• Après les #milices qui surveillent les #frontières en #Hongrie, #Bulgarie, #République_Tchèque :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719995

    ... voici le même type de groupes en #Slovénie...
    Vigilantes in Slovenia patrol borders to keep out migrants

    Blaz Zidar has a mission: patrol along a razor-wire fence on Slovenia’s border with Croatia, catch migrants trying to climb over, hand them to police and make sure they are swiftly sent out of the country.

    The 47-year-old former Slovenian army soldier, dressed in camouflage trousers with a long knife hanging from his belt, is one of the vigilantes who call themselves “home guards” — a mushrooming anti-migrant movement that was until recently unthinkable in the traditionally liberal Alpine state. The name of the self-styled group evokes memories of the militia that sided with fascists during World War II.

    “I would prefer to enjoy my retirement peacefully, but security reasons are preventing this,” Zidar said as he embarked on yet another of his daily foot patrols together with his wife near their home village of Radovica nestled idyllically among vineyards and lush green forested hills.

    Zidar complained that he had to act because Slovenian police aren’t doing their job of guarding the borders from the migrant flow which peaked in 2015 when hundreds of thousands of refugees from the Middle East, Africa and Asia, fleeing wars and poverty, crossed from Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia via Hungary or Croatia and Slovenia toward more prosperous Western European states.

    Zidar said that his six children often join them in the border monitoring mission “because they have to learn how to protect their nation from intruders.”

    Slovenia’s volunteer guards illustrate strong anti-migrant sentiments not only in the small European Union nation of 2 million people, but also across central and eastern Europe which is a doorway into Western Europe for migrants and where countries such as Hungary have faced criticism for open anti-migrant policies. Similar right-wing guards that frequently attacked migrants crossing the borders previously openly operated in Hungary and Bulgaria.

    Police in Croatia — an EU member state that is still not part of the borderless EU travel zone — routinely face accusations of pushbacks and violence against migrants trying to come in from Bosnia. In Slovenia, the authorities are putting up additional fences on the border with Croatia after Italy’s former hard-line interior minister, Matteo Salvini, threatened “physical barriers” would be built between Slovenia and Italy if the migrant flow wasn’t completely stopped.

    The fiery anti-migrant rhetoric by Salvini and Hungarian President Victor Orban, who was the first to order fences on Hungary’s border with Serbia at the start of the migrant crisis, have resonated among some in Slovenia, an exceptionally calm, nature-loving country.

    Miha Kovac, a Slovenian political analyst who is a professor at the University of Ljubljana, described the anti-migrant guards as “guys with big beer bellies who don’t have much of an education, who didn’t have much of a career, who don’t know what to do with themselves in the contemporary world.

    “They find their meaning in this kind of movement and this kind of hatred toward migrants.”

    Kovac said that in the short run, the right-wing groups represent no real danger to the tiny EU nation. But if the European migrant crisis continues “this kind of movement might become more aggressive.”

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zte9nDFcACY

    “Slovenia is a country of 2 million and if you would become a kind of immigrant pocket with the population of ... 20, 30, 40, 50,000 immigrants, this could cause quite significant problems,” Kovac said.

    Slovenian authorities don’t seem to mind the self-styled guards patrolling the country’s borders, as long as they don’t do anything against the law.

    “The self-organization of individuals does not in any way imply mistrust of police work,” said France Bozicnik, the head of criminal police at a police station near the border. “It’s just the opposite.”

    “People call us on the phone every day and give us information about suspicious vehicles and suspicious persons, and we sincerely thank them for this information,” he said. “They are welcome to continue with this reporting.”

    Nevertheless, the images of masked men in military uniforms that appeared about a year ago have shocked many in Slovenia, the birthplace of U.S. first lady Melania Trump. The largest volunteer group called the Stajerska Garda was filmed taking an oath to secure public order in the country.

    The group commander, Andrej Sisko, said his goal is “to train people to defend their country and help the military and police at a time of massive migrations from the African and Asian states, mostly Muslims.”


    Sisko, who spent six months in prison for his paramilitary activities, insisted that his guards don’t carry real weapons or do anything illegal.

    “People are mostly supporting us, they are stopping and congratulating us on the streets,” Sisko said in an interview with The Associated Press as four of his men in camouflage uniforms, wearing genuine-looking mock guns, stood watch at his house in the suburb of the northern Slovenian town of #Maribor.

    With the continuing migrant flow in the region, human rights groups have accused authorities in Slovenia, Serbia, Greece, Hungary and particularly Croatia of illegal and forced pushbacks from their borders.

    Witnesses cited by the Border Violence Monitoring Network described Croatian police officers at the border with Bosnia burning clothes, sleeping bags, backpacks and tents in addition to targeting other possessions such as cellphones, cash and personal documents. Croatian officials have repeatedly denied the claims.

    “The police first attacked by shooting up in the air, and then they ordered us to lay down,” said Shabbir Ahmed Mian from Pakistan, adding that after police body searches they “pushed” the group of 15 that included women, children and the elderly into a small van that dumped them back to Bosnia.

    “We couldn’t breathe, there was no oxygen,” he said.

    https://www.apnews.com/57424e6bf60046e594b4c052bac86b6c

    #Stajerska_Garda #Andrey_Sisko
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme #patrouilles #chasse_aux_migrants #anti-réfugiés #milices #milices_privées #extrême_droite #néo-nazis

    ping @reka @isskein @marty

    • Nouvelle reçu via le rapport « Border violence monitoring network - Balkan Region » de septembre 2019 (p. 13 et segg.) :
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-september-2019

      Extrait :

      SloveniaVigilante groups patrol the Slovenian border with CroatiaOn September 17th the Associated Press reported (https://www.apnews.com/57424e6bf60046e594b4c052bac86b6c) on the alarming activities of a Slovenian para-military group called “#Stajerska_Varda”, operating along the border with Croatia. Members of the group are reportedly taking part in vigilante activities, apprehending people-in-transit who try to cross the border, and calling the police to push them back. Until now the groups’ members have not been observed carrying out any violent actions, but their rise in numbers and presence on the border is deeply concerning. A video (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m2KOSTXp4fA

      ) from October 2018 shows a large number of armed people taking an oath nearMaribor, stating their intent to take border security into their own hands.

      Andrey Sisko, the leader of the far-right group, confirmed that at that time the militia had existed for longer than a year. Sisko himself was arrested and detained (https://www.total-slovenia-news.com/politics/3328-militia-leader-jailed-for-trying-to-subvert-the-constituti) for six months with the charge of “trying to subvert the constitutional order”. He was released in March. The open activities of far-right groups at the border are a telling development, not only for pressure on transit conditions, but also the growth in nationalist logic pervading Slovenia today. Stajerska Varda have stepped into the political void opened up by centre and right-wing politicians who have stoked domestic opinion against people-in-transit. While extreme right activists frame their role as a necessary defense, their actual ideology is explicitly aggressive. As shown in a report (https://eeradicalization.com/the-militarization-of-slovenian-far-right-extremism) by European Eye on radicalization, Stajerska Varda has the nationalist ideas of “Greater Slovenjia” (https://eeradicalization.com/the-militarization-of-slovenian-far-right-extremism) as a reference point, and has inserted itself in a context of growing militarization as part of Slovenia’s right.

      Yet media response to this rise in armed groups presented some worrying attitudes towards the issue. Namely the views of Miha Kovac, a political analyst interviewed by AP for their report, is dangerous in two senses. Kovac dismisses radical groups as “guys with big beer bellies [...] who don’t know what to do with themselves”, and even goes on to allege that the root cause of facism is the presence of migrants in Slovenia. Marking out people-in-transit as instigators falls into a traditional cycle of victim blaming, a route which absolves the role of fear mongering party politics in abetting radicalization.
      As shown by right wing leaders around Europe, such as Matteo Salvini and Victor Orban, open praise for and facilitation of radical groups is an explicit tactic used to build a right wing consensus on the ground. The example of vigilantes operating in Hungaryas early as 2015, suggests that the development of state borders and growth of the extra-parliamentary right go hand in hand. These two strands are evidently complicit in Slovenia, seen especially in the silence at the party and state levels in regards to a self publicized military juntaoperating on state soil. September’s revelations again highlight the liminal space between conservative migration politics and paramilitary fascism. The existence of these activities call into direct question the responsibilities of the Slovenian state, and are a concerning augmentation of the current institutional pushback framework.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/September-2019-Report-1.pdf

    • Patriot games: Slovenian paramilitaries face down migrant ’threat’ on border

      Dressed in camouflage and armed with air rifles, Slovenian paramilitaries moves in formation through woods a stone’s throw from Croatia, patrolling a border zone where the group’s leader says illegal migration is rife.

      The more than 50-strong group, some of whom mask their faces with balaclavas and which includes a handful of women, is led by Andrej Sisko, who also heads Gibanje Zedinjena Slovenija, a fringe nationalist party that has so far failed to win seats in parliament.

      He believes authorities are failing in their duty to protect Slovenia against what he views as the migrant threat, and founded Stajerska and Krajnska Varda (Stajerska and Krajnska Guard) to fill that gap.

      Members of both organistions were participating in the patrol when Reuters TV met them.

      “It is a duty of all of us to ensure security in our own country,” he said. “If state bodies who are paid for that cannot or do not want to ensure security we can help ensure it, that is what we do.”

      Anti-migrant sentiment in Slovenia and other ex-Communist states has risen sharply since 2015, when eastern Europe bore the initial brunt of a refugee crisis.

      Much of the region has since then resisted attempts by EU authorities in Brussels to enforce a continent-wide quota system for new arrivals, which Slovenia has however signed up for.

      According to Slovenian police, numbers of migrants crossing illegally from Croatia to Slovenia - where a razor-wire fence has been erected along stretches of the border since 2015 - rose to 11,786 in the first nine months of this year from 6,911 a year earlier.

      Sisko this year served time in jail for forming Stajerska Varda and urging the overthrow of state institutions.

      He says the group, which generally meets in the border zone at weekends, does not intercept migrants - which he emphasises would be against the law - but advertises their presence to security forces.

      Police told Reuters they were monitoring the group’s behaviour and had not detected any recent illegal activities.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-slovenia-paramilitary/patriot-games-slovenian-paramilitaries-face-down-migrant-threat-on-border-i

  • Using Fear of the “Other,” Orbán Reshapes Migration Policy in a Hungary Built on Cultural Diversity

    In summer 2015, more than 390,000 asylum seekers, mostly Muslim, crossed the Serbian-Hungarian border and descended on the Keleti railway station in Budapest. For Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party, the arrival of these asylum seekers was not a humanitarian issue but a Muslim invasion threatening the national security, social cohesion, and Christian identity of the Hungarian nation. In the four years since this episode, the fear of the “other” has resulted in a string of anti-immigrant actions and policies.

    For example, barbed wire fences were constructed to deter asylum seekers from entering Hungarian territory. Transit zones on the same Serbian-Hungarian border followed, and since the end of March 2017, anyone applying for asylum in Hungary can only do so from a transit zone and is detained there for the duration of the asylum procedure. Conditions there have been grim. The Hungarian Helsinki Committee (HHC) contends rejected asylum seekers inside the transit zones are denied food, to the point of starvation.

    Furthermore, the Orbán government is fighting anti-immigrant battles not just at the border, but also in Brussels. Under the EU burden-sharing scheme, Hungary was supposed to accept 1,294 refugees. However, the prime minister said that while Hungarians have “no problems” with the local Muslim community, any EU plan to relocate asylum seekers, including many Muslims, would destroy Hungary’s Christian identity and culture. In his attempt to quash admissions, Orbán signaled that his party may split with Europe’s main conservative group and join an anti-immigrant, nationalist bloc in the EU Parliament led by Italy’s Matteo Salvini. Finally, Hungary’s latest anti-immigrant law criminalizes assistance to unauthorized migrants by civil-society organizations and good Samaritans.

    These anti-immigrant sentiments are relatively new. Given Hungary’s geopolitical location, immigration and emigration have been a reality since the birth of the country. At times, Hungary has been quite a multicultural society: for example, during the Habsburg Empire, Hungarians coexisted with Germans, Slavs, Italians, Romanians, and Jews originating in Germany, Poland, and Russia. Later, in the aftermath of World War II, significant population movements greatly modified the ethnic map of Eastern and Central Europe, and many ethnic Hungarians ended up in neighboring countries, some of whom would return later.

    Yet, it is strange to write about multicultural Hungary in 2019. Despite population movements in the postwar and communist eras and significant refugee arrivals during the Yugoslav wars in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, the country has only recently been grappling with the arrival of migrants and asylum seekers from beyond Europe. Now several years out from the 2015-16 European migrant and refugee crisis, the Orbán administration continues to pursue policies to limit humanitarian and other arrivals from beyond Europe, while welcoming those of Hungarian ancestry. Hungarian civil society has attempted to provide reception services for newcomers, even as the number of asylum seekers and refugees has dwindled: just 671 asylum seekers and 68 refugees were present in Hungary in 2018, down from 177,135 and 146, respectively, in 2015.

    This article examines historical and contemporary migration in Hungary, from its multicultural past to recent attempts to criminalize migration and activities of those who aim to help migrants and asylum seekers.

    Immigrants and Their Reception in Historic Hungary

    In the 11th century, the Carpathian Basin saw both organized settlement of certain peoples and a roaming population, which was in reaction to certain institutional changes in the medieval Hungarian kingdom. Historians note that newcomers came to historic Hungary searching for a better life: first across the entire Carpathian Basin and later in the Danube Valley. In the 12th century, Hungarian King Géza II invited Saxons to settle in Transylvania and later, when the Teutonic Knights were expelled from Burzenland (in modern-day Romania), they were welcomed in Brasov. The aftermath of the Tartar invasion in 1241 was followed by settlement of immigrants from Slovakia, Poland, and Russia. Ethnic minority groups fleeing Bulgaria settled between the Duna and Tisza rivers, while Romanians found new homes in Transylvania. King Bela IV erected new cities populated predominantly by German, Italian, and Jewish immigrants hailing from Central Europe and Germany.

    The 15th century saw a large settlement of Southern Slavs. The desertification of Transdanubia (the part of Hungary west of the Danube River) was remedied with a settlement of Croats and large groups of Serbians. When the medieval Kingdom of Hungary fell to the Ottoman Empire in 1526, some of the Southern Slavs moved to the parts under the Ottoman occupation voluntarily, while those who participated in the conquest were dispatched by the Ottoman rulers. At the same time, large number of ethnic Hungarians fled north and settled in the area of contemporary Slovakia.

    The next large group, of Germans, arrived in the 18th century during the Habsburg dynasty. The German settlement was part of the Habsburg population policy aimed at filling the void left by the Hungarians who perished during Ottoman rule, especially in the southern territories, around Baranya County and the Banat region. Germans also settled in Pest, Vecees, Buda, Esztergom, and the Pilis Mountains. By 1790, an estimated 70,000 ethnic Germans lived in Southern Hungary.

    While German immigrants were largely welcomed in 18th century Hungary, the same cannot be said about Romanians. During the reign of Empress Maria Theresa, Hungarian nobility voiced serious concerns about the rapid increase of the Romanian population. The nobles thought Romanians would ruin Transylvania.

