• The unsolved murder of South Africa’s pioneering investigative journalist under apartheid - Face2Face Africa
    https://face2faceafrica.com/article/the-unsolved-murder-of-south-africas-pioneering-investigative-journ

    Doing daring investigative work for Drum, an iconic magazine in the 1950s in South Africa, Nxumalo often “donned disguises, went undercover, pretended to be a farmworker, got himself arrested, all as part of his journalistic mission to expose social inequality and to challenge unjust authority”.

    But his remarkable journalism career was short-lived as on New Year’s Eve 1957, Nxumalo was stabbed to death while investigating suspicious deaths at an abortion clinic in Sophiatown, a suburb west of Johannesburg.

    #journalisme #histoire #apartheid #drum #afrique_du_sud

  • Réédition du disque rare de #Hugh_Masekela, Live in Lesotho (1980), en écoute ici :
    https://matsulimusic.bandcamp.com/album/live-in-lesotho

    Un article qui donne envie de l’écouter : Music is the weapon
    Atiyyah Khan, Africa’s a Country, novembre 2019
    https://africasacountry.com/2019/11/music-is-the-weapon

    Le concert est censé avoir eu lieu avec Miriam Makeba, mais si elle était peut-être sur scène ce jour là, je ne crois pas qu’elle apparaisse sur le disque...

    Aucun rapport : En 1969, un des plus grands humoristes blancs afrikaan d’Afrique du Sud était #Al_Debbo, un plombier d’origine libanaise... bizarrerie...
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=szztriUVqeQ

    #Musique #Musique_et_politique #Afrique_du_Sud

  • Le #développement en #Afrique à l’aune des #bassins_de_migrations

    Sur le continent africain, les migrations sont organisées autour de #pôles_d’attraction_régionale qui constituent des bassins de migrations. Une réalité qu’il convient de prendre davantage en compte dans les politiques de développement.

    Quelques chiffres pour commencer. La planète compte 272 millions de migrants internationaux en 2019, soit 3,5 % de la population mondiale. En 2017, 36,3 millions d’Africains vivaient hors de leur pays de résidence habituelle, représentant environ 15 % des migrants internationaux. Alors que les migrations africaines vers l’Europe captent régulièrement l’attention médiatique, il faut rappeler que les mouvements de populations ont majoritairement lieu à l’intérieur même du continent africain (https://unctad.org/fr/pages/PublicationWebflyer.aspx?publicationid=2118). Ainsi, 7 migrants subsahariens sur 10 demeurent en Afrique. Seules les migrations nord-africaines sont majoritairement extracontinentales : 9 migrants nord-africains sur 10 résident en effet hors du continent. Des mobilités avant tout sur le continent Pour l’essentiel intracontinentales, les migrations subsahariennes sont organisées autour de pôles d’attraction régionale. Les principaux pays d’immigration en Afrique sont l’Afrique du Sud (4 millions d’immigrants sur une population de 56,7 millions), la Côte d’Ivoire (2,3 sur 24,3 millions), l’Ouganda (1,7 sur 42,9 millions), le Nigeria (1,5 sur 191 millions), le Kenya (1,3 sur 49,7 millions) et l’Éthiopie (1,2 sur 105 millions). Ces États voient converger en leur sein des migrants issus de pays limitrophes, pour des durées plus ou moins longues.

    Le Kenya, par exemple, héberge une majorité de migrants ougandais et somaliens. L’Éthiopie accueille essentiellement des ressortissants érythréens, somaliens et sud-soudanais. En Afrique du Sud, les migrants sont principalement issus du Mozambique, du Zimbabwe, du Lesotho et de Namibie, etc. Ces sous-ensembles migratoires régionaux, regroupant à chaque fois plusieurs pays d’émission autour d’un même pôle d’attraction, constituent ce que l’on appelle des « bassins de migrations ». Les migrations s’effectuent généralement à l’intérieur d’une même région car migrer loin implique de posséder un capital économique, social et culturel. Dans certaines régions, la porosité des frontières, l’existence de dynamiques migratoires traditionnelles et la mise en place progressive d’espaces de libre circulation des personnes tendent à renforcer ce phénomène. À rebours des discours alarmistes qui prédisent une « ruée » de la jeune Afrique vers le Vieux Continent, le caractère intrarégional des migrations subsahariennes est un état de fait, un schéma dominant et structurel des mobilités humaines en Afrique. Les déterminants des mobilités intrarégionales : des bassins de migrations diversifiés Le phénomène des bassins de migrations est récurrent, mais les motivations des personnes qui se déplacent et les contextes migratoires sont divers. Bien que la décision de migrer soit toujours multifactorielle et inscrite dans un contexte spécifique, la recherche de sécurité et la quête d’emploi sont les deux déterminants principaux des migrations vers ces pôles d’attraction régionale. Ainsi, l’Ouganda, troisième pays d’accueil des réfugiés après la Turquie et le Pakistan, héberge 1,2 million de réfugiés sur une population immigrée de 1,7 million : il s’agit principalement de personnes ayant fui les conflits voisins au Soudan du Sud et en République démocratique du Congo. Ces migrants ont cherché refuge en Ouganda et se sont établis, généralement pour de longues durées, dans les camps du nord et de l’ouest du pays. Les migrations intrarégionales vers la Côte d’Ivoire sont, quant à elles, fortement déterminées par la demande en main-d’œuvre peu qualifiée dans plusieurs secteurs tels que l’agriculture, la construction et les industries extractives. Le dynamisme économique relatif du pays et ses salaires plus avantageux expliquent que de nombreux Burkinabès, Maliens, Guinéens, Libériens et Nigériens s’y rendent pour travailler, à plus de 90 % dans le secteur informel (soit 10 % de plus que les nationaux). Sur ces territoires, différentes temporalités migratoires peuvent se côtoyer : ainsi, certains Burkinabès cultivent le cacao dans les forêts ivoiriennes depuis plusieurs décennies, d’autres s’y rendent de manière saisonnière en fonction du calendrier agricole. Les migrants, potentiels facteurs de développement économique Jeunes (31 ans en moyenne), les migrants africains, dont 47 % sont des femmes, sont autant de potentiels contributeurs au développement des pays de départ et d’installation. Dans ces bassins de migrations, les mobilités humaines contribuent au tissage de réseaux et à l’établissement de relations entre les territoires.

