• Defective computing : How algorithms use speech analysis to profile job candidates
    https://algorithmwatch.org/en/story/speech-analysis-hr

    Some companies and scientists present Affective Computing, the algorithmic analysis of personality traits also known as “artificial emotional intelligence”, as an important new development. But the methods that are used are often dubious and present serious risks for discrimination. It was announced with some fanfare that Alexa and others would soon demonstrate breakthroughs in the field of emotion analysis. Much is written about affective computing, but products are far from market ready. (...)

    #Amazon #algorithme #Alexa #discrimination #émotions #facial #surveillance #travailleurs #voix (...)

    ##AlgorithmWatch

  • DEMO: Richtig deckeln, dann enteignen. // 03. Oktober 2019 um 13:00 // #Alexanderplatz am Haus des Lehrers – Stadt von Unten
    https://stadtvonunten.de/demo-richtig-deckeln-dann-enteignen-03-oktober-2019-um-1300-alexanderp

    Deckel und Töpfe: Mietenwahnsinn wird endlich Einhalt geboten

    Seit über 10 Jahren fordert die Berliner Mieter*innenbewegung „Hoch mit den Löhnen, runter mit der Miete“ – auf der Straße lautstark unterstützt von Kochtöpfen und Deckeln. Mit dem Vorschlag des Mietendeckels aus der Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung sah es zwischenzeitlich so aus, als würde die zweite Forderungen endlich in die Tat umgesetzt: Die Mietsteigerungen, durch die schon so viele ihr Zuhause verloren haben und die nur dem Profit dienen, hätten nach dem ersten Referentenentwurf aus der Senatsverwaltung zurückgenommen werden können. Das ist richtig, denn dann könnten sich Berlin wieder alle leisten. Statt Spekulation zu befördern, soll die Regierung die Interessen der Mieter*innen der Stadt und damit 80% der Bevölkerung in den Vordergrund stellen. Dass demnach Vermieter*innen statt Mieter*innen Härtefallanträge hätten stellen müssen, wenn sie durch diese Absenkung in finanzielle Schwierigkeiten geraten wären, ist konsequent: das Grundbedürfnis Wohnen steht über der Ware Wohnraum.

    Aber durch die Gegenkampagne von Immobilienlobby, rechten Oppositionsparteien und Teilen der Presse haben SPD, Linke und Grüne nun offenbar kalte Füße bekommen und den Mietendeckel an entscheidenden Stellen wieder aufgeweicht: Mietobergrenzen sollen höher liegen, Mieterhöhungen bei Modernisierung weiter möglich und Mietabsenkung nur noch in bestimmten Fällen möglich sein. Ein leicht verbesserte Mietpreisbremse ist aber nicht das, was r2g vereinbart hat und was die Mieter*innenstadt Berlin erwarten kann: Wir brauchen den radikalen Mietendeckel mit einem stadtweiten Mietenstopp!

    Zudem soll der Mietendeckel gerade nicht im sozialen Wohnungsbau gelten, wo in den letzten Jahren in vielen Häusern besonders starke Mietsteigerungen das Leben der ärmsten Berliner*innen zur Hölle gemacht haben. Deshalb fordern wir einen Mietendeckel auch für den sozialen Wohnungsbau!

    Auch beim Neubau gilt der Mietendeckel nicht. Dabei wissen wir doch schon lange: es fehlt an bezahlbarem Neubau, nicht an dem teuren, der überall gebaut wird. Wenn eine Mietobergrenze bestimmte Wohnungsmarktakteure also davon abhält zu bauen: kein Problem – um so mehr Platz für den wirklich bezahlbaren, dauerhaft abgesicherten kommunalen und selbstverwalteten Wohnraum den wir brauchen.

    Und: Auch der beste Deckel braucht einen Topf, auf den er passt. Der Mietendeckel muss von vielen weiteren Maßnahmen begleitet werden: Enteignung großer Wohnungsunternehmen, Neubau von 100% wirklich bezahlbaren, dauerhaft unprivatisierbaren kommunalen Wohnungen in der gesamten Stadt und Demokratisierung von Planungsverfahren und den Institutionen der Wohnraumversorgung. Mietendeckel und Enteignung schaffen die Voraussetzungen dafür, Immobilien und Boden aus der Kapitalverwertung rauszuziehen. Auch für den Neubau von Wohnungen müssen wir neue Modelle des Gemeineigentums in demokratischer Selbstverwaltung durch Stadtgesellschaft und Mieter*innen entwickeln und durchsetzen.

    Für all das geht es am 3. Oktober auf die Straße: Die Demonstration „Richtig deckeln, dann Enteignen“ starte auf dem Alex (Haus des Lehrers) um 13 Uhr. Wir sind dabei. Kommt auch, bringt eure Nachbar*innen, Freund*innen und Kolleg*innen mit – denn bezahlbarer Wohnraum geht uns alle an und ohne Druck reagiert die Politik nicht.

    #Berlin #logement #politique

  • Kate Crawford : « l’IA est une nouvelle ingénierie du pouvoir »
    http://www.internetactu.net/2019/09/30/kate-crawford-lia-est-une-nouvelle-ingenierie-du-pouvoir

    Kate Crawford (@katecrawford) est la cofondatrice (avec Meredith Whittaker, @mer__edith) de l’AI Now Institute (@AINowInstitute, blog). Chercheuse à Microsoft Research, professeur à l’université de New York, elle est spécialiste de l’étude des implications sociales des systèmes techniques et notamment des effets du Big Data, des algorithmes et de l’Intelligence artificielle. À l’occasion de l’inauguration de la chaire invitée IA et Justice, ouverte à l’École normale supérieure, elle a livré une (...)

    #CambridgeAnalytica #Axon #Google #HireVue #IBM #Amazon #algorithme #Alexa #Echo #écologie #biométrie #facial #criminalité #BigData #éthique #discrimination #LGBT (...)

    ##criminalité ##santé
    /assets/images/logo_ia.png

  • Amazon wants you to be surrounded with Alexa—wherever you are - MIT Technology Review
    https://www.technologyreview.com/f/614436/amazons-new-products-show-it-wants-alexa-to-always-be-with-you

    The news: Amazon unveiled a dizzying number of new gadgets yesterday, including wireless earphones (Echo Buds), a smart ring (Echo Loop), and smart glasses (Echo Frames). They all provide hands-free access, so you can ask Alexa to play a song, give you directions, or whatever else you may need, on the go. The products cost between $129 and $180 each.