    The Habsburg administration did not want to repeat the mistakes of the Ottomans and decided to control population movement along the Serbian border. A census conducted in the 13 villages of the Tisza region and 24 villages along the Maros river identified 8,000 border guards on duty. Despite these precautions, large-scale emigration from Serbia continued during the Habsburg era, with approximately 4,000 people crossing over to Hungary.

    Jews were the largest immigrant group in Hungary in the 19th century. Some came from the western territories of the Habsburg Empire—Germany, Bohemia, and Moravia—while others fled persecution in Russia. The arrival of Jews to the Hungarian territory was viewed favorably by Emperor Franz Josef I and Hungarian liberal politicians. Well-heeled Jewish families acquired noble status and rose in the aristocratic ranks, and many became patrons of the arts. At the beginning of World War I, an estimated 1 million Jews lived within the boundaries of what is present-day Hungary. However, the early appreciation of the contributions of the Jewish people did not last. Anti-Semitic sentiments flared up, culminating in the notorious Tiszaeszlár affair, in which Jews were accused of kidnapping and murdering Christian children in order to use their blood as part of religious rituals. Later, the violent repression known as the White Terror (1919-21) victimized many Jews, who were blamed by the right-wing camp for the severe sanctions placed on Hungary under the Treaty of Trianon in the aftermath of World War I.

    Refugees During and After World War II

    During World War II, Hungary was well disposed towards refugees, especially from Poland. Prime Minister Pál Teleki gave refugee status to some 70,000 Polish soldiers and nearly 40,000 civilians when Hitler invaded Poland. Ninety-one refugee camps for military personnel and 88 camps for civilians were established. A joint effort by Hungarian and international aid organizations and the Red Cross resulted in the establishment of the Committee for Hungarian-Polish Refugee Affairs. As the war escalated, most Polish officers and soldiers departed Hungary to join the Polish Home Army fighting Germany alongside Britain and France. In late 1940, a group of French refugees arrived in Hungary. By 1942, there were 600 French refugees in the country.

    The immediate post-WWII period—with its ensuing peace treaties, evictions, and forced settlements—resulted in considerable population movements, significantly modifying the ethnic map in Eastern and Central Europe. Some 200,000 ethnic Germans were evicted from Hungary, and 73,000 Slovaks left as part of what was described as a “population exchange.” Judit Juhász estimated that in the three years following the end of the war more than 100,000 people left Hungary. At the same time, 113,000 ethnic Hungarians were resettled in Hungary from Czechoslovakia, 125,000 from Transylvania, 45,500 from Yugoslavia, and 25,000 from the Soviet Union. Technically, ethnic Hungarians coming to Hungary were not considered migrants, but rather returning citizens.

    When the communist regime took over in 1947, the borders were closed and the government prohibited migration. Illegal departure from the country and failure to return from abroad became a crime. The borders opened briefly in 1956 when nearly 200,000 people fled Hungary during the uprising against the communist government. Most went to nearby Austria, but 38,000—mainly students and scientists—were airlifted to the United States, in a mobilization sponsored by the U.S. government and National Academy of Sciences. Their integration into American society was relatively easy due to their young age and high educational attainment. The Hungarian government tried to encourage the refugees to return by offering them amnesty, but only about 147 decided to return to Hungary from the United States.

    Migration in the Post-Socialist Period

    Although Hungary allowed some refugees to settle in its territory—Greeks after World War II, Chileans after the fall of the Allende government, and Kurds during the Iran-Iraq war—the country did not witness a large number of asylum seekers until the late 1980s, just months before the fall of communism in Hungary in 1989. Starting in mid-1987, ethnic Hungarians, discriminated by the Ceausescu regime, fled Romania to seek refuge in Hungary. By the beginning of 1988, some 40,000 Romanian citizens, primarily of Hungarian ancestry, arrived. By the fall of the same year, the number doubled, an exodus the author witnessed firsthand.

    For the most part, the central government left the responsibility for assisting refugees to private and municipal authorities. The Hungarian Red Cross opened a special information bureau in Budapest and mounted a national relief appeal called Help to Help. Twelve million forints (the equivalent of approximately US $250,000 at the time) were raised, including 1 million from foreign donations. Assistance programs were established in Budapest and in Debrecen, a town on the border with Romania, where most of the refugees came first. Local Red Cross chapters, municipal and county agencies, and local churches—especially the Hungarian Reformed Church—were also involved in the relief program. The assistance included cash grants, job placements, and Hungarian language training for ethnic Romanians. Clothing, blankets, dishes, and utensils were also provided. When the author visited Debrecen in 1988, most refugees were kept in school dormitories as housing in socialist Hungary was scarce.

    At the time, there was no formal procedure to separate refugees from other migrants. Many of the service providers interviewed by the author indicated that ethnic Hungarians and Baptist Romanians were persecuted and therefore were bona fide refugees, while all others were fleeing because of deteriorating economic conditions. The majority fleeing Romania were skilled workers and professionals. Very few ethnic Hungarian peasants from Transylvania migrated to Hungary, and neither did the cultural leaders of the Hungarian community in Romania. Additionally, the sudden arrival of asylum seekers and migrants from Romania was followed by a considerable return of ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Romanians to Romania.

    Refugees from the Yugoslav Wars

    In the summer of 1991, war broke out on Hungary’s southern border between Croatia and Serbia. Hungarian border guards faced large groups of civilians fleeing the fighting. Most were from the Baranyi triangle, an area of Croatia near Vukovar. More than 400,000 refugees fled to countries outside the former Yugoslavia’s borders. Germany admitted the largest number, 200,000, followed by Hungary, with 60,000. However, by late 1994 the refugee population registered in Hungary had dwindled to fewer than 8,000 people. The situation changed in 1995. New ethnic cleansing and renewed combat in Bosnia sent more refugees to Hungary in the spring and summer of 1995, and the Hungarian government reopened a refugee camp that had been long closed.

    The total number of refugees registered in Hungary between 1988 and 1995 reached more than 130,000 people and transformed the country from a refugee-producing country to a refugee-receiving country. However, up until the 2015-16 European refugee and migrant crisis, 75 percent of immigrants and refugees who entered the country post-1988 were ethnic Hungarians. This phenomenon has significantly influenced the development of Hungarian refugee law and policy.

    Refugee and Asylum Law since 1989

    The 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees constitutes the foundation of Hungarian refugee law. Hungary became a party to the Refugee Convention in early 1989—the first East bloc country to do so—and it also ratified the 1967 Protocol. Although its accession to the Refugee Convention signaled that Hungary was willing to accept the international definition of refugee, Hungary conditioned its ratification on a narrow definition of those who qualify as refugees, recognizing only those who fear persecution in Europe. According to Maryellen Fullerton, “known as the geographic reservation, this provision allows Hungary to limit its obligations under the Convention to a small (and totally European) subset of all the refugees in the world.”

    Refugees who came to Hungary in the late 1980s and in the 1990s entered a country “with an undeveloped refugee policy and a patchwork of legislation and government decrees concerning refugees and migrants,” according to Fullerton. Legal scholars indicate that the government’s attempt to establish a modern refugee system was affected by a powerful preference for protecting refugees of Hungarian ancestry. This preference has permeated both existing law and the administration of the refugee system, resulting in a de facto law of return. While there is nothing intrinsically wrong with wanting to protect fellow co-ethnics—many countries, including Israel, Germany, France, and Poland, among others, have similar laws—what seems objectionable is the desire to accomplish this goal by misusing the refugee process. Ethnic Hungarians who entered Hungary seeking refuge were not only channeled into the refugee system but were also eligible for Hungarian citizenship within one year, and all the rights that citizenship accords, while others who needed refuge were mainly provided temporary protection status. They received food, shelter, and other necessities, although in recent years these too are becoming scarce, but they lacked any substantial legal protection.

    Since joining the European Union in 2004, Hungary has broadly transposed the relevant EU asylum-related directives into national legislation. In June 2007, the Law on Asylum was adopted and the Office of Immigration and Nationality became responsible for asylum and statelessness determination procedures, the provision of reception services, and (very) limited integration services to asylum seekers and refugees, respectively. Three years later, in December 2010, amendments to the legislation relevant to asylum seekers and refugees were enacted. The maximum length of administrative detention from six to 12 months and the detention of up to 30 days of families with children were introduced. While the minimum standards of refugee protection were implemented—at least on paper in the early 2000s—xenophobic attitudes towards refugees, especially Muslims, are on the rise and the protection for asylum seekers and refugees is virtually nonexistent. At the same time, support for ethnic Hungarian refugees such as those from Venezuela, is flourishing.

    Weaponizing Xenophobia: No to Muslim Refugees

    During the 2015-16 European migrant and refugee crisis, the European Union asked Hungary to find homes for 1,294 refugees. Rather than accepting the EU decision, the Hungarian government spent approximately 28 million euros on a xenophobic anti-immigrant campaign. The government called on voters to defend Christian values and Hungarian national identity in order to stop Hungary from becoming a breeding ground for terrorism. The fear that Muslim women will bear many children and the local population will be outnumbered, somehow diluted or “discolored” by Muslims and multiculturalism was palpable in pro-government media. By the end of 2015, a total of 391,384 refugees and asylum seekers entered Hungary through its southern border, most intent on transiting the country to get elsewhere in Europe. This means that the government spent around 70 euros per refugee on a campaign of intolerance, in a country where the monthly welfare check is around the same amount. Undoubtedly this amount could have been used more effectively either to provide transitional assistance to refugees or to facilitate integration of asylum seekers who wanted to settle in Hungary. Attracting migrants to stay would been in line with Fidesz’s strategic goal to stop the long-declining Hungarian birth rate and the aging of the Hungarian society.

    Instead, Hungary decided to go a step further and in September 2015 amended its Criminal Code to make unauthorized crossing of the border closure (fence), damaging the border closure, and obstruction of the construction works related to the border closure punishable by three to ten years imprisonment. The Act on Criminal Proceedings was also amended with a new fast-track provision to bring the defendant to trial within 15 days after interrogation, or within eight days if caught in flagrante. With these new provisions, the Hungarian government declared a “state of crisis due to mass migration,” during which these criminal proceedings are conducted prior to all other cases. Between September 2015 and March 2016, 2,353 people were convicted of unauthorized border crossing. These people generally remained in immigration detention pending removal to Serbia, which Hungary deemed a safe country to which asylum seekers could return. HHC argued that Serbia could not be regarded as safe third country as it recognized virtually no asylum seekers. Applications for a stay of proceedings referring to the nonpenalization principle of the 1951 Convention were systematically dismissed on the grounds that “eligibility for international protection was not a relevant issue to criminal liability.” In order to gain the public’s support for criminalizing migration and rejecting the European Union’s request to admit a few hundred refugees, the Hungarian government organized a national referendum.

    The Referendum

    On October 2, 2016, the citizens of Hungary were asked a simple question: “Do you want the European Union to prescribe the mandatory settlement of non-Hungarian citizens in Hungary without the consent of the National Assembly?”

    Voter turnout was only 39 percent, far short of the 50 percent participation required to make the referendum valid under Hungarian law. Never one to let facts get in the way of politics, Orbán, whose eurosceptic Fidesz party has more support than all opposition parties combined, said in a televised speech:

    “The European Union’s proposal is to let the migrants in and distribute them in mandatory fashion among the Member States and for Brussels to decide about this distribution. Hungarians today considered this proposal and they rejected it. Hungarians decided that only we Hungarians can decide with whom we want to live. The question was ‘Brussels or Budapest’ and we decided this issue is exclusively the competence of Budapest.”

    Orbán decided that the 3.3 million Hungarians who voted “no” in the referendum spoke for all 10 million Hungarians. After his speech, there were fireworks over the Danube river in the colors of the Hungarian flag.

    In order to prevent the European Union from sending refugees to Hungary, Orbán proposed a constitutional amendment to reflect “the will of the people.” It was presented to the Parliament on October 10, 2016, but the bill was rejected by a narrow margin. The far-right Jobbik party, which contends that some of the new arrivals pose a national security threat, sealed the bill’s rejection by boycotting the vote. However, it held out a lifeline to Orbán by indicating that it would support the ban if Orbán scrapped a separate investor visa scheme under which foreigners could effectively buy the right to live in Hungary (and move freely within the Schengen area) in exchange for buying at least 300,000 euros in government bonds with a five-year maturity. Some 10,000 Chinese utilized this scheme, at this writing, to move to Hungary, as did smaller numbers of affluent investors from Russia and the Middle East.

    The Orbán government feared that the referendum alone would not deter potential asylum seekers from trying to enter Hungary. In order to ensure that the situation from the summer of 2015 would not be repeated, the government begun to further strengthen the borders and to close existing refugee camps.

    Border Hunters

    In 2016, the Hungarian police started recruiting 3,000 “border hunters” to join some 10,000 police and soldiers patrolling a 100-mile-long, four-meter-high, razor-wire-topped fence erected on Hungary’s southern borders with Serbia and Croatia to keep refugees out. The recruitment posts were scattered all over Budapest, including the Keleti railway station that became a de facto refugee camp for tens of thousands of people fleeing violence in the Middle East in 2015. Today, the thousands of police and border hunters deal with fewer than 200 refugees who reach Hungary’s southern border with Serbia every day.

    The border hunters must have a high school diploma and receive six months of training. They earn approximately HUF 200,000 (US $709) a month, and receive other perks: housing and clothing allowances, and discount on travel and cell phones. During a recruiting fair in early October 2016, a pack of teenagers ogled a display of machine guns, batons, and riot gear. A glossy flier included a picture of patrols in 4x4s, advanced equipment to detect body heat, night-vision goggles, and migrant-sniffing dogs.

    At a swearing-in ceremony in Budapest for border hunters in spring 2017, Orbán said Hungary had to act to defend itself. The storm has not died, it has only subsided temporarily, he said. There are still millions waiting to set out on their journey in the hope of a better life (in Europe).

    Refugee Camp Closures

    Erecting fences and recruiting border hunters to keep refugees out is one strategy; closing existing refugee camps is another. Beginning in December 2016, Orbán moved to close most refugee camps. The camp in Bicske operated as a refugee facility for more than two decades. In the little museum established by refugees on the premises of the reception center one could see artifacts, coins, and paintings from many parts of the world: several countries in Africa, the Middle East, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan, to name a few. However, in December 2016, the camp was shut down as part of the wave of closures. When the author visited the camp a few days before it closed, 75 individuals, hailing from Cuba, Nigeria, Cameroon, Iraq, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, lived there.

    At the time of the author’s visit, Bicske, which can house as many as 460 refugees, was operating well below capacity. The number of asylum applicants also decreased dramatically. According to HHC data, in October 2016, 1,198 refugees registered for asylum in Hungary compared with 5,812 in April 2016. As of October 2016, there were 529 asylum seekers staying in Hungarian refugee reception facilities: 318 at open reception centers such as Bicske and 211 in detention centers.

    The refugees who the author spoke with, including a couple from Nigeria and a young family from Cuba among others, were no terrorists. Jose and his family fled persecution in Cuba in hopes of reuniting with his elderly mother, who had received permission to stay in Budapest a couple of years earlier. Jose is a computer programmer and said he was confident that he would have no problem finding a job. In addition to his native Spanish, he speaks English, and was also learning Hungarian. The Nigerian couple fled northern Nigeria when Boko Haram killed several members of their family. They told the author mean no harm to anybody; all they want is to live in peace.