    En Côte d’Ivoire, par exemple, l’activité économique de la population immigrée contribue à 19 % du PIB. Les migrants représentent donc un facteur de développement économique pour le pays d’installation. En outre, ils soutiennent le développement de leur pays d’origine, notamment via leurs transferts de fonds, qui peuvent être des sources d’épargne, d’investissement productif ou de complément de revenus pour les ménages restés sur place. En 2017, la Côte d’Ivoire a ainsi reçu 307 millions de dollars de la part de sa diaspora, tandis que les immigrés sur son sol ont envoyé 845 millions de dollars vers leurs pays d’origine. Intégrer davantage les migrations intrarégionales dans les politiques de développement Facteur de développement, les migrations sont un enjeu à part entière pour les pays africains, autant que le changement climatique, le développement socio-économique et territorial, la gouvernance, l’urbanisation, l’accès aux services de santé et d’éducation, etc. L’approche par les bassins de migrations implique une analyse intersectorielle et multipays, et une prise en compte des mobilités intrarégionales. Au niveau opérationnel, il s’agit d’adopter une démarche décloisonnée et d’intégrer davantage les migrations dans les projets sectoriels. Des exemples d’une telle démarche existent déjà. En matière de santé, citons le projet Réseau de surveillance et d’investigation épidémiologique (RSIE), initié par la Commission de l’océan Indien. Ce réseau regroupe les Comores, Madagascar, Maurice, la France au titre de la Réunion (y associant Mayotte) et les Seychelles. Financé par l’AFD, il permet une veille régionale et un système d’alerte aux épidémies dans les îles de l’ouest de l’océan Indien (Réseau Sega One Health), espace caractérisé par des migrations intrarégionales fortes. Basé sur le paradigme One Health qui associe la santé à un bien-être global partagé par les humains, les animaux et les écosystèmes, le projet RSIE illustre bien cet intérêt d’intégrer les mobilités humaines et animales intrarégionales à un projet sectoriel. C’est une logique qu’il s’agit désormais d’élargir à d’autres régions et domaines d’action. La migration est inhérente à la dynamique des sociétés et les populations continueront de migrer, comme elles l’ont toujours fait. La question, finalement, est de savoir dans quelles conditions.

    https://ideas4development.org/developpement-africain-bassins-de-migrations

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #migrations_intra-africaines #visualisation #cartographie #chiffres #statistiques #migrations_subsahariennes #Afrique_du_Sud #Ouganda #Nigeria #Kenya #Ethiopie #capital_économique #capital_social #capital_culturel #préjugés #invasion #afflux #développement_économique #ressources_pédagogiques #remittances #diaspora

    signalé par @fil

  • Adelaide, la ville sud-africaine où il n’a pas plu depuis cinq ans - Magazine GoodPlanet Info
    https://www.goodplanet.info/actualite/2019/12/16/adelaide-la-ville-sud-africaine-ou-il-na-pas-plu-depuis-cinq-ans

    Dans la province du #Cap-Oriental, dans le sud-est de l’#Afrique_du_Sud, on ne se sait même plus à quand remontent les dernières vraies pluies. Cinq ou six ans au moins.

    L’#Afrique_australe toute entière, où les températures augmentent deux fois plus vite que sur le reste du globe, connaît sa pire #sécheresse depuis trente-cinq ans, selon l’ONU.

    En 2018 déjà, la deuxième ville sud-africaine, #Le_Cap, avait échappé de justesse au « #jour_zéro », où les robinets devaient être à sec. Des restrictions d’#eau drastiques et la #pluie lui avaient finalement permis d’échapper à la catastrophe.

    Cette année à nouveau, « la situation est terrible » dans cinq des neuf provinces du pays, a reconnu le président Cyril Ramaphosa. Avec des conséquences dramatiques pour les agriculteurs, les écoliers et les commerçants.

    #climat

  • Namibia turns away fleeing SA refugees

    The Namibian government has turned desperate immigrants, who fled South Africa last month following a recent wave of xenophobic attacks, away because they are not recognised as asylum seekers. Home Affairs Commissioner for Refugees Likius Valombola told New Era yesterday that the 42 foreign nationals were being deported back to South Africa.

    A screening process is underway at Noordoewer to deport them. He added that 11 had already returned to South Africa and have since been integrated into the community.

    “They are being returned to South Africa. If there are those genuine ones, then the Namibian government is ready to take them in,” he assured.

    The African News Agency (ANA) reported this week that 53 foreign nationals fled South Africa following attacks on foreigners in that country.

    According to Valombola, the foreign nationals were illegally in the country because they did not go through legal procedures to seek asylum status.

    “I am aware there are a number of refugees who desired to come to Namibia from South Africa. We received close to 200 refugees from South Africa during the violence in that country around June, July and August. Of recently, it is not clear why these asylum seekers are coming to Namibia,” he said. Equally, he noted, there are about 400 refugees who wanted to come to Namibia but were blocked by South Africa.

    He explained that such a blockage was due to the commitment by the South Africa government, who assured they have the desire and capacity to protect the immigrants. However, Valombola made it clear that it is up to an individual who wishes to come to Namibia to follow proper procedures by approaching the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in South Africa, who will then engage the Namibian authorities.

    ANA quoted //Kharas police chief David Indongo as saying the 53 foreign nationals who had camped at the Osire refugee camp were transported on Saturday morning by immigration officials to the southern border settlement of Noordoewer in preparation for their deportation this week. In this regard, Valombola denied that these refugees camped at Osire.

    “I called that commissioner and told him that these people were never at Osire refugee settlement. For them to go to Osire, one has to be authorised. Any person-seeking asylum should report himself or herself to a police officer or immigration officer, then they will inform us to make arrangements to transport them to the settlement.

    If they did go to Osire, then they did it illegally,” he clarified. Valombola revealed that these refugees entered the country via trucks coming to Namibia from South Africa. The refugees, who include 14 men, 13 women and 26 children, were being accommodated at the EHW Baard Primary School hostel in Noordoewer.

    According to the Namibian police, the majority of the refugees are Congolese and Angolan nationals who have South African-issued asylum permits.

    The 53 formed part of more than 600 refugees and asylum seekers who had camped at the UN’s High Commission for Refugees offices in Cape Town and Pretoria while demanding to be taken to safer countries.

    https://reliefweb.int/report/namibia/namibia-turns-away-fleeing-sa-refugees
    #Afrique_du_Sud #Namibie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #xénophobie #racisme #refoulement #renvois #expulsions #push-back #Noordoewer

  • RPT-South Africa blocks arms sales to Saudi and UAE in inspection row - Reuters
    https://www.reuters.com/article/safrica-defence/rpt-south-africa-blocks-arms-sales-to-saudi-and-uae-in-inspection-row-idUSL

    South Africa is blocking arms sales to countries including Saudi Arabia and the UAE in an inspections dispute, endangering billions of dollars of business and thousands of jobs in its struggling defence sector, according to industry officials.

