• Border wall slicing through #Arizona #wildlife corridor begins construction: ‘A show of force for nothing’

    The 30ft-high wall between the US and Mexico will cut through one of the last unbroken grasslands in the west, leaving residents alarmed over the potential impact on wildlife and water use

    On a late summer day in September, the sound of cicadas pierced the profound silence in the sprawling grasslands and gently rolling hills of the #San_Rafael_Valley in southern Arizona. But before long, the shrill buzzing gave way to the rumble of heavy machinery sculpting an unpaved road leading to the US-Mexico border.

    In the distance, a deer darted across the road and disappeared into a thicket of oak trees. A few miles later, a fenced-in worker camp came into view, next to a construction site full of trucks, bulldozers and cranes.

    The San Rafael Valley, south-east of #Tucson, is considered one of the most biodiverse regions in North America. But in recent days, a towering black steel wall has begun to rise on the landscape.

    The Trump administration is forging ahead with plans to erect a 27-mile section of the border wall here, despite a legal challenge still playing out in the courts. When completed, the 30ft-high barrier will tear through one of the last pristine, unbroken grasslands in the west.

    Trump’s pledge to “build the wall” between the US and Mexico was a top priority during his first term, but the 1,954-mile border is still full of gaps. Construction in this remote valley is among efforts in several states to fast-track new sections along the southern border.

    The new wall is intended replace low barriers that stop vehicles but still allow wildlife to get across. Even before construction began, many Arizonans worried about the plan’s impact on the numerous wildlife species that regularly move between the two countries – including jaguars, ocelots, bears and mountain lions.

    “The wildlife there have existed for and evolved over thousands of years in a connected ecosystem and this wall will sever populations in half,” says Russ McSpadden, south-west conservation advocate at the Center for Biological Diversity. The barrier, he says, can prevent animals – including the endangered jaguar – from migrating to find food and mates, which could mean their eventual extinction.

    The possibility of water depletion has also concerned residents in an arid landscape that’s already grappling with drought. New wells are being drilled for drawing up groundwater to mix with concrete for the wall foundation. Previous border wall projects have required vast quantities of water, running into the hundreds of thousands of gallons per day.

    “It’s disheartening to see some wall panels already up,” said Erick Meza, the borderlands coordinator for the Sierra Club. “This whole place looks like an industrial area now. And we know it’s just the beginning.”

    The wall is taking shape even as a legal challenge proceeds in federal court over the Trump administration’s issuing of waivers that nullify more than 30 environmental and public health laws to accelerate construction. Kristi Noem, the director of the Department of Homeland Security, has characterized the wall project as necessary to prevent people from entering the country unlawfully.

    John Mennell, a spokesperson for Customs and Border Protection (CBP), which oversees wall construction, declined to comment on the lawsuit or any of the concerns raised.

    But local residents such as Linda Shore, director of the Red Rock Acres Homeowners Association in the former mining outpost of Patagonia near the border, aren’t convinced.

    Shore isn’t thrilled about the wall, or the construction traffic that could lead to accidents at what she says is a hazardous intersection near her home.

    But for her, the bigger issue has to do with how the wall could hurt wildlife and drain water resources at a time when unlawful border crossings are at all-time lows.

    Data from Customs and Border Protection show that, in Arizona, such crossings in August were down more than 90% over August 2024 along the Tucson sector that covers 262 miles of border. And this part of the San Rafael Valley has not traditionally been a frequent crossing site, according to some area residents and conservation groups that monitor animal movement along the border with cameras.

    “In my mind, it’s a big show of force for nothing,” says Shore.

    The San Rafael Valley spreads out between the Madrean Sky Islands that span both sides of the border. The biomes of the isolated mountain ranges change with elevation from desert to forest, creating a unique ecosystem where thousands of animals thrive.

    Human history also has left its mark on the remote valley over the span of centuries. By the late 1800s, the vast expanse had beckoned cattle ranching operations that became a significant economic driver in the area. Some cattle ranches remain in what is a mix of federal, state and private land that – thanks to conservation efforts – is largely undisturbed. Over time, small rural communities like Patagonia were built around it.

    Those and other communities in Arizona and Sonora, Mexico, will inevitably feel the effect of a wall that is likely to alter the ecosystem balance and overall health of the land, says Zach Palma, the Mexico projects manager for the Sky Island Alliance, a Tucson conservation non-profit. “That type of degradation, in the long run, does indirectly affect everyone, especially these rural communities whose livelihood is dependent on the land, whether it’s ranching or farming.”

    The non-profit works with ranchers and small-scale farmers in Santa Cruz, Sonora, a small community within the broader Sky Island region that already struggles with shallow groundwater. “With the drought, they’ve been experiencing their wells going deeper and deeper,” Palma says.

    John Fanning, a member of the Santa Cruz county board of supervisors, says some of his constituents live in the far eastern reaches of the county, which includes San Rafael. Some of those rural residents favor a wall near their communities because of previous encounters with border crossers “showing up on their properties and giving them a scare”.

    But others are wary that the wall could cause water scarcity.

    “We don’t know what’s going to happen to the wells of some of the folks that live out there,” says Fanning. “But in my opinion, I don’t think it is going to have a positive effect. If anything, it’s going to perhaps deplete the water out there that these folks rely on.”

    There has been little transparency about the wall construction since it was announced, says Fanning. But representatives from the federal agency and Fisher Sand & Gravel, the North Dakota-based contractor working on the more than $300m project, recently informed a local committee of government officials and residents that about 150 workers will build the steel bollard wall over the next 30 months. The company did not respond to the Guardian’s request by phone for further details about the project.

    “I feel that the federal government, if that’s what they want to have happen, it’s going to happen,” he says. “But it’s great to know what’s going to happen so that I can then let the constituents of our county, especially in that area, have an idea of the progress that’s being made.”

    The tractor-trailers carrying construction equipment and frequently driving past rural communities toward the border is becoming a familiar sight for residents. They bypass the town center of Patagonia, but travel on a road that’s in front of Shore’s subdivision.

    Carol Bonchalk-Hilton, who lives on the edge of the valley in the former mining boomtown of Washington Camp, says that at night she can see the dark skies light up from the worker camp. Her home is in the sparsely populated community 16 miles away.

    The retiree doesn’t mind border walls built in places where it might be needed, but says she thinks surveillance technology would have been a better alternative for San Rafael.

    Instead, says Bonchalk-Hilton, the wide-open views of the valley are “now going to be blackened by a massive wall going through it. You’ve got the wildlife going back and forth. That’s the problem.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/01/arizona-border-wall-san-rafael-valley

    #murs #frontières #barrières_frontalières #Mexique #biodiversité #migrations #USA #Etats-Unis #résistance #eau #Madrean_Sky_Islands #paysage #écosystème #livelihoods #dégradation

    –—

    Ajouté à ce fil de discussion/métaliste:
    Balkan wildlife faces extinction threat from border fence to control migrants
    https://seenthis.net/messages/515608

  • Le désert : lieu de vie en marge de la société capitaliste américaine
    https://metropolitiques.eu/Le-desert-lieu-de-vie-en-marge-de-la-societe-capitaliste-americaine.

    Dans une ethnographie détaillée d’une douzaine d’habitants saisonniers d’un #désert de l’Arizona, David Frati fait le portrait de personnes « réfractaires » au travail, relevant la place centrale des dons dans leur quotidien. Janvier 2005. Désert de La Posa à Quartzsite, #Arizona. Après plusieurs terrains dans des campings, parcs nationaux et stationnements Walmart (Forget 2012), je stationne mon véhicule récréatif (VR) pour débuter un terrain de recherche dans les déserts d’Arizona et de Californie afin de #Commentaires

    / Arizona, #États-Unis, désert, #alternative, #camping-car, mobilité, #appropriation

    #mobilité
    https://metropolitiques.eu/IMG/pdf/met-forget.pdf

  • L’accélération de l’#IA pose déjà des questions de #pénuries d’#eau et d’#énergie

    Le Royaume-Uni comme les États-Unis viennent de présenter de nouveaux plans pour soutenir la mise en place d’#infrastructures pour l’IA dans leurs territoires. Mais actuellement, aux États-Unis, de nouvelles #centrales au gaz sont ouvertes pour répondre aux demandes d’énergie de l’IA. Au Royaume-Uni, l’implantation par le gouvernement de sa « première zone de croissance de l’IA » près d’un nouveau réservoir pose la question des priorités d’#accès_à_l'eau.

    Ce mardi 14 janvier et six jours avant la passation de pouvoir à Donal Trump, Joe Biden a publié un décret pour l’investissement des États-Unis dans des infrastructures. « Je signe aujourd’hui un décret historique visant à accélérer la vitesse à laquelle nous construisons la prochaine génération d’infrastructures d’IA ici aux États-Unis, de manière à renforcer la compétitivité économique, la sécurité nationale, la sécurité de l’IA et l’énergie propre », affirme-t-il.

    Selon certaines estimations, la consommation énergétique de l’IA devrait être multipliée par 4 à 9 d’ici 2050 et la consommation d’énergie des #data_centers aux États-Unis est déjà très carbonée.

    Le #gaz comme source d’énergie future aux États-Unis

    Mais, malgré les différentes annonces d’investissements dans le nucléaire par les géants du numérique, les États-Unis seraient plutôt à l’aube d’un boom de la construction de #centrales_électriques au gaz naturel, selon le Financial Times. Le journal économique américain explique que « les grandes entreprises technologiques se tournent vers les #combustibles_fossiles pour répondre aux énormes besoins en #électricité de la révolution de l’intelligence artificielle, ce qui met en péril les objectifs en matière de climat ».

    Le journal cite le cabinet de conseil en énergie #Enverus qui prévoit qu’au moins 80 centrales électriques au gaz seront construites aux États-Unis d’ici à 2030. Le Financial Times estime la capacité supplémentaire de ces centrales à 46 gigawatts, « soit la taille du réseau électrique norvégien et près de 20 % de plus que ce qui a été ajouté au cours des cinq dernières années ». Et selon Corianna Mah, analyste pour Enverus interrogée par le journal, « le gaz croît en fait plus rapidement aujourd’hui, et à moyen terme, que jamais auparavant ». Aucun des projets qu’Enverus a listés ne prévoit d’être équipé d’un système de capture de dioxyde de carbone.

    Approvisionnement de l’eau dans un lac de barrage prévu pour la population britannique

    De son côté, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni vient d’annoncer une stratégie nationale pour faire de son pays un leader en matière d’intelligence artificielle. Dedans, il prévoit entre autres des « Zones de croissance de l’IA » (#IA_growth_zones), « des zones bénéficiant d’un meilleur accès à l’électricité et d’un soutien pour les autorisations de planification, afin d’accélérer la mise en place d’une infrastructure d’IA sur le sol britannique », comme l’explique le communiqué du Secrétariat d’État à la science, à l’innovation et à la technologie.

    Mais des questions se posent sur l’emplacement prévu de la première « #zone_de_croissance ». Situé à Culham, au siège de l’Autorité britannique de l’énergie atomique (UKAEA), cet endroit est aussi celui du premier nouveau lac de barrage construit depuis 30 ans aux Royaume-Uni, « qui était censé fournir de l’eau aux habitants du sud-est de l’Angleterre, qui souffre d’un grave problème d’approvisionnement en eau », explique le Guardian.

    Le journal britannique souligne que cette région est celle qui, selon l’agence environnementale nationale, est la plus sensible du pays aux manques d’eau. Entre les réserves d’eau disponibles et la demande attendue sans compter les data centers, le sud-est du pays sera confronté à un déficit potentiel de plus de 2,5 milliards de litres par jour d’ici 2050.

    Du côté énergétique, le gouvernement britannique a mis en place un Conseil de l’énergie de l’IA qui doit travailler avec les entreprises du secteur pour « pour comprendre les demandes et les défis énergétiques » liés à l’intelligence artificielle. Il parie encore sur la possibilité de mettre en place des #SMR (#réacteurs_nucléaires_modulaires).

    « L’expansion de l’IA a été un sujet de préoccupation pour #National_Grid [entreprise de distribution de l’électricité et du gaz notamment au Royaume-Uni], mais la vitesse à laquelle la demande de calcul de l’IA augmente a pris tout le monde par surprise et, à moins que nous n’équilibrions correctement les compromis ci-dessus, avec des politiques appropriées, toute l’énergie verte et bon marché dont nous disposons sera utilisée par les grandes entreprises technologiques, ce qui privera les familles qui souffrent déjà de la pauvreté énergétique », explique Gopal Ramchurn, chercheur de l’université de Southampton, interrogé par le Guardian.

    La #France s’appuie sur son #nucléaire, mais des tensions sont présentes

    Quant à la France, l’instabilité politique ne permet pas d’y voir très clair dans la politique du pays concernant l’IA. Lors de son discours de politique générale, le premier Ministre François Bayrou a évoqué l’IA lorsqu’il a annoncé la création d’un fonds spécial « entièrement [consacré] à la réforme de l’État ». Ce fonds sera financé par des actifs « en particulier immobiliers, qui appartiennent à la puissance publique, de façon à pouvoir investir, par exemple, dans le déploiement de l’intelligence artificielle dans nos services publics ».

    Lors de ses vœux, le Président de la Région Normandie Hervé Morin a évoqué la volonté de sa région d’être référente en matière d’intelligence artificielle et d’accueillir des data centers sur trois ou quatre points du territoire. Il a mis en avant « son potentiel énergétique décarboné », faisant référence aux centrales nucléaires de Flamanville, Paluel et Penly et à l’EPR situé lui aussi à Flamanville.

    Mais RTE tirait récemment un signal d’alarme sur le foisonnement de projets de data centers prévus pour l’IA. Si l’entreprise affirmait en novembre à l’Usine Nouvelle avoir « assez d’électricité pour répondre à la croissance des besoins », elle pointait aussi du doigt une « course à la capacité » et un manque de planification :« plusieurs projets ont été abandonnés en raison de tensions sur la distribution de l’énergie », ajoutait-il.

    https://next.ink/165467/lacceleration-de-lia-pose-deja-des-questions-de-penuries-deau-et-denergie

    #intelligence_artificielle #AI #énergie_nucléaire

    • Pourquoi l’IA générative consomme-t-elle tant d’énergie ?

      #DeepSeek défraye la chronique en proposant un modèle dont les #performances seraient comparables à celles des modèles préexistants, pour un coût très réduit en termes de puissance de calcul et de données, et donc une #consommation_énergétique moindre. Quand on sait que Microsoft a indiqué une hausse de 29,1 % d’émission de carbone sur l’année 2023 et que différentes grandes entreprises du numérique investissent dans des capacités de production d’électricité, le tout en lien avec l’essor de l’#IA_générative, l’enjeu est de taille. Pourquoi l’IA générative consomme-t-elle tant ? Décryptage.

      Les grands modèles de langage (Large Language Models ou LLM), comme ChatGPT (OpenAI), Gemini (Google/DeepMind) ou encore les modèles génératifs d’images comme #Midjourney, sont devenus en très peu de temps des outils incontournables avec des usages qui ne cessent de s’amplifier et de se diversifier. Il est vrai que la fluidité des échanges avec ChatGPT impressionne, et que les promesses de développement sont enthousiasmantes.

      Néanmoins, ces promesses cachent des coûts de calcul, et donc énergétiques, considérables. Or, aujourd’hui l’idée dominante dans l’industrie des modèles génératifs est : « Plus grand est le modèle, mieux c’est. » Cette compétition s’accompagne d’une croissance de la consommation énergétique et, donc, de l’empreinte écologique qui ne peut plus être ignorée et qui questionne quant à sa pérennité et sa viabilité pour la société.
      Pourquoi un tel coût ?

      Un modèle génératif de texte comme un chatbot est un ensemble de paramètres numériques ajustés à partir de données pour accomplir une tâche spécifique. L’architecture dominante s’appuie sur les « transformers ».

      Les #transformers prennent une séquence en entrée, par exemple un prompt (soit votre question), pour la transformer numériquement. En empilant les couches de transformers, le modèle multiplie ces transformations afin de construire la réponse en prolongeant son entrée. Cet empilement de couches confère au modèle son efficacité et fait croître le nombre de paramètres. C’est pourquoi un modèle tel que GPT-4 contient au moins 1 tera (1 000 milliards) de paramètres et nécessite donc au moins 2 tera octets (To) de mémoire vive pour être utilisable.

      Que ce soit pour l’entraînement, pour le stockage des données et des paramètres, ou pour le calcul d’une réponse, des infrastructures de calcul de plus en plus puissantes sont donc indispensables. En d’autres termes, contrairement à ce que l’on croit souvent, ce n’est pas juste pour entraîner le modèle que ces techniques sont très coûteuses.

      Des données émerge la « connaissance »

      Avant tout, un modèle génératif doit être « appris ». Pour cela des données (textes, images, sons, etc.) lui sont présentées à maintes reprises afin d’ajuster ses paramètres. Plus il y a de paramètres, plus la phase d’apprentissage est coûteuse en données, mais aussi en temps et en énergie.

      Ainsi, pour un LLM (grand modèle de langage), on parle par exemple de l’ordre de la dizaine de trillions de données (environ 10 trillions pour GPT-4 et 16 trillions pour Gemini) et aux alentours de trois mois de préapprentissage sur environ 20 000 puces A100 de NVIDIA pour le dernier-né d’OpenAI. Ces modèles les plus performants sont en fait une combinaison de plusieurs énormes modèles (les « Mixture of Experts »), GPT-4 étant ainsi le résultat de 16 experts de 110 milliards de paramètres, selon les rares informations disponibles.

      Après cette phase d’apprentissage, le modèle est déployé afin de répondre aux utilisateurs dans une phase dite d’« inférence ». Pour faire face à la demande (ces systèmes construits pour répondre à plusieurs personnes en même temps) avec un temps de réponse satisfaisant, le modèle est alors dupliqué sur différents clusters de calcul. Un article de recherche constate également que les architectures génératives polyvalentes consomment significativement plus d’énergie à l’inférence que les systèmes spécifiques à une tâche, même à taille de modèle équivalente.

      Ce survol des besoins en termes de calcul donne une idée des ordres de grandeur qui se cachent derrière nos interactions — qui semblent si rapides et efficaces — avec ces énormes modèles. Il permet surtout de poser différemment la question de l’évaluation de ces modèles, en y incluant la question de la soutenabilité en termes énergétiques et écologiques. Des travaux récents proposent ainsi un modèle pour évaluer les impacts environnementaux de la fabrication des cartes graphiques et une analyse multicritère des phases d’entraînement et d’inférence des modèles d’apprentissage automatique.
      Obsolescence et frugalité

      Ainsi les grands modèles génératifs nécessitent des infrastructures matérielles colossales.

      Au-delà de considérations économiques, il a été montré que passé un certain point, les gains de performances ne justifient pas une telle explosion du nombre de paramètres. Toutes les applications ne nécessitent pas d’énormes modèles et des approches plus modestes peuvent être aussi performantes, plus rapides et moins coûteuses.

      Sur le plan environnemental, l’apprentissage et l’inférence de modèles massifs ont un coût énergétique qui nécessitent réflexion. Les travaux de certains auteurs soulignent la complexité de mesurer avec précision l’empreinte carbone de ces grands modèles, tout en montrant leur impact considérable : 50,5 tonnes équivalent CO2 (CO2 eq) pour un modèle de 176 milliards de paramètres, appris en 2023… et pratiquement considéré comme obsolète aujourd’hui. Pour rappel, si un Français moyen rejette actuellement environ 10 tonnes CO2 eq par an, l’objectif à l’horizon 2050 pour respecter l’engagement des accords de Paris est d’environ 2 tonnes CO₂ eq par Français et par an.

      Quant à la phase d’inférence (ou d’utilisation, quand on pose une question à GPT), lorsqu’elle est réalisée des millions de fois par jour, comme c’est le cas pour un assistant conversationnel, elle peut engendrer un coût énergétique considérable, parfois bien supérieur à celui de l’entraînement.

      Ainsi, un outil développé en 2019 a permis d’estimer qu’une inférence de ChatGPT 3.5 produisait environ 4,32 grammes de CO2.

      À l’heure où les assistants conversationnels sont peut-être en passe de remplacer les moteurs de recherche standards (Google, Bing, Qwant), la question de son utilisation se pose, car ces derniers ont un coût 10 à 20 fois moindre (0,2 gramme de CO2 la recherche, d’après Google).

      Enfin, la concentration de pouvoir entre quelques acteurs disposant des ressources nécessaires pour développer ces modèles — data centers, données, compétences — pose des problèmes scientifiques en limitant la diversité des recherches, mais aussi stratégiques et politiques.
      Les recherches en IA frugale

      La frugalité consiste à se fixer dès le départ une enveloppe de ressources (calcul, mémoire, données, énergie) et à concevoir des modèles capables de s’y adapter. L’idée n’est pas de sacrifier les performances, mais de privilégier la sobriété : optimiser chaque étape, du choix de l’architecture à la collecte des données, en passant par des méthodes d’apprentissage plus légères, afin de réduire l’empreinte environnementale, d’élargir l’accès à l’IA et de favoriser des applications réellement utiles.

      La recrudescence de travaux de recherche sur ce thème illustre la volonté de penser l’IA sous l’angle de la sobriété. Il s’agit ainsi de replacer la pertinence, l’impact sociétal et la soutenabilité au cœur de la recherche.

      Concrètement, de nombreuses pistes émergent. Sur le plan de l’apprentissage, il s’agit d’explorer des alternatives algorithmiques au paradigme actuel, hérité du milieu des années 1980 et qui n’a jamais été remis en question alors même que les quantités de données et la puissance de calcul n’ont plus rien à voir avec celles qui prévalaient aux débuts de ces modèles.