    When the camp in Bicske closed, the refugees were relocated to Kiskunhalas, a remote camp in southern Hungary, some 2 ½ hours by train from Budapest. The Bicske camp’s location offered its residents opportunities to access a variety of educational and recreational activities that helped them adjust to life in Hungary. Some refugees commuted to Budapest to attend classes at the Central European University (CEU) as well as language courses provided by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Bicske residents often attended events and met with Hungarian mentors from groups such as Artemisszió, a multicultural foundation, and MigSzol, a migrant advocacy group. Christian refugees were bused to an American church each Sunday morning. Moving the residents to Kiskunhalas has deprived them of these opportunities. The Hungarian government offers very few resources to refugees, both to those in reception facilities awaiting decisions on their cases and those who have received asylum, so it is clear that access to the civil-society organizations helping refugees prepare for their new lives is important.

    Magyar abszurd: Assistance to Venezuelan Refugees of Hungarian Ancestry

    While third-country nationals—asylum seekers or labor migrants—receive virtually no assistance from the government, ethnic Hungarians from faraway places such as Venezuela continue to enjoy a warm welcome as well as financial assistance and access to programs aimed at integrating them speedily.

    Recently, Hungary accepted 300 refugees from Venezuela. The Hungarian Charity Service of the Order of Malta led the resettlement effort. The refugees must prove some level of Hungarian ancestry in order to qualify for the resettlement scheme. About 5,000 Hungarians emigrated to Venezuela in the 20th century, mostly after World War II and in 1956.

    By Hungarian law, everyone who can prove Hungarian ancestry is entitled to citizenship. As Edit Frenyó, a Hungarian legal scholar, said, “Of course process is key, meaning political and administrative will are needed for successful naturalization.” According to media reports, the Venezuelan refugees are receiving free airfare, residency and work permits, temporary housing, job placement, and English and Hungarian language courses.

    Apparently, the refugees have been directed not to talk about their reception, perhaps in an effort to bolster the official narrative: an ethnonational story of homecoming, in which they are presented as Hungarians, not refugees or migrants. As Gergely Gulyás, Chancellor of the Republic of Hungary, declared, “We are talking about Hungarians; Hungarians are not considered migrants.” Frenyó posits that the Hungarian government must present the refugees as Hungarians seeking to come home to avert political backlash and to make sure the controversial immigration tax law is not levied on the Malta Order.

    Anti-Refugee Policy and the Role of Civil Society: Views on the Ground

    In contradiction to the government’s anti-refugee policies of recent years, civil-society organizations and civilians offered assistance to refugees who descended on the Keleti railway station in summer 2015. As Migration Aid volunteers recount, volunteers brought toys and sweets for the refugee children and turned the station into a playground during the afternoons. However, when Migration Aid volunteers started to use chalk to draw colorful pictures on the asphalt as a creative means to help children deal with their trauma, the Hungarian police reminded the volunteers that the children could be made liable for the “violation of public order.”

    In contrast to civil society’s engagement with children, the Hungarian government tried to undermine and limit public sympathy towards refugees. Hungarian state television employees were told not to broadcast images of refugee children. Ultimately, the task of visually capturing the everyday life of refugee families and their children, as the only means to bridge the distance between the refugees and the receiving societies, was left to volunteers and Facebook activists, such as the photo blog Budapest Seen. Budapest Seen captured activities at the train station, at the Slovenian and Serbian border, and elsewhere in the country, where both NGO workers and regular citizens were providing much needed water, food, sanitary napkins for women, diapers for babies, and medical assistance.

    Volunteers came in droves also in Debrecen, among them Aida el-Seaghi, half Yemeni and half Hungarian medical doctor, and Christina, a trained psychotherapist, and several dozen others who communicated and organized assistance to needy refugees through a private Facebook page, MigAid 2015.

    There were many other volunteer and civil-society groups, both in Budapest and Debrecen, who came to aid refugees in 2015. Among them, MigSzol, a group of students at the Central European University (CEU), Menedék (Hungarian Association for Migrants), established in January 1995 at the height of the Balkan wars, HHC, Adventist Development and Relief Agency, and several others.

    At the time of writing, many of these organizations are no longer operational as a result of the “Stop Soros” bill, passed in June 2018, which criminalizes assistance to irregular migrants, among other things. However, organizations such as the HHC continue to provide legal aid to migrants and refugees. Many volunteers who worked with refugees in 2015 continue their volunteer activities, but in the absence of refugees in Hungary focused their efforts on the Roma or the homeless. In interviews the author conducted in spring 2019, they expressed that they stand ready should another group of asylum seekers arrive in Hungary.

    Acknowledgments

    This article was prepared using funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Program under grant agreement No. 770330.

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    Gyollai, Daniel and Anthony Amatrudo. 2019. Controlling Irregular Migration: International Human Rights Standards and the Hungarian Legal Framework. European Journal of Criminology 16 (4): 432-51.

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    Kamm, Henry. 1992. Yugoslav Refugee Crisis Europe’s Worst Since 40s. The New York Times, July 24, 1992. Available online.

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    Ministry of Human Resources and Department of Aid and Assistance. 2015. Tájékoztató a Pénzbeli és Természetbeni Szociális Ellátásokat Érintő, 2015. Március 1-Jétől Hatályos Változásokról (Information on Changes in Cash and In-kind Social Benefits, Effective March 1, 2015). Official notice, Ministry of Human Resources and Department of Aid and Assistance. Available online.

    Pastor, Peter. 2016. The American Reception and Settlement of Hungarian Refugees in 1956-57. Hungarian Cultural Studies 9: 196-205.

    Patai, Raphael. 1996. The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology. Detroit, Michigan: Wayne State University Press.

    Puskás, Julianna. 2000. Ties That Bind, Ties That Divide: 100 Years of Hungarian Experience in the United States. New York: Holmes and Meier.

    Simon, Zoltan. 2018. Hungary Should Repeal Immigration Tax, Rights Organizations Say. Bloomberg, December 14, 2018. Available online.

    Szakacs, Gergely. 2019. Hungary Accepts Hundreds of Refugees from Venezuela: Report. U.S. News & World Report. February 21, 2019. Available online.

    Than, Krisztina. 2018. Hungary Could Pass “Stop Soros” Law Within a Month After Re-Electing Viktor Orban’s Anti-Immigrant Government. The Independent, April 9, 2018. Available online.

    UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). 2016. Hungary as a Country of Asylum. Observations on Restrictive Legal Measures and Subsequent Practice Implemented between July 2015 and March 2016. UNHCR, Geneva, May 2016. Available online.

    Wallis, Emma. 2019. Starving in Hungary’s Transit Zones. InfoMigrants, April 23, 2019. Available online.

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    Zsoldos, Attila. 2015. Kóborlás az Árpád-kori Magyarországon (Roaming in Hungary in the Age of Árpád). In … in nostra lingua Hringe nominant. Tanulmányok Szentpéteri József 60. születésnapja tiszteletére, eds. Csilla Balogh, et al. Budapest: Kecskeméti Katona József Múzeum.

    https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/orban-reshapes-migration-policy-hungary

    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Hongrie #xénophobie #anti-réfugiés #islamophobie #société_civile #solidarité #zones_de_transit #nourriture #camps_de_réfugiés #peur #histoire #milices #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières

    ping @isskein

  • Rollstuhlfahrer aus Libyen angegriffen

    In Chemnitz ist ein libyscher Rollstuhlfahrer attackiert und leicht verletzt worden. Der Tatverdächtige ist der Polizei wegen rechtsmotivierter Straftaten bekannt. Das Dezernat Staatsschutz ermittelt in dem Fall.

    https://www.spiegel.de/panorama/justiz/chemnitz-rollstuhlfahrer-aus-libyen-angegriffen-a-1287159.html
    #Allemagne #racisme #xénophobie #extrême_droite #attaques_racistes #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #migrations #asile #Chemnitz
    ping @_kg_

  • Paris : Un dispositif anti-SDF retiré d’une banque après un tollé sur les réseaux sociaux
    J.-L. D., 20 Minutes, le 28 juillet 2019
    https://www.20minutes.fr/societe/2572895-20190728-paris-dispositif-anti-sdf-retire-banque-devant-tolle-prov

    Quels sont les pires dispositifs anti-SDF « primés » par la Fondation Abbé-Pierre
    Delphine Bancaud, 20 Minutes, le 13 février 2019
    https://www.20minutes.fr/societe/2450403-20190213-pires-dispositifs-anti-sdf-primes-fondation-abbe-pierre

    Site web de la Fondation Abbé-Pierre consacré à ces dispositifs anti-SDF en France, et qui organise la cérémonie des « Pics d’or » :
    https://soyonshumains.fr
    https://seenthis.net/messages/650079

    Ajouté aussi à la compil #pierres :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/573068

    #Paris #France #SDF #Migrants #Pauvreté #Cruauté #honte #Pics #anti-SDF #dispositif_anti-SDF #Fondation_Abbé-Pierre #Soyons_Humains #Pics_d’or

  • Attacks on #refugees in #Greece continue :

    The Alarm Phone was contacted today by a group of people that was attacked by a mob outside Athens. With #Greek police presence, the mob used petrol bombs, stones and batons to attack the whole group - men, women and children.

    https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1106651815859417089
    #racisme #attaques_racistes #Athènes #anti-réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Grèce

  • #métaliste sur le #mobilier_urbain #anti-sdf / #anti-réfugiés.
    En commentaire, les différents mobiliers urbains #anti-sdf regroupés par pays.

    Sur le #design_défensif , des articles sur le fond :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/666521
    https://seenthis.net/messages/445966
    –-> Avec exemple #Londres, #UK #Angleterre

    Et ici des initiatives de #résistance/#dénonciation :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/732278#message769645

    #urban_matter #villes #architecture_défensive #SDF #sans-abri #anti-SDF

    J’ai peut-être oublié des liens, mais ça fait déjà une longue liste de #cruauté_humaine...

  • Dalai Lama says ‘Europe belongs to the Europeans’ and suggests refugees return to native countries | The Independent
    https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/dalai-lama-europe-refugee-crisis-immigration-eu-racism-tibet-buddhist

    The Dalai Lama has sparked anger after declaring that “Europe belongs to the Europeans”.

    The Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader also said that refugees should return to their native countries and assist with developing them.

    The 14th Dalai Lama was speaking at a conference in Malmo, Sweden which is home to a large immigrant population, according to the Business Times.

    “Receive them, help them, educate them ... but ultimately they should develop their own country,” the 83-year-old said, when speaking about refugees.

    “I think Europe belongs to the Europeans.”

    #migrants

  • Sweden election : backlash over migration puts far‑right into the mainstream | News | The Times

    https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/backlash-over-migration-puts-far-right-into-the-mainstream-8z5msf8g5

    Ils sont bien propres sur eux les #néonazis suédois

    Saturday night in Malmo, the last time I was there: a racist gunman was on the loose and the Swedish capital’s immigrants were living in fear. Nasir, an Iranian exile, was lucky to have escaped with a thick lip after a scuffle with the shooter. As we sat talking in the rough end of town, other anxious refugees passed by — Kurds, Iraqis and Afghans. They lived in the surrounding council estates and were scared not just by the gunman (Son of Laserman, as he was known, was caught and jailed a few months later) but because the Sweden to which they had fled was no longer a

    #suède #extrême_droite #néonazis

  • Ah ! Les #moutons_noirs... les revoilà, en #Allemagne :


    #criminels_étrangers
    –-> il y a un tag spécialement dédié sur seenthis, si jamais : https://seenthis.net/tag/criminels_%C3%A9trangers

    #modèle_suisse ?

    En lien avec mon billet publié sur @visionscarto :
    En Suisse, pieds nus contre rangers

    Septembre 2015 : au cœur de ce que l’Europe appelle sa « plus grande crise migratoire depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale », les consciences se réveillent-elles enfin ? Après des années de monopolisation du débat public par les discours haineux de l’extrême droite, citoyens et migrants s’organisent pour exprimer leur indignation face au sort des réfugiés. Le point en Suisse, où l’image des pieds nus s’oppose à celle des rangers.


    https://visionscarto.net/en-suisse-pieds-nus-contre-rangers
    #suisse

    Source de l’image de Chemnitz :
    Saluts #nazis et slogans anti-immigrés : récit d’un “jour de honte” à #Chemnitz

    Des milliers de sympathisants d’extrême droite se sont réunis lundi soir dans cette ville de Saxe, aux cris de “L’Allemagne aux Allemands, les étrangers dehors”. La discipline a rapidement dégénéré.
    Ce devait être une marche funèbre, souligne le journal allemand Die Zeit. Mais la manifestation qui s’est déroulée lundi soir à Chemnitz, en Saxe, n’avait rien de solennelle. Deux jours après le meurtre d’un Allemand d’une trentaine d’années dans une rixe, pour lequel ont été arrêtés un Irakien et un Syrien, environ 2.000 sympathisants d’extrême droite ont réclamé que le gouvernement garantisse “la sécurité de ses citoyens”, au cours d’un rassemblement qui a rapidement dégénéré. “Jour de Honte à Chemnitz”, titre mardi le quotidien Bild, listant les violences et les slogans nazis recensés lors de la manifestation. Sur son situation web, Der Spiegel va plus loin, allant jusqu’à comparer les “foules excitées d’extrême droite” de Chemnitz et le caractère “dépassé” de l’État de droit à “la discipline de la République de Weimar”.”La custom plutôt que l’invasion”. À l’initiative de plusieurs organisations dont le mouvement anti-islam Pegida et le parti native Pro-Chemnitz, qui compte trois élus au conseil municipal de la ville, les participants se sont réunis lundi en fin d’après-midi sur la characteristic Karl Marx. Des reportages et vidéos amateurs réalisés sur les lieux montrent majoritairement de jeunes hommes au visage parfois masqué, portant des vêtements sombres. Mais aussi des femmes, comme une sexagénaire interrogée par Der Spiegel, venue manifester son désaccord “avec l’arrivée de tant d’étrangers”. “Je me demande pourquoi mes impôts sont dépensés pour eux. Ils veulent tous être footballeur professionnel ou chanteur, mais quand on leur demande de porter des planches pendant une journée, ils ont mal au dos.”A #Chemnitz, t-shirt « Rapefugees no longer welcome » – ou quand les réfugiés sont tout simplement assimilés à des violeurs… pic.twitter.com/nwjfjIeB6w— Thomas Wieder (@ThomasWieder) 27 août 2018Sur les drapeaux et les t-shirts, des slogans sans équivoque : “la custom plutôt que l’invasion” ou encore “nous sommes multicolores, jusqu’à ce que le sang coule”. Au mégaphone, un jeune homme crie “vous êtes Allemands” et donne le départ du cortège. Selon Die Zeit, une partie des sympathisants présents sont alcoolisés. Certains montrent leur postérieur aux caméras présentes. En passant devant les forces de l’ordre, beaucoup leur adressent des doigts d’honneur. D’autres ne cachent pas leur volonté d’en découdre avec un cortège de quelques centaines de militants d’extrême gauche, venus soutenir les migrants. À l’image de cette réflexion d’un manifestant à un policier, rapportée par Der Spiegel : “envoyez les femmes à la maison, et ensuite : homme contre homme.””L’Allemagne aux Allemands”. La manifestation s’envenime vers 20 heures. Débordée, la police ne peut interpeller les auteurs de saluts nazis, dont decided ne dissimulent pas leurs visages. Des pavés sont arrachés, des bouteilles jetées sur les forces de l’ordre et le camp d’en face. Les engins pyrotechniques et projectiles font plusieurs blessés, mais les slogans ne cessent pas : “L’Allemagne aux Allemands, les étrangers dehors”.Neonazis setzen sich ohne Absprache mit Polizei in Bewegung. Einer macht den Hitlergruß. #Chemnitz#c2708pic.twitter.com/tto1GroPe3— Felix Huesmann (@felixhuesmann) 27 août 2018″Il y a quelques mois j’étais à Kandel, où une adolescente allemande s’est fait trucider par un réfugié afghan”, témoigne auprès du Mondeun manifestant venu spécialement de Cologne pour le rassemblement. “Aujourd’hui je suis à Chemnitz, où un père de famille allemand s’est, fait, lui aussi, poignarder par des réfugiés. (…) Quand il s’agit de sauver son pays, il faut être prêt à tout.” Vers 22 heures, la police annonce le retour au calme sur Twitter. Mais jusqu’à quand ? Une nouvelle manifestation est annoncée mardi après-midi à Dresde, voisine de Chemnitz et capitale de la Saxe, où l’extrême droite est fortement implantée. Elle y est arrivée en tête des dernières législatives en septembre 2017, créant un séisme politique en Allemagne.Qui est à l’origine de ces rassemblements ?Dimanche soir déjà, quelques centaines de militants d’extrême droite avaient lancé dans les rues de Chemnitz des “chasses collectives” contre des étrangers, dont plusieurs ont été blessés. Au sein de la ville “une alliance assez incroyable mêlant des hooligans, des néonazis, l’AfD (le parti d’extrême droite Different für Deutschland, ndlr) et les militants de Pegida s’est constituée”, a estimé la directrice de la Fondation Amadeu Antonio contre le racisme sur la chaîne de télévision allemande n-tv, mardi. “Les violences montrent que des mouvements se réunissent qui au final sont tous issus du même moule, le tout dans une atmosphère extrêmement xénophobe et agressive.””Les premières émeutes contre les étrangers ont eu lieu en Saxe après la réunification, il y a plus de 25 ans. Depuis tout ce temps, le gouvernement fédéral les a négligées, relativisées et minimisées”, élargit le Berliner Morgenpost, mardi, évoquant d’autres manifestations de hooligans difficilement contenues par la police ces dernières années.