    The dispute centres on a clause in export documents that requires foreign customers to pledge not to transfer weapons to third parties and to allow South African officials to inspect their facilities to verify compliance, according to the four officials as well as letters obtained by Reuters.

    Officials at major South African defence groups Denel and Rheinmetall Denel Munition (RDM) said the dispute was holding up their exports, as did a third big defence company which asked not to be named. RDM said some of its exports to the Middle East had not been approved since March.

    #Afrique_du_Sud #Yémen #Arabie_saoudite #EAU #armes

  • « Revenez demain » : le parcours sans issue des demandeurs d’asile en #Afrique_du_Sud

    Les dossiers de première demande d’asile sont rejetés à 99 %. S’ensuit une interminable errance administrative pour les Africains venus trouver refuge dans la première économie du continent.

    Les yeux embués, Thérèse Walu se rappelle de son dernier dîner en famille, il y a dix-neuf ans, avant l’attaque de son village en République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Après un très long périple de 3 000 km et de plusieurs années, elle est arrivée en Afrique du Sud, où elle attend toujours d’être régularisée.

    « La seule chose que les autorités sud-africaines m’ont donnée est un papier temporaire d’asile », explique Thérèse qui se bat, depuis dix ans, pour obtenir le statut de réfugiée pour elle et ses deux filles. Epuisée par la lenteur de l’administration, la coiffeuse de 41 ans n’a qu’une seule idée en tête : quitter le pays qu’elle a pourtant mis si longtemps à rejoindre.

    « Nous sommes fatiguées. Nous n’aimons plus l’Afrique du Sud, lâche la mère de famille. Ici il n’y a pas d’avenir. » D’autant qu’elle ne se sent plus en sécurité après la dernière vague de violences xénophobes qui a fait au moins 12 morts en septembre.

    Comme elle, des centaines de demandeurs d’asile, dans l’attente de régularisation depuis des années, crient leur colère : depuis octobre, ils campent devant les bureaux du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) dans la capitale sud-africaine, Pretoria. Au Cap (sud-ouest), ils ont organisé la même opération, mais ont été expulsés manu militari fin octobre. A Pretoria, la justice leur a ordonné, mercredi 13 novembre, d’évacuer les lieux sous soixante-douze heures. « Plus d’Afrique du Sud ! On demande nos droits. Afrique du Sud xénophobe ! », dénoncent des manifestants, implorant le HCR de les transférer dans d’autres pays.
    « Pas sincère »

    Retour en 2000. Les soldats congolais attaquent le village de Thérèse, près de Beni, dans l’est de la RDC, que l’armée soupçonnait de soutenir des rebelles. La mère a juste le temps de prendre ses deux plus jeunes filles et de s’enfuir. Aujourd’hui, elle est toujours sans nouvelles de son mari et de ses trois autres enfants.

    Comme des millions d’Africains, Thérèse a choisi de s’établir en Afrique du Sud, la première puissance industrielle du continent qui dispose d’une des législations « les plus progressistes » en matière de réfugiés, selon le HCR.

    Entre 2007 et 2015, plus d’un million de demandeurs d’asile sont officiellement arrivés en Afrique du Sud, l’un des rares pays au monde qui les autorise, théoriquement, à travailler, à accéder à des soins gratuits et à étudier pendant que leur dossier est instruit. « En arrivant ici, j’ai pensé : “Enfin” », se rappelle Esther Kabinga, une Congolaise de 46 ans qui a été violée par des soldats dans son pays. Elle a vite déchanté.

    Pour obtenir des papiers, « ils te donnent un numéro et tu attends toute la journée. A la fin, ils te disent de revenir le lendemain, puis la semaine d’après », se rappelle-t-elle. Au bout de quelques mois, Esther a finalement obtenu des documents provisoires qu’elle doit faire renouveler tous les trois mois. Et le parcours du combattant continue. Car, comme pour la majorité des premiers dossiers, les demandes d’Esther et de Thérèse ont été rejetées. Sans surprise.

    Le taux de refus de ces dossiers initiaux est de 99 %, explique l’avocate des droits humains Jessica Lawrence. Commence alors le très long processus d’appel. « La qualité du processus de décision est choquante », ajoute une de ses collègues, Sharon Elkambaram. Sur plus de 600 000 dossiers traités au cours de la dernière décennie, moins de 10 % ont finalement obtenu le statut de réfugié, selon les autorités. La majorité n’était « pas sincère », se défend le porte-parole du ministère de l’intérieur, Siya Qoza.
    « J’ai honte pour l’Afrique du Sud »

    En dépit du volume de demandes à traiter, l’Afrique du Sud a récemment réduit la capacité d’accueil des centres chargés de gérer les dossiers. « Pourquoi devrait-on augmenter notre capacité quand, globalement, le monde est stable ? », interroge Siya Qoza.

    Au quotidien, les demandeurs d’asile se disent victimes de discriminations. Thérèse affirme que ses filles ont reçu, en fin de terminale, un diplôme différent de celui des autres élèves, à cause de leur statut de demandeuses d’asile, et se seraient vu refuser l’accès à l’université. « Les établissements ont reçu pour instruction de ne pas enregistrer les enfants d’étrangers ou ceux qui n’ont pas de carte d’identité sud-africaine, assure Sharon Elkambaram. La même chose dans les hôpitaux. »

    En octobre, la justice a donné raison à un hôpital public qui avait décidé de ne pas soigner une demandeuse d’asile éthiopienne : elle avait besoin d’urgence d’une dialyse. La justice a argué que la malade, Alem Ereselo, n’était pas sud-africaine. La jeune femme de 36 ans, qui craint d’être persécutée dans son pays pour des raisons politiques, est arrivée en Afrique du Sud en 2010. Elle a contracté cette année une grave infection rénale. « J’ai honte pour l’Afrique du Sud », lâche-t-elle, peinant à s’exprimer après deux semaines d’interruption de traitement. Après neuf ans passés dans ce pays, « je me rends compte qu’en tant que malades et demandeurs d’asile, on est juste des perdants ».

    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/11/15/revenez-demain-le-parcours-sans-issue-des-demandeurs-d-asile-en-afrique-du-s
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés

    • Afrique du Sud : l’État débordé par ses demandeurs d’asile

      Des centaines d’étrangers, réfugiés d’autres pays d’Afrique, organisent depuis des semaines des sit-in devant les locaux du Haut Commissariat aux Réfugiés en Afrique du Sud.

      Ils sont plus de 200 à se présenter comme demandeurs d’asile et à camper dans cette église du Cap. Ils réclament depuis des semaines d’être transférés vers un autre pays, à cause des mauvais traitements qu’ils disent subir en Afrique du Sud.