    What’s behind all this: Taking these three products together, there’s a clear push to move Alexa beyond the home and onto your body. While Google Assistant is embedded into Android smartphones, people currently use Alexa only at home, and there’s no Amazon smartphone.

    That’s a limitation Amazon wants to overcome, pushing deeper into people’s lives, and that’s partly why it wants interoperability between Alexa and other tech companies’ products (though Google, Apple, and Samsung are not playing ball). As the first to launch a home voice assistant, Amazon has a huge advantage over its competitors: more than 100 million Echo devices have been sold, and they are the default product many people think of when discussing smart speakers.

    The big question: Will people be comfortable walking around openly talking to a voice assistant? It’s one thing in the home, but quite another on the subway or in the park. Many smart watches have a speaker facility, but it’s very rare to see anyone using it in public.

    What else: Amazon also announced a night light for kids, an Echo you can use in the bathroom, a smart oven, and tracking devices for pets. Oh, and you can now make Alexa sound like Samuel L. Jackson, if you like.

    Gender controversy: Amazon said it is committed to a woman’s voice as the default for its Alexa software, despite a UN report’s conclusion that always-available, always-friendly female assistants add to damaging gender stereotypes.

    #Amazon #Alexa #Assistants_vocaux #Wearable_computers

  • Amazon étend l’empire d’Alexa avec une avalanche de nouveaux produits
    https://www.lesechos.fr/industrie-services/conso-distribution/amazon-etend-lempire-dalexa-avec-une-avalanche-de-nouveaux-produits-1134811

    Lunettes, écouteurs sans fils, bague, mais aussi déclinaisons de son enceinte Echo sous de multiples formats, micro-ondes intelligent et même « tracker » d’animaux… Mercredi, le géant de l’e-commerce a dévoilé une flopée de nouveautés visant à insérer son assistant vocal dans chaque recoin de la vie de ses utilisateurs. Pour s’imposer dans le hardware, l’entreprise de Seattle mise sur des prix plus bas que ses concurrents. Un véritable marathon. En une heure et demie, Amazon a présenté plus d’une douzaine (...)

    #Amazon #Echo #Ring #wearable #Alexa #capteur #domotique #lunettes #voix #facial (...)

    ##biométrie

  • « Les Gafam défient désormais les principaux Etats du globe. Et ces derniers contre-attaquent »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2019/09/24/les-gafam-defient-desormais-les-principaux-etats-du-globe-et-ces-derniers-co

    La puissance et la richesse de Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple et Microsoft poussent l’Europe et les Etats-Unis à agir. Longtemps, le marché passé par les géants du Web avec le public est resté obscur. Forts de la promesse d’un monde sans frontières, vaste forum où toutes les libertés pourraient s’épanouir et les droits humains prospérer, où le travail serait enrichi par l’automatisation des tâches d’exécution, les promoteurs du numérique nous ont offert un univers fabuleux de messageries instantanées, de (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #Facebook #algorithme #Alexa #GPS #manipulation #procès #domination #BigData #GAFAM #profiling #cryptage (...)

    ##Libra

  • Guéant-Djouhri : les juges sur la piste des commissions occultes d’Airbus
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/040919/gueant-djouhri-les-juges-sur-la-piste-des-commissions-occultes-d-airbus

    Les anciens dirigeants d’Airbus Marwan Lahoud et Jean-Paul Gut ont été placés en garde à vue et confrontés, en juin dernier, dans l’affaire libyenne. En 2009, Claude Guéant avait fait pression pour qu’Airbus (ex-EADS) s’acquitte d’une commission au profit d’Alexandre Djouhri sur la vente d’avions à la Libye.

    #CORRUPTION #alexandre_djouhri,_Claude_Guéant,_Airbus,_libye,_Nicolas_Sarkozy,_Marwan_Lahoud,_Corruption,_Mouammar_Kadhafi,_EADS,_A_la_Une

  • #Piazza_della_Vittoria, Bolzano
    En me promenant à #Bolzano en mai 2019, voici ce que je vois :

    Piazza della vittoria, già Piazza della Pace
    (Place de la #victoire, déjà Place de la #paix)

    Je suis évidemment intriguée... pourquoi passer de la paix à la victoire ? Victoire de qui ? Paix pour qui ?

    Le #monument sur ladite place est aussi très imposant et impressionnant... et par son #architecture on comprend vite quand il a été érigé...

    Petit tour sur wikipedia, qui nous dit que le monument a été construit entre 1926 et 1928.
    #Monumento_alla_Vittoria :
    https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monumento_alla_Vittoria_(Bolzano)
    #Siegesdenkmal

    Vous pouvez découvrir l’histoire du monument sur la page wikipedia.

    Je voulais aussi signaler un passage autour de ce monument dans le #livre de #Alessandro_Leogrande, « #La_frontiera » :