      Ainsi, au-delà des optimisations techniques, une réflexion méthodologique de fond s’impose, tant le contexte scientifique a évolué depuis les années 1980. Cette réflexion est au cœur, par exemple, du projet Sharp, financé par le programme France 2030. L’étude d’architectures plus compactes et spécialisées est également abordée avec le projet Adapting du même programme.

      Les mathématiques appliquées peuvent jouer un rôle clé en proposant des « représentations parcimonieuses », des méthodes de factorisation, ou en optimisant l’usage de données faiblement annotées.

      Ainsi, en travaillant avec des contraintes de ressources, ces recherches visent un développement en IA plus frugal et donc durable, ainsi que plus accessible, et indépendant de l’hyperconcentration du marché. Elles limitent les externalités négatives — environnementales, éthiques, économiques — liées à la course effrénée vers le gigantisme.

      Mais pour atteindre ces objectifs, il est aussi important d’avancer sur les critères et les méthodes d’évaluations en IA : avec le paradigme dominant actuel, la dimension de frugalité peine encore à s’imposer, que ce soit du côté de la recherche ou industriel. Il ne faut d’ailleurs pas confondre la récente explosion des outils de DeepSeek avec de la frugalité, les coûts en calcul et en données étant eux aussi extrêmement élevés, avec des méthodes probablement éthiquement répréhensibles.

      Ainsi, le monde académique doit mieux intégrer cette dimension afin d’améliorer la visibilité et la valorisation des travaux qui visent la frugalité.
      L’IA que nous développons est-elle vraiment utile ?

      La frugalité en IA n’est pas un simple concept, mais une nécessité face aux enjeux actuels. Les travaux récents sur son empreinte carbone illustrent l’urgence de repenser nos méthodes. Avant même d’envisager les manières de rendre l’IA plus sobre, il est légitime de se demander si l’IA que nous développons est vraiment utile.

      Une approche plus frugale, mieux pensée et mieux orientée, permettra de construire une IA tournée vers le bien commun, s’appuyant sur des ressources maîtrisées, plutôt que sur la surenchère permanente en taille et en puissance de calcul.

      Cet article a été écrit dans le cadre de la troisième édition des Dauphine Digital Days qui a eu lieu à l’Université Paris Dauphine — PSL, du 18 au 20 novembre 2024.

      https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-lia-generative-consomme-t-elle-tant-denergie-247406

    • IA : un puits sans fond de dépenses en énergie, en #eau et en #CO2

      Emmanuel Macron veut croire que la France a « des #data_centers_propres ». Mais les dégâts environnementaux des industries numériques sont déjà tangibles (consommation d’#électricité, émissions de CO2, besoins en eau et en #minerais, conflits d’usage sur le #foncier) alors que l’idée d’une #IA_verte n’est encore qu’une promesse.

      Si le climat était une intelligence artificielle (IA), le monde serait en train de le sauver. Face au tsunami d’investissements publics et privés programmés pour ses infrastructures, il est tentant de détourner le fameux slogan : « Si le climat était une banque, ils l’auraient déjà sauvé. » Car si ces annonces financières brillent de l’or des profits à venir, elles éclipsent un problème tout aussi exponentiel : les impacts environnementaux désastreux de l’IA.

      109 milliards d’euros en France dans les prochaines années annoncés par Emmanuel Macron, ainsi qu’un projet de méga data center cofinancé par les #Emirats_arabes_unis ; 500 milliards de dollars débloqués pour #Stargate (« la porte des étoiles ») et ses futurs data centers aux États-Unis par #OpenAI et #SoftBank ; 65 milliards de dollars par #Meta, la maison-mère de #Facebook, qui a par ailleurs démoli un centre de données en cours de construction pour le remplacer par un autre adapté aux besoins de l’IA. #Microsoft veut débourser 80 milliards de dollars en divers équipements techniques dans le même objectif.

      Secteur industriel en plein boom ou au bord d’une bulle financière, l’avenir le dira. Mais l’#empreinte_carbone et matérielle de la ruée mondiale vers les #données_numériques est, elle, déjà palpable. Une requête via #ChatGPT consomme dix fois plus d’électricité qu’une recherche Google, selon l’Agence internationale de l’énergie (AIE). Ses expert·es anticipent une explosion de la demande énergétique, équivalente à la consommation actuelle d’un pays comme la Suède ou même l’Allemagne – selon la place du curseur sur la fourchette d’estimation.

      Requêtes énergivores

      Pourquoi ? Deux explications principales semblent faire consensus parmi les spécialistes. D’abord, des raisons strictement matérielles : les #serveurs configurés pour l’#IA_générative utilisent beaucoup plus de courant électrique que leurs prédécesseurs. Notamment parce qu’ils utilisent des puces spécifiques, les #GPU (« # graphics_processing_unit », des #processeurs_graphiques), « qui ont des capacités de #calcul nécessaires à la #technologie d’apprentissage qui permet aux modèles d’IA d’améliorer leur performance, explique Loup Cellard, chercheur associé au médialab de Sciences Po. Une requête sur ChatGPT demande plus de mémoire vive et plus de capacité de #stockage qu’une simple recherche sur un moteur internet ».

      Or, chacun de ces services correspond à des besoins matériels supplémentaires. « Faire une requête ChatGPT pour demander un truc que pourrait donner Google, c’est comme couper votre baguette de pain avec une scie électrique : ça marche mais ça n’est pas la meilleure utilisation que vous pouvez faire des ressources », résume Sylvain Waserman, président de l’Agence de l’environnement et de la maîtrise de l’énergie (Ademe), selon qui « il serait absurde de s’opposer à l’IA et il est irresponsable de ne pas s’intéresser à ses impacts ».

      La phase d’entraînement des machines est plus intense en énergie à l’unité, car elles doivent être beaucoup stimulées pour ramasser et distribuer les données. Mais c’est bien sûr celle des usages qui finalement est la plus énergivore, car le nombre des utilisateurs de la technologie dépasse de loin celui des ingénieur·es qui la développent.

      Ainsi « la migration vers le cloud, l’essor de l’IA générative et les #cryptomonnaies sont les trois principaux vecteurs de la reconfiguration en cours des impacts des centres informatiques » selon l’association GreenIT, dont les rapports font référence. Les data centers, les cryptomonnaies et l’intelligence artificielle ont consommé près de 2 % de l’électricité mondiale en 2022, selon l’AIE. Cela peut sembler dérisoire. Mais la quantité d’électricité qu’ils consomment pourrait doubler en 2026 (par rapport à 2022). Il existe aujourd’hui plus de 8 000 centres de données dans le monde, principalement situés aux États-Unis.

      Les data centers adaptés aux besoins de l’intelligence artificielle consomment 18 % de l’électricité des centres informatiques, alors qu’ils n’en représentent que 2 % de la quantité dans le monde, selon les dernières estimations de GreenIT. Ils émettent près de 4 % de tout le CO2 de la filière numérique, soit déjà plus que l’ensemble des ordinateurs portables en circulation. Selon #France_Datacenter, le lobby du secteur, la demande supplémentaire liée à l’IA générative en France d’ici à dix ans sera de 1 gigawatt, l’équivalent d’un petit réacteur nucléaire.

      Mais les opérateurs de data centers n’aiment pas trop aborder le sujet de leurs impacts environnementaux. Interrogé par Mediapart sur ses besoins en électricité pour soutenir le développement de son activité, #Amazon_Web_Service (#AWS), la branche data center du Gafam, répond par la liste très détaillée de ses investissements et créations d’emplois à venir, sans un mot sur ses besoins énergétiques.

      « Avec l’IA, on pourrait changer d’échelle d’ici à 2030 en termes d’impact environnemental car ses serveurs ne représentent que 2 % des équipements et la demande est très importante pour les années à venir, constate Cécile Diguet, spécialiste des infrastructures numériques. Aujourd’hui, le numérique est un des secteurs qui nous mettent dans le rouge quant au respect des limites planétaires : consommation d’énergie, de ressources en minerais et terres rares, en eau. Les technologies et le numérique prétendent régler des problèmes qu’ils aggravent. Grâce à une IA, on pourra peut-être traiter une base de données plus vite ou mieux gérer la complexité de réseaux d’électricité. Mais en définitive, l’accumulation perpétuelle de matériels et de data centers fait que tous les gains en énergie sont consommés derrière. Le numérique n’est pas source de sobriété. »

      C’est particulièrement vrai concernant les quantités de minerais utilisés pour fabriquer les équipements (centres de données mais aussi puces et autres composants) nécessaires à l’IA – et les déchets en résultant. Ils sont la « colonne vertébrale » de l’intelligence artificielle, selon la chercheuse états-unienne Kate Crawford, qui appelle à créer un nouvel atlas du monde pour visualiser les besoins matériels, financiers et politiques de l’IA, qu’elle décrit comme un système « extractiviste » (Contre-Atlas de l’intelligence artificielle, Zulma, 2024).

      En Chine, l’institut de recherche sur le réseau électrique s’attend à ce que la demande en électricité des centres de données double d’ici à 2030 (par rapport à 2020). Cette consommation est dopée par l’expansion rapide de la 5G et de l’Internet des objets. Le concurrent chinois de ChatGPT, #DeepSeek, a été développé à moindre coût économique et avec moins de consommation énergétique, promettent ses fabricants. Mais personne n’est aujourd’hui en mesure de le vérifier.

      En Europe, le cas de l’#Irlande est spectaculaire : les data centers y représentent 17 % de toute la demande en électricité du pays. C’est autant que toute la consommation du résidentiel en ville. Si tous les projets de centres de données qui ont été approuvés sont menés à terme dans les prochaines années, ils utiliseraient 32 % de tout le courant électrique. Au #Danemark, qui mise aussi sur l’économie des data centers tout en soutenant une initiative européenne de réduction du CO2 du numérique, les centres de données pourraient avaler 20 % de l’électricité en 2026. Est-ce soutenable, alors que le Pacte vert européen fixe aux États l’objectif de réduire d’au moins 38 % leur consommation d’énergie finale d’ici à 2050 ? Pour la Commission européenne, la demande en électricité des data centers pourrait augmenter de 30 % dans l’Union entre 2018 et 2030.

      #Bilan_carbone désastreux

      Surtout que, malgré l’essor des énergies dites renouvelables dans le monde, les sources d’électricité du numérique restent globalement très émettrices en carbone. Apple et Google prétendent être neutres en impact climatique, mais c’est parce qu’ils achètent des crédits de compensation carbone, rappelle la chercheuse Kate Crawford. Elle cite l’exemple de la Chine, où l’industrie des centres de données tire à 73 % son électricité du charbon. En France, l’Ademe a dû revoir à la hausse l’empreinte carbone des data centers à 42 % du secteur du numérique, en intégrant les centres de données à l’étranger que font tourner les utilisateurs nationaux.

      En 2022, l’ensemble du secteur numérique a émis autant de CO2 que le secteur des poids lourds (un peu plus de 4 % de tous les rejets de carbone) dans l’Hexagone. Mais grâce à son électricité décarbonée, la France cherche à se positionner sur le marché des usines à données : « Les data centers en France, ce n’est pas comme aux États-Unis où on utilise du pétrole et du gaz. Ce sont des data centers propres », a prétendu Emmanuel Macron dimanche 9 février.

      Ainsi, entraîner le modèle #GPT3 de la firme OpenAI équivaudrait à conduire 112 voitures à essence pendant un an, selon des scientifiques cités dans AOC par les chercheurs Loup Cellard et Christine Parker. Ils y critiquent pourtant les méthodes d’évaluation des impacts de l’intelligence artificielle. Selon eux, les gains écologiques que permettrait « l’IA verte » sont surestimés et potentiels, alors que les impacts sont immédiats et réels. Les projets de récupération de chaleur pour chauffer une piscine, une résidence, une usine, un hôpital sont multiples et s’affrontent à des obstacles : niveau de température de sortie pas toujours assez haut, risque d’intermittence, etc. – voir aussi le rapport de l’ONG Beyond Fossil Fuels sur le sujet.

      « L’IA n’est pas une activité différente des autres, ajoute Loup Cellard. C’est une industrie capitaliste comme une autre, à laquelle se posent les mêmes questions de responsabilité environnementale, de calcul et de mise en visibilité de ses impacts. »

      À titre d’exemple, de nombreux opérateurs de data centers sont des #fonds_d’investissement_immobiliers (#Real_Estate_Investment_Trust, #Digital_Realty, #Equinix), comme le remarque l’Ademe. La multiplication de leurs constructions ainsi que l’augmentation de leur taille posent des problèmes d’#artificialisation et d’#urbanisme : quelle forme de villes annonce la multiplication des centres de données ? Qui a envie de vivre à côté d’un immeuble de serveurs et de ses stocks de fioul inflammable ? En France, un véritable cluster s’est développé à l’ouest de la #Seine-Saint-Denis (La Courneuve, Saint-Denis, Le Bourget, Dugny) et au nord de #Marseille.
      Parmi les effets déjà tangibles aujourd’hui : la consommation en #eau. Car les data centers doivent être refroidis. Plus ils grossissent et produisent de la chaleur, plus la quantité d’eau nécessaire à baisser leur température est importante. Cette question peut s’avérer critique en période de canicule, signale l’Ademe dans un avis de novembre dernier – en France, ses expert·es estiment qu’en fonction de leur système, ils peuvent consommer 2 litres d’eau par kilowattheure. Au prochain épisode de sécheresse, combien de personnes accepteront que leur data center continue d’être alimenté alors que leur eau potable est coupée ? Et qui décidera ?

      Ainsi #Thames_Water, principale compagnie britannique de distribution d’eau, a demandé aux opérateurs de data centers, notamment à #Google_Cloud et #Oracle, un plan de réduction de leur consommation, jugée excessive à l’été 2022 pendant un pic de chaleur. À Amsterdam, Microsoft a dû présenter un plan drastique de réduction de ses besoins en eau. Aux États-Unis, un des plus gros data centers en fonctionnement est celui de l’agence de renseignement NSA, qui s’étend sur plus de 100 000 mètres carrés dans l’Utah, une terre particulièrement exposée à la sécheresse. Il avale à lui tout seul plus de la moitié de la consommation de l’eau de l’État, autour de 60 %, selon une étude.

      Ouvrir le capot des IA ?

      Après avoir longtemps refusé de révéler la quantité de liquide absorbée par son data center, la NSA a finalement fait savoir en 2022 qu’il avait besoin de près de 90 millions de litres d’eau – soit 35 fois la piscine olympique de Paris 2024 – chaque mois. L’Utah mise sur l’industrie des centres de données et leur vend son eau à des prix battant toute concurrence. Les méga hangars à serveurs s’y multiplient – il y en a deux douzaines aujourd’hui. Mais le Grand Lac salé s’en ressent, selon les défenseurs de l’environnement qui s’inquiètent de le voir s’assécher. En novembre 2022, il a atteint son étiage le plus bas, au point de mettre en danger son écosystème, et notamment ses populations de crustacés, dont se nourrissent des millions d’oiseaux migrateurs.

      En France, l’Ademe estime que les data centers pourraient utiliser 6 % de l’électricité en 2050 – aujourd’hui, le numérique en dépense 11 %. Selon RTE, le gestionnaire des réseaux, les data centers en France pourraient tripler leur consommation d’électricité d’ici à 2035, passant d’environ 10 térawattheures aujourd’hui à 28, selon leur plus haute projection. Les demandes de raccordement de nouveaux centres de grande taille sont en très forte hausse depuis quatre à cinq ans, note l’Ademe, et dépassent de 8 gigawatts – soit plus de quatre réacteurs EPR.

      Son président, Sylvain Waserman, veut défendre la thèse « d’une IA française et européenne qui pourrait trouver un avantage concurrentiel en étant plus respectueuse des ressources ». Il estime que ce peut être une piste de différenciation face à des Gafam « qui jamais n’accepteront qu’on ouvre le capot pour étudier leur impact ».

      En attendant, le gouvernement vient de désigner 35 sites privilégiés pour y construire de nouveaux data centers : simplification des procédures administratives, possible dérogation aux obligations de débat public, réduction des délais de recours juridiques… Sans savoir si les industriels accepteront de communiquer sur leur empreinte énergétique, ils bénéficient d’ores et déjà d’une belle offre de dérégulation.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/ecologie/100225/ia-un-puits-sans-fond-de-depenses-en-energie-en-eau-et-en-co2

    • #Antonio_Casilli : « L’intelligence artificielle est l’une des industries extractives de notre époque »

      Professeur de sociologie à Télécom Paris, à l’Institut Polytechnique de Paris, il est l’auteur d’En attendant les robots, enquête sur le travail du clic (Seuil, 2019), dont une version augmentée vient de paraître en anglais aux éditions University of Chicago Press. Antonio Casilli est aussi co-auteur du documentaire Les Sacrifiés de l’IA, qui se penche sur les conditions de production des technologies d’IA utilisées en Occident, et sera diffusé sur France 2 le 11 février.

      À cette occasion, et en parallèle du sommet pour l’action sur l’intelligence artificielle, Next l’a rencontré.

      (#paywall)

      https://next.ink/169487/antonio-casilli-lintelligence-artificielle-est-lune-des-industries-extractives

    • L’IA générative a le potentiel de détruire la planète (mais pas comme vous le pensez)

      Le risque premier avec l’intelligence artificielle n’est pas qu’elle s’attaque aux humains comme dans un scénario de science-fiction. Mais plutôt qu’elle participe à détruire notre #environnement en contribuant au #réchauffement_climatique.

      La course à l’intelligence artificielle (IA) s’intensifie. Le 9 février, veille du sommet de l’IA à Paris, Emmanuel Macron promettait 109 milliards d’euros d’investissements publics et privés dans cette technologie pour les années à venir. Il entend concurrencer les États-Unis sur ce terrain, en faisant référence au programme « #Stargate » promis par Donald Trump, qui prévoit des dépenses de 500 milliards de dollars (484 milliards d’euros) dans l’IA aux États-Unis.

      Des deux côtés de l’Atlantique, ces centaines de milliards seront principalement investis dans la construction de nouveaux centres de données pour entraîner puis faire fonctionner les outils d’intelligence artificielle. Pourtant, les impacts environnementaux de ces « data centers », mis de côté dans ce sprint à l’IA, présentent un danger réel pour notre planète.

      « Plus grand est le modèle, mieux c’est »

      L’ouverture au public de l’agent conversationnel d’OpenAI, ChatGPT, en novembre 2022 a marqué un tournant dans les usages de l’intelligence artificielle. Depuis, des dizaines d’IA génératives sont accessibles avec la capacité de résoudre des problèmes variés, allant de la rédaction d’un email professionnel à des suggestions de recette de tartes, en passant par des lignes de code informatique.

      Ces grands #modèles_de_langage (en anglais, « #Large_language_models », ou #LLM), avec un grand nombre de paramètres, se sont développés ces dernières années, comme #Gemini de #Google, #Le_Chat de l’entreprise française #MistralAI ou #Grok de #X. D’autres modèles permettent de créer de toutes pièces des images – on pense à #Dall-E ou #Midjourney –, des vidéos ou des chansons.

      Si leur utilisation est gratuite (bien que des versions payantes existent), le prix est payé non seulement par les utilisateurs dont les données personnelles sont captées, mais aussi par les populations les plus vulnérables au changement climatique. Avec leurs dizaines voire centaines de milliards de paramètres et des terabytes de données pour les alimenter, faire tourner les systèmes d’IA générative demande beaucoup de #puissance_de_calcul de #serveurs, situés dans des centres de données. Donc beaucoup d’#électricité.

      Ces chiffres ne font qu’augmenter à mesure que les modèles se perfectionnent. « Aujourd’hui, l’idée dominante dans l’industrie des modèles génératifs est : "Plus grand est le modèle, mieux c’est" », résument les chercheurs Paul Caillon et Alexandre Allauzen dans The Conversation. Malgré un manque de transparence des entreprises, la consommation d’électricité de leurs modèles et leur #impact_climatique ont fait l’objet d’estimations par nombre de chercheurs et institutions.

      Combien consomme une requête ChatGPT ?

      On sait déjà que la version de ChatGPT sortie en mars 2023, #GPT-4, a demandé plus de puissance de calcul que la précédente. Le Conseil économique et social (Cese), dans un avis de septembre 2024, cite OpenAI et explique : entraîner la troisième version de son modèle de langage a demandé l’équivalent de l’énergie consommée par 120 foyers américains. La version suivante a multiplié par 40 cette consommation, avoisinant la consommation de 5000 foyers.

      Selon une étude, début 2023, une requête ChatGPT consommait environ 2,9 Wh d’électricité, soit presque dix fois plus qu’une simple recherche Google (0,3 Wh). D’autres études estiment l’impact carbone d’une requête à ChatGPT autour de 4 à 5 grammes d’équivalent CO2.

      Produire une image, c’est pire. La startup #HuggingFace, à l’origine de l’IA #Bloom, a été l’une des premières à estimer les émissions de gaz à effet de serre de ces modèles. Dans une étude co-écrite avec l’Université états-unienne de Carnegie-Mellon, elle montre que la génération d’image est de loin la plus polluante des requêtes formulées à une IA générative (l’étude ne prend pas en compte les vidéos).