      La rencontre avec des représentants de la Commission des droits de l’homme du pays et des responsables religieux devait permettre de discuter des solutions qui s’offrent à eux. Mais elle a dérapé lorsqu’ont été évoquées les possibilités de relogement dans la ville, ou de rapatriement vers leur pays d’origine. La délégation a alors été attaquée, et certains de ses membres blessés, dont l’archevêque anglican du Cap, Thabo Makgoba. S’il condamne l’éruption des violences au sein de l’Église, le religieux a par la suite expliqué comprendre ces réactions à cause de la frustration et du désespoir qui touchent ces personnes sans statut.

      La Commission des droits de l’homme a de son côté demandé l’arrestation des attaquants, tout en appelant les Sud-Africains à ne pas se servir de l’incident pour justifier de possibles violences xénophobes. Selon les chiffres officiels, le pays héberge près de 268 000 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile.


      http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20191115-afrique-sud-etat-deborde-demandeurs-asile-violences-xenophobes

  • South African paramilitary unit plotted to infect black population with Aids, former member claims | The Independent
    https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/south-africa-apartheid-aids-saimr-plot-infect-hiv-virus-black-cold-ca

    Janvier 2019

    A shadowy Apartheid-era South African paramilitary unit plotted to infect the continent’s black population with Aids, it has been claimed.

    An ex-member of the South African Institute of Maritime Research (SAIMR) said the group “spread the virus” at the behest of its eccentric leader Keith Maxwell, who wanted a white majority country where “the excesses of the 1960s, 70s and 80s have no place in the post-Aids world”.

    Speaking to the makers of the documentary Cold Case Hammarskjöld, former SAIMR intelligence officer Alexander Jones said Maxwell, who had few, if any medical qualifications, set himself up as a doctor treating poor, black South Africans.

    #vih #apartheid #afrique_du_sud

  • #Roodepoort (Afrique du Sud) : le centre-ville complètement bloqué, pour de meilleures conditions de logement !
    https://fr.squat.net/2019/09/26/roodepoort-afrique-du-sud-le-centre-ville-completement-bloque

    Une partie de la population de Roodepoort, en banlieue ouest de Johannesburg n’en peut plus de subir des injustices concernant leurs conditions de logement. Dès 3h du matin le vendredi 20 septembre 2019, ça a chauffé dans les rues de Roodepoort. Aux alentours de 4h du matin, le centre-ville était complètement bloqué. On pouvait voir […]

    #actions_directes #Afrique #Afrique_du_Sud #émeutes

  • Malawi to evacuate citizens from South Africa

    Malawi says it will repatriate its nationals from South Africa, following an upsurge in xenophobic violence.

    At least five foreigners, including a 14-year-old boy, have been killed in attacks in South Africa’s coastal city of Durban since last week.

    Some foreign-owned shops in the main city Johannesburg have shut amid fears that the violence could spread.

    Zimbabwe has also condemned the attacks, blamed on locals who accuse foreigners of taking their jobs.

    Tens of thousands of foreigners, mostly from other African states and Asia, have moved to South Africa since white-minority rule ended in 1994.

    At least 62 people died in xenophobic attacks that swept South Africa in 2008.

    Malawi is the only country which has so far decided to repatriate its citizens.

    Information Minister Kondwani Nankhumwa said the first group would return at the weekend.

    About 420 Malawians are reportedly living in refugee camps in Durban after fleeing the violence, he said.

    The BBC’s Raphael Tenthani reports from Blantyre that he received a call from a Malawian in Durban who said saw he some Malawians being killed - including a close friend who was burned alive.

    Mr Nankhumwa called on the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) to intervene to help protect foreigners.

    “This is unfortunate coming at a time we are working on regional integration,” he said at a press conference.

    “We urge the government of South Africa to protect foreigners,” he added.

    At the scene: Milton Nkosi, BBC News

    Standing in the middle of a football field that has been turned into a refugee camp overnight in Durban’s Chatsworth township, one cannot help but feel ashamed of being South African.

    There are white and green tents dotted around housing destitute African migrant families who fled the violence meted out to them by their South African hosts.

    Two weeks ago locals began attacking and looting properties owned by fellow Africans, calling them “kwerekwere”, a derogatory word for African migrants.

    I did not even have to ask Memory Mahlatini, a Zimbabwean who works as a nanny, what happened to her because her story was written all over her face.

    Her eyes alone made me look down in shame as she explained how a group of South Africans came to her rented home last Monday evening just as they were preparing to sleep and demanded that they go back to where they came from.

    Fear and shame in South Africa

    In total, the violence has left about 5,000 foreigners homeless in Durban, the main city in South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province, local media reports.

    On Wednesday, the violence spread to the province’s second city, Pietermaritzburg, where foreign-owned shops were looted.

    Verulam, a town about 30km (18 miles) north of Durban, has been hit by similar violence.

    The government has ordered police to step up patrols to prevent the violence from escalating.

    The governing African National Congress (ANC) said in a statement that South Africans should “hang our heads in shame in the face of these misguided and misplaced assaults”.

    Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini has been accused of fuelling xenophobia after he was widely quoted as saying at a meeting last month that foreigners should “please go back to their countries”.

    He denied being xenophobic and claimed he had been mistranslated.

    South Africa’s official unemployment rate stands at 24%, but some analysts believe that it is much higher.

    https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32316731
    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Malawi #Afrique_du_Sud #réfugiés_malawiens #renvois #rapatriement #expulsion

  • #Afrique_du_Sud : la xénophobie qui cache la forêt
    https://joellepalmieri.org/2019/09/18/afrique-du-sud-la-xenophobie-qui-cache-la-foret

    Réduire les causes des émeutes xénophobes sud-africaines de ce début du mois de septembre 2019 aux seuls forts taux de chômage et de pauvreté est un leurre. L’image que renvoient ces mouvements – foule d’hommes armés de gourdins, de pierres, de machettes ou de haches, passant à tabac ou massacrant sur leur passage des « étrangers » … Lire la suite →

    #Idées #Domination #Masculinisme #Pauvreté #Racisme #Violences


    https://0.gravatar.com/avatar/9756ba41fe8333157071419a20733f4a?s=96&d=https%3A%2F%2F0.gravatar.com%2Fa

  • Apartheid-era school names: ’What’s in a name?’

    Despite little movement from Western Cape schools around addressing apartheid-era school names, many were left asking whats in a name, and why do we need to change it?

    On Monday, the Cape Argus reported that Western Cape schools in no rush to change apartheid-era names, following the news that learners at #Rietondale_High_School in #Gauteng, formerly known as #Hoërskool_Hendrik_Verwoerd, celebrated their new school name.

    Since 2015, schools in the province have had the option to change their colonial or apartheid-era school names but none within the province have done so.