    https://newsline.com/2018/08/28/saluts-nazis-et-slogans-anti-immigres-recit-dun-jour-de-honte-a-chemnitz
    #néo-nazis #manifestation #extrême_droite #asile #migrations #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés

  • Dieses Video aus #Chemnitz macht wirklich sprachlos, v.a. der Beifa...
    https://diasp.eu/p/7647106

    Dieses Video aus #Chemnitz macht wirklich sprachlos, v.a. der Beifall der Masse zu »Adolf Hitler Hooligans« (Minute 2). Angesichts solcher Bilder ist es unmöglich, von »wenigen Radikalen« zu sprechen & rechtsextreme Orientierung d. Teilnehmer kleinzureden. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GD_ZdP79O84

     …

    Dieses Video aus #Chemnitz macht wirklich sprachlos, v.a. der Beifall der Masse zu »Adolf Hitler Hooligans« (Minute 2). Angesichts solcher Bilder ist es unmöglich, von »wenigen Radikalen« zu sprechen & rechtsextreme Orientierung d. Teilnehmer kleinzureden. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GD_ZdP79O84

     …

    https://twitter.com/ProAsyl/status/1035101724476952576 #asyl #asylpolitik #proasyl #deutschland #flüchtlinge #refugees (...)

  • Nuit de violences à #Lesbos : des centaines de militants d’#extrême_droite attaquent des migrants

    23 avril 2018 – 11h30 La police a évacué à l’aube ce lundi matin plusieurs dizaines de migrants qui campaient depuis le 18 avril sur la place principale de Mytilène. Ces hommes, femmes et enfants, pour la plupart originaires d’Afghanistan, ont été transportés en bus vers le camp de #Moria. Cette opération a été mise en œuvre après une nuit de violences.

    Dans la soirée de dimanche, environ 200 hommes ont attaqué les migrants en scandant « Brûlez-les vivants » et d’autres slogans racistes. Ils ont jeté des fumigènes, des pétards, des pavés et tout ce qui leur tombait sous la main en direction du campement de fortune. Des militants pro-migrants sont venus en renfort pour protéger la place, tandis que les rangs des assaillants grossissaient.

    Vers 1h du matin, les #affrontements ont atteint la mairie de #Mytilène. Les militants d’extrême-droite ont mis le feu à des poubelles et attaqué la police. Les affrontements n’ont pris in qu’avec l’#évacuation des migrants, dont plusieurs ont été blessés. La situation reste tendue, avec toujours un important dispositif policier déployé.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/les-dernieres-infos-nuit-violences-lesbos
    #asile #migrations #anti-migrants #attaques_racistes #anti-réfugiés #réfugiés #Grèce #it_has_begun #hotspot #violence

    • Non, Mouvement patriotique de Mytilène II. Le gouvernement avait autorisé une manifestation des fascistes à proximité de la place qu’occupaient les réfugiés depuis 5 jours…

      Πόσους φασίστες είπαμε συλλάβατε στη Μυτιλήνη ; | Γνώμες | News 24/7
      http://www.news247.gr/gnomes/leyterhs-arvaniths/posoys-fasistes-eipame-syllavate-sti-mytilini.6605215.html

      Πάμε όμως να δούμε πως λειτουργεί το βαθύ κράτος. Η διαδικτυακή ομάδα « Πατριωτική Κίνηση Μυτιλήνης ΙΙ » αναρτά στο διαδίκτυο μια ανακοίνωση που ζητούσε από τον κόσμο να προσέλθει μαζικά στην υποστολή σημαίας στις 19:00 το απόγευμα της Κυριακής, με την υποσημείωση όμως « Φτάνει πια ». Εφημερίδες του νησιού και μεγάλα αθηναϊκά sites αναπαράγουν το κάλεσμα, τονίζοντας πως πρόκειται για συγκέντρωση υποστήριξης των δύο Ελλήνων αξιωματικών που κρατούνται στην Ανδριανούπολη. Οι δε αστυνομικές αρχές, όχι μόνο δεν ανησυχούν, αλλά επιτρέπουν στους φασίστες να εξαπολύουν επί ώρες επιθέσεις στους πρόσφυγες, δίχως να συλλάβουν ούτε έναν από την ομάδα των ακροδεξιών.

    • Far-right hooligans attack migrants on Lesvos, turn town into battleground

      Police forced dozens of migrants, most Afghan asylum-seekers, who had been camped out on the main square of Lesvos island’s capital since last week, onto buses and transported them to the Moria camp in the early hours of Monday after downtown Mytilini turned into a battleground on Sunday.

      The operation was intended to end clashes that raged all night in the center of the eastern Aegean island’s capital after a group of some 200 men chanting far-right slogans attacked the migrants who had been squatting on the square since last Wednesday in protest at their detention in Moria camp and delays in asylum processing.

      The attack started at around 8 p.m. in the wake of a gathering of several hundred people at a flag ceremony in support of two Greek soldiers who have been in a prison in Turkey since early March, when some 200 men from that group tried to break through a police cordon guarding the protesting migrants on Sapphous Square.


      http://www.ekathimerini.com/227956/article/ekathimerini/news/far-right-hooligans-attack-migrants-on-lesvos-turn-town-into-battlegro

    • Lesbo, il racconto minuto per minuto dell’aggressione ai profughi afghani

      VIta.it ha raggiunto Walesa Porcellato, operatore umanitario sull’isola greca da quasi tre anni che era presente durante le 10 drammatiche ore almeno 200 estremisti di destra hanno attaccato altrettante persone scappate dall’Afghanistan che con un sit in di piazza protestavano contro le condizioni disastrose dell’hotspot di Moria in cui sono trattenute da mesi


      http://www.vita.it/it/article/2018/04/24/lesbo-il-racconto-minuto-per-minuto-dellaggressione-ai-profughi-afghan/146651

    • League for Human Rights expresses “dismay” over the racists attacks on Lesvos”

      The Hellenic League for Human Rights condemns the racist violent attacks against refugees and migrants on the island of Lesvos on Sunday. Expressing its particular concern, the HLHR said in a statement issued on Monday, the attacks ’cause dismay’, the ‘no arrests of perpetrators pose serious questions and requite further investigation.” The HLHR urges the Greek state to

      http://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2018/04/23/hlhr-lesvos-statement

    • Συνέλαβαν... τους πρόσφυγες στη Μόρια

      Στη σκιά των επιθέσεων ακροδεξιών η αστυνομία συνέλαβε 120 πρόσφυγες και δύο Έλληνες υπήκοους για τα Κυριακάτικα γεγονότα στη Μυτιλήνη.

      Η αστυνομική επιχείρηση ξεκίνησε στις 05:30 τα ξημερώματα και διήρκεσε μόλις λίγα λεπτά, με τις αστυνομικές δυνάμεις να απομακρύνουν τους διαμαρτυρόμενους από την κεντρική πλατεία Σαπφούς.

      Πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες, που αρνούνταν να εγκαταλείψουν την πλατεία σχηματίζοντας μια σφιχτή ανθρώπινη αλυσίδα, αποσπάστηκαν με τη βία από το σημείο.


      http://www.efsyn.gr/arthro/astynomiki-epiheirisi-meta-ta-epeisodia-akrodexion

    • Le procès des « #Moria_35 » sur l’île grecque de Chios : entre iniquité et instrumentalisation de la justice sur le dos des exilés

      Le 28 avril 2018, 32 des 35 personnes migrantes poursuivies pour incendie volontaire, rébellion, dégradation des biens, tentative de violences ou de trouble à l’ordre public ont été condamnées à 26 mois de prison avec sursis par le tribunal de Chios (Grèce) après quatre jours d’une audience entachée de nombreuses irrégularités. Elles ont finalement été reconnues coupables d’avoir blessé des fonctionnaires de police, et ont été acquittées de toutes les autres charges.

      Avant cette sentence, les 32 condamnés ont subi neuf longs mois de détention provisoire sur une base très contestable, voire sur des actes non prouvés. En effet, les 35 personnes incriminées avaient été arrêtées en juillet 2017 à la suite d’une manifestation pacifique par laquelle plusieurs centaines d’exilés bloqués dans le hotspot de Moria, sur l’île de Lesbos, dénonçaient leurs conditions de vie indignes et inhumaines. Toutes ont nié avoir commis les délits qu’on leur reprochait. Certaines ont même démontré qu’elles n’avaient pas participé à la manifestation.

      Les membres de la délégation d’observateurs internationaux présents au procès ont pu y mesurer les graves entorses au droit à un procès équitable : interprétariat lacunaire, manque d’impartialité des juges, temps limité accordé à la défense, mais surtout absence de preuves des faits reprochés. En condamnant injustement les exilés de Moria, le tribunal de Chios a pris le relais du gouvernement grec – qui confine depuis plus de deux ans des milliers de personnes dans les hotspots de la mer Égée – et de l’Union européenne (UE) qui finance la Grèce pour son rôle de garde-frontière de l’Europe.

      Sorties de détention, elles n’ont cependant pas retrouvé la liberté. Les « 35 de Moria », assignés à nouveau dans le hotspot de l’île de Lesbos, ont été interdits de quitter l’île jusqu’au traitement de leur demande d’asile. Pourtant, le Conseil d’État grec avait décidé, le 17 avril 2018, de lever ces restrictions géographiques à la liberté d’aller et venir jugées illégales et discriminatoires. C’était sans compter la réplique du gouvernement grec qui a immédiatement pris un décret rétablissant les restrictions, privant ainsi d’effets la décision du Conseil d’État grec.

      La demande d’asile de la plupart de ces 35 personnes est encore en cours d’examen, ou en appel contre la décision de refus d’octroi du statut de réfugié. Au mépris des normes élémentaires, certains n’ont pas pu bénéficier d’assistance juridique pour faire appel de cette décision. Deux d’entre elles ont finalement été expulsées en juin 2018 vers la Turquie (considéré comme « pays sûr » par la Grèce), en vertu de l’accord UE-Turquie conclu le 16 mars 2016.

      Le 17 juillet prochain, à 19h30, au « Consulat » , à Paris, sera présenté le film documentaire « Moria 35 », de Fridoon Joinda, qui revient sur ces événements et donne la parole aux 35 personnes concernées. Cette projection sera suivie de la présentation, par les membres de la délégation d’observateurs, du rapport réalisé à la suite de ce procès qui démontre, une fois de plus, la grave violation des droits fondamentaux des personnes migrantes en Grèce, et en Europe.

      http://www.migreurop.org/article2892.html

    • Ouverture du procès des « #Moria_35 » le 20 avril prochain sur l’île grecque de Chios

      Le 18 juillet 2017, 35 résidents du hotspot de Moria sur l’île de Lesbos en Grèce ont été arrêtés à la suite d’une manifestation organisée quelques heures plus tôt dans le camp et à laquelle plusieurs centaines d’exilés avaient participé pour protester contre leurs conditions de vie indignes et inhumaines.

      Quelques jours plus tard, Amnesty International appelait, dans une déclaration publique, les autorités grecques à enquêter immédiatement sur les allégations de recours excessif à la force et de mauvais traitements qui auraient été infligés par la police aux personnes arrêtées. Ces violences policières ont été filmées et les images diffusées dans les médias dans les jours qui ont suivi la manifestation.

      Ce sont pourtant aujourd’hui ces mêmes personnes qui se retrouvent sur le banc des accusés.

      Le procès des « Moria 35 », s’ouvre le 20 avril prochain sur l’île de Chios en Grèce.

      Poursuivis pour incendie volontaire, rébellion, dégradation de biens, tentative de violences ou encore trouble à l’ordre public, ils encourent des peines de prison pouvant aller jusqu’à 10 ans, leur exclusion du droit d’asile et leur renvoi vers les pays qu’ils ont fui. Trente d’entre eux sont en détention provisoire depuis juillet 2017.

      Il a semblé essentiel aux organisations signataires de ce texte de ne pas laisser ce procès se dérouler sans témoins. C’est pourquoi chacune de nos organisations sera présente, tour à tour, sur toute la durée du procès afin d’observer les conditions dans lesquelles il se déroulera au regard notamment des principes d’indépendance et d’impartialité des tribunaux et du respect des règles relatives au procès équitable.

      https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article5897

    • Reporter’s Diary: Back to Lesvos

      I first visited the Greek island of Lesvos in 2016. It was the tail end of the great migration that saw over a million people cross from Turkey to Greece in the span of a year. Even then, Moria, the camp set up to house the refugees streaming across the sea, was overcrowded and squalid.