    «A Bolzano li chiamano ancora ’relitti fascisti’. Sono tutti quei musolei, palazzi, cimeli che ricordano il ventennio mussoliniano. Il relitto fascista per eccellenza è il monumento realizzato da #Marcello_Piacentini nel 1928 per celebrare la vittoria italiana nella Grande guerra e per rimarcare, com’è scritto in latino a caratteri cubitali sulla facciata, che ’hic patriae fines siste signa, hinc ceteros excluimus lingua legibus artibus’. E, cioè, che non solo qui sono fissati i confini della patria, ma che proprio ’da qui’ educammo ’gli altri’ con la lingua, le leggi, le arti.
    Per decenni ’gli altri’, cioè la comunità germanofona cui il fascismo aveva impedito di usare la propria lingua, hanno visto nel monumento il simbolo più eclatante dell’usurpazione e dell’occupazione. Ed eclatante il monumento di Piacentini lo è davvero. Non solo perché, con grande dispendio di marmo bianco, s’alza in stile littorio fino a dominare un’ampia porzione d’abitato, proprio nel punto in cui era stata avviata la costruzione di un altro monumento, prontamente demolito, in memoria dei caduti del reggimento austriaco #Kaiserjäger. Non so perché appare del tutto fuori luogo rispetto al territorio circostante, al paesaggio, all’architettura tradizionale, con lse sue quattordici colonne a forma di fascio che reggono un’imponente architrave. Ma anche perché è stato il cardine della mutazione urbanistica della città. Una mutazione imposta dal fascismo, che culmina, al termine di una serie di strade che ricordano i ’trionfi’ nazionali, nella piazza del Tribunale.
    Il Monumento è stato sempre percepito come la punta dell’iceberg di una frattura più ampia. D’altro canto, la destra italiana l’ha sempre difeso come un ’proprio’ simbolo, anche in età repubblicana. Così, benché a un certo punto la Südtiroler Volkspartei, il partito che rappresenta le minoranze tedesche e ladina e ha governato il processo di crescente autonomia della provincia, lo volesse buttare giù, è rimasto al suo posto. Ogni volta che gli attriti sono riemersi, ogni volta che il cammino verso l’autodeterminazione della provincia speciale è parso arrestarsi, ogni volta che le bombe hanno ripreso a esplodere, e sono state molte le bombe a esplodere in queste vallate tra gli anni sessanta e ottanta del Novecento, quelle funebri colonne littorie sono tornate al centro del buco nero delle reciproche incomprensioni.
    Nel 1979 fu #Alexander_Langer, leader della nuova sinistra, da sempre sostenitore della necessità di creare gruppi interetnici, tanto da aver fondato dieci anni prima una rivista che si chiamava ’#Die_Brücke', ciò ’Il ponte’, a presentare in Consiglio provinciale una mozione in cui si chiedeva che il monumento diventasse un luogo di ’memoria autocritica’. Ma la mozione non passò, perché gli opposti nazionalismi vedevano entrambi come fumo negli occhi la possibilità di trasformare quelle colonne in un monito permanente. Per gli uni andavano soltanto abbattute, per gli altri dovevano rimanere tali e quali al loro posto. Dopo una serie di attentati, il Monumento venne addirittura recintato, tanto da accrescere il senso di separazione.
    La trasformazione auspicata da Langer si è realizzata solo ora con la creazione di un percorso espositivo permanente intitolato BZ ’18-’45. Un monumento, una città, due dittature , che si snoda nei locali sottostanti l’opera di Piacentini. (...)
    L’esposizione allestita nall cripta e nei corridoi sotterranei mi ha sorpreso. Pannello dopo pannello, video dopo video, sono ripercorsi i momenti della sua costruzione e la storia della città tra le due guerre mondiali, quando fu pesantemente condizionata dai due totalitarismi, quello fascista e quello nazista. Tuttavia il maggior intervento sul monumento non è tanto costituito dal percorso espositivo, quanto da un anello a led che cinge una delle colonne centrali. Sullo schermo nero circolare, spesso almeno mezzo metro, scorre rosso il titolo della mostra (BZ ’18-’45...), tradotto in tre lingue: italiano, tedesco e inglese.
    L’opera di Piacentini non è stata rimossa, ma questa sorta di vistoso ’anello al naso’ ha il potere di desacralizzarla, trasformandola in altro da sé. Tra la retorica del Monumento e gli occhi di chi lo guarda si insinua subito un terzo elemento che ne ribalta il senso profondo».

    (pp.218-220)

    #fascisme #WWI #première_guerre_mondiale #toponymie #Italie #langue #alterité #patriotisme #architecture_fasciste #urbanisme_fasciste #géographie_urbaine #Südtirol #Province_autonome_de_Bolzano #nationalisme #exposition

    ping @simplicissimus @reka

  • Does Amazon have answers for the future of the NHS ?
    https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2019/aug/24/alexa-nhs-future-amazon-artificial-intelligence-healthcare

    Enthusiasts predicted the plan would relieve the pressure on hard-pressed GPs. Critics saw it as a sign of creeping privatisation and a data-protection disaster in waiting. Reactions to news last month that Amazon’s voice-controlled digital assistant Alexa was to begin using NHS website information to answer health queries were many and varied. US-based healthcare tech analysts say the deal is just the latest of a series of recent moves that together reveal an audacious, long-term strategy (...)

    #Amazon #Alexa #bénéfices #profiling #santé

    ##santé
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/6864c07860ab970f608fd9c87da2bd298b4cf8cf/0_0_2560_1536/master/2560.jpg

  • Sarkozy-Kadhafi : l’enquête de la justice accable le réseau Djouhri
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/210819/sarkozy-kadhafi-l-enquete-de-la-justice-accable-le-reseau-djouhri

    Le clan Sarkozy a des raisons de s’inquiéter. Les derniers développements de l’enquête judiciaire dans l’affaire des financements libyens montrent combien les policiers et les juges ont avancé dans leurs investigations sur l’homme d’affaires Alexandre Djouhri, visé par un mandat d’arrêt. Son bras droit, l’ex-banquier Wahib Nacer, a été mis en examen.

    #Enquête #alexandre_djouhri,_Béchir_Saleh,_Villa_Mougins,_Ziad_Takieddine,_Claude_Guéant,_Wahib_Nacer,_Mouammar_Kadhafi,_Corruption,_Choukri_Ghanem,_Nicolas_Sarkozy,_A_la_Une

  • Pour fabriquer les enceintes d’Amazon, Foxconn a imposé des heures supp’ de nuit à des mineurs
    https://www.numerama.com/politique/539997-foxconn-a-impose-des-heures-supp-de-nuit-a-des-mineurs-pour-fabriqu

    L’industriel Foxconn est souvent mis en cause pour des conditions de travail inhumaines. Cette fois-ci, il a imposé des heures supplémentaires et du travail de nuit à des adolescents. Une pratique illégale. Le groupe taïwanais Foxconn, implanté en Chine et spécialisé dans la fabrication de produits électroniques, est régulièrement rappelé à l’ordre pour ses conditions de travail. Pour rappel, ce sous-traitant fabrique dans ses usines les produits de géants de la tech comme Apple, Huawei ou Amazon et est (...)

    #Foxconn #travail #ChinaLaborWatch #Amazon #Alexa

    //c0.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2016/11/foxconn.jpg

  • Schoolchildren in China work overnight to produce Amazon Alexa devices
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/aug/08/schoolchildren-in-china-work-overnight-to-produce-amazon-alexa-devices

    Leaked documents show children as young as 16 recruited by Amazon supplier Foxconn work gruelling and illegal hours Hundreds of schoolchildren have been drafted in to make Amazon’s Alexa devices in China as part of a controversial and often illegal attempt to meet production targets, documents seen by the Guardian reveal. Interviews with workers and leaked documents from Amazon’s supplier Foxconn show that many of the children have been required to work nights and overtime to produce the (...)