    In response, many were left asking why would a name change even be necessary?

    Maria Machelm: “What’s in a name? Why change names? Do you know how many lifetimes of memories, is in that name? How many first days, tears, joy, your first bestie, oh goodness your entire life is in that name.....Why change it? Apartheid was bad we all know that,but not everything or name has left us with bad memories...”

    Thina Nelo: “We have more important things to worry about seriously!!”

    Zeenat Khan: “Change the name and then? Will the students suddenly become independent thinkers and know how to file taxes? Will students become better citizens? Will violence come to an end? It’s time the authorities step out for their plush offices, paid for by taxpayers, and into the REAL world.”

    Yoland van der Byl: “Actually a pointless exercise. Days gone by everything named Rhodes was changed to Voortrekker, Voortrekker to Nelson Mandela. The time will come when everything Nelson Mandela will be changed to Julius Malema or who knows. An absolute waste of money.”

    Sherry Skibbe: “Maybe change names to things like integrity or and grace or hope high school names that mean something that people can be positive about.”

    Edward Nemutamvuni: “It’s useless exercise. We must forgive and move on. I don’t have any problem with names and infrastructure of the past.”

    Anton Dirk Bester: “Let those who pay the school bloody fees decide if the name should be changed.”

    Keith Harvey: “Remember when we were told airports were to change their names to something neutral and were not to be named after politicians aligned to any political party? It did not last long.”

    Kate Parr: “Don’t bother changing names...they will soon be burnt down anyway.”

    Claudine Botha: “They must stand as a reminder to us of how little they thought of a vast majority of our nation and against that constant reminder we must prove them wrong by striving to be successful. Also, we have more important things to spend money on than changing names.”

    Caitlin Cloete: “While I get why people feel the name change is necessary, It would be disingenuous to change the name of an Afrikaans school to the name of an indigenous/African person, if there are only like 3 black pupils at the school, as often is the case at Afrikaans schools. Maybe change the name to the name of the surrounding area. Don’t just change it if there is no intent behind it to become more integrated.”

    https://www.iol.co.za/capeargus/news/apartheid-era-school-names-whats-in-a-name-32744380
    #toponymie #Afrique_du_Sud #apartheid #école

  • Mort de Robert #Mugabe : qui veut réhabiliter le #Colonialisme ?
    https://lemediapresse.fr/international/mort-de-robert-mugabe-qui-veut-rehabiliter-le-colonialisme

    Penser Mugabe, président du #Zimbabwe récemment décédé, comme l’anti-Mandela, c’est oublier le poids du fait colonial et la question cruciale de la répartition des terres. Les explications de Théophile Kouamouo.

    #International #Afrique #Afrique_du_Sud #ANC #anticolonialisme #Mandela

  • #Afrique du Sud : les combats renouvelés des femmes pour l’égalité
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/070919/afrique-du-sud-les-combats-renouveles-des-femmes-pour-l-egalite

    Leur rôle décisif dans la chute du régime d’apartheid a été minoré, effacé parfois. Dans « Femmes d’Afrique du Sud », Jacqueline Dérens, militante anti-apartheid et spécialiste de l’ANC, retrace les longs combats des femmes sud-africaines pour l’égalité, leurs succès, leurs échecs et les nouvelles batailles à mener dans une société aujourd’hui ravagée par la violence. Extraits du livre.

    #Afrique_du_Sud,_Jacqueline_Dérens

    • Behind the #Johannesburg riots: How did they happen?

      The latest outbreak of mob violence and xenophobia was allegedly orchestrated by members of the All Truck Drivers Forum (ATDF), which held mass meetings that went into last weekend in different parts of Gauteng.

      The Mail & Guardian has reliably learned that intelligence agencies — which sent a briefing note last week Friday to the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security cluster (JCPS), chaired by Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula — have been investigating the forum’s involvement.

      The cluster consists of the ministries of police, home affairs, state security, justice and constitutional development, as well as the National Prosecuting Authority.

      High-ranking security officials have also discussed the political motivations behind the flare-up in violence, with theories that the violence was part of a campaign to embarrass and ultimately destabilise the presidency of Cyril Ramaphosa.

      Despite the intelligence and warnings, these parts of the cluster failed to prevent the violent attacks and the burning and looting of shops in Jeppestown on Sunday night and into Monday morning.

      On Monday, the violence spread to parts of central Johannesburg and Alexandra, as well as Boksburg and Thokoza on the East Rand. Shops, cars and other buildings were set on fire. More than 400 arrests have been made since.

      In parts of KwaZulu-Natal, freight trucks were attacked and set alight.
      Drivers found to be foreign nationals were also assaulted.

      ATDF, which purports to represent only South African truck drivers, has dismissed the intelligence, saying that its organisation is anti-violence. Its spokesperson, Sipho Zungu, said on Thursday: “When this latest violence started on Monday we were in court, so there is no way this was us. ATDF has never even had a strike, let alone [engaged in] violence [and] looting. The nation is being misled here.

      “What needs to be clarified is that ATDF is fighting for all truck drivers in the country, no matter if they work or not.” He went on to add: “The reality is that South African truck drivers no longer have jobs, and we have been engaging truck owners and government that they must get rid of foreign truck drivers.”

      This kind of sentiment, and existing tensions, were worsened by political rhetoric around access to healthcare and unemployment before the elections. It reached boiling point last month, when police operations in Johannesburg to find fake goods were thwarted by shopkeepers, who pelted law-enforcement authorities with rocks, forcing a retreat.

      Public reaction to this took on a xenophobic tinge, with some South Africans blaming foreign nationals for a host of problems — from the proliferation of drugs and fake goods, to crime and filth in inner-city Johannesburg.

      Information shared with the JCPS cluster last Friday indicated that meetings to discuss strategy and co-ordinate attacks on foreign nationals were to scheduled to take place this past weekend. The meetings were to be held at venues in different parts of Gauteng, including the Mzimhlophe grounds in Soweto, Alexandra at Pan taxi rank, Randburg taxi rank, Ezibayeni in Hillbrow and Part Two, Diepsloot.

      Foreign nationals also held their own meetings over the weekend, and discussed how to protect themselves against potential attacks.

      The M&G understands that the government was concerned that foreign nationals could retaliate violently, which might escalate matters. A source in the JCPS cluster said: “If action was taken and those meetings disrupted, what happened on Sunday evening would not have happened.”

      Now, Police Minister Bheki Cele has been forced to react after the fact. He has focused on the hostels this week and has had several meetings with iinduna to try to quell the unrest.

      Cele’s office announced he would also be hosting imbizo, to be attended by residents, as well as local, provincial and national politicians, at the Jeppe hostel on Sunday.