      Pour donner un ordre d’idée, générer 1000 images correspondrait à conduire environ 7 kilomètres avec une voiture essence. En comparaison, 1000 textes générés équivalent à moins d’un 1 mètre parcouru avec un même véhicule. Mais leur utilisation massive rend cet impact non négligeable. Selon le PDG d’OpenAI Sam Altman, à la fin de l’année 2024, plus d’un milliard de requêtes étaient envoyées à ChatGPT par jour.

      En janvier 2023, soit quelques mois après qu’elle a été rendue accessible au public, ChatGPT avait accumulé 100 millions d’utilisateurs. Selon une estimation de Data for Good, rien que ce mois-là, l’utilisation de ChatGPT aurait pollué à hauteur de 10 113 tonnes équivalent CO2 – soit environ 5700 allers-retours en avion entre Paris et New York.

      En décembre 2024, selon son PDG, le service avait atteint les 300 millions d’utilisateurs… par semaine. Et ce, avec une version bien plus performante – donc bien plus polluante – que la précédente.

      De plus en plus de personnes utilisent l’IA au quotidien, et pour de plus en plus de tâches. Installés dans nos smartphones, accessibles en ligne ou même intégrés dans les frigos haut de gamme, les outils d’intelligence artificielle sont presque partout.

      Une explosion de la consommation d’électricité

      Selon l’Agence internationale de l’énergie, les centres de données représenteraient aujourd’hui environ 1 % de la consommation d’électricité mondiale. Mais cette consommation risque d’augmenter avec les usages croissants et le développement de nouveaux modèles d’IA. Selon l’agence, la consommation des centres de données pour l’IA et les cryptomonnaies a dépassé 460 TWh en 2022. C’est autant que la consommation de la France. D’ici l’année prochaine, selon les scénarios, cette demande en électricité pourrait augmenter de 35 % (160 TWh en plus) à 130 % (590 TWh) ! « Soit l’équivalent d’au moins une Suède et au maximum une Allemagne » de plus dans le monde en quelques années.

      Une autre étude de l’ONG Beyond Fossils Fuels est encore plus alarmiste : « Au cours des six prochaines années, l’explosion de la demande en énergie des centres de données dans l’UE [Union européenne] pourrait entraîner une hausse de 121 millions de tonnes des émissions de CO2, soit presque l’équivalent des émissions totales de toutes les centrales électriques au gaz d’Italie, d’Allemagne et du Royaume-Uni en 2024 combinées » écrit l’ONG en février 2025.

      Les grandes entreprises de la tech cherchent à faire oublier leurs promesses écologiques. Selon le Financial Times, dans un article d’août 2024, les Gafam tentent de remettre en cause les règles de « zéro carbone net » qui leur permettent de compenser leurs émissions de CO2 par le financement d’énergies renouvelables (des règles déjà critiquées pour leur mode de calcul qui dissimule une grande partie de l’impact carbone réel de leurs consommation d’électricité).

      « Ces géants de la technologie sont sur le point de devenir les plus gros consommateurs d’énergie de demain, dans leur course au développement d’une intelligence artificielle énergivore », écrit le média britannique. Les émissions de gaz à effet de serre de Google augmentent par exemple de 13% par an (selon des chiffres de 2023). Une hausse notamment portée par l’augmentation de la consommation d’énergie de ses centres de données. Les émissions de #Microsoft ont bondi de 29 % entre 2020 et 2023.

      Des investissements massifs aux dépens des populations

      Les chefs d’État des États-Unis comme de la France ont pourtant annoncé des investissements massifs dans l’IA pour les années à venir. L’Union européenne, par la voix d’Ursula von der Leyen, a également annoncé un investissement de 200 milliards en partenariat avec de grands groupes.

      Dans les trois cas, ces centaines de milliards d’euros sur la table serviront majoritairement à construire des centres de données pour permettre l’entraînement puis l’utilisation de ces technologies. En France, en amont du sommet de l’IA, le fonds canadien Brookfield a annoncé investir 15 milliards d’euros dans la construction de centres de données, tandis que les Émirats arabes unis ont mis entre 30 et 50 milliards sur la table pour la construction d’un centre de données géant.

      Il est peu probable que cette consommation d’électricité massive ne se fasse pas au détriment des populations. En Irlande, les centres de données monopolisent une part grandissante de l’électricité du pays, ils représentent aujourd’hui plus de 20 % de sa consommation. Cette situation crée des tensions avec les habitants, qui voient leurs factures augmenter alors que la consommation des ménages n’augmente pas.
      Des engagements « durables » non contraignants

      Aux États-Unis, raconte un article de Vert, Microsoft va rouvrir le premier réacteur de la centrale nucléaire de Three Mile Island, site d’un accident en 1979 qui avait irradié toute cette partie de la Pennsylvanie et traumatisé les habitants. Les géants de la Tech – Google, Amazon et Microsoft en tête – cherchent également à investir dans les « petits réacteurs modulaires » nucléaires, en cours de développement, pour alimenter leurs centres de données, ce qui pose la question de la sûreté d’une multitude de petites installations nucléaires face au risque d’accidents. Autre conséquence : le retour en grâce du charbon, fortement émetteur en gaz à effet de serre. Dans l’État de Géorgie, la promesse faite il y a trois ans de fermer toutes ses centrales à charbon a été abandonnée pour répondre au pic de demande d’électricité créé par les centres de données.

      Face à ces risques pour les populations locales comme pour celles les plus vulnérables au changement climatique dans le monde entier, les actions semblent faibles. Une déclaration d’intention a été signée à l’issue du sommet de l’IA, notamment avec l’Inde et la Chine. Il prévoit entre autres la création d’un observatoire de l’impact énergétique de l’IA, sous la responsabilité de l’Agence internationale de l’énergie. Il planifie également la création d’une « coalition pour l’IA durable » avec de grandes entreprises du secteur.

      Ces engagements en matière d’intelligence artificielle signés par les États et les entreprises présentes ne sont pas contraignants, et ne sont pas tournés vers l’action immédiate. De plus, ni le Royaume-Uni ni les États-Unis, qui concentre un tiers des centres de données du monde, n’ont signé ce texte.

      https://basta.media/l-ia-generative-a-le-potentiel-de-detruire-la-planete-mais-pas-comme-vous-l

      #schéma #visualisation #comparaison

    • Comment l’intelligence artificielle et ses data centers s’accaparent l’eau

      La consommation d’eau de l’intelligence artificielle est souvent oubliée des discussions sur l’impact de cette technologie. Pourtant, les centres de données consomment chaque année des milliards de mètres cubes d’eau – et cela risque d’empirer.

      Google a soif. En 2023, les centres de données et les bureaux de la multinationale du numérique ont à eux seuls englouti 24 milliards de litres d’eau – dont la grande majorité utilisée par les data centers. C’est l’équivalent de la consommation d’eau annuelle d’environ 453 000 Français. La question des besoins en eau est l’un des grands enjeux environnementaux du numérique. Il est amplifié par le développement rapide et incontrôlé de l’intelligence artificielle (IA).

      Chaque année, les grandes entreprises de la tech augmentent de dizaines de pourcents leur consommation d’eau. Entre 2021 et 2022, Microsoft a accru de 34 % la quantité d’eau utilisée pour ses activités, et Google de 20 %. Cela représente des milliards de litres d’eau, en grande partie potable, prélevés en plus chaque année. La course au développement d’intelligences artificielles toujours plus performantes – et donc toujours plus polluantes – participe à cette augmentation. Rien que l’entraînement de GPT-3 (la version en usage jusqu’à mars 2023 du robot conversationnel d’OpenAI) aurait consommé 700 000 litres d’eau dans les centres de données de Microsoft basés aux États-Unis.
      Des centres de données géants dans des régions en proie à la sécheresse

      Les ressources en eau globales sont déjà mises en danger par le réchauffement climatique. De nombreuses régions du monde sont en stress hydrique : l’accès à l’eau y est limité, si ce n’est difficile. Selon des estimations de chercheurs, partagées par The Washington Post, un grand centre de données – comme ceux des Gafam – peut consommer entre 3,8 et 19 millions de litres d’eau par jour.

      Ces millions de litres sont utilisés pour produire l’électricité qui les alimente, mais aussi, pour environ un quart, directement pour le refroidissement des serveurs de ces centres de données. Si cela représente encore une faible partie de la consommation d’eau à l’échelle mondiale, les conséquences locales se font souvent déjà sentir. Le journal américain cite l’exemple de la commune de The Dalles, dans l’Oregon, où Google s’accapare plus d’un quart de l’eau de la petite ville.

      Le refroidissement par l’eau est brandi comme argument écologique par les grandes entreprises. Google, par exemple, s’est vanté d’avoir réduit son empreinte carbone de 300 000 tonnes de CO2 en 2021 grâce à des centres de données refroidis par de l’eau plutôt qu’avec de l’air conditionné. Malgré ses promesses de plus grande responsabilité écologique, deux ans plus tard encore, plus de 30 % de l’eau utilisée venait de zones où les risques de pénurie d’eau sont considérés comme moyens ou élevés.

      En Espagne, à une centaine de kilomètres de Madrid, la ville de Talavera de la Reina s’apprête à accueillir un centre de données de 191 hectares, propriété de Meta (la maison-mère de Facebook et Instagram). Depuis 2022, une trentaine de projets similaires ont été lancés dans le pays, rapporte le média indépendant espagnol elDiario.es. Dans la région de l’Aragón, « la situation est grave : 146 000 hectares ne peuvent être cultivés et 175 000 autres sont gravement endommagés par le manque d’eau ». C’est pourtant là qu’Amazon a décidé d’investir 15,7 milliards d’euros pour installer ses centres de données « hyperscale », autrement dit de très grande taille.
      « 4,2 à 6,6 milliards de mètres cubes d’eau en 2027 »

      Amazon tente de montrer patte blanche, promettant un approvisionnement électrique provenant à 100 % d’énergies renouvelables, mais des mouvements écologistes s’opposent vivement à ce projet. « Nous refusons le discours selon lequel cette méga-infrastructure serait bénigne pour les territoires, bien au contraire. Les dégâts écologiques et sociaux causés par le déploiement massif de centres de données peuvent déjà être observés dans d’autres territoires tels que la Virginie (États-Unis), le Mexique, l’Irlande et les Pays-Bas », écrit Tu Nube Seca Mi Río (« Ton nuage assèche ma rivière »).

      « La consommation directe d’eau pour le refroidissement représentera la moitié de la consommation totale d’eau de la ville de Saragosse (plus de 300 000 personnes et ses commerces et entreprises) et aurait permis d’irriguer 170 hectares de terres, [et ce,] si les chiffres avancés par projet sont respectés, ce qui semble fort peu probable. » Le collectif, qui agrège plusieurs associations écologistes espagnoles, dénonce les conséquences multiples qu’auront ces data centers pour l’accès à l’eau dans la région, tant pour l’agriculture, pour les populations que dans la lutte contre les incendies, de plus en plus fréquents. Tu Nube Seca Mi Río alerte aussi sur le danger pour la faune locale.

      Ce risque n’est pas présent qu’à l’étranger. En France, à Marseille, le collectif Le nuage était sous nos pieds – composé notamment de la Quadrature du Net – dénonce « la quasi-absence des enjeux environnementaux et territoriaux des infrastructures du numérique dans le débat public », entre autres quand il est question de la construction de nouveaux data centers. « Le méga-ordinateur surchauffe, renvoie l’air ou l’eau chaude dans une ville déjà trop souvent sujette à la canicule, pompe des quantités astronomiques d’eau et d’électricité sur le réseau public, et ne génère pratiquement aucun emploi direct », résument-ils, face à un nouveau projet de l’entreprise Digital Realty dans la ville.

      Le développement et la massification de l’utilisation de l’intelligence artificielle entraînent les entreprises dans une course effrénée à la construction de centres de données, sans considérer les conséquences écologiques et sociales. Selon une étude menée par des chercheurs et chercheuses de l’Université de Cornell, aux États-Unis, en 2023, « la demande mondiale en IA devrait représenter 4,2 à 6,6 milliards de mètres cubes d’eau en 2027, soit plus que le prélèvement annuel total d’eau de quatre à six Danemark ou de la moitié du Royaume-Uni ».

      https://basta.media/comment-intelligence-artificielle-IA-data-centers-gafam-s-accaparent-eau

    • Big tech’s water-guzzling data centers are draining some of the world’s driest regions

      #Amazon, #Google, and #Microsoft are expanding data centers in areas already struggling with drought, raising concerns about their use of local water supplies for cooling massive server farms.

      In short:

      - The three largest cloud companies are building or operating 62 data centers in regions facing water scarcity, including in Spain, #Arizona, and other drought-prone areas across five continents.
      - Amazon’s new centers in Spain’s #Aragon region are licensed to use enough water to irrigate hundreds of acres of farmland annually, and the company has requested a 48% increase in water for its existing sites.
      – Tech firms promise to become “water positive” by 2030, but experts and even internal critics say offsetting water use elsewhere doesn’t solve shortages in the communities where centers operate.

      Key quote:

      “Neither people nor data can live without water. But human life is essential and data isn’t.”

      — Aurora Gómez, Tu Nube Seca Mi Río

      Why this matters:

      Data centers are the invisible engines of the internet — processing everything from emails to AI, video calls to cloud storage — but they come with a physical footprint. That footprint includes massive energy use and a surprising dependence on fresh water to keep machines cool. In places where droughts are worsening with climate change, the demands of these centers are clashing with local needs for drinking water and agriculture. Some of these regions are already edging toward desertification, and water-intensive industries like tech may tip them further. Critics worry that promises of sustainability are greenwashing efforts that mask the environmental costs of maintaining digital infrastructure.

      https://www.dailyclimate.org/big-techs-water-guzzling-data-centers-are-draining-some-of-the-worlds-
      #Espagne

    • Big tech’s new datacentres will take water from the world’s driest areas

      Amazon, Google and Microsoft are building datacentres in water-scarce parts of five continents
      Luke Barratt, Costanza Gambarini and data graphics by Andrew Witherspoon and Aliya Uteuova
      Wed 9 Apr 2025 13.30 CEST
      Last modified on Wed 9 Apr 2025 17.40 CEST

      Amazon, Microsoft and Google are operating datacentres that use vast amounts of water in some of the world’s driest areas and are building many more, the non-profit investigatory organisation SourceMaterial and the Guardian have found.

      With Donald Trump pledging to support them, the three technology giants are planning hundreds of datacentres in the US and across the globe, with a potentially huge impact on populations already living with water scarcity.

      “The question of water is going to become crucial,” said Lorena Jaume-Palasí, founder of the Ethical Tech Society. “Resilience from a resource perspective is going to be very difficult for those communities.”

      Efforts by Amazon, the world’s largest online retailer, to mitigate its water use have sparked opposition from inside the company, SourceMaterial’s investigation found, with one of its own sustainability experts warning that its plans are “not ethical”.

      In response to questions from SourceMaterial and the Guardian, spokespeople for Amazon and Google defended their developments, saying they always take water scarcity into account. Microsoft declined to provide a comment.

      Datacentres, vast warehouses containing networked servers used for the remote storage and processing of data, as well as by information technology companies to train AI models such as ChatGPT, use water for cooling. SourceMaterial’s analysis identified 38 active datacentres owned by the big three tech firms in parts of the world already facing water scarcity, as well as 24 more under development.

      https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/apr/09/big-tech-datacentres-water

      Datacentres’ locations are often industry secrets. But by using local news reports and industry sources Baxtel and Data Center Map, SourceMaterial compiled a map of 632 datacentres – either active or under development – owned by Amazon, Microsoft and Google.

      It shows that those companies’ plans involve a 78% increase in the number of datacentres they own worldwide as cloud computing and AI cause a surge in the world’s demand for storage, with construction planned in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia.

      In parts of the world where water is plentiful, datacentres’ high water usage is less problematic, but in 2023 Microsoft said that 42% of its water came from “areas with water stress”, while Google said 15% of its water consumption was in areas with “high water scarcity”. Amazon did not report a figure.

      Now these companies plan to expand their activities in some of the world’s most arid regions, SourceMaterial and the Guardian’s analysis found.

      “It’s no coincidence they are building in dry areas,” as datacentres have to be built inland, where low humidity reduces the risk of metal corrosion, while seawater also causes corrosion if used for cooling, Jaume-Palasí said.
      ‘Your cloud is drying my river’

      Amazon’s three proposed new datacentres in the Aragon region of northern Spain – each next to an existing Amazon datacentre – are licensed to use an estimated 755,720 cubic metres of water a year, roughly enough to irrigate 233 hectares (576 acres) of corn, one of the region’s main crops.

      In practice, the water usage will be even higher as that figure doesn’t take into account water used to generate the electricity that will power the new installations, said Aaron Wemhoff, an energy efficiency specialist at Villanova University in Pennsylvania.

      Between them, Amazon’s new datacentres in the Aragon region are predicted to use more electricity than the entire region currently consumes. Meanwhile, Amazon in December asked the regional government for permission to increase water consumption at its three existing datacentres by 48%.

      Opponents have accused the company of being undemocratic by trying to rush through its application over the Christmas period. More water is needed because “climate change will lead to an increase in global temperatures and the frequency of extreme weather events, including heat waves”, Amazon wrote in its application.

      “They’re using too much water. They’re using too much energy,” said Aurora Gómez of the campaign group Tu Nube Seca Mi Río – Spanish for “Your cloud is drying my river” – which has called for a moratorium on new datacentres in Spain due to water scarcity.

      Spain has seen rising numbers of heat-related deaths in extreme weather events linked by scientists to the climate crisis. Last month, Aragon’s government asked for EU aid to tackle its drought.

      Farmer Chechu Sánchez said he’s worried the datacentres will use up water he needs for his crops.

      “These datacentres use water that comes from northern Aragon, where I am,” he said. “They consume water – where do they take it from? They take it from you, of course.”

      With 75% of the country already at risk of desertification, the combination of the climate crisis and datacentre expansion is “bringing Spain to the verge of ecological collapse”, Jaume-Palasí said.

      Asked about the decision to approve more datacentres, a spokesperson for the Aragonese government said they would not compromise the region’s water resources because their impact is “imperceptible”.
      Water offsetting

      Amazon does not provide overall figures for the water its datacentres use worldwide. But it does claim that it will be “water positive” by 2030, offsetting its consumption by providing water to communities and ecosystems in areas of scarcity elsewhere.

      Amazon says it is currently offsetting 41% of its water usage in areas it deems unsustainable. But it’s an approach that has already caused controversy inside the company.

      “I raised the issue in all the right places that this is not ethical,” said Nathan Wangusi, a former water sustainability manager at Amazon. “I disagreed quite a lot with that principle coming from a pure sustainability background.”

      Microsoft and Google have also pledged to become “water positive” by 2030 through water offsetting, as well as finding ways to use water more efficiently.

      Water offsetting ca not work in the same way as carbon offsetting, where a tonne of pollutants removed from the atmosphere can cancel out a tonne emitted elsewhere, said Wemhoff, the Villanova University specialist. Improving access to water in one area does nothing to help the community that has lost access to it far away.

      “Carbon is a global problem – water is more localised,” he said.

      Amazon should pursue water accessibility projects “because it’s the right thing to do”, not to offset the company’s usage and make claims about being “water positive”, Wangusi said.

      In March, Amazon announced that it would use AI to help farmers in Aragon use water more efficiently.

      But that is “a deliberate strategy of obfuscation” that distracts from the company’s request to raise water consumption, said Gómez, the campaigner.

      Amazon said its approach shouldn’t be described as offsetting because the projects are in communities where the company operates.

      “We know that water is a precious resource, and we’re committed to doing our part to help solve this challenge,” said Harry Staight, an Amazon spokesperson. “It’s important to remember many of our facilities do not require the ongoing use of water to cool operations.”
      ‘Extreme drought’

      Amazon is by far the biggest owner of datacentres in the world by dint of its Amazon Web Services cloud division, but Google and Microsoft are catching up.

      In the US, which boasts the largest number of datacentres in the world, Google is the most likely to build in dry areas, SourceMaterial’s data shows. It has seven active datacentres in parts of the US facing water scarcity and is building six more.

      “We have to be very, very protective around the growth of large water users,” said Jenn Duff, a council member in Mesa, Arizona, a fast-growing datacentre hub. In January, Meta, the owner of Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram, opened a $1bn datacentre in the city, and Google is developing two more.

      The surrounding Maricopa county, where Microsoft also has two active datacentres, is facing “extreme drought”, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. In June 2023, Arizona state officials revoked construction permits for some new homes there due to a lack of groundwater.

      Drought has not halted Google’s plans for a second Mesa datacentre, while its first centre has a permit to use 5.5m cubic metres of water a year – about the same quantity used by 23,000 ordinary Arizonans.

      “Is the increase in tax revenue and the relatively paltry number of jobs worth the water?” said Kathryn Sorensen, an Arizona State University professor and a former director of Mesa’s water department. “It is incumbent on city councils to think very carefully and examine the trade-offs.”

      Google said it won’t use the full amount of water in its Mesa permit as it plans to use an air cooling system.

      “Cooling systems are a hyperlocal decision – informed by our data-driven strategy called ‘climate-conscious cooling’ that balances the availability of carbon-free energy and responsibly sourced water to minimise climate impact both today and in the future,” said Google spokesperson Chris Mussett.
      Stargate

      In January at the White House, Trump announced “Project Stargate”, which he called “the largest AI infrastructure project in history”.

      Starting in Texas, the $500bn joint venture between OpenAI, the American software company Oracle, Japan-based SoftBank and Emirati investment firm MGX will finance datacentres across the US.

      The day before the Stargate announcement, Trump’s inauguration date, the Chinese company DeepSeek launched its own AI model, claiming it had used far less computing power – and therefore less water – than its western rivals.