    #Foxconn #Amazon #Echo #Alexa #domotique #travail #ChinaLaborWatch

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/3d10e7acc7c86c02e600adade0c795a34854f56e/0_167_3000_1800/master/3000.jpg

  • Rouge ! L’Art au pays des #soviets

    Les #peintres de l’#avant-garde russe ont annoncé et accompagné la #révolution_bolchévique. Récit de la 3e révolution russe, la #révolution_artistique.
    « Rien d’ancien – ni les formes, ni la vie ! » : par cette rupture radicale avec le passé, les artistes russes font leur #révolution_picturale dès 1905 et participent à l’édification de la #société_nouvelle. Vingt ans plus tard, la belle alliance aura vécu. Ce film est le récit de cette #3e_révolution.
    Images d’archives, œuvres, tournages, recherches graphiques concourent à restituer le bouillonnement d’une époque et d’un milieu artistique où se jouent les enjeux esthétiques du XXe siècle.


    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/55394_1
    #art #Malévitch #avant-garde #suprématisme #abstraction #Tatlin #Vibesk ("Là, l’#utopie a trouvé un lieu") #Lissitsky #graphisme_constructiviste #constructivisme #Alexandre_Rodtchenko #Rodtchenko #photomontage #réalisme_socialiste #optimisme #formalisme #peinture #photographie

    ping @reka

  • Siri ne transférera plus vos enregistrements à des humains… temporairement
    https://www.lemonde.fr/pixels/article/2019/08/02/apple-siri-ne-transferera-plus-vos-enregistrements-a-des-humains-temporairem

    Des employés étaient chargés d’écouter une partie des requêtes des utilisateurs de Siri pour améliorer son fonctionnement. Apple annonce la suspension de ce programme. Les utilisateurs de produits Apple ne le savent pas toujours, mais Siri, l’assistant vocal de la marque, transfère parfois certains de leurs enregistrements à des humains chargés de les écouter. Le Guardian a publié, le 26 juillet, un article sur le sujet, basé sur le témoignage d’un de ces sous-traitants, mettant en lumière cette (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #Assistant #Alexa #Cortana #domotique #Siri #BigData #écoutes #surveillance (...)

    ##consommation

  • Mort de Steve. Alexandre Cervantes : « Dans l’eau, je me suis dit que j’étais perdu… »

    https://www.presseocean.fr/actualite/mort-de-steve-alexandre-cervantes-dans-l-eau-je-me-suis-dit-que-j-etais-

    Alexandre Cervantes, 24 ans, a pris part à la soirée techno la nuit de la Fête de la musique à Nantes. Et il est tombé dans la Loire.

    Il prévient d’emblée : il déteste le discours "« anti-flics. Quand j’ai un problème, je suis bien content de les trouver. »" Mais il a décidé de parler au grand jour "« pour la famille de Steve, et pour Steve »."

  • Amazon admet conserver vos interactions avec Alexa même quand vous les avez effacées
    https://www.numerama.com/tech/530990-amazon-admet-garder-vos-interactions-avec-alexa-meme-quand-vous-les

    Amazon a concédé que des retranscriptions textuelles de vos interactions vocales avec Alexa étaient parfois sauvegardées, même quand vous avez supprimé votre historique. C’est Amazon lui-même qui l’a admis : certaines données absorbées par Alexa ne sont pas forcément supprimées de ses serveurs, même lorsque les utilisateurs les ont supprimées manuellement.

    Comment ça fonctionne ? Lorsque vous parlez à votre assistant audio, Alexa enregistre votre commande vocale, mais garde aussi en mémoire une (...)

    #Amazon #Alexa #écoutes

    //c1.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/04/amazon-echo.jpg

  • Amazon confirms it holds on to Alexa data even if you delete audio files
    https://www.theverge.com/2019/7/3/20681423/amazon-alexa-echo-chris-coons-data-transcripts-recording-privacy

    ‘The American people deserve to understand how their personal data is being used’

    Amazon has admitted that it doesn’t always delete the stored data that it obtains through voice interactions with the company’s Alexa and Echo devices — even after a user chooses to wipe the audio files from their account. The revelations, outlined explicitly by Amazon in a letter to Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE), which was published today and dated June 28th, sheds even more light on the company’s privacy practices with (...)

    #Amazon #Alexa #écoutes

  • Amazon Alexa transcripts live on, even after you delete voice records
    https://www.cnet.com/news/amazon-alexa-transcripts-live-on-even-after-you-delete-voice-records

    You can delete voice recordings so Amazon can’t listen to your conversations with Alexa anymore, but text records are a different story.

    Amazon doesn’t need to hear your voice recordings to know what you’ve said. It can read them. After Alexa hears its wake word — which can vary from “Echo” to “Alexa” to “computer” — the smart assistant starts listening and transcribes everything it hears. That’s why when you check your Alexa dialogue history, you can see text next to the recordings like "How’s (...)

    #Amazon #Alexa #écoutes

  • Call immigrant detention centers what they really are: concentration camps

    If you were paying close attention last week, you might have spotted a pattern in the news. Peeking out from behind the breathless coverage of the Trump family’s tuxedoed trip to London was a spate of deaths of immigrants in U.S. custody: Johana Medina Léon, a 25-year-old transgender asylum seeker; an unnamed 33-year-old Salvadoran man; and a 40-year-old woman from Honduras.

    Photos from a Border Patrol processing center in El Paso showed people herded so tightly into cells that they had to stand on toilets to breathe. Memos surfaced by journalist Ken Klippenstein revealed that Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s failure to provide medical care was responsible for suicides and other deaths of detainees. These followed another report that showed that thousands of detainees are being brutally held in isolation cells just for being transgender or mentally ill.

    Also last week, the Trump administration cut funding for classes, recreation and legal aid at detention centers holding minors — which were likened to “summer camps” by a senior ICE official last year. And there was the revelation that months after being torn from their parents’ arms, 37 children were locked in vans for up to 39 hours in the parking lot of a detention center outside Port Isabel, Texas. In the last year, at least seven migrant children have died in federal custody.

    Preventing mass outrage at a system like this takes work. Certainly it helps that the news media covers these horrors intermittently rather than as snowballing proof of a racist, lawless administration. But most of all, authorities prevail when the places where people are being tortured and left to die stay hidden, misleadingly named and far from prying eyes.

    There’s a name for that kind of system. They’re called concentration camps. You might balk at my use of the term. That’s good — it’s something to be balked at.

    The goal of concentration camps has always been to be ignored. The German-Jewish political theorist Hannah Arendt, who was imprisoned by the Gestapo and interned in a French camp, wrote a few years afterward about the different levels of concentration camps. Extermination camps were the most extreme; others were just about getting “undesirable elements … out of the way.” All had one thing in common: “The human masses sealed off in them are treated as if they no longer existed, as if what happened to them were no longer of interest to anybody, as if they were already dead.”