      Cele’s spokesperson, Lirandzu Themba, said: “Izinduna who met with Minister Cele have assured the Gauteng Saps [South African Police Service] management that hostel dwellers have been urged to refrain from acts of violence leading up to the imbizo, planned for Sunday.”

      Themba also said Cele had briefed Ramaphosa on the latest situation in Johannesburg on Monday, after a visit to Jeppe hostel. “There was a Cabinet meeting where this issue was discussed and brought to the attention of all ministers, including those in the JCPS cluster.”

      “The JCPS cluster and various operational structures have been meeting and engaging continuously during the past weeks — and in some instances on a daily basis,” she said.

      News of the imbizo has not been well received by all in the hostel. Nduna Manyathela Mvelase, who met with Cele during his visit, said: “It’s almost as if they are saying ‘It’s the hostels and the Zulu people that are responsible for this.’”

      “It was unfortunate that a fire started not too far from here on Sunday and people died. At the same time, some criminals took advantage of that fire, and now it looks as if this started here,” he said. “This started in Pretoria and there are no hostels there … All our children are unemployed and on drugs.”

      The government and the presidency’s slowness to get a handle on the situation has prompted severe criticism from observers, as well as heads of state across the continent.

      Two former government officials expressed surprise that the JCPS had not met by Wednesday or made any public statements.

      One said: “By now you should have been seeing all the different ministers visible on the ground … The fact that Nigeria’s president [Muhammadu Buhari] was even tweeting disinformation [that Nigerians were killed in the violence] means there could have been no information from our government to affected embassies.

      “When government is this silent it becomes easy for the situation to escalate,” he added.

      Department of international relations and co-operation (Dirco) spokesperson Clayson Monyela said on Wednesday that the department would try and secure meetings with consulates and high commissions of affected nationalities by today.

      “Dirco has not received any official complaint or inquiry from an embassy. However, we are maintaining regular contact with the diplomatic corps to update them on government’s measures and interventions to deal with the spate of violence,” he said.

      Johan Burger, a senior research er at the Institute for Security Studies, said he was extremely disappointed that Ramaphosa had remained silent about the attacks until Wednesday.

      “I say, very reluctantly, that South Africa is at fault in terms of how it handled this issue from the top. I’m extremely disappointed that it took so long to say something,” Burger said. “He should have spoken to his security cluster ministers and asked what was happening and given instruction and direction.”

      A senior government official suggested Ramaphosa was being let down by his Cabinet, particularly in the JCPS cluster, which met for the first time on Wednesday. “Not once in the former president’s tenure would so much time pass before security cluster ministers meet and strategise. Not once.”

      The Nigerian government took a harsh tone this week, saying it would not tolerate any more attacks on its citizens, and deployed envoys to meet Ramaphosa, whose public statement condemning the attacks was issued only on Tuesday, to discuss the situation.

      On Wednesday the Nigerian presidency announced that Nigerian airline Air Peace airlines would send an aircraft today to evacuate any of its citizens who wished to leave South Africa. Yesterday, South Africa shut down its embassy in Lagos and several South African businesses in that country were attacked and looted.

      https://mg.co.za/article/2019-09-06-00-behind-the-johannesburg-riots-how-did-they-happen

    • South African Riots Over ‘Xenophobia’ Prompt Backlash Across Africa

      Pop stars have announced a #boycott. Air Tanzania has suspended flights to Johannesburg. #Madagascar and Zambia are refusing to send their soccer teams. Nigeria has recalled its ambassador and pulled out of a major economic forum.

      South Africa is facing a backlash after rioters in and around Johannesburg targeted immigrants from other African countries this week, torching their shops and leading to at least 10 deaths. Now, angry citizens and governments across the continent are lashing out at South Africa and its businesses, denouncing what they call “xenophobia.”

      Africans across the continent once rallied behind South Africans in their struggle to defeat the apartheid government, which was finally replaced in elections held 25 years ago. Now, some Africans find themselves in the unfamiliar position of protesting the actions of the same communities in South Africa that they once stood with in solidarity.

      “The only time we’ve seen this type of cooperation of African countries in terms of backlash,” said Tunde Leye, a partner at the Nigerian political research firm SBM Intelligence, “was in terms of support of the anti-apartheid movement.”
      Sign up for The Interpreter

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      The current level of political solidarity on the continent, he said, was “almost unprecedented.”

      The riots, and the retaliatory measures, could not come at a more inopportune time for regional cooperation. This week, African leaders are meeting in Cape Town, South Africa, to discuss the African Continental Free Trade Area, an agreement made this year that sets the stage for the creation of the largest free-trade area in the world. It would join Africa’s more than one billion consumers into a single market.

      The conflict, while not likely to imperil the free trade agreement, could at least slow its implementation, which is expected to take years, African analysts said.

      Nigeria’s government, angry that its citizens have been victimized in the South African riots, has pulled out of the Cape Town meeting.

      Nigeria is the continent’s largest economy, and South Africa is the second-largest. Both countries were already reluctant participants in the accord, which is supposed to help knock down the many barriers to trade among African countries.

      Anti-immigrant sentiment is a longstanding issue in South Africa, where the legacies of colonialism and apartheid run deep, and a political shift has not delivered meaningful change to many poor South Africans. Immigrants from countries like Nigeria, Mozambique, Somalia and Zimbabwe are often regarded by South Africans as competitors for jobs and social services.

      In South Africa, attacks on foreigners have become common, and they surged beginning Sunday when rioters stormed neighborhoods in and around Johannesburg, lighting fires and breaking into shops.

      At least 10 people have died in the riots, President Cyril Ramaphosa said in a video address on Thursday, in which he also condemned the violence.

      “There can be no excuse for the attacks on the homes and businesses of foreign nationals,” he said. “Equally, there is no justification for the looting and destruction of businesses owned by South Africans.”

      In Gauteng, the province that includes Johannesburg, authorities have arrested at least 423 people, said Colonel Lungelo Dlamini, a police spokesman. On Thursday, he said that many shops owned by foreigners remained closed and that more shopping centers in the eastern part of the province “are being targeted.”

      Police seized guns, he said, not just from South Africans, but also from at least two foreign nationals.
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      The rolling backlash has united broad swaths of the continent. Two popular Nigerian musicians, Burna Boy and Tiwa Savage, said they were boycotting South Africa. Burna Boy was set to headline the Afropunk festival in Johannesburg in December, alongside artists like Solange Knowles. Tiwa Savage had an appearance in South Africa scheduled for mid-September.

      On Tuesday and Wednesday, protesters rushed and sometimes looted South African-owned businesses in Nigeria and Zambia, including Shoprite supermarkets. The company closed stores. The South African telecommunications giant MTN did the same.