      More recently, Bloomberg has reported that Microsoft is pulling back on some of its plans for new datacentres around the world. Microsoft has also published plans for a “zero water” datacentre, and Google has said it will incorporate air cooling to reduce water use – though it isn’t yet clear how its systems will work.

      “I’ll believe it when I see it,” said Jaume-Palasí. “Most datacentres right now are going from air cooling to water cooling because liquid is more efficient when you try to cool down high-density racks, which are the ones that are mostly being used for AI.”

      And while the Trump administration has pledged to fast-track new energy projects to power these new datacentres, it has so far said nothing about the water they could use up.

      “Neither people nor data can live without water,” said Gómez. “But human life is essential and data isn’t.”

  • En #Arizona, le mur de #conteneurs à la #frontière avec le #Mexique en cours de #démantèlement

    Sur une route poussiéreuse de l’Arizona, un pick-up fonce et emporte au loin un grand caisson métallique. A la frontière entre les Etats-Unis et le Mexique, un mur de conteneurs, installé pour plusieurs dizaines de millions de dollars il y a seulement quelques mois, était en cours de démantèlement ce week-end.

    Sur une route poussiéreuse de l’Arizona, un pick-up fonce et emporte au loin un grand caisson métallique. A la frontière entre les Etats-Unis et le Mexique, un mur de conteneurs, installé pour plusieurs dizaines de millions de dollars il y a seulement quelques mois, était en cours de démantèlement ce week-end.

    Dans les mois précédant la fin de son mandat, le gouverneur républicain de l’Arizona, dans le sud-ouest des Etats-Unis, avait ordonné qu’une gigantesque enfilade de conteneurs soient placés à la frontière avec le Mexique, afin, selon lui, d’endiguer l’immigration illégale.

    Mais après avoir été poursuivi devant la justice par l’Etat fédéral pour avoir placé les conteneurs sur des terres fédérales, dans la forêt nationale de #Coronado, le gouverneur #Greg_Ducey, remplacé depuis par la démocrate #Katie_Hobbs, a accepté en décembre de les retirer.

    « Je n’arrive pas à croire que le gouverneur Ducey puisse penser que c’était une bonne idée », souligne à l’AFP Debbie McGuire une ancienne habitante de l’Arizona venue assister aux opérations de démantèlement.

    « C’est complètement absurde de mettre des conteneurs qui n’allaient jamais réussir à empêcher les gens de passer », dit-elle. « C’est ridicule et un gaspillage complet de l’argent du contribuable ».

    L’édification du mur de conteneurs a commencé mi-2022 et a rapidement fait face à une puissante fronde. Ses détracteurs estiment que l’assemblage n’est rien d’autre qu’une manoeuvre politique cynique qui endommage l’#environnement et n’a aucun impact sur le nombre de traversées illégales de la frontière.

    Relief escarpé

    Ils affirment que le mur de conteneurs, qui s’étire sur près de sept kilomètres à travers les terres fédérales, empiète sur une zone importante de conservation environnementale.

    Le relief y est également tellement escarpé que selon eux, les passeurs de migrants n’ont jamais vraiment utilisé cette zone.

    En pratique, les conteneurs étaient inadéquats pour empêcher les migrants de les franchir : leur forme rigide faisait qu’ils n’étaient pas toujours alignés en fonction du relief, laissant des trous béants entre les boîtes.

    « C’est une #mascarade et un #gaspillage de l’#argent_public », estime Bill Wilson, un habitant de la ville voisine venu voir vendredi le démantèlement du mur de conteneurs.

    Le septuagénaire dénonce aussi « une #stratégie_politicienne ».

    L’Arizona partage quelque 600 kilomètres de frontière avec le Mexique, passant par des aires protégées, des parcs nationaux, des zones militaires et des réserves amérindiennes.

    Les arrivées illégales de migrants venant de pays d’Amérique du sud et centrale sont un thème récurrent dans les attaques des républicains contre Joe Biden, qui a promis d’augmenter les expulsions immédiates.

    Plus de 230.000 arrestations ont encore été enregistrées en novembre à la frontière sud des Etats-Unis, un niveau record.

    Jusqu’à l’arrivée à la Maison Blanche en 2017 de Donald Trump - qui avait fait campagne sur le slogan « Construisons le mur » - il n’existait pas réellement de barrière physique entre l’Arizona et le Mexique.

    A présent, de larges portions de la frontière sont dotées d’une grille qui s’élève par endroits jusqu’à neuf mètres de haut.

    Dans la forêt nationale de Coronado, qui ne peut être atteinte que par des petites routes de terre, la frontière n’était démarquée avant l’arrivée des conteneurs que par un grillage barbelé.

    https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/en-arizona-le-mur-de-conteneurs-la-frontiere-avec-le-mexique-

    #containers #frontières #barrières_frontalières #USA #Etats-Unis #walls_don't_work #asile #migrations #réfugiés #murs

  • L’envoi de migrants, nouvelle arme politique de ténors de la droite américaine Léa Dauple - Agence France-Presse à Washington
    https://www.ledevoir.com/monde/etats-unis/756010/l-envoi-de-migrants-nouvelle-arme-politique-de-tenors-de-la-droite-america

    L’envoi par des gouverneurs républicains de bus et d’avions de migrants vers une île huppée du nord-est du pays, ainsi qu’à Washington, a tourné jeudi à la bataille politique aux États-Unis, à quelques semaines d’élections législatives aux lourds enjeux.

    Depuis des mois, des responsables locaux républicains, au premier rang desquels le puissant gouverneur du Texas Greg Abbott, font transporter des migrants par autocar vers les bastions démocrates du pays.


    Kevin Dietsch Getty Images via Agence France-Presse Une bénévole discute avec des migrants envoyés près de la résidence de la vice-présidente Kamala Harris par le gouverneur du Texas, Greg Abbott.

    Une façon de dénoncer la politique du président Joe Biden, qu’ils accusent d’avoir transformé la frontière avec le Mexique en passoire, et de tenter de placer l’immigration au centre de la campagne des élections de mi-mandat, en novembre.

    Jeudi matin, deux bus transportant des migrants sont arrivés près de la résidence de la vice-présidente Kamala Harris, à Washington. Un lieu évidemment choisi à dessein, la responsable démocrate étant chargée du dossier explosif de l’immigration à la Maison-Blanche.

    Ils avaient été envoyés par le très conservateur Greg Abbott, en campagne pour sa réélection dans cet État en première ligne de la vague d’immigration illégale originaire des pays d’Amérique centrale.

    « La vice-présidente Harris clame que notre frontière est “sûre” et nie l’existence d’une crise. Nous envoyons des migrants jusque dans son jardin pour exhorter l’administration Biden à faire son travail et sécuriser la frontière », a tweeté le gouverneur du Texas.

    Il assure avoir déjà fait envoyer 10 000 migrants depuis avril à Washington, New York et plus récemment Chicago.

    Rival de Trump
    Mercredi, l’influent gouverneur républicain de Floride Ron DeSantis a rejoint ce mouvement, en revendiquant l’envoi de deux avions de migrants vers l’île de Martha’s Vineyard, mythique lieu de villégiature pour les plus fortunés ayant accueilli les Kennedy, les Clinton ou les Obama.

    Un groupe d’une cinquantaine de migrants vénézuéliens, dont des enfants, est arrivé mercredi sur cette île de la côte atlantique de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, une région riche en élites souvent la cible des conservateurs.

    Bien que le gouverneur de Floride ait organisé ce transport, les avions arrivaient du Texas et non de son État, selon le journal local MV Times et un homme politique local.
     
    « Des migrants sont en train d’être débarqués à Martha’s Vineyard par des vols affrétés depuis le Texas. Beaucoup ne savent pas où ils sont. Ils disent qu’on leur a dit qu’ils recevraient un logement et un emploi », a tweeté mercredi soir un élu démocrate local, Dylan Fernandes.

    Ron DeSantis, lui aussi candidat à sa réélection, est vu comme un potentiel rival pour l’ancien président Donald Trump dans la course à la Maison-Blanche en 2024.

    « Les résidents de Martha’s Vineyard devraient être ravis », a ironisé mercredi sur Twitter Christina Pushaw, de l’équipe de communication du gouverneur de Floride. « Les migrants illégaux rendront la ville plus diversifiée, ce qui est une force. Non ? »

    « Cruel »
    La politique d’immigration, sujet explosif aux États-Unis, l’est encore davantage à quelques semaines d’élections de mi-mandat aux lourds enjeux.

    L’immigration est un thème de prédilection des républicains, et déplacer des migrants lors d’opérations spectaculaires leur offre une possibilité de replacer le débat au centre de l’actualité.

    Transporter ces migrants à Martha’s Vineyard et à Washington « était une nécessité », a commenté Andy Biggs, représentant républicain d’Arizona, État dont le gouverneur envoie également des bus de migrants.

    « Les leaders démocrates doivent descendre de leur tour d’ivoire et affronter la réalité. »

    À l’inverse, le maire démocrate de New York Eric Adams a promis jeudi de se concentrer sur l’accueil et non le rejet des migrants.

    « Exploiter des personnes vulnérables dans le cadre d’un coup politique est révoltant et cruel », s’est de son côté indignée Elizabeth Warren, sénatrice du Massachusetts, où est située l’île de Martha’s Vineyard.

    Charlie Crist, opposant démocrate à Ron DeSantis dans la course pour le siège de gouverneur en Floride, a dénoncé un « calcul politique » visant à « servir de la chair fraîche à sa base électorale ».

    Le candidat a dénoncé le prix de cette opération, affirmant que la Floride dépensait « 12 millions de dollars pour envoyer des enfants immigrés innocents loin de notre État ».

    #USA #migrants #immigration #diversité #partage #politique #démocrates #républicains #Martha’s_Vineyard #élizabeth_warren #Téxas #Arizona #Massachusetts #frontières #beaux_quartiers #NAP (Neuilly Passy Auteuil)

  • Climate change makes it deadlier to cross the US-Mexico border

    Getting across the desert is already dire—and it’s likely to become worse in the coming decades.

    The climate crisis has created what is an estimated millions of climate refugees. In the Americas alone, communities have experienced extreme weather events like Hurricane Maria in 2017 over the Caribbean, Hurricane Eta in 2020 across Central America, and Hurricane Iota over the same area less than a month later.

    Combine that with deficient human rights for poor and Indigenous communities across some Latin American countries and consistent drought in Central America, and it means that more people are heading to the US-Mexico border for work opportunities in the states. As of 2021, the Pew Research Center found that migrant encounters with border patrol were at an all time high.

    And when those migrants manage to make it to the border, be it in a caravan or with a small group being led by a coyote, they are met with miles of desert. Some volunteer groups, like Humane Borders, attempt to leave water and other necessary supplies for migrants crossing the desert in the Southwest US. But it may not be enough to keep all of the travelers safe and healthy while crossing.

    In addition to calculating how the climate crisis is pushing people away from their homes, reseachers have also found that it’s further endangering the migrants who move through the desert to avoid being caught by border patrol. An interdisciplinary team associated with various schools including the University of Idaho and the University of California published a paper in Science this past December that found the climate crisis will make border crossing even more dangerous than it already is because the arid terrain that migrants cross is only going to get hotter and harder to navigate.

    [Related: You can’t escape climate change by moving to New Zealand]

    “We find that migrants’ journey will become significantly more dangerous over the next 30 years,” said Reena Walker, graduate student in science at the University of Idaho and co-lead author of the study via an Idaho University press release. “By 2050, the already severe costs of traversing the desert will likely increase by over 30 percent.”

    Ryan Long, an associate professor at the University of Idaho and senior author of the study, said in a press release that the effects of dehydration while crossing into Arizona’s desert have led to thousands of deaths. Crossing is already deadly due to the long stretches of desert that migrants must cross, making the increase of mortalities in the future daunting to think about. The group of researchers were able to trace the highest rates of death to areas of the Sonoran Desert in Arizona where water loss is more likely to occur.

    “Access to sufficient amounts of drinking water to support the high rates of water loss experienced during the journey likely makes the difference between life and death for many migrants,” Long said.

    Jason De León, an anthropology professor at UCLA and a co-author of the study, says that the models assumed that migrants walked in a straight line from the border and through the desert “from point A to point B.” De León, who directs the the Undocumented Migration Project (UMP), a long-term study that looks at border crossing with a combination of ethnographic, archaeological, visual, and forensic approaches, also acknowledges that in real life, migrants often circumnavigate areas to avoid detection, which will only add to the stress on their bodies.

    [Related: 4 new myths about climate change—and how to debunk them]

    “[Researchers] found that even with the least-cost analysis going from point A to point B in a straight line, it’s still heavy. There’s still a significant amount of trauma that the body experiences—you cannot carry enough water to survive,” De León says. “Yet people miraculously do because they end up finding cattle tank water, they drink their own urine, they push their bodies to the extreme … But a significant amount of people die.”

    The irony isn’t lost on De León that the migrants that are being displaced by climate issues from Latin America are the same people struggling to survive exposure and severe dehydration when crossing into America.

    “The US needs to take accountability for the migrant deaths that are happening at the US-Mexico border because of our own policies,” he says. “We are one of the primary contributors to global warming.”

    https://www.popsci.com/environment/us-mexico-border-climate-change
    #climat #changement_climatique #frontières #mortalité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #Mexique #désert #déshydratation #Arizona #désert_du_Sonoran #Sonoran #eau #eau_potable #décès #morts #mourir_dans_le_désert

    • Migrants Crossing U.S.-Mexico Border Subject to Dehydration, Death, U of I Study Finds

      Rates of water loss experienced by migrants attempting to cross the desert from Mexico into the U.S. are sufficient to cause severe dehydration and to explain patterns of migrant mortality, according to a University of Idaho study.

      The extreme weather of desert environments can impose significant challenges to human survival, and migrants who attempt to enter the U.S. through the Sonoran Desert likely experience severe dehydration and associated conditions such as disorientation and organ failure that can lead to death, according to the study published in the journal Science. Scientists from the University of Idaho, Princeton University, the University of California and the University of Wisconsin sought to quantify the costs, in terms of water lost through respiration and sweating, of the migrant journey, and how variation in those costs corresponded to patterns of migrant mortality.

      “Over the past several decades, thousands of men, women and children have died attempting to circumvent border protection efforts and cross from Mexico into the United States,” said Ryan Long, associate professor of wildlife sciences at U of I and senior author of the study. “Because official ports of entry are heavily fortified, many migrants attempt to enter the U.S. by crossing remote desert regions.”

      Using a detailed model of human physiology and heat transfer, scientists predicted rates of water loss experienced by each using the common border crossing between Nogales, Mexico, and Three Points, Arizona, during the summer months, and related those costs to the distribution of migrant deaths in the desert.

      The researchers also explored how rates of water loss among migrants attempting to make the crossing are predicted to change as the climate warms.

      “We find that migrants’ journey will become significantly more dangerous over the next 30 years,” said Reena Walker, graduate student at U of I and co-lead author of the study. “By 2050, the already severe costs of traversing the desert will likely increase by over 30%.”

      “We provide the first empirical evidence that the physiological stresses experienced by humans attempting to cross the Sonoran Desert into the U.S. are sufficient to cause severe dehydration and associated conditions that can lead to death,” Long said. “Our study provides strong evidence that patterns of migrant mortality in the desert can be explained by spatiotemporal variation in the physiological costs experienced during the journey; a disproportionately large percentage of migrant deaths occur in areas where the predicted rates of water loss are highest.”

      The study shows the amount of drinking water carried by a typical migrant is likely not sufficient to prevent severe dehydration, and this deficit will only increase as the climate warms, Long said.

      “Access to sufficient amounts of drinking water to support the high rates of water loss experienced during the journey likely makes the difference between life and death for many migrants,” he said.

      https://www.uidaho.edu/news/news-articles/news-releases/2021-fall/121621-migrants

    • Physiological costs of undocumented human migration across the southern United States border

      Political, economic, and climatic upheaval can result in mass human migration across extreme terrain in search of more humane living conditions, exposing migrants to environments that challenge human tolerance. An empirical understanding of the biological stresses associated with these migrations will play a key role in the development of social, political, and medical strategies for alleviating adverse effects and risk of death. We model physiological stress associated with undocumented migration across a commonly traversed section of the southern border of the United States and find that locations of migrant death are disproportionately clustered within regions of greatest predicted physiological stress (evaporative water loss). Minimum values of estimated evaporative water loss were sufficient to cause severe dehydration and associated proximate causes of mortality. Integration of future climate predictions into models increased predicted physiological costs of migration by up to 34.1% over the next 30 years.

      https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.abh1924
      #physiologie

  • L’Arizona relance son programme de peine de mort avec le « Zyklon B » des nazis
    Confronté à une pénurie de produits pour les injections létales, l’État a rénové sa chambre à gaz et acheté des produits chimiques pour fabriquer le gaz qu’utilisaient les nazis


    La prison d’État de Florence, en Arizona, qui abrite la chambre à gaz de l’État, le 23 juillet 2014. (Crédit : AP)

    Afin de relancer son programme d’exécutions gelé depuis longtemps, l’État de l’Arizona, dans le sud-ouest des États-Unis, a rénové sa chambre à gaz et acheté les ingrédients nécessaires à la fabrication de cyanure d’hydrogène, plus connu sous le nom de « Zyklon B », le produit chimique utilisé par les nazis dans les camps de la mort d’Auschwitz-Birkenau et de Majdanek, entre autres.

    Ces détails ont été rapportés ce week-end par le site d’information britannique The Guardian , sur la base de documents obtenus par le biais de demandes d’archives publiques.

    Ils montrent que les autorités de l’Arizona ont dépensé près de 2 000 dollars pour acheter une brique solide de cyanure de potassium en décembre, ainsi que des pastilles d’hydroxyde de sodium et de l’acide sulfurique, qui servent à produire le gaz mortel.

    Les documents révèlent également qu’ils ont « remis à neuf » la chambre à gaz de l’État, construite en 1949 et mise en sommeil en 1999 après l’exécution ratée d’un détenu, Walter LaGrand.


    L’intérieur de la chambre à gaz de la prison de San Quentin en Californie, le 14 janvier 1972. (Crédit : AP)

    Selon le récit d’un témoin oculaire publié dans le Tucson Citizen , Walter LaGrand est mort « étouffé et asphyxié » pendant 18 minutes, entre le moment où le gaz est entré dans la chambre et celui où il est mort, « enveloppé de gaz toxique ».

    Selon The Guardian , les autorités ont utilisé des moyens « primitifs » pour tester le caisson de la prison d’État de Florence, notamment en utilisant une bougie allumée pour vérifier si les joints d’étanchéité étaient intacts. Elles ont également effectué un test en faisant couler de l’eau dans le système et en lançant une grenade fumigène à l’intérieur.

    Le rapport indique également que le personnel pénitentiaire s’est livré à des jeux de rôle pendant les tests. Les gardiens jouaient le rôle de détenus qui simulaient une résistance à leur mise à mort en criant : « C’est un meurtre », « Je suis innocent », « Vous m’abattez comme un animal » et « C’est contre tout ce que l’Amérique représente ».

    L’État a cherché des moyens de relancer ses exécutions, qui ont été mises en suspens après une exécution ratée en 2014.

    Ces dernières années, les états américains ont eu du mal à procéder à des exécutions par injection létale, les laboratoires pharmaceutiques refusant de leur vendre les médicaments nécessaires pour endormir les détenus, détendre leurs muscles et arrêter leur cœur.

    L’Arizona avait expérimenté un mélange indéterminé de deux médicaments, mais cette expérience a également été suspendue après l’exécution ratée, en 2014, de Joseph Rudolph Wood, qui avait reçu 15 doses d’un mélange de deux médicaments sur une période de deux heures avant de mourir.

    D’autres états ont réintroduit l’exécution par peloton d’exécution et la chaise électrique.

    L’Arizona a annoncé en 2019 qu’il allait reprendre les exécutions, sans préciser comment. Il compte actuellement 115 détenus dans le couloir de la mort.

    « Justice doit être rendue aux victimes de ces crimes odieux et à leurs familles. Ceux qui commettent le crime ultime méritent le châtiment ultime », avait alors déclaré le procureur général Mark Brnovich.


    Photo d’archive non datée fournie par le département correctionnel de l’Arizona – Joseph Rudolph Wood, son exécution 2014, a été, selon son avocat, » horriblement bâclé « . (Crédit : Département correctionnel de l’Arizona via AP)
    Les nazis ont utilisé le Zyklon B pour tuer des millions de personnes dans les chambres à gaz des camps de la mort, qui étaient aménagées pour ressembler à des douches pour les détenus qui arrivaient.


    Le crématorium près de la première chambre à gaz de l’ancien camp de la mort nazi d’Auschwitz I à Oswiecim, en Pologne, le 8 décembre 2019. (Markus Schreiber/AP)
    . . . . . . .
    La suite : https://fr.timesofisrael.com/larizona-relance-son-programme-de-peine-de-mort-avec-le-zyklon-b-d

    #Zyklon #fachosphere #justice #USA #nazisme #arizona #chambre_à_gaz #jeux_de_rôle Un bon point pour les #laboratoires_pharmaceutiques

  • In the Sonoran Desert, #GIS Helps to Map Migrant Deaths

    GIS technology lends insight into why some undocumented migrants perish while crossing international borders.

    Last year geographer #Sam_Chambers published an unusual map of the Sonoran Desert. He wasn’t interested in marking roads, mountains, and cities. Instead, the University of Arizona researcher wanted to show the distance a young male can walk in various regions of the desert before the high temperature and physical exertion put him at risk of dying from heat exposure or hyperthermia.