    Euphemisms play a big role in that forgetting. The term “concentration camp” is itself a euphemism. It was invented by a Spanish official to paper over his relocation of millions of rural families into squalid garrison towns where they would starve during Cuba’s 1895 independence war. When President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered Japanese Americans into prisons during World War II, he initially called them concentration camps. Americans ended up using more benign names, like “Manzanar Relocation Center.”

    Even the Nazis’ camps started out small, housing criminals, Communists and opponents of the regime. It took five years to begin the mass detention of Jews. It took eight, and the outbreak of a world war, for the first extermination camps to open. Even then, the Nazis had to keep lying to distract attention, claiming Jews were merely being resettled to remote work sites. That’s what the famous signs — Arbeit Macht Frei, or “Work Sets You Free” — were about.

    Subterfuge doesn’t always work. A year ago, Americans accidentally became aware that the Trump administration had adopted (and lied about) a policy of ripping families apart at the border. The flurry of attention was thanks to the viral conflation of two separate but related stories: the family-separation order and bureaucrats’ admission that they’d been unable to locate thousands of migrant children who’d been placed with sponsors after crossing the border alone.

    Trump shoved that easily down the memory hole. He dragged his heels a bit, then agreed to a new policy: throwing whole families into camps together. Political reporters posed irrelevant questions, like whether President Obama had been just as bad, and what it meant for the midterms. Then they moved on.

    It is important to note that Trump’s aides have built this system of racist terror on something that has existed for a long time. Several camps opened under Obama, and as president he deported millions of people.

    But Trump’s game is different. It certainly isn’t about negotiating immigration reform with Congress. Trump has made it clear that he wants to stifle all non-white immigration, period. His mass arrests, iceboxes and dog cages are part of an explicitly nationalist project to put the country under the control of the right kind of white people.

    As a Republican National Committee report noted in 2013: “The nation’s demographic changes add to the urgency of recognizing how precarious our position has become.” The Trump administration’s attempt to put a citizenship question on the 2020 census was also just revealed to have been a plot to disadvantage political opponents and boost “Republicans and Non-Hispanic Whites” all along.

    That’s why this isn’t just a crisis facing immigrants. When a leader puts people in camps to stay in power, history shows that he doesn’t usually stop with the first group he detains.

    There are now at least 48,000 people detained in ICE facilities, which a former official told BuzzFeed News “could swell indefinitely.” Customs and Border Protection officials apprehended more than 144,000 people on the Southwest border last month. (The New York Times dutifully reported this as evidence of a “dramatic surge in border crossings,” rather than what it was: The administration using its own surge of arrests to justify the rest of its policies.)

    If we call them what they are — a growing system of American concentration camps — we will be more likely to give them the attention they deserve. We need to know their names: Port Isabel, Dilley, Adelanto, Hutto and on and on. With constant, unrelenting attention, it is possible we might alleviate the plight of the people inside, and stop the crisis from getting worse. Maybe people won’t be able to disappear so easily into the iceboxes. Maybe it will be harder for authorities to lie about children’s deaths.

    Maybe Trump’s concentration camps will be the first thing we think of when we see him scowling on TV.

    The only other option is to leave it up to those in power to decide what’s next. That’s a calculated risk. As Andrea Pitzer, author of “One Long Night,” one of the most comprehensive books on the history of concentration camps, recently noted: “Every country has said their camps are humane and will be different. Trump is instinctively an authoritarian. He’ll take them as far as he’s allowed to.”

    https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-katz-immigrant-concentration-camps-20190609-story.html
    #terminologie #vocabulaire #mots #camps #camps_de_concentration #centres_de_détention #détention_administrative #rétention #USA #Etats-Unis
    #cpa_camps

    • ‘Some Suburb of Hell’: America’s New Concentration Camp System

      On Monday, New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez referred to US border detention facilities as “concentration camps,” spurring a backlash in which critics accused her of demeaning the memory of those who died in the Holocaust. Debates raged over a label for what is happening along the southern border and grew louder as the week rolled on. But even this back-and-forth over naming the camps has been a recurrent feature in the mass detention of civilians ever since its inception, a history that long predates the Holocaust.

      At the heart of such policy is a question: What does a country owe desperate people whom it does not consider to be its citizens? The twentieth century posed this question to the world just as the shadow of global conflict threatened for the second time in less than three decades. The dominant response was silence, and the doctrine of absolute national sovereignty meant that what a state did to people under its control, within its borders, was nobody else’s business. After the harrowing toll of the Holocaust with the murder of millions, the world revisited its answer, deciding that perhaps something was owed to those in mortal danger. From the Fourth Geneva Convention protecting civilians in 1949 to the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, the international community established humanitarian obligations toward the most vulnerable that apply, at least in theory, to all nations.

      The twenty-first century is unraveling that response. Countries are rejecting existing obligations and meeting asylum seekers with walls and fences, from detainees fleeing persecution who were sent by Australia to third-party detention in the brutal offshore camps of Manus and Nauru to razor-wire barriers blocking Syrian refugees from entering Hungary. While some nations, such as Germany, wrestle with how to integrate refugees into their labor force—more and more have become resistant to letting them in at all. The latest location of this unwinding is along the southern border of the United States.

      So far, American citizens have gotten only glimpses of the conditions in the border camps that have been opened in their name. In the month of May, Customs and Border Protection reported a total of 132,887 migrants who were apprehended or turned themselves in between ports of entry along the southwest border, an increase of 34 percent from April alone. Upon apprehension, these migrants are temporarily detained by Border Patrol, and once their claims are processed, they are either released or handed over to ICE for longer-term detention. Yet Border Patrol itself is currently holding about 15,000 people, nearly four times what government officials consider to be this enforcement arm’s detention capacity.

      On June 12, the Department of Health and Human Services announced that Fort Sill, an Army post that hosted a World War II internment camp for detainees of Japanese descent, will now be repurposed to detain migrant children. In total, HHS reports that it is currently holding some 12,000 minors. Current law limits detention of minors to twenty days, though Senator Lindsey Graham has proposed expanding the court-ordered limit to 100 days. Since the post is on federal land, it will be exempt from state child welfare inspections.

      In addition to the total of detainees held by Border Patrol, an even higher number is detained at centers around the country by the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency: on a typical day at the beginning of this month, ICE was detaining more than 52,500 migrants. The family separation policy outraged the public in the 2018, but despite legal challenges, it never fully ended. Less publicized have been the deaths of twenty-four adults in ICE custody since the beginning of the Trump administration; in addition, six children between the ages of two and sixteen have died in federal custody over the last several months. It’s not clear whether there have been other deaths that have gone unreported.