      On Thursday, the protests spread to the Democratic Republic of Congo, where demonstrators outside of the South African Embassy in Kinshasa held signs that read “Don’t kill our brothers” and “No xenophobia.” In Lubumbashi, they broke windows at the South African Consulate.

      Nigeria recalled its ambassador to South Africa. South Africa has shuttered its diplomatic missions in Nigeria, citing threats.

      The clashes cast a cloud over the World Economic Forum in Africa, which began in Cape Town on Wednesday. Leaders were set to discuss the free trade pact, an agreement signed by 54 countries that supporters have said could reshape economic relationships on the continent.

      The accord has the potential to bolster intra-African trade by 52 percent by 2022, according to the United Nations. Right now, intra-African trade accounts for just 16 percent of the continent’s trade volume. It can be cheaper to ship something from Nigeria to Europe, and then to Senegal, rather than directly from Nigeria to Senegal. This is a major barrier to regional development, economists say.

      Still, a host of challenges await before the pact is put in place.

      African analysts differed on whether Nigeria’s decision to skip the Cape Town meeting would have any effect in the long term.

      Gilbert Khadiagala, a Kenyan professor of international relations at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, said Nigeria’s move was little more than “grandstanding,” and that would not impede the trade agreement.

      But Mr. Leye, of SBM Intelligence in Nigeria, said that in his view, Nigeria’s boycott of the Forum “will have an impact in terms of the pace of implementation.”

      https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/05/world/africa/south-africa-xenophobia-riots.html
      #Zambie

    • Refugees and police clash at Cape Town protest against xenophobia

      Around 100 people were arrested on October 30 as part of an operation to disperse a group of refugees and asylum seekers who had staged a prolonged sit-in near the United Nations refugee agency in Cape Town, South African police said.

      Local media showed footage of police firing water cannon into the crowd of protesters and arresting some of them. The South African Police Service (SAPS) said in a statement that they evicted around 300 people from the area in accordance with a court order.

      The refugees and asylum seekers have been camping outside the offices of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees for weeks, asking to be moved out of South Africa, where they say they do not feel safe after a wave of xenophobic violence.

      The refugees want to be repatriated to their home countries or moved elsewhere after a spate of deadly riots and attacks in September, which killed at least 10 people and left many foreigners afraid to live in the country.

      https://www.euronews.com/2019/10/30/refugees-and-police-clash-at-cape-town-protest-against-xenophobia

  • Vulgarité, #Masculinisme : équation pour un avenir politique
    https://joellepalmieri.wordpress.com/2019/08/23/vulgarite-masculinisme-equation-pour-un-avenir-politique

    Salvini, Trump, Johnson, Bolsonaro… la liste est longue des chefs d’État dont les xénophobie, homophobie, #Racisme et sexisme sont dénoncés par les commentateurs et parfois par quelques homologues. Banalisés, fers de lance des différentes campagnes électorales, ces axes de haine sont conjoints. Ils ont de plus en commun de placer la sexualité (masculine hétérosexuelle) au … Lire la suite →

    #Humeurs #Afrique_du_Sud #Brésil #Etats-Unis #Fascisme #Italie #Royaume_uni #Traditionalisme #Violences


    https://0.gravatar.com/avatar/9756ba41fe8333157071419a20733f4a?s=96&d=https%3A%2F%2F0.gravatar.com%2Fa

  • More street name changes on the cards for #District_Six

    The names of more streets will be changed to their original names in the erstwhile District Six, whose name was changed to #Zonnebloem.

    Dr Anwar Nagia, founder of the District Six Museum, said: “We as the museum are currently in the process of changing five street names back to their old street names, such as the old #Pontact_Street and #Tennent_Street.”

    He said there were many elements that they had to look at that still existed in District Six.

    “We are in the process of changing five street names, but to us they have already been changed symbolically,” he said. “We are doing this the right way and we didn’t want to do this in a campaign way. Presentations will be made this week to the subcouncil committee on renaming and then we will take it from there.”

    The museum started a campaign last year to officially change the name of Zonnebloem back to District Six.

    In the apartheid era, District Six was named Zonnebloem when the area was declared whites-only and the previous residents were forcibly removed. It was a farming estate until the early 19th century, when it became a suburb of Cape Town as the population and city boundaries grew.

    Zonnebloem became home to freed slaves, merchants, labourers and immigrants. The District Six area is made up of Walmer Estate, Zonnebloem and lower Vredehoek.

    Some parts of Walmer Estate, like Rochester Street, were completely destroyed, while other parts, such as Cauvin Road, were preserved but the houses were demolished. In other parts of Walmer Estate, like Worcester Road and Chester Road, people were evicted but only a few houses were destroyed.

    City media manager Luthando Tyhalibongo said: “In order for a name to be changed, the procedure outlined in the city’s naming policy must be followed. This includes, among others, for the proposal to be considered by a relevant committee, public participation, a report to council (with detailed technical specifications and an estimate budget for a name change) and a favourable vote by council to approve the name change.”

    Tyhalibongo said the city would have to undertake a public participation process to offer residents and interested and affected parties the opportunity to comment on the proposed name change.


    https://www.iol.co.za/capeargus/news/more-street-name-changes-on-the-cards-for-district-six-27028784
    #toponymie #noms_de_rue #Afrique_du_Sud #musée

  • Agriculture en RDC : un collectif d’associations appelle à soutenir les familles plutôt que les industriels
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/04/17/agriculture-en-rdc-un-collectif-d-associations-appelle-a-soutenir-les-famill

    « Nous demandons à la Banque mondiale et à la Banque africaine de développement de soutenir en priorité l’agriculture familiale et le désenclavement des zones rurales », a déclaré ce collectif de quatre associations au cours d’une conférence de presse mardi à Kinshasa.

    Ces associations demandent à la Banque mondiale de « tirer les leçons de la débâcle » du parc agro-industriel de Bukanga Lonzo, une exploitation de 75 000 hectares lancée en 2014 sous la présidence de Joseph Kabila à 220 km à l’est de la capitale. Avec l’appui d’un partenaire sud-africain, Africom Commodities, les autorités congolaises voulaient dépasser la petite agriculture de subsistance.
    « Concentration de la richesse »

    Le projet n’a jamais véritablement été mis en œuvre hormis l’ouverture de six points de vente à Kinshasa, mégalopole de 12 millions d’habitants. La production est au point mort. Africom réclame à la RDC le remboursement de 20 millions de dollars (17,67 millions d’euros).