    On the resulting map, red and purple correspond with cooler, mountainous terrain. Yellow and white, which dominate the image, indicate a remote, hot valley. It’s here where migrants seeking to cross between Mexico and the United States are at greatest risk of dying from the desert’s relentless sun.

    Chambers’ map relies on geographical information system (GIS) modeling, a digital technology that allows geographers to perform spatial, data-driven analysis of landscapes. Chambers’ chosen topic represents a burgeoning effort to use GIS to understand the risk undocumented migrants face while crossing international borders, according to Jonathan Cinnamon, a geographer at Ryerson University in Toronto. According to Chambers’ analysis, migrants began crossing through hotter, more rugged parts of the desert after the U.S. government increased the number of Border Patrol agents and installed new surveillance technologies, including underground motion sensors and radar-equipped watchtowers.

    The Sonoran covers roughly 100,000 square miles in Arizona, California, and Mexico, and includes major cities such as Phoenix and Tucson, as well as vast swathes of empty public and private lands. The effort to funnel migrants into this desert began in 1994 under the Clinton administration. That’s when the wave of increased migration that had started in the 1980s prompted the U.S. government to embrace the policy of “prevention through deterrence.” The idea was that would-be migrants from Mexico and Central America would be deterred from illegally crossing the U.S. border if their routes were too treacherous. With this goal in mind, Border Patrol erected new infrastructure and stepped up enforcement in border cities like Tijuana and El Paso, leaving the harsh unpopulated borderlands as the only option.

    In an email to Undark, John Mennell, a public affairs specialist with U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) — the agency that oversees Border Patrol — in Arizona, said that people crossing the border illegally are at risk from the predations of smugglers and criminal organizations, who, he says, encourage migrants to ride on train tops or to shelter in packed houses with limited food and water. Mennell says the agency has installed rescue beacons in the desert, which migrants can use to call for help. According to CBP, Border Patrol rescued roughly 5,000 migrants on the Southwest border from October 2019 through September 2020.

    Yet according to data compiled by the nonprofit group Humane Borders, the prevention through deterrence approach has failed to stop migrants from attempting the border crossing. “There continues to be a shift in migration into more remote and difficult areas,” said Geoff Boyce, a geographer at Earlham College in Indiana, and one of Chambers’ collaborators. Migrants have a much higher chance of dying in the desert today than they did 15 years ago, he said, and the numbers continue to rise, from 220 deaths per 100,000 apprehensions in 2016 to 318 deaths per 100,000 apprehensions in 2020. Last year, 227 migrants died in the Pima County Medical Examiner’s jurisdiction, in southern Arizona, although activists say that the number is likely much higher because of the way bodies disappear in the desert.

    Chambers and Boyce source mortality data from the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office. They have gotten information on migrant activity from No More Deaths, one of many humanitarian groups in the Tucson area that maintains desert water and supply stations for migrants. No More Deaths, which supports the decriminalization of undocumented migration, has set up supplies in the mountains and other hard-to-reach areas. Humane Borders also maintains stations in areas accessible by car. These organizations maintain meticulous records — the raw data that launched Chambers’ and Boyce’s first desert mapping collaboration.

    On a cool November morning, Rebecca Fowler, administrative manager with Humane Borders, climbed into a truck armed with a list of 53 water stations. She was joined by two volunteers who chatted on the street next to a truck bed bearing yards of hoses and 55-gallon blue barrels that the organization purchases at a discount from soda companies.

    Fowler was leading the Friday morning water run to seven stations off State Route 286, which runs south from Tucson to an isolated border town called Sasabe. Each week, Fowler and her volunteers check to be sure that the water is potable and plentiful. They change out dirty barrels and make notes of any vandalism. (In the past, some of the group’s barrels have been found with bullet holes or with the spigots ripped off.)

    Among other data points, Fowler and her team gather data on water usage, footprints, and clothes found near their sites. Using the county’s medical examiner data, they have also created an interactive map of migrant deaths. A search of their website reveals a spread of red dots on the Southwestern United States, so many between Phoenix and Tucson that the map turns black. The organization has charted more than 3,000 deaths in the past two decades.

    In her years in the desert, Fowler has noticed the same kind of changes pointed to in Boyce’s and Chambers’ research. “Migrants have been increasingly funneled into more desolate, unforgiving areas,” she said.

    https://zjf683hopnivfq5d12xaooxr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/File_005-crop.jpeg

    GIS modeling, which is broadly defined as any technique that allows cartographers to spatially analyze data and landscapes, has evolved alongside computers. The U.S. military was an early developer and adopter of this technology, using it to understand terrain and plan operations. In those early days, few activists or academics possessed the skills or the access needed to use GIS, said Cinnamon. But in the last decade, more universities have embraced GIS as part of their curricula and the technology has become more readily available.

    Now, the kind of GIS modeling employed by Chambers, who uses ArcGIS and QGIS software, is commonplace in archaeology and landscape design. It allows modelers to understand how factors like terrain, weather, and manmade features influence the way people move through a given physical environment.

    An architect might employ GIS technology to decide where to put sidewalks on a college campus, for example. Chambers used these techniques to study elk migration during his doctoral studies at the University of Arizona. But after Boyce connected him to No More Deaths, he started using his skills to study human migration.

    No More Deaths tracks data at their water stations, too — including acts of vandalism, which they asked Boyce and Chambers to assist in analyzing via GIS. That report, released in 2018, spatially examines the time of year and location of the vandalism and uses its results to postulate that Border Patrol agents are primarily responsible, while acknowledging that rogue actors, such as hunters and members of militia groups, may contribute as well. (CBP did not respond to Undark’s questions on water station vandalism.)

    When Boyce and Chambers finished analyzing the information, they asked themselves: What else could this data reveal? Previous attempts to understand the desert’s hostility had relied on the prevalence of human remains or statistics on capture by Border Patrol agents, but both of those are imperfect measures.

    “It’s very hard to get any type of reliable, robust information about undocumented migration, particularly in remote desert areas,” said Boyce. “The people who are involved, their behavior is not being methodically recorded by any state actor.”

    Most of the water stations on Fowler’s route were set back from the highway, off bumpy roads where mesquite scraped the truck. By 11 a.m., heavy-bellied clouds had rolled in and the temperature was in the 80s and rising. The fingers of saguaro cacti pointed at the sky and at the Quinlan Mountains jutting over the horizon; on the other side lay the Tohono O’odham Nation. Fowler says Border Patrol’s policies increasingly shunt migrants into treacherous lands within the reservation.

    Humane Borders’ water barrels are marked by long poles capped by tattered blue flags, fluttering above the brush. Each barrel features a combination lock, preventing vandals from opening the barrel and pouring anything inside. Each is also marked by a Virgin of Guadalupe sticker, a symbol for migrants passing through the desert.

    At each stop, Fowler and that day’s volunteers, Lauren Kilpatrick and Isaiah Ortiz, pulled off the lock and checked the water for particulates and pH levels. They picked up nearby trash and kept an eye out for footprints. At the third station, the water harbored visible black dots — an early sign of algae — so the group dumped all 55 gallons and set up a new barrel. At a later station, Fowler found a spigot that had been wrenched off and flung among the mesquite. Later still, the group came upon a barrel full of decaying, abandoned backpacks.

    This was the third water run for Kilpatrick and Ortiz, a couple from Nevada now living in Arizona. Kilpatrick had read books and listened to podcasts about the borderlands, and Ortiz had wanted to get involved because the crisis felt personal to him — some of his family are immigrants, some of his friends and their relatives undocumented.

    “I just think about their journey — some of them are from Central America and Mexico,” he said. “Their lives were in real danger coming through areas like this.”

    GIS modeling simplifies this complex landscape into a grid. To analyze the grid, Chambers uses a standard modeling software; so far, he has published five papers with Boyce about the desert. For the first they worked on together, the team took No More Deaths’ data on visits to water sites from 2012 to 2015 and looked at changes in water usage at each site. Once they’d determined which routes had fallen out of favor and which had risen in popularity, they looked at whether those newer routes were more treacherous, using a ruggedness index that Chambers developed with his colleagues by looking at the slope and jaggedness of terrain, along with vegetation cover and temperature. They concluded that official United States policy is increasingly shunting migrants into more rugged areas.

    From CBP’s perspective, “Walking through remote inhospitable terrain is only one of many dangers illegal immigrants face during their dangerous journey into the United States,” said Mennell. And installing new technology and increased patrol on popular migration routes is actually a good thing, he says, because it contributes to the goal of securing the border against smugglers shepherding in so-called “illegal immigrants.”

    In another paper, Chambers studied whether migrants took new routes to avoid increased surveillance, and whether those new routes put them at higher risk of heat exposure and hyperthermia. To map out which areas were toughest to cross — as measured by caloric expenditure — Chambers factored in such variables as slope, terrain, and average human weight and walking speed, borrowing both military and archaeological formulas to measure the energy expenditures of different routes. He used viewshed analysis, which tells a mapmaker which areas are visible from a certain point — say, from a surveillance tower — and, using his slope calculations and the formulae, compared the energy costs of walking within sight of the towers versus staying out of sight.

    Chambers tested his findings against the maps of recovered human remains in the area before and after increased surveillance. To map risk of heat exposure, Chambers used formulae from sports medicine professionals, military physicians, and physiologists, and charted them onto the desert. And he found, just as with the ruggedness index, that people are taking longer, more intense routes to avoid the towers. Now they need more calories to survive the desert, and they’re at higher risk of dying from heat.

    Caloric expenditure studies had been done before in other contexts, said Chambers. But until this map, no one had ever created a detailed spatial representation of locations where the landscape and high temperatures are deadliest for the human body.

    GIS mapping is also being used to track migration into Europe. Lorenzo Pezzani, a lecturer in forensic architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London, works with artists, scientists, NGOs, and politicians to map what they see as human rights violations in the Mediterranean Sea.

    Compared with the group conducting research in Arizona, Pezzani and his team are at a distinct disadvantage. If a body drops into the sea, it’s unlikely to be recovered. There’s just not as much data to study, says Pezzani. So he and his team study discrete disasters, and then they extrapolate from there.

    Pezzani disseminates his group’s work through a project called Forensic Oceanography, a collaborative research effort consisting of maps, visualizations, and reports, which has appeared in art museums. In 2018, information gathered through their visualizations was submitted to the European Court of Human Rights as evidence showing the Italian government’s role in migrant drowning deaths.

    The goal is to make migrant deaths in the Mediterranean more visible and to challenge the governmental narrative that, like the deaths in the Sonoran, these deaths are unavoidable and faultless. Deaths from shipwrecks, for example, are generally blamed on the criminal networks of human traffickers, said Pezzani. He wants to show that the conditions that draw migrants into dangerous waters are the result of “specific political decisions that have been taken by southern European states and by the European Union.”

    Pezzani, Chambers, and Boyce all intend for their work to foster discussion about government policy on immigration and borderlands. Boyce, for one, wants the U.S. government to rethink its policy of “prevention through deterrence” and to demilitarize the border. He believes the current policy is doomed to fail and is inhumane because it does not tackle the underlying issues that cause people to try to migrate in the first place. Ryan Burns, a visiting scholar at University of California, Berkeley, said he wants to see more research like this. “We need more scientists who are saying, ‘We can produce knowledge that is sound, that is actionable, that has a very well-established rigor to it, but is also politically motivated,’” Burns said.

    Cinnamon said that GIS, by its nature, tends to involve approaching a project with a viewpoint already in mind. “If the U.S. government decided to do the same study, they might approach it from a very different perspective,” he said. As long as the authors are overt about their viewpoints, Cinnamon sees no issue.

    Burns, however, did sound one cautionary note. By drawing attention to illegal crossings, he said, researchers “could be endangering people who are taking these paths.” In other words, making a crisis more visible can be politically powerful, but it can also have unintended consequences.

    Before their last water station visit, the group from Humane Borders drove into Sasabe. A helicopter chopped overhead, probably surveilling for migrants, Fowler said. Border Patrol vehicles roamed the streets, as they do throughout this part of the country.

    Once, Fowler said, a 12-foot wall spread for miles across the mountains here. In recent months, it’s been replaced by the U.S. government’s latest effort to stop migrants from venturing into the desert: a 30-footer, made of steel slats, undulating through the town and across the mountains in either direction. It’s yet another factor to consider when mapping the Sonoran and envisioning how its natural and manmade obstacles will shape its migration routes.

    “There’s so much speculation” about what will happen to migrants because of this wall, said Fowler. She suspects they will cross through the Tohono O’odham Nation, where there’s no wall. But they won’t have access to water dropped by Humane Borders. “What I worry about, obviously, is more people dying,” said Fowler. She’s certain the migrants “will continue to come.”

    Chambers and Boyce plan to keep making maps. They recently published a paper showing the stress that internal border checkpoints place on migrants crossing the desert, the latest step in their quest to create empirical evidence for the increasing treacherousness of the border.

    “It’s an important thing for people to know,” said Boyce.

    https://undark.org/2021/03/31/mapping-migrant-deaths-sonoran-desert
    #SIG #désert_du_Sonora #asile #migrations #frontières #morts_aux_frontières #décès #morts #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #cartographie #visualisation #contre-cartographie

    ping @reka

    • Developing a geospatial measure of change in core temperature for migrating persons in the Mexico-U.S. border region

      Although heat exposure is the leading cause of mortality for undocumented immigrants attempting to traverse the Mexico-U.S. border, there has been little work in quantifying risk. Therefore, our study aims to develop a methodology projecting increase in core temperature over time and space for migrants in Southern #Arizona using spatial analysis and remote sensing in combination with the heat balance equation—adapting physiological formulae to a multi-step geospatial model using local climate conditions, terrain, and body specifics. We sought to quantitatively compare the results by demographic categories of age and sex and qualitatively compare them to known terrestrial conditions and prior studies of those conditions. We demonstrated a more detailed measure of risk for migrants than those used most recently: energy expenditure and terrain ruggedness. Our study not only gives a better understanding of the ‘#funnel_effect’ mechanisms, but also provides an opportunity for relief and rescue operations.

      https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1877584520300411
      #risques #risque #analyse_spatiale

  • ’This is literally an industry’: drone images give rare look at for-profit #Ice detention centers

    Art project combines interviews with ex-detainees on their trauma during Covid-19, and imagery of the growth of private-run detention in the US

    “Imagine how it feels there, locked up, the whole day without catching the air, without … seeing the light, because that is a cave there, in there you go crazy; without being able to see my family, just being able to listen to them on a phone and be able to say, ‘OK, bye,’ because the calls are expensive.”

    That’s how Alejandro, an asylum seeker from Cuba, described his time in an #Immigration_and_Customs_Enforcement (Ice) detention center.

    His account is one of dozens captured in a collection of audio recordings as part of a project aiming to show how the US immigration detention system, the world’s largest, has commodified people as part of a for-profit industry.

    “We’ve commodified human displacement,” said artist David Taylor, who has used drones to take aerial photography and video of 28 privately run Ice detention centers near the US southern border, in California, #Arizona and #Texas.

    While accounts of abuse and exploitation from inside facilities appear in the news media, the detention centers are usually in isolated, underpopulated areas with access to photographers or film crews tightly controlled.

    This new image collection, taken from near the perimeters of the facilities, gives a rare look at just how many of these centers occupy the landscape. “What I want to show through the accumulation of imagery is that this is literally an industry,” Taylor said, “that it’s expansive, that it occupies a significant amount of territory in our national landscape – and I’m only showing a fraction of it.

    “That, to me, is an important realization. The scale is shocking; how it is changing the United States,” said Taylor, a professor of art at the University of Arizona.

    The imagery will ultimately be shown in an exhibition incorporating the stories of some of the people captured inside this system. These audio recordings come from a collaboration with Taylor and a group which provides free legal service to detained migrants in Arizona, the Florence Project, and writer Francisco Cantú.

    When the project is eventually presented in a gallery, it will also include data on the costs, profits and revenue of corporations involved. Late in the the Obama era, the Department of Justice (DoJ) discontinued all use of private prison corporations to house detainees, but the DoJ during the Trump administration reversed this policy.

    Between 2015 and 2018, as the administration began to ramp up its crackdown on immigrants, the targeted average daily population of detained immigrants grew 50%. Corporations won contracts from Ice worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

    Taylor said the project was fraught because he was taking artistic photos and video of sites where traumas have occurred, but hopes the final work will help people understand how those inside are being used to support an industry. The detainees’ vulnerability during the Covid-19 pandemic added to an urgency to spotlight the facilities, he said.

    Excerpts from some of the interviews follow. Each of the interviewees was given a pseudonym because their asylum cases are pending. Alejandro and Alonzo’s interviews were translated from Spanish.

    All three were held at facilities operated by CoreCivic, which disputes allegations about conditions and said it was committed to health and safety.
    ‘They are not interested in our lives’

    Alonzo – La Palma correctional center in Eloy, Arizona

    When Covid first struck the detention center, Alonzo said he helped organize strikes to protest the conditions inside which were exposing everyone, including the guards, to the illness.

    The 34-year-old said he was refused access to a Covid test even though he was feeling unwell. A month later, he said he was taken to the hospital because he was having such trouble breathing and his skin was turning black. “The truth is that you need to be dying there so that they can take care of you, what they do with you there is lousy, lousy, lousy. They are not interested in our lives in the least.”

    In a hospital emergency room, a doctor told Alonzo he had blood clots and probably had cancer because they found tumors in his lungs and kidneys.

    “When they give me this news, they tell me that they have to return me to La Palma correctional center and put me in a cell. I spent a day and a half locked up without being able to get out at all. On that day they gave me half an hour to bathe, let my family know what was happening to me, and locked me up again.

    “During this time that I was there, there were many people. We stood up to be treated, there were colleagues who collapsed inside the tank, people who convulsed. We prayed because the nurses who treated us, the nurses came and told us, ‘You have nothing, it’s a simple flu,’ and nothing happens.”

    Alonzo described witnessing many suicide attempts. He said he found strength in his wish to see his daughters again and his belief in God. “I always had something in my mind and in my heart, that God did not save me from Mexico to come to die in a forgotten cell. I knew within myself that I was not going to die there.”

    He said the strikes came about as conditions worsened. “One day we all got organized and got together to talk. ‘You know what, brother? There is no Cuban here, there is no Mexican here, there is no Indian here, there is no Venezuelan here, there is no Nicaraguan here, there is nothing. Here we are all here. Because we are all infected, because we are all dying. This is fighting for our existence, it is no longer fighting for a residence, it is no longer fighting for a parole, it is no longer fighting for bail, it is all fighting to get out of here alive.’”
    ‘They told me I had Covid-19. They never gave me treatment’

    Alejandro – Central Arizona Florence correctional center

    Alejandro approached a border checkpoint to seek asylum after three months of waiting in Mexico, seeking refuge from political persecution in his native Cuba. At the border, his pregnant wife was allowed to stay with a relative in the US, while Alejandro, 19, was detained.

    During his three months in detention, he was told he tested positive for Covid-19, which he was skeptical of because he didn’t have symptoms and was asthmatic. He said he was put in solitary confinement because of the test result, then transferred to a civil jail, where he said conditions were worse.

    The most painful part of all, however, was missing the birth of his son after his wife underwent a difficult pregnancy.
    Joe Biden reverses anti-immigrant Trump policies hours after swearing-in
    Read more

    “Imagine, it broke my heart, I could hardly speak. Every time I spoke to my wife, or listened to the child, a lump would form in my throat that I could not swallow. It was a thing that does not let you swallow, that makes your chest constrict from so much suffering, from so much pain … If you are a parent, you know what I am telling you … The words did not come out from so much suffering … I spoke a few words and cried. She could hardly speak. Sometimes it was better not to call, because if I called I would feel worse than not calling.”

    Alejandro said he cried every day in detention and was treated by a psychologist in a five-minute “speed date” appointment. “She asked me, ‘Hi, I understand you have a boy, how are you feeling?’ I told her I felt bad, how else was I going to feel? She said, ‘you need to read, to relax,’ just that. Nonsense, something quick. They told me I had Covid-19 and they never gave me any treatment, just water. They told me, ‘Drink water, lots of water.’”
    Responses from #CoreCivic and Ice

    A CoreCivic company spokesman, Ryan Gustin, denied the allegations Alejandro and Alonzo made about conditions in their facilities. “We have responded to this unprecedented situation appropriately, thoroughly and with care for the safety and wellbeing of those entrusted to us and our communities,” Gustin said. “We don’t cut corners on care, staff or training, which meets, and in many cases exceeds, our government partners’ standards.”

    CoreCivic said all detainees were supplied with face masks and denied any allegations that detainees were refused Covid tests. “Initially, detainees were asked to sign an acknowledgment form related to the use of the masks.” The spokesman said detainees were not placed in solitary confinement because of a positive test; he said there were “cohorting procedures … which are intended to prevent the spread of infection” which involve no loss of privileges or activities. CoreCivic denied claims of multiple suicide attempts saying “any such incident would be reported to our government partner”.

    Ice, which oversees the facilities, said the agency was “firmly dedicated to the health and safety of all individuals in our custody”.

    “Since the outbreak of Covid-19, Ice has taken extensive steps to safeguard all detainees, staff and contractors, including: reducing the number of detainees in custody by placing individuals on alternatives to detention programs, suspending social visitation, incorporating social distancing practices with staggered meals and recreation times, and through the use of testing, cohorting and medical isolation.”
    ‘Let me go back home and face my death’

    Mary – in Central Arizona Florence correctional complex one night, then Eloy detention center

    Mary was first detained in Mexico, where she arrived after traveling from her home in Uganda. She was eventually released, sought asylum in the US at a border checkpoint and was detained for five and a half months.