      Conditions for detainees have not been improving. At the end of May, a Department of Homeland Security inspector general found nearly 900 migrants at a Texas shelter built for a capacity of 125 people. On June 11, a university professor spotted at least 100 men behind chain-link fences near the Paso del Norte Bridge in El Paso, Texas. Those detainees reported sitting outside for weeks in temperatures that soared above 100 degrees. Taylor Levy, an El Paso immigration lawyer, described going into one facility and finding “a suicidal four-year-old whose face was covered in bloody, self-inflicted scratches… Another young child had to be restrained by his mother because he kept running full-speed into metal lockers. He was covered in bruises.”

      If deciding what to do about the growing numbers of adults and children seeking refuge in the US relies on complex humanitarian policies and international laws, in which most Americans don’t take a deep interest, a simpler question also presents itself: What exactly are these camps that the Trump administration has opened, and where is this program of mass detention headed?

      Even with incomplete information about what’s happening along the border today and what the government plans for these camps, history points to some conclusions about their future. Mass detention without trial earned a new name and a specific identity at the end of the nineteenth century. The labels then adopted for the practice were “reconcentración” and “concentration camps”—places of forced relocation of civilians into detention on the basis of group identity.

      Other kinds of group detention had appeared much earlier in North American history. The US government drove Native Americans from their homelands into prescribed exile, with death and detention in transit camps along the way. Some Spanish mission systems in the Americas had accomplished similar ends by seizing land and pressing indigenous people into forced labor. During the 245 years when slavery was legal in the US, detention was one of its essential features.

      Concentration camps, however, don’t typically result from the theft of land, as happened with Native Americans, or owning human beings in a system of forced labor, as in the slave trade. Exile, theft, and forced labor can come later, but in the beginning, detention itself is usually the point of concentration camps. By the end of the nineteenth century, the mass production of barbed wire and machines guns made this kind of detention possible and practical in ways it never had been before.

      Under Spanish rule in 1896, the governor-general of Cuba instituted camps in order to clear rebel-held regions during an uprising, despite his predecessor’s written refusal “as the representative of a civilized nation, to be the first to give the example of cruelty and intransigence” that such detention would represent. After women and children began dying in vast numbers behind barbed wire because there had been little planning for shelter and even less for food, US President William McKinley made his call to war before Congress. He spoke against the policy of reconcentración, calling it warfare by uncivilized means. “It was extermination,” McKinley said. “The only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave.” Without full records, the Cuban death toll can only be estimated, but a consensus puts it in the neighborhood of 150,000, more than 10 percent of the island’s prewar population.

      Today, we remember the sinking of the USS Maine as the spark that ignited the Spanish-American War. But war correspondent George Kennan (cousin of the more famous diplomat) believed that “it was the suffering of the reconcentrados, more, perhaps, than any other one thing that brought about the intervention of the United States.” On April 25, 1898, Congress declared war. Two weeks later, US Marines landed at Fisherman’s Point on the windward side of the entrance to Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. After a grim, week-long fight, the Marines took the hill. It became a naval base, and the United States has never left that patch of land.

      As part of the larger victory, the US inherited the Philippines. The world’s newest imperial power also inherited a rebellion. Following a massacre of American troops at Balangiga in September 1901, during the third year of the conflict, the US established its own concentration camp system. Detainees, mostly women and children, were forced into squalid conditions that one American soldier described in a letter to a US senator as “some suburb of hell.” In the space of only four months, more than 11,000 Filipinos are believed to have died in these noxious camps.

      Meanwhile, in southern Africa in 1900, the British had opened their own camps during their battle with descendants of Dutch settlers in the second Boer War. British soldiers filled tent cities with Boer women and children, and the military authorities called them refugee camps. Future Prime Minister David Lloyd George took offense at that name, noting in Parliament: “There is no greater delusion in the mind of any man than to apply the term ‘refugee’ to these camps. They are not refugee camps. They are camps of concentration.” Contemporary observers compared them to the Cuban camps, and criticized their deliberate cruelty. The Bishop of Hereford wrote to The Times of London in 1901, asking: “Are we reduced to such a depth of impotence that our Government can do nothing to stop such a holocaust of child-life?”

      Maggoty meat rations and polluted water supplies joined outbreaks of contagious diseases amid crowded and unhealthy conditions in the Boer camps. More than 27,000 detainees are thought to have died there, nearly 80 percent of them children. The British had opened camps for black Africans as well, in which at least 14,000 detainees died—the real number is probably much higher. Aside from protests made by some missionaries, the deaths of indigenous black Africans did not inspire much public outrage. Much of the history of the suffering in these camps has been lost.

      These early experiments with concentration camps took place on the periphery of imperial power, but accounts of them nevertheless made their way into newspapers and reports in many nations. As a result, the very idea of them came to be seen as barbaric. By the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, the first camp systems had all been closed, and concentration camps had nearly vanished as an institution. Within months of the outbreak of World War I, though, they would be resurrected—this time rising not at the margins but in the centers of power. Between 1914 and 1918, camps were constructed on an unprecedented scale across six continents. In their time, these camps were commonly called concentration camps, though today they are often referred to by the more anodyne term “internment.”

      Those World War I detainees were, for the most part, foreigners—or, in legalese, aliens—and recent anti-immigration legislation in several countries had deliberately limited their rights. The Daily Mail denounced aliens left at liberty once they had registered with their local police department, demanding, “Does signing his name take the malice out of a man?” The Scottish Field was more direct, asking, “Do Germans have souls?” That these civilian detainees were no threat to Britain did not keep them from being demonized, shouted at, and spat upon as they were paraded past hostile crowds in cities like London.

      Though a small number of people were shot in riots in these camps, and hunger became a serious issue as the conflict dragged on, World War I internment would present a new, non-lethal face for the camps, normalizing detention. Even after the war, new camps sprang up from Spain to Hungary and Cuba, providing an improvised “solution” for everything from vagrancy to anxieties over the presence of Jewish foreigners.

      Some of these camps were clearly not safe for those interned. Local camps appeared in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1921, after a white mob burned down a black neighborhood and detained African-American survivors. In Bolshevik Russia, the first concentration camps preceded the formation of the Soviet Union in 1922 and planted seeds for the brutal Gulag system that became official near the end of the USSR’s first decade. While some kinds of camps were understood to be harsher, after World War I their proliferation did not initially disturb public opinion. They had yet to take on their worst incarnations.

