoyé 35 équipes chargées des opérations spéciales et 50 véhicules armés en renfort aux soldats qui patrouillent le long de la frontière et empêchent les réfugié.e.s d’accéder au territoire. En une seule opération, en juillet 2021, plus de 1.400 Afghan.e.s ont été refoulé.e.s vers l’Iran par les gardes-frontières et la police militaire turcs. Le 19 août 2021, le Président turc Tayyip Erdogan déclarait que la Turquie ne deviendrait pas « l’unité de stockage des migrants de l’Europe ».

    Les réfugié.e.s afghan.e.s sont victimes de graves défaillances en matière de de protection en Turquie : ils.elles n’ont droit ni à une protection au titre de la Convention de Genève de 1951, ni à aucune « protection temporaire » comme les Syrien.ne.s. Selon des rapports internationaux, entre 2018 et 2019, au moins 53.000 ressortissant.e.s afghan.e.s auraient été expulsé.e.s de Turquie. Par ailleurs, les tensions au sein des communautés d’accueil, les attaques racistes et crimes de haine contre les réfugié.e.s se sont intensifiées. La récente déclaration du ministre grec des migrations, Notis Mitarachi, visant à considérer la Turquie comme un pays « sûr » pour les demandeurs.ses d’asile originaires de Syrie, d’Afghanistan, du Pakistan, du Bangladesh et de Somalie, est extrêmement inquiétante. Cela entraînera l’accélération des retours forcés d’Afghan.e.s ayant besoin de protection, des îles grecques vers la Turquie.

    #Grèce et #Bulgarie renforcent aussi le contrôle aux frontières

    La Grèce, elle aussi, a récemment achevé la construction d’un mur de 40 km à sa frontière avec la Turquie et mis en place un nouveau système de surveillance pour dissuader les demandeurs.ses d’asile potentiel.le.s de tenter de rejoindre l’Europe. La Grèce a adopté des politiques migratoires et d’asile abjectes, se traduisant par des détentions massives, des retours, des conditions d’accueil déplorables sur les îles grecques et la criminalisation d’ONG travaillant avec les migrant.e.s et les réfugié.e.s. À l’autre frontière de l’UE avec la Turquie, la Bulgarie renforce également les contrôles pour empêcher les migrant.e.s d’entrer sur son territoire, en envoyant 400 soldats aux frontières avec la Turquie et la Grèce. Résultat : depuis le début de l’année 2021, 14.000 migrant.e.s ont été arrêté.e.s.

    D’autres États membres et l’UE elle-même développent un discours qui soutient cette approche. Le Président français, Emmanuel Macron, affirme que « nous devons nous protéger contre les grands flux migratoires irréguliers », tandis que le Président du Conseil européen, Charles Michel, insiste sur la détermination de l’UE à maintenir « les frontières de l’UE protégées ».

    Dans ce contexte, l’Union européenne et ses États membres devraient plutôt déclencher d’urgence la Directive sur la protection temporaire – comme mentionné par le Haut Représentant Josep Borrell – afin d’offrir une protection immédiate aux réfugié.e.s afghan.e.s et d’harmoniser le degré de protection reconnu à ces derniers. Les taux de reconnaissance varient considérablement en Europe. Les États membres de l’UE devraient aussi tenir leurs promesses de réinstallation, faciliter les procédures de regroupement familial et intensifier les voies légales pour offrir à tou.te.s les réfugié.e.s, y compris celles et ceux qui sont le plus en danger comme les femmes et les personnes LGBTIQ+, un accueil adéquat, un accès à l’asile et aux droits fondamentaux.


    #Turquie #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #Afghanistan #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #frontières_fermées #fermeture_des_frontières #murs #barrières_frontalières #militarisation_des_frontières #contrôles_frontaliers

    • Le Président français, Emmanuel Macron, affirme que « nous devons nous protéger contre les grands flux migratoires irréguliers », tandis que le Président du Conseil européen, Charles Michel, insiste sur la détermination de l’UE à maintenir « les frontières de l’UE protégées ».