    Detention conditions were similar in the two countries, she said, except Mexican guards occasionally held days where people could socialize with family or friends who were also detained.

    The isolation Mary experienced in the US was intense. She didn’t speak to her young children in Africa the whole time because she couldn’t afford the costs of the calls and relied on a volunteer to relay messages between the mother and her children.

    Also, because she doesn’t speak Spanish, it was more difficult for her to make relationships with immigrants inside from mostly Spanish-speaking countries, and the schedules in the prison made it difficult to develop relationships with others.

    “The Cameroonians were there, but again, everybody used to feel sad, everybody used not to talk. It was like that, since you were sad all the time, you could not communicate, you could not joke.”

    She, like many others, described how many people just wanted to be deported instead of waiting out their time in detention.

    “One day I thought that if the judge denies me, I’ll just tell her or him, ‘Let me go back home and face my death, because I never wanted to stay in detention more. I was thinking about that, but I could not again decide since I was afraid of getting back home.

    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/jan/29/ice-immigration-detention-centers-drone-photography-rare-look-arizona
    #privatisation #complexe-militaro-industriel #business #asile #migrations #réfugiés #centres #centres_de_détention #détention_administrative #rétention #industrie #photographie #USA #Etats-Unis #enfermement #Californie

    ping @isskein

  • America’s Salad Bowl Becomes Fertile Ground for Covid-19 - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/22/us/coronavirus-arizona-yuma-covid.html

    Because Yuma County produces the lettuce, broccoli and other leafy greens that Americans consume during the cold months, it is known as “America’s salad bowl.” Now it has become a winter hothouse for Covid-19.
    Over the course of the pandemic, the Yuma area has identified coronavirus cases at a higher rate than any other U.S. region. One out of every six residents has come down with the virus.Each winter, the county’s population swells by 100,000 people, to more than 300,000, as field workers descend on the farms and snowbirds from the Midwest pull into R.V. parks. This seasonal ritual brings jobs, local spending and high tax revenue. But this year, the influx has turned deadly.Father Chapa’s parish is weathering the full spectrum of the pandemic’s surge. In Spanish and English, he ministers to Mexican-American families who have been rooted here for generations as well as the seasonal residents, all of them afflicted. The church is handling three times the number of funerals it usually does.
    While coronavirus cases are starting to flatten across the country, the virus is still raging in many border communities. Three of the six metro areas with the highest rates of known cases since the outbreak began are small cities straddling Mexico: Yuma; Eagle Pass, Texas; and El Centro, Calif.
    Seasonal migration, the daily flow of people back and forth and lax measures to contain the virus’s spread have created a combustible constellation. Arizona has seen among the highest increases in newly reported deaths of any state over the past two weeks — and it is not clear when this troubling trend will abate.Halfway between San Diego and Phoenix, but geographically isolated from both, Yuma has only one hospital. Understaffed and overwhelmed with cases, it has been airlifting critically ill patients to other cities. And the fallout from Christmas and New Year festivities is not over.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#etatsunis#mexique#frontiere#circulation#sante#famille#migrationsaisonniere#communauté#texas#arizona#californie

  • Biosphere 2: Das Menschenexperiment unter Glas
    https://diasp.eu/p/11642797

    Biosphere 2: Das Menschenexperiment unter Glas

    https://1e9.community/t/biosphere-2-das-menschenexperiment-unter-glas/5186

    Vor fast 30 Jahren startete in der Wüste von #Arizona ein unvergleichliches Experiment. Acht Menschen ließen sich in einer überdachten Nachbildung verschiedener Biotope einsperren. Der Versuch sollte beweisen, dass es möglich ist, auf anderen Planeten eine neue Erde zu schaffen. Doch schon bald wurde die Luft knapp und das #Experiment zum Skandal. Denn hinter der Biosphere 2 standen nicht #Wissenschaftler, sondern eine #Theatergruppe. Und dann kam auch noch Trump-Berater #Steve_Bannon.

    Von Michael Förtsch

    Es sind Szenen wie aus einem #Science-Fiction-Film. Acht Menschen in futuristischen Overalls stehen aufgereiht vor einem riesigen Gebäude, das an ein (...)

    • ... einem riesigen Gebäude, das an ein überdimensioniertes Gewächshaus erinnert. Hinter den Glasscheiben lassen sich Schlingpflanzen, Palmen und andere exotische Gewächse erspähen. Während Medienvertreter mit Filmkameras und Fotoapparaten um die Leute in den Overalls herumschwirren, gehen diese durch eine enge Stahlluke ins Innere des Gebäudes. Sie winken noch einmal, um sich zu verabschieden, als ob sie eine lange Reise antreten würden. Dann schwingt hinter ihnen eine dicke Stahltür zu, die mit einem Ruck an einem Hebel verschlossen wird. Sie durchquere eine Luftschleuse. „Es ist ein unglaublicher Moment“, sagt ein Mann aus der Gruppe. „Die Zukunft beginnt hier.“

      Obwohl diese Bilder, die nur noch in VHS-Qualität zu finden sind, sehr an eine Hollywood-Filmproduktion erinnern, sind sie echt. Tatsächlich ließen sich Anfang der 1990er-Jahre acht Menschen auf ein wahnwitziges Experiment ein. In der Wüste von Arizona ließen sie sich in die Biosphere 2 einschließen, eine unter Glas und Stahl eingeschlossene Kunstwelt, die eine zweite Erde simulieren sollte – in Vorbereitung und der Hoffnung, irgendwann auf Raumschiffen und anderen Planeten Mini-Versionen unsere Heimatwelt aufbauen zu können. Jedoch verlief das Experiment alles andere als problemlos – und brachte die Probanden, ihre körperliche und ihre geistige Gesundheit an den Rand des Zusammenbruchs.

      Es ist ein unglaublicher Moment. Die Zukunft beginnt hier.

      Heute scheint das kuriose und einst weltweit mit Interesse verfolgte Projekt vergessen – oder höchstens als spektakulärer Fehlschlag in der kollektiven Erinnerung. „Ich hatte jedenfalls nichts davon gewusst – bis ich mit meiner Recherche anfing“, sagt Matt Wolf gegenüber 1E9, der mit Spaceship Earth eine umfangreiche Dokumentation über die Geschichte von Biosphere 2 gedreht hat. Tatsächlich wird erst in Rückschau klar, wie gewagt, sonderbar und zugleich auch wegweisend der Versuch war. Entsprungen ist die Idee nämlich keiner wissenschaftlichen Fachgruppe oder einer Universität, sondern etwas, das manche durchaus als Theatertruppe oder Sekte bezeichnen könnte.

      Es begann mit John

      Zwei Jahre reiste der Ingenieur, Metallurg und Harvard-Absolvent John Polk Allen Anfang der 1960er-Jahre durch die Welt. Er hatte eine durchaus erfolgreiche Karriere bei Forschungs- und Industrieunternehmen wie dem Battelle Institute, der Allegheny Ludlum Steel Corporation und der Development and Resources Corporation begonnen. Aber er gab sie auf, um stattdessen die Ursprünge und Lehren von Stammeskulturen in Nepal, Thailand, Singapur, Vietnam, den Philippinen und anderen Ecken der Welt zu studieren. Als er wieder in die USA zurückkehrte, wollte er nicht in sein altes Leben zurück, sondern sich Kunst, Kultur, dem Leben und der Erde verschreiben.

      Daher kaufte Allen 25 Kilometer südlich von Santa Fe in New Mexico ein billiges Stück Land, wo er fortan mit Gleichgesinnten alternative Kultur-, Gesellschafts- und Lebensformen erforschen wollte. Tatsächlich entstand auf dem trockenen Boden binnen weniger Jahre die sogenannte Synergia Ranch , ein wilder Mix aus Ökodorf und Gegenkultur -Kommune, der insbesondere durch die von Allen gegründete Gruppe namens Theatre of All Possibilities einiges Aufsehen erregte. Das Theatre of All Possibilities war, wie der Dokumentarfilmer Matt Wolf beschreibt, „zu Anfang wirklich eine Theater- und #Aktionskunst -Gruppe“.

      Die Truppe wurde von John Allen selbst geleitet, und zwar, je nachdem, wer über die Jahre befragt wurde, entweder mit sanfter Hand oder unbarmherziger Härte . Allen schrieb Stücke und erdachte Performances, die die Mitglieder aufführten und organisierte Vorträge von Wissenschaftlern, Philosophen und Denkern, denen alle beiwohnten. Aber nach und nach habe sich die Gruppe „in immer praktischere Unternehmungen verstrickt“, wie Wolf erzählt. Oder, wie Mark Nelson, einer von Allens Weggefährten in der Dokumentation sagt: „#Kunst? #Geschäft? #Ökologie? #Technologie? Wir wollten das alles tun!“

      In der Zeit zwischen den Vorstellungen machte die Truppe daher das öde Land der Synergia Ranch fruchtbar, konstruierte eine Halle nach Vorbild der Buckminster-Fuller-Kuppeln und ging dann nach Oakland, Kalifornien um ein Schiff zu konstruieren: die rund 25 Meter lange RV Heraclitus . Die wurde unter Leitung der zu dieser Zeit gerade einmal 19-jährigen Margret Augustine aus einem Holzrahmen, Ferrozement, Metallschrott und einem alten Dieselmotor gebaut. Keiner der Beteiligten hatte Erfahrung. Dennoch stach das Schiff 1975 in See. Mit ihr segelte das Theatre of All Possibilities, das zwischenzeitlich für seine Forschungsprojekte die seriöser klingende Stiftung Institute for Ecotechnics gegründet hatte, um die Welt – und startete allerorten allerlei Projekte.

      Die Mitglieder riefen eine Kunstgalerie in London ins Leben, errichteten ein Hotel in Kathmandu, betrieben eine Viehfarm in Australien, arbeiteten mit der Universität von Mumbai, pflanzten Bäumen und beackerten erfolgreich eine Farm in Puerto Rico. Sie beobachteten Wale in der Antarktis, sammelten Forschungsdaten über die Tiere im Amazonas und dokumentierten Korallenriffe in den Tropen. „Wir tourten um die Welt“, sagt Allen in der Dokumententation Spaceship Earth. „Wir waren überall.“

      […]

      #arts #théâtre #expérience #futurisme #hollywood #médias
      #confinement #isolement #science
      #biosphère #oxygène
      #autarcie #autosuffisance #utopie #dystopie

      #auf_deutsch

  • 4 #Arizona Women Convicted for Leaving Water for Migrants

    Four aid workers were convicted Friday on charges connected to their efforts to leave food and water for migrants in an Arizona wildlife refuge along the U.S.-Mexico border.

    The volunteers, who are members of the faith-based humanitarian aid group No More Deaths, were caught on Aug. 13, 2017, by a Federal Wildlife officer as they left water jugs, beans and other supplies for migrants in Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, which shares a 50-mile border with Mexico. No More Deaths claims that 155 migrants have died in the refuge since 2001, and that the organization aims to save lives by providing basic supplies.

    The judge, United States Magistrate Bernardo P. Velasco, ruled that three of the volunteers – Oona Holcomb, Madeline Huse and Zaachila Orozco-McCormick – were convicted of entering a national wildlife refuge without a permit and abandoning personal property or possessions. A fourth volunteer, Natalie Hoffman, was convicted on an additional charge of operating a motor vehicle in a wilderness area. Each of the volunteers faces up to six months in prison.

    The decision is the first conviction against humanitarian aid volunteers in a decade, the Associated Press reported.

    Velasco wrote in his verdict that the women had failed to get permits for expanded access to the wildlife refuge, had gone off the roads where they are allowed to travel and left behind their belongings. The verdict said that their actions “[erode] the national decision to maintain the refuge in its pristine nature.”

    No More Deaths responded to Velasco’s verdict by claiming that the decision is part of a larger crisis of conscience in the U.S. Catherine Gaffney, a volunteer for the organization, said that the four volunteers were driven by moral principles.

    “This verdict challenges not only No More Deaths volunteers, but people of conscience throughout the country. If giving water to someone dying of thirst is illegal, what humanity is left in the law of this country?” Gaffney said.

    Five other humanitarian aid volunteers are also facing trial later this winter on similar charges, the nonprofit said.

    The judge rejected several defenses the volunteers used to explain their actions, including a defense that they had been acting on their “moral, ethical and spiritual belief to help other people in need.”

    He also rejected the claim that an Assistant United States Attorney had deliberately misled the organization by telling them that the Department of Justice did not plan to prosecute aid workers.

    Velasco went on to chastise the organization for misleading the volunteers about the legal risks they faced.

    “Each one acted on the mistaken belief that the worst that could happen was that they could be banned, debarred… or fined,” he wrote in his verdict. “No one in charge of No More Deaths ever informed them that their conduct could be prosecuted as a criminal offense nor did any of the Defendants make any independent inquiry into the legality or consequences of their activities.”

    In response to the verdict, No More Deaths announced that it would hold a vigil outside of Eloy Detention Center in Arizona on Saturday night.


    https://time.com/5508196/no-more-deaths-migrants-border
    #USA #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité #Etats-Unis #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #condamnation

    –-------

    4 femmes, après le cas #Scott_Warren :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/scott_warren

  • Border Patrol, Israel’s Elbit Put Reservation Under Surveillance
    https://theintercept.com/2019/08/25/border-patrol-israel-elbit-surveillance

    Fueled by the growing demonization of migrants, as well as ongoing fears of foreign terrorism, the U.S. borderlands have become laboratories for new systems of enforcement and control. Firsthand reporting, interviews, and a review of documents for this story provide a window into the high-tech surveillance apparatus CBP is building in the name of deterring illicit migration — and highlight how these same systems often end up targeting other marginalized populations as well as political dissidents.

    #surveillance #frontières #laboratoire #États-Unis #Israël #peuples_premiers

  • The U.S. Border Patrol and an Israeli Military Contractor Are Putting a Native American Reservation Under “Persistent Surveillance”
    https://theintercept.com/2019/08/25/border-patrol-israel-elbit-surveillance

    On the southwestern end of the Tohono O’odham Nation’s reservation, roughly 1 mile from a barbed-wire barricade marking Arizona’s border with the Mexican state of Sonora, Ofelia Rivas leads me to the base of a hill overlooking her home. A U.S. Border Patrol truck is parked roughly 200 yards upslope. A small black mast mounted with cameras and sensors is positioned on a trailer hitched to the truck. For Rivas, the Border Patrol’s monitoring of the reservation has been a grim aspect of everyday (...)

    #Elbit #CBP #CCTV #vidéo-surveillance #exportation #sécuritaire #surveillance #frontières

  • The Disappeared report

    The #Disappeared_report series is collaborative project between two Tucson-based organizations, La Coalicion de Derechos Humanos and No More Deaths. Between Derechos Humanos’ 20 years of community work, including the 24-hour Missing Migrant Crisis Line, and No More Deaths’ 12 years of humanitarian aid in the Arizona backcountry, we have witnessed and listened to thousands of stories of border crossings throughout Southern Arizona. Our research goals are transformative: to expose and combat those US government policing tactics that cause the crisis of death and mass disappearance in the borderlands.


    http://www.thedisappearedreport.org
    #rapport #vidéo #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #désert #Mexique #USA #mort #Arizona #chasse_à_l'homme #dispersion #mourir_aux_frontières #prevention_through_deterrence #desparecidos #violence #hélicoptères #crise_humanitaire

    #vidéos:

    Partie 1: the chase
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J7Ux__uVfNA

    partie 2: interference with humanitarian aid
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dnmOOnRALfI

    ping @isskein

  • Message de @isskein :
    procès de Scott Warren - délit de solidarité aux USA

    29 mai premier jour du procès de #Scott_Warren, membre du groupe #No_More_Deaths qui aide les migrants perdus dans le désert d’Arizona, arrêté le 17 janvier 2018
    il est accusé de « complot criminel de transport et d’hébergement de migrants illégaux » pour avoir hébergé deux migrants dans une grange. Il risque 20 ans de prison.

    à l’été 2017 9 volontaires de No More Deaths, la plupart ne venant pas d’#Arizona, laissent des bidons d’#eau dans le désert ; ils sont accusés d’utilisation frauduleuse de véhicule et d’abandon de possessions - bref de jeter des ordures - dans une réserve fédérale, délits susceptibles d’un maximum de 6 mois
    Scott Warren a été arrêté peu après la publication d’un rapport documentant des abus de la U.S. Border Patrol.
    https://theintercept.com/2018/01/23/no-more-deaths-arizona-border-littering-charges-immigration (article de 2018 ne mentionnant alors que des peines de 5 ans)

    #désert #mourir_dans_le_désert #mourir_aux_frontières #frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #Mexique #procès #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité

    Plus sur le groupe No More Deaths sur seenthis :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/no_more_deaths

    Et #Scott_Warren est... géographe, « college geography instructor »

    • Extending ’Zero Tolerance’ To People Who Help Migrants Along The Border

      Arrests of people for harboring, sheltering, leaving food and water or otherwise protecting migrants have been on the rise since 2017, when then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered federal prosecutors to prioritize cases covered under the harboring statute.

      Scott Warren, a 36-year-old college geography instructor from Ajo, Ariz., works with a group called called No More Deaths or No Mas Muertes. The group’s volunteers leave water and food for migrants traversing the Arizona desert.

      Warren was arrested in 2017 and faces three felony counts including conspiracy to transport and harbor migrants. In its complaint, the government claims Warren was seen talking to two migrants who sheltered in Ajo. He denies being part of any sheltering plan.

      “It is scary to be intimidated like this and to be targeted but there really is no choice,” said Warren. He believes the government is violating his right to religious freedom by criminalizing his spiritual belief that mandates he help people in distress.

      “For the government, it’s kind of been an expansion of the interpretation of what it means to harbor,” he suggested.

      The stretch of desert near Ajo can be deadly. The Pima County Medical Examiner has documented 250 migrant deaths in the area since 2001. In the same time frame, thousands have died of dehydration and exposure in the Arizona borderlands.

      “It is life or death here. And a decision not to give somebody food or or water could lead to that person dying,” Warren said.

      ’Can I be compassionate?’

      Nine and half hours away by car from Ajo, in the west Texas town of Marfa, another case is unfolding that pits the government against a four-time elected city and county attorney, Teresa Todd.

      She is under investigation for human smuggling after stopping to help three migrants alongside the road at night in February, 2019.

      “I see a young man in a white shirt. He runs out toward the road where I am,” Todd recounted. She says the man was pleading for assistance. “I can’t just leave this guy on the side of the road. I have to go see if I can help.”

      The young man told Todd that his sister, 18-year-old Esmeralda, was in trouble.

      “I mean, she can hardly walk, she’s very dazed,” recalled Todd.

      The migrants took shelter in Todd’s car while she called and texted a friend who is the legal counsel for the local U.S. Border Patrol, asking for advice. Before that friend could reply, a sheriff’s deputy showed up. The deputy called in the U.S. Border Patrol.

      An agent was soon reading Todd her Miranda rights. Eight days later, a Department of Homeland Security investigator accompanied by a Texas Ranger arrived at Todd’s office with a search warrant for her cellphone. Todd says she was told she’d have the phone back in a matter of hours.

      “It makes people have to question, ’Can I be compassionate’?”

      Todd’s phone was returned 53 days later.

      The sheriff of Presidio County, Danny Dominguez, whose deputy called the Border Patrol, defended the action against Todd. He said anyone with undocumented migrants in their car risks arrest.

      A spokesman for the U.S. Attorney for the western district of Texas declined comment on Todd’s case.

      Todd is unrepentant: “I feel like I did the right thing. I don’t feel I did anything wrong.”

      Speaking by phone from the migrant detention center in Sierra Blanca, Texas, Esmeralda said of Todd, “I’m really grateful to her.” She said doctors told her she was on the brink of death by the time she got to the hospital.

      Figures confirmed to NPR by TRAC, the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University, show that in fiscal year 2018 there were more than 4,500 people federally charged for bringing in and harboring migrants. That is a more than 30% increase since 2015, with the greatest rise coming after Sessions’ order to prioritize harboring cases.

      “With these prosecutions, the government is saying, ’we’re extending our zero tolerance policy to Good Samaritans,’” said Ranjana Natarajan, director of the Civil Rights Clinic at the University of Texas School of Law. “People shouldn’t be helping migrants even if they might be at threat of death.”

      Accused of human smuggling

      Ana Adlerstein, a U.S. citizen and volunteer at a Mexican migrant shelter, has her own story to tell. Earlier this month, Adlerstein accompanied a migrant seeking asylum from Sonora, Mexico to the U.S. border crossing at Lukeville, Ariz. Adlerstein was present to observe the process. Instead, she says she was detained by Customs and Border Protection officers for several hours.

      “I was accused of human smuggling,” she stated.

      Border officials had been forewarned that a migrant seeking asylum was coming that day, accompanied by a U.S. citizen. Under current law, once a migrant steps onto U.S. soil, he or she can request asylum.

      “If that’s not how you’re supposed to seek asylum at a port of entry, how are you supposed to seek asylum in this country?” Adlerstein asked.

      U.S. Customs and Border Protection declined comment on Adlerstein’s specific claims. In an email, a CBP spokesperson added:

      “All persons entering the country, including U.S. citizens, are subject to examination and search. CBP uses diverse factors to refer individuals for selected examinations and there are instances when this process may take longer than normal. CBP is committed to ensuring the agency is able to execute its missions while protecting the human rights, civil rights, and dignity of those with whom we come in contact.”