      In 1933, barely more than a month after Hitler was appointed chancellor, the Nazis’ first, impromptu camp opened in the town of Nohra in central Germany to hold political opponents. Detainees at Nohra were allowed to vote at a local precinct in the elections of March 5, 1933, resulting in a surge of Communist ballots in the tiny town. Locking up groups of civilians without trial had become accepted. Only the later realization of the horrors of the Nazi death camps would break the default assumption by governments and the public that concentration camps could and should be a simple way to manage populations seen as a threat.

      However, the staggering death toll of the Nazi extermination camp system—which was created mid-war and stood almost entirely separate from the concentration camps in existence since 1933—led to another result: a strange kind of erasure. In the decades that followed World War II, the term “concentration camp” came to stand only for Auschwitz and other extermination camps. It was no longer applied to the kind of extrajudicial detention it had denoted for generations. The many earlier camps that had made the rise of Auschwitz possible largely vanished from public memory.

      It is not necessary, however, to step back a full century in American history to find camps with links to what is happening on the US border today. Detention at Guantánamo began in the 1990s, when Haitian and Cuban immigrants whom the government wanted to keep out of the United States were housed there in waves over a four-year period—years before the “war on terror” and the US policy of rendition of suspected “enemy combatants” made Camps Delta, X-Ray, and Echo notorious. Tens of thousands of Haitians fleeing instability at home were picked up at sea and diverted to the Cuban base, to limit their legal right to apply for asylum. The court cases and battles over the suffering of those detainees ended up setting the stage for what Guantánamo would become after September 11, 2001.

      In one case, a federal court ruled that it did have jurisdiction over the base, but the government agreed to release the Haitians who were part of the lawsuit in exchange for keeping that ruling off the books. A ruling in a second case would assert that the courts did not have jurisdiction. Absent the prior case, the latter stood on its own as precedent. Leaving Guantánamo in this gray area made it an ideal site for extrajudicial detention and torture after the twin towers fell.

      This process of normalization, when a bad camp becomes much more dangerous, is not unusual. Today’s border camps are a crueler reflection of long-term policies—some challenged in court—that earlier presidents had enacted. Prior administrations own a share of the responsibility for today’s harsh practices, but the policies in place today are also accompanied by a shameless willingness to publicly target a vulnerable population in increasingly dangerous ways.

      I visited Guantánamo twice in 2015, sitting in the courtroom for pretrial hearings and touring the medical facility, the library, and all the old abandoned detention sites, as well as newly built ones, open to the media—from the kennel-style cages of Camp X-Ray rotting to ruin in the damp heat to the modern jailhouse facilities of Camp 6. Seeing all this in person made clear to me how vast the architecture of detention had become, how entrenched it was, and how hard it would be to close.

      Without a significant government effort to reverse direction, conditions in every camp system tend to deteriorate over time. Governments rarely make that kind of effort on behalf of people they are willing to lock up without trial in the first place. And history shows that legislatures do not close camps against the will of an executive.

      Just a few years ago there might have been more potential for change spurred by the judicial branch of our democracy, but this Supreme Court is inclined toward deference to executive power, even, it appears, if that power is abused. It seems unlikely this Court will intervene to end the new border camp system; indeed, the justices are far more likely to institutionalize it by half-measures, as happened with Guantánamo. The Korematsu case, in which the Supreme Court upheld Japanese-American internment (a ruling only rescinded last year), relied on the suppression of evidence by the solicitor general. Americans today can have little confidence that this administration would behave any more scrupulously when defending its detention policy.

      What kind of conditions can we expect to develop in these border camps? The longer a camp system stays open, the more likely it is that vital things will go wrong: detainees will contract contagious diseases and suffer from malnutrition and mental illness. We have already seen that current detention practices have resulted in children and adults succumbing to influenza, staph infections, and sepsis. The US is now poised to inflict harm on tens of thousands more, perhaps hundreds of thousands more.

      Along with such inevitable consequences, every significant camp system has introduced new horrors of its own, crises that were unforeseen when that system was opened. We have yet to discover what those will be for these American border camps. But they will happen. Every country thinks it can do detention better when it starts these projects. But no good way to conduct mass indefinite detention has yet been devised; the system always degrades.

      When, in 1940, Margarete Buber-Neumann was transferred from the Soviet Gulag at Karaganda to the camp for women at Ravensbrück (in an exchange enabled by the Nazi–Soviet Pact), she came from near-starvation conditions in the USSR and was amazed at the cleanliness and order of the Nazi camp. New arrivals were issued clothing, bedding, and silverware, and given fresh porridge, fruit, sausage, and jam to eat. Although the Nazi camps were already punitive, order-obsessed monstrosities, the wartime overcrowding that would soon overtake them had not yet made daily life a thing of constant suffering and squalor. The death camps were still two years away.

      The United States now has a vast and growing camp system. It is starting out with gruesome overcrowding and inadequate healthcare, and because of budget restrictions, has already taken steps to cut services to juvenile detainees. The US Office of Refugee Resettlement says that the mounting number of children arriving unaccompanied is forcing it to use military bases and other sites that it prefers to avoid, and that establishing these camps is a temporary measure. But without oversight from state child welfare inspectors, the possibilities for neglect and abuse are alarming. And without any knowledge of how many asylum-seekers are coming in the future, federal administrators are likely to find themselves boxed in to managing detention on military sites permanently.

      President Trump and senior White House adviser Stephen Miller appear to have purged the Department of Homeland Security of most internal opposition to their anti-immigrant policies. In doing so, that have removed even those sympathetic to the general approach taken by the White House, such as former Chief of Staff John Kelly and former Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, in order to escalate the militarization of the border and expand irregular detention in more systematic and punitive ways. This kind of power struggle or purge in the early years of a camp system is typical.

      The disbanding of the Cheka, the Soviet secret police, in February 1922 and the transfer of its commander, Felix Dzerzhinsky, to head up an agency with control over only two prisons offered a hint of an alternate future in which extrajudicial detention would not play a central role in the fledgling Soviet republic. But Dzerzhinsky managed to keep control over the “special camps” in his new position, paving the way for the emergence of a camp-centered police state. In pre-war Germany in the mid-1930s, Himmler’s struggle to consolidate power from rivals eventually led him to make camps central to Nazi strategy. When the hardliners win, as they appear to have in the US, conditions tend to worsen significantly.