      I recently returned to discover that conditions have only become worse and the people forced to spend time inside its barbed wire fences have only grown more desperate. The regional government is now threatening to close Moria if the national government doesn’t clean up the camp.

      Parts of Lesvos look like an island paradise. Its sandy beaches end abruptly at the turquoise waters of the Aegean Sea, houses with red tile roofs are clustered together in small towns, and olive trees blanket its rocky hills. When I visited last month, the summer sun had bleached the grass yellow, wooden fishing boats bobbed in the harbor, and people on holiday splashed in the surf. But in Moria sewage was flowing into tents, reports of sexual abuse were on the rise, and overcrowding was so severe the UN described the situation at Greece’s most populous refugee camp as “reaching boiling point”.

      More than one million people fleeing war and violence in places like Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan crossed from Turkey to the Greek islands between January 2015 and early 2016. Over half of them first set foot in Greece, and on European soil, in Lesvos. But in March 2016, the European Union and Turkey signed an agreement that led to a dramatic reduction in the number of people arriving to Greece. So far this year, just over 17,000 people have landed on the islands. At times in 2015, more than 10,000 people would arrive on Lesvos in a single day.

      Despite the drop in numbers, the saga isn’t over, and visiting Lesvos today is a stark reminder of that. Thousands of people are still stranded on the island and, shortly after I left, the regional governor threatened to close Moria, citing “uncontrollable amounts of waste”, broken sewage pipes, and overflowing rubbish bins. Public health inspectors deemed the camp “unsuitable and dangerous for public health and the environment”. Soon after, a group of 19 NGOs said in a statement that “it is nothing short of shameful that people are expected to endure such horrific conditions on European soil.”

      The Greek government is under increasing pressure to house refugees on the mainland – where conditions for refugees are also poor – but right now no one really knows what would happen to those on Lesvos should Moria be closed down.
      Razor wire and hunger strikes

      In some places in the north and the east, Lesvos is separated from Turkey by a strait no wider than 10 or 15 kilometres. This narrow distance is what makes the island such an appealing destination for those desperate to reach Europe. From the Turkish seaside town of Ayvalik, the ferry to Lesvos takes less than an hour. I sat on the upper deck as it churned across the sea in April 2016, a month after Macedonia shut its border to refugees crossing from Greece, effectively closing the route that more than a million people had taken to reach Western Europe the previous year.

      The Greek government had been slow to respond when large numbers of refugees started landing on its shores. Volunteers and NGOs stepped in to provide the services that people needed. On Lesvos there were volunteer-run camps providing shelter, food, and medical assistance to new arrivals. But the EU-Turkey deal required that people be kept in official camps like Moria so they could be processed and potentially deported.

      By the time I got there, the volunteer-run camps were being dismantled and the people staying in them were being corralled into Moria, a former military base. Once inside, people weren’t allowed to leave, a policy enforced by multiple layers of fences topped in spools of razor wire.

      Moria had space for around 2,500 people, but even in 2016 it was already over capacity. While walking along the perimeter I scrawled my phone number on a piece of paper, wrapped it around a rock, and threw it over the fence to an Iranian refugee named Mohamed.

      For months afterwards he sent me pictures and videos of women and children sleeping on the ground, bathrooms flooded with water and dirt, and people staging hunger strikes inside the camp to protest the squalid conditions.
      “The image of Europe is a lie”

      Two and a half years later, refugees now have more freedom of movement on Lesvos – they can move about the island but not leave it.

      I arrived in Mytilene, the main city on the island, in August. At first glance it was easy to forget that these were people who had fled wars and risked their lives to cross the sea. People were queuing at cash points to withdraw their monthly 90 euro ($104) stipends from UNHCR, the UN’s refugee agency. Some sat at restaurants that served Greek kebabs, enjoyed ice cream cones in the afternoon heat, or walked along the sidewalks pushing babies in strollers next to tourists and locals.

      The conditions on Lesvos break people down.

      The illusion of normalcy melted away at the bus stop where people waited to catch a ride back to Moria. There were no Greeks or tourists standing in line, and the bus that arrived advertised its destination in Arabic and English. Buildings along the winding road inland were spray-painted with graffiti saying “stop deportations” and “no human is illegal”.

      Moria is located in a shallow valley between olive groves. It looked more or less the same as it had two and a half years ago. Fences topped with razor wire stilled ringed the prefabricated buildings and tents inside. A collection of cafes outside the fences had expanded, and people calling out in Arabic hawked fruits and vegetables from carts as people filtered in and out of the main gate.

      Médecins Sans Frontières estimates that more than 8,000 people now live in Moria; an annex has sprung up outside the fences. People shuffled along a narrow path separating the annex from the main camp or sat in the shade smoking cigarettes, women washed dishes and clothing at outdoor faucets, and streams of foul-smelling liquid leaked out from under latrines.

      I met a group of young Palestinian men at a cafe. “The image of Europe is a lie,” one of them told me. They described how the food in the camp was terrible, how criminals had slipped in, and how violence regularly broke out because of the stress and anger caused by the overcrowding and poor conditions.

      A doctor who volunteers in Moria later told me that self-harm and suicide attempts are common and sexual violence is pervasive. It takes at least six months, and sometimes up to a year and a half, for people to have their asylum claims processed. If accepted, they are given a document that allows them to travel to mainland Greece. If denied, they are sent to Turkey. In the meantime, the conditions on Lesvos break people down.

      “Ninety-nine percent of refugees... [are] vulnerable because of what happened to them in their home country [and] what happened to them during the crossing of borders,” Jalal Barekzai, an Afghan refugee who volunteers with NGOs in Lesvos, told me. “When they are arriving here they have to stay in Moria in this bad condition. They get more and more vulnerable.”

      Many of the problems that existed in April 2016 when people were first rounded up into Moria, and when I first visited Lesvos, still exist today. They have only been amplified by time and neglect.

      Jalal said the international community has abandoned those stuck on the island. “They want Moria,” he said. “Moria is a good thing for them to keep people away.”


      https://www.irinnews.org/feature/2018/09/18/reporter-s-diary-back-lesvos
      #graffitis

    • Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, le 11.09.2018, envoyé par Vicky Skoumbi:

      En effet le camp de Moria est plus que surpeuplé, avec 8.750 résidents actuellement pour à peine 3.000 places, chiffre assez large car selon d’autres estimations la capacité d’accueil du camp ne dépasse pas les 2.100 places. Selon le Journal de Rédacteurs,(Efimerida ton Syntakton)
      http://www.efsyn.gr/arthro/30-meres-prothesmia
      Il y a déjà une liste de 1.500 personnes qui auraient dû être transférés au continent, à titre de vulnérabilité ou comme ayant droit à l’asile,mais ils restent coincés là faute de place aux structures d’accueil sur la Grèce continentale. Les trois derniers jours 500 nouveaux arrivants se sont ajoutés à la population du camp. La plan de décongestionn du camp du Ministère de l’immigration est rendu caduc par les arrivées massives pendant l’été.
      La situation sanitaire y est effrayante avec des eaux usées qui coulent à ciel ouvert au milieu du camp, avant de rejoindre un torrent qui débouche à la mer. Le dernier rapport du service sanitaire, qui juge le lieu impropre et constituant un danger pour la santé publique et l ’ environnement, constate non seulement le surpeuplement, mais aussi la présence des eaux stagnantes, des véritables viviers pour toute sorte d’insectes et de rongeurs et bien sûr l’absence d’un nombre proportionnel à la population de structures sanitaires. En s’appuyant sur ce rapport, la présidente de la région menace de fermer le camp si des mesures nécessaires pour la reconstruction du réseau d’eaux usées ne sont pas prises d’ici 30 jours. Le geste de la présidente de la Région est tout sauf humanitaire, et il s’inscrit très probablement dans une agenda xénophobe, d’autant plus qu’elle ne propose aucune solution alternative pour l’hébergement de 9,000 personnes actuellement à Moria. N’empêche les problèmes sanitaires sont énormes et bien réels, le surpeuplement aussi, et les conditions de vie si effrayantes qu’on dirait qu’elles ont une fonction punitive. Rendons- leur la vie impossible pour qu’ils ne pensent plus venir en Europe...

    • "Pugni e calci contro i profughi": i fascisti di #Generazione_Identitaria preparano lo scontro

      L’organizzazione di estrema destra che aveva avviato la caccia alle Ong nel Mediterraneo organizza in una palestra romana sessioni di addestramento. «Per combattere la feccia puntiamo alla preparazione fisica»


      http://espresso.repubblica.it/attualita/2018/02/07/news/pugni-calci-contro-profughi-generazione-identitaria-1.318002?ref
      #identitaires

    • Italie : démonstration de force de l’extrême droite et des antifascistes

      L’Italie a été parcourue de manifestations politiques parfois tendues samedi, à une semaine des législatives du 4 mars, avec une démonstration de force de Matteo Salvini (extrême droite) à Milan et des milliers de manifestants antifascistes à Rome.


      https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/italie-demonstration-de-force-de-lextreme-droite-et-des-antif

    • Grave atto intimidatorio contro il Centro accoglienza Casa ex Mercanti di Appiano

      Nella notte tra sabato 19 e domenica 20 maggio si è verificato un grave episodio d’intolleranza davanti al centro di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo di Appiano ospitato nell’ex Caserma Mercanti all’inizio del paese. Nel corso della notte sconosciuti hanno fatto esplodere davanti al cancello d’entrata una carica che ha provocato una forte esplosione. Gli inquirenti stanno accertandone la natura. E’ stato inoltre lasciato un cartello con una svastica una croce celtica e scritte razziste contro gli ospiti del centro.

      L’Associazione Volontarius, che gestisce la struttura su incarico della Provincia, esprime la propria condanna del grave atto intimidatorio nei confronti delle persone richiedenti asilo e degli operatori. Si tratta di un atto criminale che evidentemente vuole minare gli sforzi messi in atto da parte della Provincia, del Comune di Appiano, dell’Associazione Volontarius e delle altre organizzazioni che operano in questo campo, per dare una risposta solidale e concreta all’inclusione nella nostra società di persone fuggite da situazioni di guerra, persecuzioni e minacce alla loro incolumità.

      Il Centro di accoglienza di Appiano, attivo da circa due anni, ospita, al momento, 39 richiedenti asilo e svolge un’intensa attività per rendere concreta l’accoglienza e l’inclusione sociale di queste persone, anche attraverso l’organizzazione di corsi di formazione e di lingue. 28 ospiti hanno contratti a tempo determinato ed altri 10 stanno svolgendo corsi di formazione per inserirsi nel settore turistico-alberghiero.

      Va sottolineato, a nostro avviso, che nel corso di questi mesi di attività vi è stata una proficua collaborazione con il Comune e la popolazione locale, testimoniata anche dalla presenza di volontari che dedicano con impegno il loro tempo ad assistere queste persone. Nel corso del pomeriggio di domenica il presidente dell’Associazione Volontarius, Claude Rotelli, ha fatto un sopralluogo al centro per portare la propria solidarietà agli operatori ed alle persone richiedenti asilo.

      “Volontarius” assicura il proprio sostegno alle indagini portate avanti dalle autorità inquirenti e garantisce che proseguirà con impegno la propria attività a favore delle persone richiedenti asilo.

      https://www.volontarius.it/2018/05/20/grave-atto-intimidatorio-contro-il-centro-accoglienza-casa-ex-mercanti-d

    • Warning of ’dangerous acceleration’ in attacks on immigrants in Italy

      Anti-racist groups in Italy have warned of a dangerous acceleration in attacks on immigrants after 12 shootings, two murders and 33 physical assaults were recorded in the two months since Matteo Salvini, leader of the far-right League party, entered government as interior minister.

      Opposition politicians have accused Salvini of creating a climate of hate following the attacks, which have coincided with an anti-migration drive that has included closing Italian ports to NGO rescue boats and a vow to expel non-Italian Roma.

      In one incident in July, a 13-month-old Roma girl was shot in the back with an airgun pellet. In at least two recent attacks on immigrants, the perpetrators have allegedly shouted Salvini’s name.

      “Propaganda around anti-migrant policies has clearly contributed to creating a climate of hostility and to legitimising racist violence,” said Grazia Naletto, the manager of migration policies and racial discrimination of the Lunaria association, which publishes quarterly reports on the number of racially motivated attacks in Italy.

      “We are facing a dangerous acceleration of episodes of violence against migrants,” Naletto said.

      The group recorded nine attacks on immigrants between 1 June and 1 August 2017, with no shootings and no deaths – less than a third for same period in 2018.
      Advertisement

      On Sunday, a Moroccan man in Aprilia, 17 miles outside Rome, was the latest to be killed. He was followed and beaten to death by two young Italians who claimed he was a thief.

      Three days earlier, in #Vicenza, in the north-east of Italy, a 33-year-old factory worker from Cape Verde was wounded by a single gunshot. The suspect is a 40-year-old Italian who opened fire from a window in his home.

      On Thursday night in Naples, Cissè Elhadji Diebel, 22, a street vendor from Senegal with a regular permit of stay, was wounded by a gunshot fired by two people on a scooter.

      In Naples in June, Konate Bouyagui, a 22-year-old Malian with legal residency, was struck by a bullet fired by two Italian boys. Nine days earlier, in Caserta, north of Naples, two Malians, Daby and Sekou, were riddled with airgun pellets fired in a driveby shooting from a black Fiat Panda. The aggressors, both Italian, shouted Salvini’s name.

      Two railway porters in Venice who in July beat an unlicensed African porter at the station, allegedly told him: “This is Salvini’s country.” A black Italian athlete, Daisy Osakue, suffered an eye injury when an egg was thrown at her in Turin.

      Salvini has claimed “the wave of racism is simply an invention of the left” and in response to rising criticism on Sunday tweeted “many enemies, much honour” – a reference to a quote from Benito Mussolini on what was also the anniversary of the fascist dictator’s birth.

      Salvini’s first move when he entered the interior ministry on 1 June was to say: “Good times are over for illegals.”

      That same evening, in #Rosarno, in the southern province of #Reggio_Calabria, a bullet struck the head of Soumalia Sacko, a 22-year-old Malian who was rummaging for metal sheets to repair his shack in one of the sprawling encampments that house the thousands of poorly paid immigrants who pick the region’s crops. The suspect is a middle-aged Italian man who was living near the encampment.

      “Statements against migrants, almost always coupled with fake news, seem to have legitimised the use of violence against asylum seekers, who are often cast as parasites and invaders,” said Yvan Sagnet, a Cameroonian anti-racism activist and president of the No Cap association, which fights to improve the rights of immigrant workers. “I have never seen anything like this before in this country and I don’t see an easy way out.’’

      There were hints of the violence to come when, on 3 February in Macerata, one month before national elections, #Luca_Traini opened fire on six immigrants, wounding all of them. Extreme rightwing paraphernalia was found in his home, including a copy of #Mein_Kampf. A year earlier, Traini had been a League candidate in local elections in #Corridonia.

      “The extreme right has found a party through which it can speak,” said Carla Nespolo, president of the National Association of Italian Partisans, a group founded by members of the second world war Italian resistance. “Migrants in Italy have taken the place of Jews during fascism. This is one of the most far-right governments since the end of fascism.”