      Adlerstein has not been charged but has received subsequent calls from a DHS investigator.

      In Texas, Teresa Todd is waiting to find out if she will be indicted for human smuggling.

      As for Scott Warren, he faces up to 20 years in prison if convicted on all three felony counts, a prospect he can’t even contemplate.

      https://www.npr.org/2019/05/28/725716169/extending-zero-tolerance-to-people-who-help-migrants-along-the-border?t=1559201
      #statistiques #chiffres

    • Scott Warren Provided Food & Water to Migrants in Arizona; He Now Faces Up to 20 Years in Prison

      An Arizona humanitarian aid volunteer goes to trial today for providing water, food, clean clothes and beds to two undocumented migrants crossing the Sonoran Desert in southern Arizona. If convicted, Scott Warren could spend up to 20 years in prison. Warren, an activist with the Tucson-based No More Deaths, is charged with three felony counts of allegedly “harboring” undocumented immigrants. For years, No More Deaths and other humanitarian aid groups in southern Arizona have left water and food in the harsh Sonoran Desert, where the temperature often reaches three digits during summer, to help refugees and migrants survive the deadly journey across the U.S. border. Warren was arrested on January 17, 2018, just hours after No More Deaths released a report detailing how U.S. Border Patrol agents had intentionally destroyed more than 3,000 gallons of water left out for migrants crossing the border. The group also published a video showing border agents dumping out jugs of water in the desert. Hours after the report was published, authorities raided the Barn, a No More Deaths aid camp in Ajo, where they found two migrants who had sought temporary refuge. We speak with Scott Warren and his fellow No More Deaths volunteer and activist Catherine Gaffney in Tucson.

      https://www.democracynow.org/2019/5/29/scott_warren_provided_food_water_to

    • Daily Trial Updates

      Day 3 – June 3, 2019

      We began the day with a powerful press conference featuring immigrant justice advocates from across the country. Patty Miller (Arivaca, AZ,) spoke on behalf of People Helping People in the Border Zone and the Rural Border Communities Coalition, followed by James Cordero and Jacqueline Arellano from Border Angeles (San Diego), Ravi Ragbir of the New Sanctuary Coalition (NYC) and Kaji Douša, Senior Pastor at The Park Avenue Christian Church in Manhattan.
      The prosecution continued to build their “case” against Scott, spending most of the day playing video recordings of the testimony given by the two undocumented Central American men–José and Kristian–who were arrested with Scott. (Note we will be using only the first names of deposed witnesses to respect privacy).
      Prosecutors attempted to erase the hardships experienced by undocumented people crossing the borderlands. One of the two witnesses, Kristian, testified that he had been traveling since October 4th, 2017 from his home in El Salvador. By the time of the arrest, he had been traveling for over three months and walking in the desert for two days. This is very different from the government narrative which claims the men were traveling for mere hours before they encountered help.
      During their journey, José and Kristian experienced the routine and deadly Border Patrol apprehension method known as chase and scatter–a practice in which Border Patrol agents pursue migrants in vehicles, on foot, or in helicopters, forcing them to scatter into the desert. In the chaos, the two men lost their belongings, including “food and two gallons of water.” The No More Deaths Abuse Documentation Working Group has provided extensive documentation of the lethal impacts of this deadly apprehension method in our report series, The Disappeared.
      José and Kristian testified that after arriving at the Barn, Scott gave them food, water, blankets and a place to rest. There was no evidence that Scott made any plans to transport them, hide them from law enforcement, or instruct them on how to evade any Border Patrol checkpoints.
      Border Patrol Forensic Phone Analyst Rogelio Velasco gave a rundown of the contents of Scott Warren’s phone–he summarized 14,000 pages of emails and texts into a one page report. One part of his analysis showed the day José and Kristian arrived at the barn, Scott called a nurse and a doctor on the No More Deaths medical team. When asked why Velasco didn’t review the myriad other emails and texts discussing Scott’s humanitarian work, he replied, “I was looking for elements of criminality. If it wasn’t relevant then I skipped it.”

      Day 2 – May 30, 2019

      We began the day with Pastor Allison Harrington of Southside Presbyterian Church sharing the poem “Imagine the Angels of Bread” by Martin Espada along with a morning prayer.
      Court opened with Border Patrol Agent John Marquez being cross-examined by the defense. He made it abundantly clear that he relied on racial profiling to determine the two men at the barn were migrants, claiming “they matched the description” of two migrants BP was looking for. However, when pressed by the defense, Agent Marquez admitted that he did not know whether they were “short, tall, fat, skinny, bearded, young, old, or even male.” He stated “In my experience, they appeared to be “Other Than Mexican.”
      Agent Marquez also stated that January 17, 2018 was the first time Border Patrol agents in Ajo set up surveillance at the Barn. This happened just hours after No More Deaths released a report called The Disappeared Part 2: Interference on Humanitarian and video of agents destroying humanitarian aid supplies.
      Second to take the stand was Border Patrol Agent Brendan Burns, who was the one who first referred to the migrants as “toncs”.
      According to Agent Burns, when he approached the Barn that day, defendant Scott Warren told him that it was private property and a humanitarian aid space. He also asked the Agents to leave the property. Burns ignored him because, according to his surveillance, “the aliens didn’t appear to be in need of humanitarian aid.” When asked by the defense whether he has any medical credentials, the agent admitted to having none.
      Five days after the arrests, a search warrant was issued for the Barn. Evidence seized included a receipt for a cherry coke, banana nut muffin and chips, a fridge note saying “bagels from flagstaff!” and a list of supplies for a camping trip.

      Day 1 – May 29, 2019

      After a moving press conference in the morning, a jury was selected of 15 people — 12 jurors and 3 alternates.
      In his opening argument this afternoon, US Attorney Nathaniel Walters claimed that “this case is not about humanitarian aid,” urging jurors to ignore the realities of death and disappearance happening in the desert surrounding Ajo, Arizona.
      The prosecution’s entire case for the charge of “conspiracy to harbor and transport” undocumented migrants appeared to hinge on the fact that two undocumented men arrived at the Barn, “and then Scott showed up” a few hours later.
      The prosecution also harped on the fact that the men had “eaten food” prior to arriving at the Barn, apparently arguing that because the two men split one burrito after walking for two days through the desert, they were not in need of food or water
      Lawyers for the defense firmly asserted in their opening arguments that this case IS about humanitarian aid, and that Scott’s actions must be understood as a part of his deep knowledge of suffering throughout the desert and commitment to working to end it. “Scott intended one thing: to provide basic human kindness in the form of humanitarian aid.”
      The government also argued that Scott was pointing out known landmarks to the two migrants. “Defendant appeared to be pointing out different features, lots of hand motions. I could not hear them but there were hand gestures, up and down, in wave motions, rolling hills, pointing to known points of interest.” However, as the defense firmly stated “orientation is just as much of a human right as is food, water, and shelter.” In the context of death and disappearance in the desert, knowing where you are can save your life.
      The government called their first witness, Border Patrol Agent John Marquez. Marquez testified to setting up surveillance on the Barn on January 17, 2018 and seeing Scott speaking with two men, who he presumed were undocumented based on “ill-fitting clothing” and the fact that they were “scanning the horizon.” No evidence was presented that Scott intended to hide or conceal anyone. Judge Collins called an end to the day before the defense’s cross-examination of Marquez.


      http://forms.nomoredeaths.org/dailytrialupdates
      #procès

      –---------

      Trial continued this afternoon with video testimony from José, the other material witness arrested with Scott, who confirmed that he and Kristian were both hungry, cold, and very tired when they arrived at the barn.

      José also described their experience of being scattered by the #BorderPatrol, and how most of the men in his group had to stop walking because they were so beat up from spending just one day in the desert.

      Chase and scatter is just one of the deadly apprehension tactics used by BP which result in increased numbers of deaths and disappearances. “Prevention through Deterrence” is the name of the overall strategy of pushing migrants deep into the desert.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J7Ux__uVfNA

      https://twitter.com/NoMoreDeaths/status/1135690665399017473

    • In Scott Warren’s No More Deaths Trial, Prosecutors Attempt to Paint a Web of Conspiracy

      For nearly a year and a half, U.S. government prosecutors in Arizona have sought to make an example out of Scott Warren. The 36-year-old geographer and border-based humanitarian aid volunteer was arrested with two undocumented migrants on January 17, 2018, and accused of providing the men with food, water, and a place to sleep over three days. A month later, a grand jury indicted him on two counts of harboring and one count of conspiracy, bringing the total amount time he could spend in prison — if convicted on all counts and sentenced to consecutive terms — to 20 years.

      Warren’s trial began in Tucson on Wednesday, marking the start of the most consequential prosecution of an American humanitarian aid provider in at least a decade. On Monday, assistant U.S. attorneys Anna Wright and Nathaniel J. Walters, who together have spearheaded an aggressive and controversial prosecutorial campaign against immigrant rights defenders in the Sonoran Desert, called their final witness to the stand.

      Over three and a half days of testimony, the prosecutors presented the jury with two Border Patrol agents who arrested Warren, a third who examined his phone, and some three hours of video-taped testimony from the young migrants he was arrested with, recorded before their deportations. The arresting agents provided little information beyond the bare facts of their operation as it unfolded, while the agent who testified about phone evidence seemed to paint a more incriminating picture of a man who was not charged in the case than he did of Warren. The migrants who were held as the government’s material witnesses described Warren as a figure who was hardly present during their short time in the U.S., beyond giving them permission to eat, sleep, and drink at a property he did not own, after they showed up with nothing but the clothes on their backs.

      The conspiracy charge in particular has cast an ominous pall over Warren’s case. As a prosecutorial tool, conspiracy charges can afford government attorneys sweeping powers in criminal cases. While the U.S. attorney’s office in Arizona was secretive about the nature of its theory of conspiracy with respect to Warren following his grand jury indictment, The Intercept revealed last month that the government considered Irineo Mujica, a prominent immigrants right advocate, a co-conspirator in the case. A dual U.S.-Mexican citizen, Mujica is the head of Pueblo Sin Fronteras, an immigrant rights organization known for its role in organizing the migrant caravans that have drawn President Trump’s outrage. He also operates a migrant shelter south of Ajo, the unincorporated community where Warren lives and works.

      In opening arguments last week, Walters confirmed that the government considered Mujica a key figure in Warren’s alleged offenses. “They were in contact with Irineo Mujica,” the prosecutor told the jury, referring to 23-year-old Kristian Perez-Villanueva and 20-year-old Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, the Central American migrants, from El Salvador and Honduras, respectively, whom Warren was arrested with. Not only that, Walters said, Mujica had driven the pair to “the Barn,” a property used by humanitarian volunteers operating in the area. Warren’s relationship to Mujica was that of a “shared acquaintance,” Walters said, and cellphone evidence would show that the two were in contact before the migrants arrived at the Barn.

      Mujica declined to comment for this story and has not been charged with a crime.

      On Monday afternoon, Rogelio Velasco, a Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector’s intelligence unit, testified about the government’s telephonic evidence, describing how his work excavating cellphones is used to support the agency’s high-priority cases, often executed by its plainclothes “Disrupt” units. “We try to look for bigger cases where more people are involved,” he testified. Warren was arrested by a Disrupt unit.

      Wright and Walters’ interest in Warren and the humanitarian groups he volunteers with, particularly the faith-based organization No More Deaths, began in 2017, when the assistant U.S. attorneys brought federal misdemeanor charges against several members of the group — Warren included — for leaving water and other humanitarian aid supplies on public lands where migrants routinely die. Velasco explained how, after Warren’s arrest, the prosecutors directed him to focus on particular date ranges and communications included in Warren’s phone and a phone carried by Perez-Villanueva.

      As the Border Patrol agent carried out the prosecutors’ request, he said he found a series of communications between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica, beginning in December 2017 and extending through January 2018, when he and Sacaria-Goday, along with Warren, were arrested in Ajo. According to Velasco’s testimony, the messages showed that when the young migrants entered the U.S. on January 14, Perez-Villanueva texted Mujica, “We’re here.” To which Mujica replied, “I’m on my way.”

      The government’s efforts to tie alleged illegal activity between Mujica and Warren appeared to begin after Warren was taken into custody. Four months after Warren was indicted, Jarrett L. Lenker, a supervisory Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector intelligence unit, submitted a search warrant affidavit for Warren’s iPhone, first uncovered by the Arizona Daily Star and obtained by The Intercept.

      Mujica was a central figure in Lenker’s affidavit. The Border Patrol agent described “a total of 16 phone calls or WhatsApp messages” exchanged between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica in the month before his arrest. Lenker’s affidavit also revealed that, through subpoenas, law enforcement identified two phone numbers “associated with Warren’s Verizon account” following his arrest: one belonging to Warren and the other belonging to his partner.

      In his testimony Monday, Velasco said that Mujica was a contact in Warren’s phone, and that the two had communications up through January 11, six days before his arrest. Warren also sent Mujica’s contact information to another person in his phone in the summer of 2017, Velasco testified.

      Following Velasco’s testimony, the prosecution called Border Patrol agent Brendan Burns, one of the Disrupt unit members principally involved in Warren’s arrest, to the witness stand. Burns described an incident a week after Warren’s arrest, in which Mujica was pulled over at a Border Patrol checkpoint outside Ajo. He drove to the scene and observed that Mujica’s van was the same vehicle featured in a selfie Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday took after they made it to the U.S. Inside the van were a number of items associated with illegal border crossings, Burns testified, including water jugs and foreign identification cards. The same incident was also described in Lenker’s affidavit, which noted that the ID cards belonged to individuals who had been removed from the U.S. Lenker also recounted an incident the following month, in which Mujica was again stopped at the same Border Patrol checkpoint and his passenger was arrested for being in the country illegally.

      Burns acknowledged having seen the photos of Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday in Mujica’s vehicle prior to his encounter with Mujica, and his knowledge that the vehicle belonged to Mujica. He testified that he did not, however, ask Mujica about the two young migrants, nor their alleged conspiracy with Scott Warren, nor did he place him under arrest.

      In opening statements last week, defense attorney Greg Kuykendall acknowledged that Warren had been in contact with Mujica days before his arrest, and that was because Mujica had information about a dead body outside Ajo. The remains of roughly 3,000 people have been recovered in the Arizona desert since 2000, the grim consequence of a government policy that deliberately funnels migrants into the most lethal areas of the U.S.-Mexico border. Since 2014, Warren has brought together a network of humanitarian groups working to confront the loss of life in the state’s deadliest region, the so-called west desert. Those efforts have yielded a historic increase in the number of bodies and human remains accounted for in the area.

      On cross examination Monday, Kuykendall zeroed in on the evidence Velasco’s examination of Warren’s phone had uncovered. The defense attorney first established, with Velasco’s admission, that there were no communications recorded between Perez-Villanueva and Warren (Sacaria-Goday tossed his phone while the pair were in the desert). He then focused on Warren’s communications with Mujica.

      “Are you aware that Scott and Irineo are involved in humanitarian aid efforts?” Kuykendall asked.

      “I think I might’ve heard something,” Velasco replied. “But I’m not exactly sure.”

      (Warren’s humanitarian aid work was noted in both internal Border Patrol reports and news accounts before and after his arrest — he and Mujica were featured in a Pulitzer Prize-winning newspaper series in 2017 detailing their efforts to find dead and lost migrants in the desert.)

      Velasco admitted that he had no idea what Warren and Mujica discussed the week before Warren’s arrest, nor had he taken note of what Warren had Googled as soon as the pair got off the phone. Kuykendall informed the jury that those searches included information on backcountry areas south of Ajo, a news report on a humanitarian group conducting search and rescue operations in the region, and the English translation of a Spanish word for scratches. Following the Google searches, Kuykendall told the jury, Warren called Dr. Norma Price, a physician who has long provided medical advice to No More Deaths volunteers.

      Kuykendall questioned Velasco about his testimony regarding Warren’s communications with a woman named “Susannah.” Velasco admitted that he did not know who Susannah was and that he “saw nothing that directly suggested” she and Warren were communicating about criminal activity. Instead, he testified, they were messaging one another about “providing water in different areas.” Moving along, Kuykendall asked if Velasco was aware that Perez-Villanueva worked for Mujica while staying at his shelter in Mexico — a potential explanation for their repeated communications in the winter of 2017. Velasco appeared uncertain, and acknowledged that from January 10 to the afternoon of January 14, when the migrants arrived in Ajo, there were no communications between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica.

      “When he was crossing I didn’t come up with any messages,” Velasco testified.

      In opening arguments last week, Kuykendall explained how, in the days leading up to his arrest, Warren spent his time training new humanitarian volunteers, assisting sheriff’s deputies in the search for a body, and performing his duties as a new instructor at Tohono O’odham Community College, a school for residents of the Native American reservation outside Ajo. In early January 2018, five new No More Deaths volunteers had arrived in Ajo. As the local expert, it was up to Warren to show them the ropes and familiarize them with the organization’s protocols — protocols, Kuykendall said, that are intended to ensure the group’s work is “effective, responsible, and legal.”

      On Thursday, January 11, Warren was at home when Mujica called to inform him about the human remains he had heard about, Kuykendall said, noting that Warren had the experience and know-how to organize a grid search in the area. Efforts to coordinate a search were the extent of communications between Warren and Mujica, the defense attorney said. The following day, Warren took the new volunteers to a migrant shelter in Mexico, where they distributed “harm reduction” kits, consisting of chlorine to purify water, ointment for blisters, combs for removing cholla cactus spines, and lists of emergency numbers, including 911.

      “No More Deaths’ role is to reduce the harm,” Kuykendall told the jury, not to encourage people to cross a desert that has claimed thousands of lives.

      Warren spent much of the following weekend at home with the flu, Kuykendall said, coordinating rescue operations by phone and working to link up Pima County sheriff’s deputies with No More Deaths volunteers in the field. Warren’s responsibilities involved preparing new volunteers, operationally and emotionally, for the possibility of finding a dead body in the desert. On the night of Sunday, January 14, they also included making dinner for the new recruits at the Barn. Warren returned to the building with groceries that afternoon to find two young men — Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday — already inside.

      “Scott’s spooked,” Kuykendall said of Warren’s reaction.

      In the depositions played for the jury Monday, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday described a harrowing journey through the desert that involved being chased by law enforcement and losing many of their supplies. Perez-Villanueva described fleeing problems in El Salvador and said that he had no intention to enter the U.S. until those problems cropped up in Mexico. The pair had crossed in a group of five but were quickly on their own, their companions slowed down by thorns in their feet. “Between the two of us, we made a good team,” Perez-Villanueva said. “We supported each other mutually.” The young men testified to crossing the desert and tossing their food and backpacks when they were chased by immigration agents. They eventually made it to a gas station outside Ajo, where “a gringo” drove them to second gas station in town.

      Neither of the migrants identified the man who then drove to the Barn, though Perez-Villanueva testified that the man told them not to describe his role in delivering them there, and that he honored that request. The pair let themselves in through an unlocked door. Warren arrived approximately 40 minutes later. “They tell him that they’re hungry,” Kuykendall told the jury. “They tell him that they’re thirsty. They tell him that they’re tired.”

      Warren grabbed a form No More Deaths uses to catalog medical evaluations of migrants encountered in the field, the defense attorney said. Warren, a certified wilderness first responder, found that Perez-Villanueva had blisters on his feet, a persistent cough, and signs of dehydration. Sacaria-Goday’s conditions were much the same, though he was also suffering from chest pain. In keeping with No More Deaths’ protocol, Warren called a nurse before starting dinner for the volunteers that were set to arrive — as well as their two new guests.

      “He gives food to hungry men,” Kuykendall told the jury. “They share a meal with the volunteers.”

      By phone, Dr. Price advised the two young migrants to stay off their feet for a couple days, to stay hydrated, and asked the volunteers to keep them under observation, Kuykendall told the jury. Warren came and went in the days that followed, as did other No More Deaths volunteers. “He hardly spent time there,” Sacaria-Goday testified. “I hardly spoke with him,” Perez-Villanueva said.

      On Tuesday, January 16, Warren had his first day teaching at the community college. The following day, he worked from home. A group of high school students were scheduled to visit the Barn that night. Warren pulled up to the Barn in the afternoon, Kuykendall said, as Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday were preparing to leave. The three spoke outside. Across a desert wash, two plainclothes Border Patrol agents were conducting “covert surveillance,” in the words of Walters, the government prosecutor.

      “Toncs at the barn,” agent Burns wrote in a group text, using a slang word for migrants known to reflect the sound a flashlight makes when it connects with a human skull.

      The lead agent on the arrest operation was John Marquez. In his testimony last week, Marquez’s narrative began the afternoon of Warren’s arrest, though he acknowledged doing a bit of “background research,” in Kuykendall’s words, on Warren before taking him into custody. In fact, texts messages The Intercept has previously reported upon show Marquez repeatedly communicating with local Fish and Wildlife agents about Warren’s whereabouts and No More Deaths’ humanitarian activity in the run-up to his arrest. In a report he filed after Warren was taken into custody, Marquez described him as a “recruiter” for the organization, who regularly comments publicly on immigration issues.

      Under questioning from the prosecution, Marquez highlighted hand gestures Warren allegedly made while standing outside with Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday as evidence that he was providing them directions north. Upon cross examination, however, he acknowledged that this apparently important detail was not included in his arrest report. Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday, meanwhile, both testified that Warren did not provide them directions for their journey. He never advised them to hide in the Barn, they said, and they were free to come and go as they pleased.