    Africom est une entreprise sud-africaine
    #agriculture #agro-industrie

  • Spatialités des mémoires

    Ce numéro de Géographie et cultures consacré aux spatialités des mémoires propose de poursuivre les voies ouvertes par de nombreux chercheurs appartenant à différentes disciplines des sciences sociales, et d’examiner comment la géographie contemporaine se situe dans le champ des #Memory_Studies.
    Si la mémoire, abordée dans ses dimensions individuelles et collectives, exprime d’emblée un rapport au passé, elle articule et produit conjointement de nombreuses interactions, entre soi et les autres, entre le temps et l’espace. La mémoire, plus ou moins visible et lisible, d’un passé réactivé, remodelé, nié ou instrumentalisé n’est pas sans lien avec des stratégies d’acteurs diversifiés. Qu’il s’agisse de mémoires institutionnalisées dans des #sites, #musées ou #mémoriaux, ou d’espaces dans lesquels les mémoires sont échafaudées à partir de traces, la (re)production d’#espaces_mémoriels s’organise autour d’une subtile articulation #identités/#mémoires/#territoires, laquelle rend compte d’une dialectique de l’#ancrage et de la #mobilité, fût-elle éphémère.
    Les articles de ce numéro thématique explorent différentes formes de productions (ou d’empêchement de productions) spatiales mémorielles liées aux diverses recompositions politiques, sociales et économiques qui affectent les sociétés.


    https://journals.openedition.org/gc/6318
    #mémoire #géographie

    Les articles :

    Dominique Chevalier et Anne Hertzog
    Introduction [Texte intégral]

    Laurent Aucher
    Devant le mémorial, derrière le paradoxe [Texte intégral]
    Réflexions sur les pratiques de visite au monument berlinois de la #Shoah
    In front of the memorial, behind the paradox:
    thoughts about practices of visiting the Berliner memorial of Shoah

    Thomas Zanetti
    #Matérialité et spatialité d’une mémoire meurtrie [Texte intégral]
    La reconnaissance mémorielle des #maladies_professionnelles des anciens verriers de #Givors
    Materiality and spatiality of a bruised memory: the memorial recognition of the occupational diseases of the former glassmakers of Givors

    Cécile Tardy
    Les infra-espaces des mémoires du Nord [Texte intégral]
    The infra-spacies of memories of the “Nord” region of #France

    Noémie Beltramo
    Le #territoire_minier [Texte intégral]
    Vecteur ou support de la mémoire de l’#immigration_polonaise ?
    The territory: vector or support of the Polish immigration’s memory?
    #migrants_polonais #extractivisme #mines

    André-Marie Dendievel et Dominique Chevalier
    Topos et mémoires des deux rives de La Loire amont (XVIIIe–XXe siècles) [Texte intégral]
    L’exemple de Chassenard (Allier) et Digoin (Saône-et-Loire)
    Topos and memories on both sides of the upstream section of the Loire River (XVIIIth‑XXth centuries AD): the example of #Chassenard (Allier) and Digoin (Saône-et-Loire)

    Patrick Naef
    L’escombrera de #Medellin [Texte intégral]
    Une #fosse_commune entre #reconnaissance et #oubli

    Sophie Didier
    #Droit_de_mémoire, Droit à la Ville [Texte intégral]
    Essai sur le cas sud-africain
    Right to memory, Right to the City: an essay on the South African case
    #afrique_du_sud

    Florabelle Spielmann
    Combats de bâtons de #Trinidad [Texte intégral]
    Fabrique géographique, sociale et culturelle de la mémoire
    Trinidad stick-fight: shaping memorial places through geographic, social and cultural spaces

    ping @reka @albertocampiphoto

  • #Globesity

    “Mangi frutta durante il giorno?”, “Certo, bevo succo di frutta”, risponde Grace, una donna obesa che vive a #Capetown, in Sud Africa. Come lei, due terzi dei sud africani sono in sovrappeso, e tra questi il 69,3% sono donne. In Africa, secondo uno studio dello Human Research Council, l’88% della popolazione ha come ideale di bellezza un corpo grasso, e non pensa che il proprio stile di vita non sia salutare.

    E’ da qui che parte ‘Globesity’, il reportage di Silvia Landi, che non ha deciso di analizzare l’obesità da un punto di vista clinico-sanitario, ma bensì come fenomeno sociale e culturale. Una malattia che, da quando è scoppiata la globalizzazione, è diventata anche una condizione legata alla povertà, dove lo scarso accesso a un cibo ‘di qualità’ ha cambiato radicalmente lo stile di vita di alcune nazioni a medio-basso reddito. Niente Stati Uniti quindi, da sempre simbolo nell’immaginario collettivo di ricchezza e abbondanza; ma Messico, Brasile e Sud Africa, una tra le nazioni con la più alta concentrazione di fast food e, allo stesso tempo, uno scarso potere d’acquisto verso il cibo sano/di qualità. In Messico invece, è molto più facile trovare una bottiglia di Coca Cola che un bicchiere d’acqua, a causa delle politiche commerciali aggressive delle grandi multinazionali (tra cui Femsa, appaltata dalla stessa Coca Cola) che utilizza l’acqua potabile per realizzare la bevanda gassata, lasciando senza risorse gli abitanti. Sempre in Messico, il diabete 2 è così diffuso tra i bambini che il governo ha imposto due tasse per tentare di arginare il problema: una sulle bevande zuccherate e una sui ‘cibi non essenziali’, ossia quelli con un’elevata concentrazione di grassi saturi, zucchero o sale.

    Come avverte il World Health Organization, in questi paesi ma non solo, un problema della nostra società è quello del ‘doppio fardello della malnutrizione’, ossia la coesistenza di persone che muoiono di fame e di altre che consumano cibo in eccesso. Una transizione causata non solo dal passaggio da una dieta basata su grandi quantità di carboidrati, verdure e cereali a una con alti livelli di grassi animali e concentrazione di zuccheri, ma anche da uno stile di vita sedentario, la mancanza delle etichette con i valori nutrizionali sui prodotti, e la dislocazione degli alimenti autoctoni in favore dell’agricoltura intensiva.

    http://witnessjournal.com/storie/globesity

    #obésité #santé #alimentation #Afrique_du_Sud

  • Life in Woodstock Hospital, by Sebastian Moronell | GroundUp
    https://www.groundup.org.za/article/life-woodstock-hospital

    The hospital was illegally occupied in March 2017 by a handul of housing activists, campaigning for more affordable housing near the city centre (see GroundUp’s special series on the occupation). Most of the residents who occupied the hospital were facing eviction from their homes across the city. Over time, the occupation has grown, and been turned into a liveable home by its new residents. Relations between the occupiers and the City of Cape Town were adversarial to start, but recently have improved slightly.

    #photographie #Afrique_du_Sud #logement #squatt

    (j’ai assisté/participé à cette occupation, deux ans déjà…)