      Mamadou Sall, the president of Florence’s Senegalese association and an Italian citizen who has lived in the country for more than 20 years, said he wanted to leave. “Every time you speak to an Italian you realise that there’s been a lot of impact on their mentality,” he said. “They seem to be closer to the world of fascism, speaking about the good things that fascism did during the war.”

      Advertisement

      Sall was on the frontline during protests against the Italian government after the death of Idy Diene, a street vendor from Senegal who was killed on 5 March, the day after the Italian elections. Diene was shot six times as he sold his wares on the Vespucci bridge in Florence.

      His killer was Roberto Pirrone, a 65-year-old Italian who told police he had planned to kill himself owing to his dire financial situation. He said that when he was unable to muster the courage to do this he had shot the first random target he could find. A racist motive was ruled out, prompting fury among the city’s Senegalese population.

      In a tragic twist, it was revealed that Diene, 54, was the cousin of Samb Modou, who was killed by Gianluca Casseri, a supporter of the fascist CasaPound party, when Casseri opened fire in two of Florence’s central markets in December 2011.

      While the Italian government seems to ignore the problem, the police are working to bring the perpetrators to justice and several arrests have been made across Italy in recent weeks.

      Two weeks ago, the Turin district attorney, Armando Spataro, unveiled measures to combat racially motivated crimes, targeting anyone who commits “crimes motivated by hatred and ethnic-religious discrimination”. The following day, he received insults and threats on social media from Salvini’s supporters.

      “There is no value for people with a different skin colour,” said Sall. “When a black person is killed there is always an excuse. But when a foreigner kills an Italian they only focus on the fact that [the assailant] was foreign and the skin colour.”


      https://www.theguardian.com/global/2018/aug/03/warning-of-dangerous-acceleration-in-attacks-on-immigrants-in-italy
      #Rome #Naples #Venise

    • Migranti: parte l’offensiva degli amministratori locali contro la deriva xenofoba e razzista del Governo

      Primo firmatario dell’appello «inclusione per una società aperta» Nicola Zingaretti; tra gli aderenti Sala, Pizzarotti e De Magistris.

      Trentatré episodi di aggressioni a sfondo razzista da quando il governo Salvini - Di Maio si è insediato, tre solo nelle ultime ore; porti chiusi e criminalizzazione delle Ong; ruspe sui campi rom e una narrazione costante e diffusa che parla di invasione, sostituzione etnica, pericolo immigrazione: qualcuno ha deciso di non restare in silenzio e mostrare che esiste anche un’Italia che rifiuta tutto questo, rivendica lo stato di diritto e sostiene l’inclusione sociale come valore assoluto.

      Per questo oggi stato lanciato - e ha già raccolto più di 200 adesioni in tutta Italia - il manifesto «Inclusione per una società aperta», ideato e promosso dai consiglieri regionali del Lazio Alessandro Capriccioli, Marta Bonafoni, Paolo Ciani, Mauro Buschini e Daniele Ognibene e rivolto a tutti gli amministratori locali che rifiutino «la retorica dell’invasione e della sostituzione etnica, messa in campo demagogicamente al solo scopo di ottenere consenso elettorale, dagli imprenditori della paura e dell’odio sociale; rifiutino il discorso pubblico di denigrazione e disprezzo del prossimo e l’incitamento all’odio, che nutrono una narrazione della disuguaglianza, giustificano e fanno aumentare episodi di intolleranza ed esplicito razzismo», col fine di costruire «una rete permanente che, dato l’attuale contesto politico, affronti il tema delle migrazioni e dell’accoglienza su scala nazionale a partire dalle esperienze e dalle politiche locali, con l’obiettivo di opporsi fattivamente alla deriva sovranista e xenofoba che sta investendo il nostro paese», come si legge nell’appello diffuso quest’oggi.

      «In Italia viviamo una situazione senza precedenti», ha spiegato Alessandro Capriccioli, capogruppo di +Europa Radicali durante la conferenza stampa di lancio dell’appello insieme ai colleghi Paolo Ciani, Marta Bonaforni e Marietta Tidei. «Attraverso una strategia quasi scientifica è stato imposto un racconto sull’immigrazione che alimenta l’odio e lo sfrutta per ottenere consensi. Questo manifesto si rivolge agli amministratori locali che affrontano sul campo il tema dell’immigrazione con risultati virtuosi che spesso smentiscono quel racconto, ed è uno strumento per formare una rete istituzionale che potrà diventare un interlocutore autorevole e credibile in primo luogo di questo Governo, dettando indicazioni, strategie e proposte».

      Paolo Ciani, capogruppo di Centro Solidale, ha sottolineato come «questa narrazione distorta sta portando a un imbarbarimento della nostra società. Gli episodi di questi giorni rappresentano solo la punta dell’iceberg di un atteggiamento diffuso: sappiamo tutti che esistono degli istinti bassi che appartengono a tutti gli esseri umani e che, se trovano una loro legittimazione nelle istituzioni, diventano un problema». Marietta Tidei, consigliera regionale del Pd ha posto l’attenzione sul fatto che «oggi viene raccontato solo il brutto dell’immigrazione, ma noi siamo qui per dire che c’è anche molto che ha funzionato: il programma Sprar è un esempio virutoso», mentre la capogruppo della Lista Civica Zingaretti Marta Bonafoni ha sottolineato come ciò che conta sia «la quantità e la pronta risposta che stiamo avendo: la distribuzione geografica ci dice che c’è un’altra italia, che con questo appello diventa una rete istituzionale che si pone come interlocutrice del Governo».

      Oltre al Presidente della regione Lazio hanno già sottoscritto l’appello Beppe Sala, sindaco di Milano, Federico Pizzarotti, sindaco di Parma, Luigi De Magistris, sindaco di Napoli e più di 200 tra assessori e consiglieri regionali, sindaci, presidenti di municipi e consiglieri comunali e municipali da ogni parte d’Italia.

      http://www.repubblica.it/solidarieta/immigrazione/2018/08/03/news/migranti_parte_l_offensiva_degli_amministratori_locali_contro_la_deriva_x
      #xénophobie #racisme #anti-racisme

    • Violenta aggressione a #Giugliano, immigrato picchiato in piazza e deriso dai presenti

      Violenta aggressione avvenuta poco fa ai danni di un africano in piazza Gramsci. La vittima è stata pestata a sangue da un gruppo composto da due, tre persone. È stato preso a calci e pugni e lasciato a terra esanime. Alcune persone presenti hanno allertato i soccorsi giunti dopo mezz’ora. Il ragazzo ha riportato un trauma cranico e contusioni in varie parti del corpo. Pare che a scatenare l’aggressione sia stato il gesto dell’uomo di prendere in braccio un bimbo e ciò avrebbe scatenato la violenza del branco. Altri invece sostengono che fosse ubriaco e che avesse dato fastidio a qualcuno, che poi si sarebbe vendicato picchiandolo selvaggiamente.

      Si tratta comunque solo di un’ipotesi ancora da confermare. Ciò che è certo è che dopo il pestaggio, un gruppo di ragazzi presenti in piazza invece di aiutare il ferito erano vicini a lui a ridere insultandolo e apostrofandolo come “nir e merd..”. Sul posto in questo momento i carabinieri stanno raccogliendo le informazioni per ricostruire la dinamica dei fatti.

      https://internapoli.it/violenta-aggressione-a-giugliano-immigrato-picchiato-in-piazza-e-deriso-

    • Jour après jour, voici la liste des agressions racistes en Italie

      Le 3 février 2018, un militant d’extrême droite et ex-candidat de la Ligue à des élections locales ouvrait le feu sur six migrants noirs à #Macerata, dans le centre de l’Italie. Depuis, onze autres attaques à caractère raciste – par le biais d’armes à feu, à air comprimé ou d’armes blanches – ont pris des personnes immigrées pour cible. Mediapart dresse cette liste vertigineuse, qui confirme la montée de la xénophobie dans la péninsule.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/090818/jour-apres-jour-voici-la-liste-des-agressions-racistes-en-italie

    • Di seguito aggressioni razziste in ordine di data. QUI la mappa (http://www.radicali.it/cronologia-aggressioni-razziste-da-inizio-giugno-ad-oggi/#mappa) con singole aggressioni e densità nei luoghi.

      3 giugno, San Calogero (Vibo Valentia): mentre raccolgono delle lamiere, tre migranti vengono sorpresi da quattro spari e rimane ucciso il bracciante maliano 29enne Sacko Soumaila.

      8 giugno, Sarno (Salerno): un giovane extracomunitario camerunense di 27 anni, mentre era in sella alla sua bici, viene picchiato brutalmente con una mazza da baseball da due giovani.

      10 giugno, Ventimiglia: i volontari della Croce Verde Intemelia hanno soccorso un extracomunitario aggredito nel pomeriggio. L’uomo, che si è rivolto anche ai carabinieri, aveva una ferita di striscio da arma da taglio e lamentava dolore al costato.

      11 giugno, Caserta: due ragazzi maliani, ospiti di un centro Sprar, vengono avvicinati da una Fiat Panda, a bordo della quale viaggiavano tre giovani italiani i quali hanno sparato alcuni colpi con una pistola ad aria compressa, al grido “Salvini, Salvini”.

      12 giugno, Napoli: algerino protesta contro un’auto che non si ferma sulle strisce pedonali e viene accoltellato da tre giovani napoletani.

      12 giugno, Sulmona (Aquila): due uomini armati di coltello hanno fatto irruzione ieri sera nel centro di accoglienza migranti di Sulmona. Un richiedente asilo di origine nigeriana, ospite del centro è stato aggredito e ferito a colpi di arma da taglio.

      16 giugno, Catania: aggredisce lavavetri perché insistente e lo insegue fin dentro a un supermercato minacciandolo con una spranga di ferro.

      17 giugno, Roma: tre ragazzi italiani, tutti minorenni hanno aggredito un gruppo di lavoratori indiani, con le loro famiglie, dapprima insultandoli con frasi razziste, poi lanciando degli sputi su donne e bambini presenti, poi picchiando un giovane indiano che cercava di capire le ragioni di quell’aggressione gratuita nei loro confronti.

      17 giugno, Erba (Como): Aggressione in piazza Padania a Erba. Un italiano ha picchiato uno straniero di 42 anni che è rimasto ferito alla testa.

      17 giugno, Palermo: tre migranti, un nigeriano di 32 anni, un ivoriano di 48 anni e un minorenne della Costa d’Avorio sono stati aggrediti al mercato Ballarò riportando varie ferite lacerocontuse alla testa e al volto.

      17 giugno, Cagliari: un giovane dominicano, fermatosi con il suo scooter prima delle strisce pedonali, è stato aggredito da tre ragazzi sardi che lo hanno malmenato perché straniero.

      20 giugno, Napoli: Bouyangui Konate, cuoco maliano di 21 anni, rifugiato, viene colpito da due ragazzi con un fucile a piombini e rimane ferito.

      22 giugno, Palermo: 21enne gambiano, a Palermo ormai da anni, dove studia al Commerciale e lavora come mediatore, viene colpito da pomodori da due sessantenni perché uno straniero non può sostare davanti a un portone.

      22 giugno, Sassuolo (Modena): tre italiani hanno aggredito un ragazzo straniero dopo una lite. Secondo alcune testimonianze, un membro del gruppetto di italiani avrebbe colpito in volto con un pugno il giovane straniero mentre un altro trattenendolo gli impediva di fuggire.

      23 giugno, Palermo: un branco di violenti si è accanito contro un ambulante di 33 anni originario del Bangladesh che viene picchiato fino a perdere i sensi.

      29 giugno, Torino: Ahmed, un giovane sudanese, rifugiato fuggito dalle persecuzioni nel Darfur, seduto su una panchina nel quartiere Mirafiori, viene aggredito da due uomini di mezza età, con insulti, botte, pugni e calci a raffica. Scappato il ragazzo le seguono nel ristorante dove si era rifugiato e continuano a picchiarlo, insultando e picchiando anche il titolare del ristorante e il cuoco, intervenuti a difesa della vittima.

      30 giugno, Trento: un lavoratore marocchino, che ha registrato le conversazioni col suo datore, viene minacciato di morte da quest’ultimo, che cita anche Salvini. Il principale, alla richiesta del lavoratore di poter prendere un giorno di malattia risponde “ti brucio vivo, brutto islamico”.

      2 luglio, Sassari: Una giovane nigeriana è stata aggredita, malmenata e insultata con frasi razziste da un uomo.

      3 luglio, Spotorno (Liguria): Aizzano il cane contro un ambulante nero e insultano la donna che lo difende insultandola e facendole delle intimidazioni su Facebook quando ha pubblicato il post per denunciare l’accaduto.

      3 luglio, Forlì: una donna nigeriana viene avvicinata da un motorino, con due persone a bordo, dal quale parte un colpo da una pistola ad aria compressa che la ferisce a un piede.

      4 luglio, Val di Susa: al rifugio autogestito di Chez Jesus sono arrivate 6-7 persone residenti di Claviere, poi raggiunte da altre, con lo scopo iniziale di far togliere le bandiere No Tav e No Borders, si sono imposti con violenza verbale, offendendo i presenti con insulti razzisti e sessisti quali “negra di merda”, “a voi non darei neanche venti euro sulla strada”, “avete solo bisogno di un po’ di cazzo”, “pompinari e zecche di merda”.

      5 luglio, Forlì: un uomo di 33 anni originario della Costa d’Avorio viene colpito all’addome con colpi esplosi da pistola ad aria compressa.

      10 luglio, Venezia: un porteur abusivo di origine ghanese viene picchiato dai colleghi “regolari” che gli gridano “Vai via brutto negro abusivo, ora qui c’è Salvini” Colpita anche la donna, spagnola, che da anni vive a Roma, a cui il porteur stava portando i bagagli.

      11 luglio, Latina: due uomini di origine nigeriana vengono raggiunti da proiettili di gomma esplosi da un’Alfa 155 nei pressi della fermata dell’autobus.

      17 luglio, Roma: una bambina rom di poco più di un anno, viene raggiunta da un colpo di pistola ad aria compressa. Rischia di rimanere paralizzata.

      22 luglio, Lercara Friddi (Palermo): un giovane ballerino di 23 anni, figlio di mauriziani ma nato in Italia e adottato dopo la nascita, è stato massacrato al grido di “Sporco negro vai via, non sei degno di stare con noi”.

      23 luglio, Atena Lucana (Salerno): un giovane raggiunge una struttura di accoglienza per cittadini extra-comunitari richiedenti asilo politico, in evidente stato di ebrezza, e aggredisce un ospite, neodiciottenne, di origini egiziane e un’operatrice del centro, provocando ad entrambi lesioni, accompagnando l’aggressione con insulti razzisti.

      24 luglio, Milano: un 42enne originario dello Sri Lanka è stato vittima di un brutale aggressione nella zona di Bruzzano. L’aggressore, un casertano di 55 anni, ha minacciato la vittima con un taglierino, prima di colpirlo ripetutamente al volto e alle braccia. La «colpa» del cingalese? Parlare al proprio cellulare non in italiano.

      26 luglio, Partinico: un richiedente asilo senegalese di 19 anni Khalifa Dieng viene aggredito e picchiato, mentre girava in bicicletta per le vie di Partinico. Così ben presto dagli insulti si è passati ai fatti. Il ragazzo è stato spintonato e poi preso a schiaffi e a pugni. che gli gridano: “Tornatene al tuo paese, sporco negro”.