      Is it possible this growth in the camp system will be temporary and the improvised border camps will soon close? In theory, yes. But the longer they remain open, the less likely they are to vanish. When I visited the camps for Rohingya Muslims a year before the large-scale campaign of ethnic cleansing began, many observers appeared to be confusing the possible and the probable. It was possible that the party of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi would sweep into office in free elections and begin making changes. It was possible that full democracy would come to all the residents of Myanmar, even though the government had stripped the Rohingya of the last vestiges of their citizenship. These hopes proved to be misplaced. Once there are concentration camps, it is always probable that things will get worse.

      The Philippines, Japanese-American internment, Guantánamo… we can consider the fine points of how the current border camps evoke past US systems, and we can see how the arc of camp history reveals the likelihood that the suffering we’re currently inflicting will be multiplied exponentially. But we can also simply look at what we’re doing right now, shoving bodies into “dog pound”-style detention pens, “iceboxes,” and standing room-only spaces. We can look at young children in custody who have become suicidal. How much more historical awareness do we really need?

      https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2019/06/21/some-suburb-of-hell-americas-new-concentration-camp-system

    • #Alexandria_Ocasio-Cortez engage le bras de fer avec la politique migratoire de Donald Trump

      L’élue de New York a qualifié les camps de rétention pour migrants érigés à la frontière sud des Etats-Unis de « camps de concentration ».

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/06/19/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-engage-le-bras-de-fer-avec-la-politique-migratoire-

  • Les assistants personnels masculins donnent des directions, les féminins vous épaulent
    https://www.numerama.com/tech/521282-les-assistants-personnels-masculins-donnent-des-directions-les-femi

    Un rapport de l’ONU pointe du doigt les biais sexistes des assistants vocaux que nous utilisons au quotidien. Le genre des assistants vocaux a-t-il une importance ? Si l’on en croit un rapport publié par les Nations Unies (ONU) mercredi 22 mai, il contribuerait en tout cas à véhiculer des clichés sexistes. Les fabricants auraient tendance à choisir une voix masculine pour des objets qui donnent des ordres ou des directives, mais une voix féminine pour des objets qui épaulent et conseillent.

    Des (...)

    #Apple #Microsoft #BMW #Amazon #AlexaHunches #Assistant #Alexa #Cortana #domotique #Siri #Alibaba.com #Alibaba #biométrie #discrimination #voix #GPS #smartphone (...)

    ##AliGenie
    //c1.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/05/amazon-echo.jpg

  • Mémoires de Nestor Makhno

    Didier Giraud

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Memoires-de-Nestor-Makhno

    Dans la société dominante actuelle, après la débâcle spectaculaire du communisme à la sauce marxiste-léniniste, les têtes pensantes du capitalisme libéral s’évertuent à nous persuader que toutes les révolutions ont conduit à des impasses et des bains de sang. Ils oublient volontairement de mentionner les expériences communistes libertaires du XXe siècle — en Ukraine en 1917-1921 et en Espagne en 1936-1939 — où des anarchistes locaux avaient aboli les rapports marchands et créé des communautés où chacun participait en toute liberté selon ses moyens et recevait selon ses besoins, prouvant par là qu’une autre société et qu’une vie meilleure étaient possibles. Malheureusement, ces révolutionnaires avaient sous-estimé le danger des démagogues étatistes, lesquels n’avaient reculé devant aucune scélératesse pour les anéantir. Les Mémoires et écrits de notre compagnon Nestor Makhno démontrent ainsi, par son expérience personnelle sur plus de trente ans, la validité du projet révolutionnaire, à condition d’être sans cesse vigilant contre tous les parasites amateurs de pouvoir d’État et d’être précis sur les objectifs à atteindre, sans pour cela faire des promesses sans lendemains. Cette parution est donc un événement, attendu de longue date et promis depuis 1982 par Alexandre Skirda dans sa monographie Nestor Makhno, le cosaque libertaire. Ici, la parole et la plume appartiennent à Makhno lui-même (...)

    #Makhno #révolution_russe #Ukraine #Mémoires #Alexandre_Skirda

  • Les enceintes connectées font peur… à deux tiers des Français qui les utilisent
    https://www.numerama.com/tech/520849-deux-tiers-des-francais-qui-utilisent-une-enceinte-connectee-en-ont

    61 % des utilisateurs d’enceintes connectées pensent qu’elles « constituent une menace pour leur vie privée », rapporte une étude du CSA et de l’Hadopi de 2019. Un paradoxe qui montre l’ambivalence du marché français encore balbutiant. Les Français sont-ils réfractaires aux enceintes connectées ? C’est ce que laisse penser l‘étude qui vient d’être rendue par l’Hadopi et le CSA, ce 28 mai 2019, intitulée Assistants vocaux et enceintes connectées : l’impact de la voix sur l’offre et les usages culturels et (...)

    #Apple #Google #Amazon #Echo #Home #Alexa #domotique #HomePod #HADOPI #surveillance (...)

    ##écoutes
    //c1.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/04/amazon-echo.jpg

  • Alexa, why does the brave new world of AI have all the sexism of the old one ?
    https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2019/may/22/alexa-why-does-the-brave-new-world-of-ai-have-all-the-sexism-of-the-old

    Virtual assistants such as Google Home and Siri only encourage the attitude that women exist merely to aid men in getting on with more important things. When women are over-represented in the workforce, it tends be in industries of assistance – cleaning, nursing, secretarial work and, now, the world of virtual assistants. Research by Unesco has shown that using default female voices in AI – as Microsoft has done with Cortana, Amazon with Alexa, Google with Google Assistant and Apple with (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #robotique #Home #Assistant #Alexa #Cortana #domotique #Siri #biométrie #discrimination #voix (...)

    ##algorithme
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/44671b648a16095e4077973b446bf932f5c64484/1061_0_2443_1467/master/2443.jpg

  • Pourquoi les assistants vocaux ont des voix féminines
    https://usbeketrica.com/article/pourquoi-les-assistants-vocaux-ont-des-voix-feminines

    L’UNESCO s’alarme de la prolifération d’assistants vocaux (Siri, Alexa, Cortana, Google Assistant) programmés pour avoir une voix féminine par défaut, une « personnalité docile », et pour répondre de façon évasive et joueuse aux insultes ou provocations à caractère sexuel. Ou comment des outils du quotidien auxquels des centaines de millions de personnes s’adressent tous les jours peuvent renforcer les préjugés sexistes associant les femmes au statut d’assistantes zélées. I would blush if I could. La (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #robotique #Assistant #Alexa #Cortana #domotique #Siri #biométrie #discrimination (...)

    ##voix