      26 luglio, Vicenza: un operaio di origine capoverdiana che lavorava su un ponteggio viene colpito alle spalle dai colpi di una carabina sparati da un terrazzo. L’uomo che ha sparato si è giustificato dicendo di voler colpire un piccione.

      26 luglio, Aversa: un richiedente asilo della Guinea viene avvicinato da due ragazzi in moto, che gli sparano con un’arma ad aria compressa, colpendolo al volto.

      27 luglio, Torino: un ragazzo originario del Gabon, Hamed Musa, è stato aggredito e insultato come negro di merda da due uomini con un pitbull che ringhiava. Quando era serenamente seduto su una panchina, in zona Mirafiori.

      28 luglio, Napoli: due titolari di una pescheria hanno malmenato un nigeriano di 29 anni che chiedeva l’elemosina dinanzi al loro negozio

      28 luglio, Milano: un uomo di origine cingalese viene aggredito in un parco. L’aggressore pretendeva che parlasse in italiano al telefono e lo ha minacciato con un taglierino sulla gola davanti alla figlia terrorizzata.

      29 luglio, Moncalieri (Torino): In coda in un ufficio pubblico, squilla il telefono di un giovane arabo: è una preghiera musulmana. E una donna italiana lo aggredisce: “Quella suoneria è vietata, esci di qui e torna al tuo paese”.

      29 luglio, Aprilia: un uomo di origine marocchina viene picchiato a sangue da due uomini e muore, abbandonato sulla strada.

      29 luglio, Moncalieri (Torino): Daisy Osakue, nazionale di atletica leggera, aggredita a Moncalieri mentre rincasava: da un’auto in corsa le sono state lanciate contro delle uova. L’atleta è stata colpita a un occhio ed è stata operata per una lesione alla cornea.

      30 luglio, Roseto (Teramo): alla ASL un italo-senegalese viene respinto, con la frase: “Vai via, questo non è l’ufficio del veterinario”.

      30 luglio, Villaggio Mosé (Agrigento): un giovane diciottenne gambiano, Aggredito dal “branco” giovane migrante ospite di una comunità, ospite della comunità “La mano di Francesco”, viene aggredito mentre era sulla sua bici da un gruppo di ragazzi in scooter.

      2 agosto, Ficovaro (Pistoia): un migrante è stato preso di mira da due giovani italiani che al grido ‘negri di merda’ gli hanno sparato uno o due colpi di arma da fuoco. Fortunatamente è rimasto illeso.

      2 agosto, Napoli: un 22enne senegalese, venditore ambulante in Italia da diversi anni e con un regolare permesso di soggiorno, è stato ferito alla gamba da colpi di arma da fuoco che sarebbero stati esplosi da due persone. Il fatto è accaduto nel quartiere del Vasto. Non è in pericolo di vita: sarà sottoposto a un’operazione.

      3 agosto, Pistoia: Dei colpi di pistola, forse con una scacciacani secondo i primi accertamenti della polizia, sono stati esplosi contro Buba Ceesay, migrante di 24 anni del Gambia, ospite della parrocchia di Vicofaro. Gli spari sono stati accompagnati da insulti razzisti. Il giovane è rimasto illeso.

      14-15 agosto, spiaggia di Ciammarita a Trappeto (Palermo): viene attuato un pestaggio ai danni di sei minori stranieri non accompagnati. Le indagini coordinate dal pm e condotte dai carabinieri della compagnia di Partinico hanno portato all’arresto di sette persone, tra cui due donne. Gli indagati sono accusati di lesioni aggravate e violenza privata e di avere agito con la “finalità dell’odio etnico e razziale”.

      15 agosto, Partinico (Palermo): Quattro immigrati minorenni che erano in attesa del pulmino che li riportasse nella comunità che li ospita sono stati insultati e picchiati. Dopo gli insulti ai quattro immigrati, gli aggressori si sono scagliati contro due e poi sono fuggiti.

      16 agosto, Aprilia: Ferito a un piede da un piccolo proiettile di piombo mentre passeggiava nel centro di Aprilia, vicino Latina. Vittima un cittadino di nazionalità camerunense, che camminava a piedi in una zona del centro della località pontina. L’uomo è stato giudicato guaribile in 5 giorni.

      19 agosto, Terracina (Latina): Un cittadino indiano di 40 anni, mentre era in bicicletta sulla via Pontina, è stato colpito da tre pallini esplosi forse con un’arma ad aria compressa da uno sconosciuto a bordo di un’utilitaria. L’auto sarebbe poi fuggita.

      3 settembre, Raffadali (Agrigento): un ragazzo tunisino di sedici anni, preso a calci e pugni a Raffadali, è stato ricoverato in ospedale con contusioni e ferite su tutto il corpo. Come ricostruito dagli inquirenti, il giovane, che vive a Raffadali da un anno in una struttura che si occupa dell’accoglienza dei minori, ha prima ricevuto una sportellata da un minorenne e poi è stato picchiato con calci e pugni al grido di “torna nel tuo paese”.

      8 settembre, Bettola (Piacenza): In un crescendo di episodi di violenza nei confronti di un profugo, viene appiccato un incendio sul balcone della casa che ospita i richiedenti asilo nella cittadina. I carabinieri della compagnia di Bobbio, hanno deferito tre cittadini del paese della Valnure per violenza privata, danneggiamento a seguito di incendio, ingiuria e minacce aggravate da motivi razziali.

      9 settembre, Mortara (Pavia): un operaio africano, passato con un monopattino di fronte a un bar cittadino, viene insultato e picchiato dal titolare del bar e da due clienti, che sono stati indagati.

      11 settembre, Sassari: Un giovane guineano è stato aggredito durante la notte da cinque ragazzi. A fermare la furia del branco è stato un uomo che ha assistito al pestaggio ed è intervenuto facendo fuggire il gruppetto di razzisti.

      12 settembre, Francavilla Fontana (Brindisi): un giovane migrante, un diciassettenne proveniente dalla Guinea, ha subito un violento pestaggio da parte di alcuni coetanei.

      16 settembre, Piazza Armerina (Enna): un ragazzo gambiano di 23 anni, da due in Italia e ospite dall’associazione Don Bosco è stato pestato a sangue da tre ragazzi.

      17 settembre, Catania: molotov contro il centro per richiedenti asilo di Grammichele. Danneggiata la porta d’ingresso. La coop che lo gestisce: “Speriamo non sia razzismo, ma solo una ragazzata”.

      24 settembre, Castelfranco Emilia (Modena): Un 27enne pachistano che in quel momento stava camminando con alcuni amici, viene colpito da una pistola ad aria compressa da un’auto in corsa. Gli autori potrebbero essere indagati anche per odio razziale perché avrebbero esultato una volta colpito il ragazzo.

      26 settembre, Frosinone: Tre studenti universitari sono stati indagati e le loro abitazioni sono state perquisite dagli investigatori della Digos e della Squadra Mobile della questura di Frosinone. Secondo quanto emerso, i tre studenti, residenti a Ceprano, due di 22 e uno di 23 anni, avrebbero aggredito senza motivo richiedenti asilo politico in diverse regioni italiane e nel Frusinate, in particolare a Ceprano e Roccasecca. In otto mesi di indagini la polizia ha accertato almeno sette episodi di aggressione a sfondo razziale. Pesanti i capi di imputazione contestati ai tre: propaganda e istigazione a delinquere per motivi di discriminazione razziale, etnica e religiosa, minacce, stalking, lesioni personali, danneggiamento. Nelle abitazioni sono stati ritrovati opuscoli di “Blocco studentesco”, organizzazione dell’ultradestra attiva nelle scuole e nelle università, mazze da baseball, sfollagente, due coltelli e materiale propagandistico sulla superiorità razziale.

      30 settembre, Roma: una donna nordafricana viene spinta e gettata a terra da un uomo italiano nei pressi di Piazza Bologna. All’origine dell’aggressione un diverbio per un parcheggio. La donna, infatti, occupava un posto auto in attesa del fratello, che stava arrivando in macchina. L’uomo, un cinquantenne romano, vedendo il posto vuoto le ha intimato di spostarsi immediatamente. Dopo una serie di offese a sfondo razzista come “tornatene al tuo paese”, la donna è stata colpita ed è caduta a terra.

      2 ottobre, Napoli: un passeggero di origini asiatiche, probabilmente pakistano, viene insultato e minacciato da un uomo italiano seduto accanto a lui: “Io sono italiano e tu mi fai schifo, ti taglio la testa, fammi vedere il biglietto, voi facce di m… ci avete rovinato, mi fai schifo a pelle, ti ammazzo di botte”. Interviene solo una signora chiedendo all’italiano di smetterla. A quel punto l’uomo minaccia anche lei: “Tu a Napoli non ci arrivi, se ti incontro sei morta”. Poi si arrende.

      4 ottobre, Montagnana (Padova): una coppia entrata in un ristorante, si è rivolta al cameriere di colore aggredendolo verbalmente e rifiutandosi di essere servita da lui. Una sua collega, Laura, ha difeso il ragazzo dicendo alla coppia: “Potete anche andare via – ha detto – qui noi non serviamo clienti razzisti”. Il fatto, segnalato su Facebook dalla stessa Laura, ha suscitato la solidarietà dei cittadini.

      7 ottobre, Venezia: una ragazza haitiana di colore, adottata da due veneti, viene respinta a un colloquio di lavoro per fare da cameriera in un ristorante dal proprietario che vedendola le dice “Ah, ma sei nera? Scusa, non è per cattiveria – ha detto l’uomo – ma io non voglio persone di colore nel ristorante, potrebbe far schifo ai miei clienti, potrebbe far schifo che tocchi i loro piatti”.

      12 ottobre, Lodi: la Sindaca leghista Sara Casanova, taglia fuori dal servizio mensa e scuolabus oltre 200 bambini tutti figli di stranieri, che sono così costretti a mangiare in stanze separate da quelle dei compagni e a percorrere ogni mattina molti chilometri a piedi per raggiungere la scuola.

      12 ottobre, hinterland di Bari: un gruppo di ragazzi aggredisce un ragazzo di colore loro conoscente, spruzzando su di lui della schiuma bianca dicendogli “sei nero, ora ti facciamo diventare bianco”.

      12 ottobre, Lucca: un ragazzo nato e cresciuto a Lucca da genitori dello Sri Lanka ha ricevuto insulti razzisti su un autobus della città toscana. Un autista della Città Toscana Nord prima avrebbe detto al ragazzo di stare in piedi perché non c’erano posti a sedere. Poi, quando il giovane ha trovato un sedile libero, è arrivato l’insulto: “Ma vieni dal cimitero? Puzzi di morto! C’è un tanfo di morto! Che cosa ti sei messo? Non ti puoi sedere, puzzi di morto”. Nessuno dei passeggeri è intervenuto. Secondo il ragazzo – che ha raccontato ai giornali locali l’episodio – “Forse non hanno sentito o forse hanno preferito far finta di niente. Una cosa del genere non mi era mai successa”.

      13 ottobre, Morbegno (Sondrio): un senegalese di 28 anni è stato avvicinato alle 2 di notte da un gruppo di ragazzi, mentre andava al panificio in cui lavora, e hanno iniziato ad insultarlo per il colore della pelle. Poi calci e pugni fino a mandarlo in ospedale.

      14 ottobre, Varese: Emanuel, ventottenne di origini nordafricane che da 10 anni vive in Italia, fa il cassiere in un supermercato. Durante il suo turno di lavoro, si trova di fronte una donna quarantenne che gli dice: «Non voglio essere servita da un negro». Il ragazzo invita la cliente a concludere i suoi acquisti, ma lei insiste e continua a insultarlo con frasi razziste. Quando sente che i colleghi stanno chiamando la polizia, gli lancia addosso anche una lattina di birra, danneggiando la cassa.

      16 ottobre: una giovane ragazza trentina denuncia su Facebook l’episodio di razzismo di cui è stata testimone su un autobus Flixbus diretto da Trento a Roma sul quale una donna italiana di circa 40 anni ha inveito contro un ragazzo senegalese di 25 anni impedendogli di sedersi nel posto assegnato, che era accanto al suo. “Qui no, vai via, vai in fondo, sei di un altro colore e di un’altra religione”. Davanti alle invettive della donna è scoppiato in lacrime dicendo: “Non faccio nulla di male. Non sono cattivo. Voglio solo sedermi e riposare perché sono stanco”.

      17 ottobre, Trento: uno studente indiano, che frequenta l’università (a breve si laureerà ingegneria meccatronica), è stato fatto cadere e poi colpito a calci nei dintorni della residenza dove abita. Gli aggressori si sono limitati a picchiarlo senza portargli via nulla. Il ragazzo ha informato del fatto l’università, raccontando che il movente dell’aggressione è di tipo razziale.

      19 ottobre, Castel Volturno (Caserta): un ragazzo ghanese di 29 anni si ritrova su una sedia a rotelle con gambe e braccia paralizzate a vita a seguito di un’aggressione di matrice razzista. È stato massacrato di botte mentre rientrava a casa dal lavoro come saldatore in autobus come ogni sera. L’aggressore, che non si spostava per farlo scendere, nonostante il ragazzo chiedesse di passare, ha sferrato un primo colpo, scagliando il giovane fuori dal pullman. Dopo essere caduto, il ragazzo ha subito un pestaggio da parte dell’uomo che lo ha costretto alla paralisi.

      19 ottobre, Brindisi: un ragazzo di 20 anni originario del Senegal è una delle due vittime delle altrettante aggressioni violente a sfondo razziale perpetrate prima contro di lui e poi contro Elia, segretario della comunità cittadina del Ghana. Un terzo raid razzista è stato sventato dall’intervento di un cittadino, che ha minacciato di chiamare la polizia. Si presume che i due violenti che hanno preso a bastonate, calci e pugni le gli immigrati, abbiano voluto ergersi a vendicatori prendendo di mira degli uomini di pelle scura, a seguito di due episodi avvenuti la mattina: prima il danneggiamento di un’auto da parte di un cittadino della Guinea e poi una presunta violenza sessuale su cui la polizia sta ancora cercando di far luce.

      21 ottobre, Milano: Shanti una 23enne italiana di origini indiane. Domenica sale sul Frecciarossa Milano-Trieste e si accomoda accanto a una signora, che prima le chiede se ha il biglietto, poi, ricevuta risposta affermativa, guardando la ragazza dice ad alta voce: “Se è così, io accanto a una negra non ci sto”. E cambia posto. A denunciare il gesto razzista, è stata la mamma della giovane, presidente del Ciai (Centro italiano aiuti all’infanzia, con un post su Facebook).


      http://www.radicali.it/cronologia-aggressioni-razziste-da-inizio-giugno-ad-oggi

    • Un’estate all’insegna del razzismo

      È stato pubblicato il dossier “Un’estate all’insegna del razzismo”, a cura di Lunaria, che analizza i casi di razzismo nel nostro Paese negli ultimi sei mesi. Dal razzismo quotidiano a quello istituzionale, ecco cosa c’è da sapere.

      Quella appena trascorsa è un’estate che difficilmente dimenticheremo. Da qualunque lato la si guardi – i comportamenti sociali, il dibattito pubblico, le scelte istituzionali – desta preoccupazioni profonde. E non sono (solo) i numeri a fondare le nostre ansie. 304 casi di discriminazione e di razzismo documentati in sei mesi, 488 dall’inizio dell’anno, sono molti. Ma come sempre colgono solo quello che si è reso visibile e documentabile grazie alle segnalazioni dirette e al monitoraggio dei media.

      No, non sono i numeri a cui guardiamo. Quello che ci preoccupa di più è altro.

      Sono quelle parole e quei comportamenti violenti che non raggiungono l’onore delle cronache e che non vengono denunciati, ma proliferano in ogni dove. Quello che ci preoccupa è che una bimba Rom di 15 mesi possa essere colpita alla schiena per strada e un lavoratore straniero sia colpito “per caso” mentre lavora. Sono le “goliardate” compiute da minori ai danni dei loro coetanei stranieri.

      È che lo Stato faccia tutto il possibile per impedire di mettere in salvo delle vite umane. È che chi ripropone il primato degli italiani in un asilo pubblico o per accedere a una casa popolare venga acclamato da un’ampia parte dell’opinione pubblica. È la separazione dei bambini a scuola nell’ora dei pasti o mentre devono vaccinarsi. È che un ministro della Repubblica possa permettersi anche solo di proporre in rete l’abrogazione della legge Mancino. È che possano ancora agire indisturbati movimenti che si ispirano al fascismo e al neonazismo. È l’approvazione del D.L. 113/2018, che cancella il permesso per motivi umanitari, affossa il sistema pubblico di accoglienza e amplia il sistema dei centri di detenzione. È la strumentalizzazione politica spudorata dei corpi delle donne violati, laddove l’aggressore è un cittadino straniero. È che una signora qualsiasi possa insultare e rifiutarsi di sedersi accanto a una ragazza italiana in treno solo perché il colore del suo volto non è bianco. È la censura da parte della televisione pubblica di un documentario prodotto da un suo giornalista che osa mostrare le condizioni di vita ingiuste e disumane dei bambini rifugiati a Lesbo. E infine, quello che ci preoccupa è l’attacco al sistema di accoglienza pubblico sferrato con l’arresto di Mimmo Lucano.

      Non siamo i soli ad essere allarmati.

      A scendere in campo contro i rischi di un’escalation di discriminazioni istituzionali, di xenofobia e di razzismo sono stati anche importanti esponenti delle istituzioni, a partire dal Presidente della Repubblica: «L’Italia non può somigliare a un Far West dove un tale compra un fucile e spara a una bambina di un anno rovinando la salute e il futuro. Questa è barbarie e deve suscitare indignazione». O dall’UNHCR, Agenzia delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati, che ha espresso “profonda preoccupazione per il crescente numero di attacchi nei confronti di migranti, richiedenti asilo, rifugiati e cittadini italiani di origine straniera che hanno caratterizzato questi ultimi mesi”.

      Sino ad arrivare all’annuncio dell’invio di “personale in Italia per valutare il riferito forte incremento di atti di violenza e di razzismo contro migranti, persone di discendenza africana e rom” da parte dell’Alto Commissario Onu per i diritti umani, Michelle Bachelet. Persino il Parlamento Europeo è giunto ad approvare (tardivamente) una risoluzione che invita i Governi dei Paesi membri a mettere al bando le organizzazioni neo-naziste e neofasciste.

      In questo ultimo dossier raccontiamo tutto questo nel dettaglio.

      Partiamo come di consueto dai casi di ordinario razzismo, dedicando un approfondimento alla ricorrenza anomala di violenze fisiche che hanno colpito soprattutto persone nere. Riepiloghiamo le scelte compiute dal Governo a partire dal suo insediamento sino ad arrivare all’approvazione del pessimo Decreto Legge 113/2018 e le discriminazioni istituzionali compiute attraverso delibere comunali o leggi regionali.

      Le cronache giornalistiche hanno seguito con una particolare attenzione tutti questi eventi non rimanendo immuni da omissioni, enfatizzazioni e vere e proprie stigmatizzazioni che analizziamo nel quarto capitolo.
      L’estate è stata però attraversata anche da moltissime iniziative di solidarietà. Un vero e proprio risveglio della società civile ha attraversato il nostro Paese da Nord a Sud, coinvolgendo singoli e soggetti collettivi e ambienti del tutto diversi tra loro, agendo in molti casi in modo auto-organizzato. La mobilitazione straordinaria che ha fatto giungere a Lodi più di 165mila euro per consentire a tutti i bambini che ne erano stati esclusi di tornare ad accedere alla mensa scolastica, è forse quella più originale e innovativa.

      Di fronte alle decisioni sbagliate è possibile ribellarsi. Anche quando ci sono regole o leggi ingiuste, rassegnarsi non è inevitabile.

      E proprio a tutti coloro che non accettano la criminalizzazione della solidarietà e la praticano dal basso, è dedicato l’ultimo capitolo.


      https://www.cartadiroma.org/news/in-evidenza/unestate-allinsegna-del-razzismo

      v. le dossier ici:
      https://www.lunaria.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/FOCUS62018unestateallinsegnadelrazzismo.pdf

    • #Latina, Torino, Roma: le violenze razziste non si fermano

      Due fratelli di 14 e 15 anni, nati in Italia e originari del Congo, vengono aggrediti, a Latina, prima verbalmente con frasi razziste per il colore della loro pelle e poi fisicamente, subendo un brutale pestaggio da parte di un gruppo di giovanissimi, tutti italiani tra i 13 e i 15 anni. L’episodio è avvenuto il 1 dicembre, ma ne abbiamo avuto notizia solo oggi, quando la squadra mobile ha segnalato alla Procura presso il Tribunale per i minori di Roma ben tredici minorenni del capoluogo pontino. A forza di calci uno dei due fratelli è finito a terra, vittima di un trauma cranico e privo di conoscenza, mentre all’altro sono stati fratturati il naso e uno zigomo. I due fratelli, ricoverati in ospedale, con prognosi di venti e trenta giorni, sono fuori pericolo ma sotto choc. Secondo alcune indiscrezioni, gli aggressori apparterrebbero a “situazioni familiari disagiate e in alcuni casi sono figli di uomini con precedenti penali o con parentele pesanti nella criminalità organizzata della città”.

      Ci spostiamo vicino Torino. Pape Bassirou Tine, ventenne di origine senegalese residente ad Almese, giovane e promettente calciatore del San Maurizio Canavese (campionato di Promozione), viene aggredito davanti al Caffè Stazione di Avigliana (TO). Il fatto è accaduto lunedì 17 dicembre sera. «Mi hanno urlato ‘negro di m*…, torna a casa tua’, poi mi sono avvicinato per chiedere spiegazioni. Uno mi ha colpito con un pugno, un altro con un bicchiere di vetro». Secondo una prima ricostruzione, fatta grazie al racconto del ragazzo e dei testimoni presenti al momento dell’accaduto, gli aggressori sarebbero cinque-sei italiani, più o meno suoi coetanei. Pape, recatosi all’ospedale di Rivoli per farsi medicare, ha perso sangue a causa dei colpi ricevuti ma si rimetterà presto. Torino Today riporta le parole del giovane, che ora chiede giustizia: «Chiedo solo che giustizia sia fatta perché siamo nel 2018 e non permetto a nessuno di sottovalutarmi. Siamo tutti esseri umani. Sembra che siano solo gli stranieri a commettere crimini, ma non è così». Pape ha presentato una denuncia alla stazione dei carabinieri, che sono ora al lavoro per identificare gli autori dell’aggressione grazie anche ai filmati delle telecamere di sorveglianza della stazione.

      Da Torino torniamo a Roma. Ancora un’aggressione razzista nei confronti di una persona nera. Le vittime in questo caso sono due: una mamma e la sua bambina, a bordo del tram 19. A raccontare l’accaduto, ieri, sulla propria pagina Facebook, una testimone che ha assistito al fatto intorno alle 16:45 del pomeriggio. “Ad una fermata sale una donna di colore, con una bimba di un anno in passeggino. Un uomo, romano doc, sulla quarantina le dice: “E tu perché sei qua, cosa fai sul tram?!”. La donna risponde: “Che vuoi, che ti ho fatto?”. L’uomo innervosito dal fatto che una donna, per giunta “nera”, gli risponda, le ribatte: “Tu devi stà zitta, hai capito, devi stà zitta”. Alla fermata del tram, la donna cerca di scendere, ma l’uomo le tira una pacca sul sedere e tira due calci al passeggino e le sputa in faccia”. Nonostante l’intervento della testimone e di un altro ragazzo, l’uomo continua ad infierire e a insultare. Anche altri passeggeri, presenti all’aggressione, partecipano agli insulti generali. Il tram riparte. Nessuno chiede niente. Come se nulla fosse accaduto.

      Pochi giorni fa, aveva scosso e fatto il giro dei social l’episodio della donna rom e di sua figlia aggredite nella metro, raccontato alla giornalista Giorgia Rombolà, testimone dell’aggressione. Pochi giorni fa, avevamo ricevuto una segnalazione simile anche da una nostra lettrice (ne abbiamo parlato qui).

      Fatti con cadenza quotidiana estremamente gravi, e sempre più relegati alla pura cronaca. Fatti che non dovrebbero passare inosservati. E che dovrebbero far riflettere sul clima inquietante in cui siamo immersi e che sembra restringere ogni giorno i pochi interstizi di umanità che restano.


      http://www.cronachediordinariorazzismo.org/alatina-torino-roma-le-violenze-razziste-non-si-fermano
      #Turin #Rome

    • Ordina le pizze, brasiliana pestata a sangue. «Siamo in Friuli, devi parlare friulano per legge»

      Pestata in un locale pubblico perché non parla friulano. Accade fuori da una pizzeria da asporto, a #Mereto_di_Tomba. La donna, brasiliana, 47 anni, residente a Cavasso Nuovo nel Pordenonese, era entrata nel locale insieme ai figli, per ordinare delle pizze da portare a casa. Ha chiesto le pizze in buon italiano, ma ad un uomo presente nel locale, un camionista, non è bastato: «Qui siamo in Friuli e si deve parlare friulano per legge». La donna, per evitare liti, è uscita fuori, al freddo, per attendere le pizze. Ma l’uomo è uscito e nonostante il figlio della donna cercasse di difenderla, l’ha spintonata e colpita al volto. Col naso sanguinante e sotto choc la brasiliana è andata al pronto soccorso: ha numerosi traumi.

      https://www.ilmessaggero.it/italia/brasiliana_picchiata_pizzeria_udine_oggi-4222441.html

  • Denmark is so inhospitable to refugees that asylum requests dropped 84% in two years

    Denmark has had a clear and consistent message to asylum seekers in the last two years: stay away. The latest figures on the number of people seeking asylum in the country suggests that message has finally sunk in.

    Denmark received just 3,458 asylum applications in 2017—an 84% drop from 2015 (when the refugee crisis saw a dramatic peak in the number of asylum seekers in Europe). The government puts the drop down to the 67 anti-immigrant (link in Danish) regulations it has passed since 2015.


    https://qz.com/1171331/asylum-seekers-in-denmark-number-of-applications-has-fallen-by-84-since-2015
    #danemark #asile #migrations #réfugiés #statistiques #chiffres #anti-réfugiés

  • En #Italie, les néofascistes de #Casapound capitalisent sur le discours anti-migrants
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/311217/en-italie-les-neofascistes-de-casapound-capitalisent-sur-le-discours-anti-

    La presse italienne en parle comme des « fascistes du troisième millénaire ». Enquête sur ce mouvement néofasciste lancé en 2003, dont le discours anti-migrants, comme les connexions mafieuses, lui ont permis d’obtenir 9 % des voix, aux dernières municipales à #Ostie, dans la commune de Rome.

    #International #extrême_droite #Ligue_du_Nord #mafia #Simone_Di_Stefano

  • Attacks on refugee homes still taking place almost daily: report

    The number of attacks on refugee homes has dropped sharply since the height of the refugee crisis. But so far this year crimes have included arson and the detonation of explosives.


    https://www.thelocal.de/20171106/attacks-on-refugee-homes-still-taking-place-almost-daily-report

    #Allemagne #racisme #xénophobie #extrême_droite #attaques_racistes #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #migrations #asile #feu #incendie

  • Neofascisti romani. I neri che fanno paura (e non sono gli immigrati)

    29/09/2017 Una giovane famiglia italiana di origine eritrea ottiene regolarmente una casa popolare, prima occupata abusivamente da una famiglia italiana. Ma interviene “Roma ai romani”, che difende gli abusivi contro questi “italiani dalla pelle nera”. Risultato: la famiglia rinuncia alla casa. È la seconda volta che succede, in pochi mesi. Ecco chi sono i neofascisti e qual è la strategia della galassia nera della capitale.


    http://www.famigliacristiana.it/articolo/neofascisti-romani-i-neri-che-fanno-paura-e-non-sono-gli-immigrati
    #Rome #Italie #extrême_droite #extrême-droite #néo-fascisme #néonazis #casapound #casa_pound #anti-migrants #anti-réfugiés #No_Bolkestein #identitaires #La_feccia #Roma_ai_romani #forza_nuova #xénophobie #racisme #Giuliano_Castellino #Nel_dubbio_mena #Alberto_Palladino #Zippo #Roberto_Fiore #Terza_posizione #Militia #Maurizio_Boccacci #Movimento_politico #Eric_Priebke #Massimo_Carminati #er_pantera #Luigi_Aronica

    cc @albertocampiphoto @marty

  • Un centre d’asile s’invite à #Martigny

    Surprise La Confédération a publié hier la liste des sites qui pourraient accueillir un centre fédéral de requérants d’asile. Si #Tourtemagne et #Dailly (#Savatan) étaient attendus, le Coude du Rhône y figure aussi.

    http://www.lenouvelliste.ch/articles/valais/canton/un-centre-d-asile-s-invite-a-martigny-657050
    #centres_fédéraux #asile #migrations #suisse #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #opposition #Vaud

  • Neuer Ärger in #Schwyz wegen Bundesasylzentrum

    Der Bund hält am Standort Schwyz für ein Bundesasylzentrum fest. Der Schwyzer Volkswirtschaftsdirektor kritisiert das Verfahren – weil der Obwaldner Glaubenberg nur als Notlösung gilt.

    https://www.luzernerzeitung.ch/importe/fupep/neue_lz/lz_zentralschweiz/Neuer-AErger-in-Schwyz-wegen-Bundesasylzentrum;art128779,1003468

    #centres_fédéraux #asile #migrations #suisse #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #opposition

  • Breite Front gegen ein zweites Asylzentrum

    Obwohl der Wahlkampf zu den Gemeindewahlen bereits gestartet ist, sind sich alle Lysser Ortsparteien darin einig: Ein zweites Bundesasylzentrum ist in #Lyss nicht erwünscht. Nun werden die geeigneten Mittel für den Widerstand gesucht.


    http://www.bielertagblatt.ch/nachrichten/seeland/breite-front-gegen-ein-zweites-asylzentrum

    #centres_fédéraux #asile #migrations #suisse #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #Suisse #Berne #opposition