      Marquez and Burns descended on the Barn with backup provided by a law enforcement caravan that had mustered at a hotel down the road. Warren, Perez-Villanueva, and Sacaria-Goday were all placed under arrest. The migrants were held in government custody for several weeks before providing their testimony and being deported to their home countries.

      “There is one question in this case,” Kuykendall told the jury considering Warren’s actions in the days leading up to his arrest. “Did he intend to violate the law?” The government did not have the evidence to prove that he did, the defense attorney argued.

      “Scott intended one thing,” he said. “To provide basic human kindness in the form of humanitarian aid.”

      https://theintercept.com/2019/06/04/scott-warren-no-more-deaths-trial-conspiracy-phone

    • UN experts urge US authorities to drop charges against aid worker Scott Warren

      GENEVA (5 June 2019) – UN human rights experts* have expressed grave concerns about criminal charges brought against Scott Warren, a U.S. citizen who works for an aid organisation providing water and medical aid to migrants in the Arizona desert.

      Warren’s trial began on 29 May 2019, and if found guilty he faces up to 20 years in jail.

      “Providing humanitarian aid is not a crime. We urge the US authorities to immediately drop all charges against Scott Warren,” the experts said.

      Warren, 36, lives in the desert town of Ajo, Arizona, where he helped to establish the organisation No More Deaths, which provides humanitarian assistance along migration routes. For the past 10 years, he has helped migrants and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Arizona - Mexican border through the Sonora desert.

      Border Control agents arrested the human rights defender on 17 January 2018 at “the Barn”, a humanitarian shelter in the Sonora Desert, while he was providing assistance to two undocumented migrants. His arrest came hours after the release of a report from No More Deaths which documented the implication of Border Control agents in the systematic destruction of humanitarian supplies, including water stores, and denounced a pattern of harassment, intimidation and surveillance against humanitarian aid workers.

      Warren faces charges on two counts of “harboring” migrants and one count of “conspiring to transport and harbor” migrants.

      Arizona has some of the deadliest migrant corridors along the US border, accounting for more than a third of more than 7,000 border deaths recorded by US authorities over the last two decades. The actual numbers are likely to be higher, given the remains of many of those who die are not recovered.

      “The vital and legitimate humanitarian work of Scott Warren and No More Deaths upholds the right to life and prevents the deaths of migrants and asylum seekers at the US-Mexican border,” said the UN experts.

      “The prosecution of Scott Warren represents an unacceptable escalation of existing patterns criminalising migrant rights defenders along the migrant caravan routes.”

      The experts are in contact with the U.S. authorities on the issues.

      https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=24675&LangID=E

    • Judge declares mistrial in Tucson trial of aid volunteer accused of harboring migrants

      Jurors in the high-profile felony trial against Scott Warren — a humanitarian-aid volunteer charged with harboring two undocumented immigrants in southwestern Arizona — were unable to reach a verdict, prompting the judge to declare a mistrial in the case.

      U.S. District Judge Raner C. Collins brought the 12-person jury into the Tucson federal courtroom on the afternoon of June 11, after they indicated for a second time that they were deadlocked on all three charges Warren faced.

      The judge dismissed the jury after each member told him that additional time deliberating would not result in a verdict.

      Collins scheduled a status conference on the trial for July 2, when prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona will decide whether to try Warren again before another jury.

      Prosecutors declined to comment after the judge dismissed the jury, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona has not responded to a request for comment.

      Warren, 36, a volunteer with the group No More Deaths, faced up to 20 years in federal prison if convicted.

      He’s accused of conspiring to transport two undocumented immigrants, Kristian Perez-Villanueva and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, and of harboring them for several days in January 2018 in Ajo, Arizona.

      Speaking to reporters outside the federal courthouse, Warren acknowledged that he’d be back in court in a month’s time to learn if the legal case against him would continue.

      But he thanked his supporters who filled the courthouse to capacity on each of the seven days of testimony.

      “But the other men arrested with me that day, Jose Sacaria-Goday and Kristian Perez-Villanueva, have not received the outpouring of support that I have,” Warren said. “I do not know how they are doing now. But I desperately hope that they are safe.”

      Warren said that the need to provide humanitarian aid to migrants crossing the desert along the U.S.-Mexico border still is “as necessary” as ever.

      He pointed out that since his arrest on Jan. 17, 2018, the remains of 88 migrants were recovered from the Ajo corridor, a remote and notoriously rugged desert wilderness in southwestern Arizona.

      Greg Kuykendall, the lead attorney in his defense team, praised volunteers, such as Warren, for using their time and resources to help migrants in need.

      He declined to answer questions about the possibility of a retrial.

      “The government put on its best case, with the full force and countless resources, and 12 jurors could not agree with that case,” Kuykendall said. “We remain devoted today in our commitment to defend Scott’s lifelong devotion to providing humanitarian aid.”
      Volunteers say border humanitarian work will continue

      The hung jury in Warren’s felony trial follows the convictions of several other No More Deaths volunteers for carrying out humanitarian aid duties along protected wilderness areas along the Arizona border.

      In January, a federal judge in Tucson convicted four volunteers of misdemeanors for entering a wildlife refuge without a permit and dropping off food and water for migrants. He sentenced them to 15 months probation, ordered them to pay a fine of $150, and banned them from the refuge.

      The following month, four other No More Deaths volunteers pleaded guilty to a civil infraction of entering a wildlife refuge without a permit, and agreed to pay $280 in fines.

      Warren is also awaiting the outcome of a separate misdemeanor case brought against him for entering protected wilderness areas without a permit.

      Page Corich-Kleim, a longtime volunteer with No More Deaths, said despite these results, their work in providing humanitarian aid will continue along southwestern Arizona.

      “This evening, we have a group of volunteers driving out to Ajo to put water out,” she said. “So throughout this whole trial, we haven’t stopped doing our work and we’re not going to stop doing our work.”

      The jury began deliberations midday on Friday, after attorneys presented their closing arguments in Tucson federal court. But after nearly 15 hours of deliberations, they were unable to reach consensus on the three felony counts against Warren.

      The jurors first notified Collins late Monday afternoon that they were unable to reach a verdict in the case. But the judge asked them to try once again on Tuesday morning.

      But after deadlocking once again on Tuesday morning, Collins thanked them and dismissed them from jury duty.

      The jurors left the courthouse without speaking to the media.
      Prosecutors said Warren conspired to harbor migrants

      During the trial, prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona argued that the two migrants were in good health and did not need medical care when they showed up to a building known as “the Barn” on Jan. 14, 2018.

      The prosecutors argued that Warren had conspired with Irineo Mujica, a migrants-rights activist who runs a shelter in nearby Sonoyta, Mexico, to take in the two migrants and shield them from Border Patrol. They also alleged that the humanitarian aid was used as a “cover” to help them further their journey illegally into the United States.

      Agents arrested Warren, as well as Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday, during a Jan. 17, 2018, raid of the Barn, after they had set up surveillance of the area.

      Defense attorneys for Warren said he had no idea that the two men would be at the Barn when he arrived, and that he had followed the protocols No More Deaths had established to provide a medical assessment, as well as food, water, shelter and orientation to the two migrants.

      Warren’s intent was not to break the law, but rather to provide lifesaving aid, his attorneys said.

      https://eu.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/border-issues/2019/06/11/scott-warren-verdict-aiding-undocumented-immigrants-on-us-mexico-border-no-more-deaths/1387036001

    • Jurors refuse to convict activist facing 20 years for helping migrants

      Jury could not reach a verdict against Scott Daniel Warren who was arrested in 2018 for giving migrants water, food and lodging.

      A US jury could not reach a verdict on Tuesday against a border activist who, defense attorneys say, was simply being kind by providing two migrants with water, food and lodging when he was arrested in early 2018.

      Scott Daniel Warren, a 36-year-old college geography instructor, was charged with conspiracy to transport and harbor migrants in a trial that humanitarian aid groups said would have wide implications for their work. He faced up to 20 years in prison.

      Prosecutors maintained the men were not in distress and Warren conspired to transport and harbor them at a property used for providing aid to migrants in an Arizona town near the US-Mexico border.

      The case played out as humanitarian groups say they are coming under increasing scrutiny under Donald Trump’s hardline immigration policies.

      Outside the courthouse, Warren thanked his supporters and criticized the government’s efforts to crack down on the number of immigrants coming to the US.

      “Today it remains as necessary as ever for local residents and humanitarian aid volunteers to stand in solidarity with migrants and refugees, and we must also stand for our families, friends and neighbors in the very land itself most threatened by the militarization of our borderland communities,” Warren said.

      Glenn McCormick, a spokesman for the US attorney’s office in Arizona, declined to comment on whether Warren would face another trial. The judge set a 2 July status hearing for the defense and prosecution.

      Warren is one of nine members of the humanitarian aid group No More Deaths who have been charged with crimes related to their work. But he is the only one to face felony charges.

      In west Texas, a county attorney was detained earlier this year after stopping her car on a dark highway to pick up three young migrants who flagged her down. Teresa Todd was held briefly, and federal agents searched her cellphone.

      Border activists say they worry about what they see as the gradual criminalization of humanitarian action.

      Warren has said his case could set a dangerous precedent by expanding the definition of the crimes of transporting and harboring migrants to include people merely trying to help border-crossers in desperate need of water or other necessities.

      Warren and other volunteers with the No More Deaths group also were targeted this year in separate federal misdemeanor cases after leaving water, canned food and other provisions for migrants hiking through the Cabeza Prieta national wildlife refuge in southern Arizona.

      In Warren’s felony case, the defense team headed by Greg Kuykendall argued that Warren could not, in good conscience, turn away two migrants who had recently crossed the desert to enter the US.

      Jurors said on Monday that they could not reach a consensus on the charges against Warren, but a federal judge told them to keep deliberating. They were still deadlocked on Tuesday and ultimately dismissed.

      Thousands of migrants have died crossing the border since the mid-1990s, when heightened enforcement pushed migrant traffic into Arizona’s scorching deserts.

      https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/jun/11/arizona-activist-migrant-water-scott-daniel-warren-verdict

    • The gripping case of Scott Warren

      Is offering assistance to illegal immigrants a protected religious practice?

      ONE TROUBLE with liberty is that you never know what people will do with it. In recent years, American conservatives have been passionate defenders of individual religious freedoms, such as the right to have nothing to do with same-sex weddings. But Scott Warren (pictured), an idealistic geographer who is facing felony charges for succouring migrants in the Arizona desert, has now become a standard-bearer for a very different sort of conscientious objection.

      On June 11th his trial, which has been closely watched at the liberal end of America’s religious spectrum, reached deadlock after jurors failed to agree despite three days of deliberation. That was a better result than Mr Warren and his many supporters feared. Prosecutors may seek a retrial.

      https://www.economist.com/united-states/2019/06/15/the-gripping-case-of-scott-warren

    • USA: Decision to retry Dr. Scott Warren is part of wider campaign against human rights defenders

      In response to US federal prosecutors deciding today to retry the human rights defender Dr. Scott Warren after a previous attempt to prosecute him ended in a mistrial, Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director Amnesty International, said:

      “By deciding to mount an entirely new trial against Dr. Scott Warren, the Trump administration is doubling down on its attacks against human rights defenders who are doing necessary and life-saving work at the US-Mexico border.”

      “Amnesty International has documented that the criminalization of Dr. Warren is not an isolated incident, but part of a larger politically-motivated campaign of harassment and intimidation by the US government that is in clear violation of US and international law. The US government must immediately halt these campaigns, and Congress should hold authorities accountable for their abuse of power.”


      https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/07/usa-decision-retry-scott-warren-part-of-wider-campaign-against-human-rights

  • Mosaïques foncières en #Arizona : paradoxe et complexités de la domination des #terres publiques au pays de la #propriété_privée

    La structure foncière des États de l’Ouest américain, en particulier les plus récents, est fortement marquée par les processus pionniers qui ont pris place après l’annexion du Nord du Mexique par les États-Unis en 1848. Elle se caractérise notamment par une très forte proportion de #terres_publiques (fédérales ou d’État) et par une configuration dans laquelle les héritages du #homesteading et des #cessions_de_terres au profit des compagnies de #chemin_de_fer sont encore très visibles. Mais un autre aspect des #héritages de cette #histoire est la complexité des #droits_de_propriété et d’usage, l’empilement des agences responsables du #patrimoine public et la multiplicité des échelles impliquées dans la gestion. L’État d’Arizona est un bon exemple de ces dynamiques. L’article s’attache donc à décrire l’émergence et l’emprise du foncier privé, l’histoire et les catégories de #foncier public avant de pointer les difficultés posées par la configuration actuelle et les impasses qu’elle représente pour l’action au niveau local.


    https://journals.openedition.org/cybergeo/31934
    #USA #Etats-Unis
    #cartographie #visualisation

  • #ACME - numéro spécial sur « Border Imperialism »

    Situating Border Imperialism
    Levi Gahman, Elise Hjalmarson, Amy Cohen, Sutapa Chattopadhyay, Enrica Rigo, Sarah Launius, Geoffrey Boyce, Adam Aguirre, Elsa Noterman, Eli Meyerhoff, Amílcar Sanatan

    Border Imperialism, Racial Capitalism, and Geographies of Deracination
    Levi Gahman, Elise Hjalmarson

    “Slavery hasn’t ended, it has just become modernized”: Border Imperialism and the Lived Realities of Migrant Farmworkers in #British_Columbia, #Canada
    Amy Cohen

    Borders re/make Bodies and Bodies are Made to Make Borders: Storying Migrant Trajectories
    Sutapa Chattopadhyay

    Re-gendering the Border: Chronicles of Women’s Resistance and Unexpected Alliances from the Mediterranean Border
    Enrica Rigo

    Drawing the Line: Spatial Strategies of Community and Resistance in Post-SB1070 #Arizona
    Geoffrey A Boyce, Sarah Launius, Adam O Aguirre

    Revolutionary Scholarship by Any Speed Necessary: Slow or Fast but for the End of This World
    Eli Meyerhoff, Elsa Noterman

    Borders and Marxist Politics in the Caribbean: An Interview with #Earl_Bousquet on the Workers Revolutionary Movement in St. Lucia
    Earl Bousquet, Interviewed by: Amílcar Sanatan

    #revue #frontières #impérialisme #déracinement #esclavagisme #capitalisme_racial #déracinement #Caraïbes #femmes #genre #résistance_féminine #USA #Etats-Unis #corps #agriculture #exploitation

  • Une juge fédérale d’Arizona décide que les Etats (des USA) ne peuvent pas punir une entreprise pour le boycott d’Israël
    Isaac Stanley-Becker, Washington Post, le 1er octobre 2018
    http://www.france-palestine.org/Une-juge-federale-d-Arizona-decide-que-les-etats-des-USA-ne-peuven

    Dans sa vie professionnelle, cependant, il était tenu par une loi promulguée par l’Etat d’Arizona en 2016 exigeant de toute entreprise sous contrat avec l’État qu’elle certifie qu’elle ne boycottait pas Israël. Il a contesté la directive devant les tribunaux, affirmant qu’elle violait ses droits au titre du premier amendement.

    Un juge fédéral en Arizona a jugé sa plainte fondée. La juge américaine Diane Humetewa a émis une injonction la semaine dernière, bloquant l’application de cette mesure qui oblige toute entreprise passant un contrat avec l’état à fournir une garantie écrit qu’elle ne participe pas à des activités de boycott visant Israël.

    Cette conclusion est la deuxième cette année à revenir sur une vague de lois au niveau des Etats, qui utilisent les fonds publics pour décourager les activités anti-israéliennes. Elle est dans la lignée d’un jugement similaire prononcé en janvier, lorsqu’un juge fédéral du Kansas a statué pour la première fois que l’application d’une disposition de l’Etat obligeant les contractants à signer un certificat de non-boycott violait le droit d’expression garanti par le Premier amendement. Selon l’American Civil Liberties Union, des dispositions similaires sont en vigueur dans plus d’une douzaine d’États, dont le Maryland, le Minnesota et la Caroline du Sud.

    A propos du #Maryland :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/236008

    A propos du #Kansas :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/637433
    https://seenthis.net/messages/669929
    http://www.aurdip.fr/un-tribunal-du-kansas-bloque.html
    https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/koontz-v-watson-opinion

    A propos de la #Caroline_du_sud :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/690067

    #Palestine #USA #Arizona #BDS #boycott #criminalisation_des_militants

  • “Kick Ass, Ask Questions Later” : A Border Patrol Whistleblower Speaks Out About Culture of Abuse Against Migrants
    https://theintercept.com/2018/09/20/border-patrol-agent-immigrant-abuse

    The 4-year-old boy and his parents had been lost for days in the desert and were desperately thirsty. Mario, a new Border Patrol officer, had received a call that there were migrants in the area and went out looking for them near the village of Menagers Dam, or Ali Ak Chin, on the Tohono O’odham reservation in Arizona. It was nearly dawn when Mario first spotted the mother in a wash. The family readily gave themselves up, and the woman told Mario that they needed water. “They were pretty (...)

    #migration #frontières #surveillance

  • Before the Trump Era, the “Wall” Made In Arizona as Political Performance

    “Trump’s Wall” illustrates the US obsession with ever-greater militarization of the Mexican border, independently of the actual numbers of unauthorized crossings. Yet these debates began revolving around the slogan “Build The Wall” long before the rise of Trump. Between 2010 and 2013, the activities of a coalition of activists, politicians and Arizona security experts had already legitimized recourse to a “wall”. Border-security debates thus concern more than mere control of border crossings. More crucially, they structure local and national political life in accordance with the interests and agendas of the political players whom they bring together.

    The Governors of California and Arizona reacted unevenly to President Trump’s announcement on April 4th, 2018, that National Guard soldiers were to be sent to the Mexican border1 to reinforce the Border Patrol and local police. Doug Ducey, Republican Governor of Arizona, displayed his enthusiasm: “I’m grateful today to have a federal administration that is finally taking action to secure the border for the safety of all Americans” 2. Jerry Brown, Democrat Governor of California, was more circumspect. He insisted upon the limits of such a measure: “”This will not be a mission to build a new wall […] It will not be a mission to round up women and children or detain people escaping violence and seeking a better life. […] Here are the facts: There is no massive wave of migrants pouring into California3”. These contrasting reactions illustrate the US rift over migration and border-security issues. To the anti-migrant camp, the border is insufficiently secured, and is subject to an “invasion4”. For opponents of the border’s militarization, this deployment is futile.

    On the anti-migrant side, between 2010 and 2013, Republican state congressmen in Arizona set up a unified Committee to gather all the political players who demanded of President Obama that he increases militarization of the border5. This included Sheriffs and Arizona State ministers—but also a breeders’ organization, the border Chambers of Commerce, militiamen who patrol the desert, and Tea Party groups. In May 2011, this Committee launched a fundraising drive dubbed “Build the Border Fence”. They portrayed cross-border migration as a threat to the public, consecrated the “Fence” as a legitimate security tool, and, seeking to force the hand of the Federal Government, accused it of failing in its duty to protect. Examining this mobilization prior to Trump’s election enables illustrating how militarization and the debates around it came to acquire legitimacy—and therefore to shed light on its current crystallization around the rhetoric of the “Wall”. This article will, first, briefly describe stages in the performative militarization of the border within which this political mobilization is embedded. It then presents three stages in the legitimization of the “Wall”, drawing on pro-“Border Wall” activism in Arizona.

    #Militarization by One-Upmanship

    Parsing differences over migration debates in the United States requires situating them within the framework of the long-term political performance of militarization of the border. The process whereby the border with Mexico has become militarized has gone hand in hand with the criminalization of unauthorized immigration since the 1980s-6. In the border area, militarization is displayed through the deployment of technology and surveillance routines of transborder mobility, both by security professionals and by citizen vigilantes7. The construction of “fences”8 made the borderline visible and contributed to this policy of militarization. The Trump administration is banking on these high-profile moments of wall-construction. In doing so, it follows in the footsteps of the G.W.Bush administration through the 2006 Secure Fence Act, and California Republicans in the 1990s. This is even while the numbers of unauthorized crossings are at historically low levels9, and federal agencies’ efforts are more directed towards chasing down migrants within the US. At various stages in the development of this policy, different players, ranging from federal elected officials through members of civil society to the security sector, local elected officials and residents, have staged themselves against the backdrop of the territory that had been fenced against the “invaders”. They thereby invest the political space concerned with closing this territory,against political opponents who are considered to be in favor of its remaining open, and of welcoming migrants. The latter range from players in transborder trade to religious humanitarian and migrant rights NGOs. Border security is therefore at the core of the political and media project of portraying immigration in problematic and warlike terms. Beyond controlling migrants, the issue above all orbits around reassuring the citizenry and various political players positioning themselves within society-structuring debates.
    Why Demand “Fences”?

    First and foremost, Arizona’s pro-fence players package transborder mobility as a variety of forms of violence, deriving from interpretation, speculation and—to reprise their terms—fantasies of “invasion”. In their rhetoric, the violence in Mexico has crossed the border. This spillover thesis is based on the experience of ranchers of the Cochise County on the border, who have faced property degradations since the end of the 1990s as a result of migrants and smugglers crossing their lands. In January 2013, the representative of the Arizona Cattlemen Association struck an alarmist tone: “Our people are on the frontline and the rural areas of our border are unsecured10”. The murder of an Association member in March 2010 was cited as evidence, swiftly attributed to what was dubbed an “illegal alien11”.

    “Border security also reflects domestic political stakes.”

    Based on their personal experiences of border migration, the pro-fence camp has taken up a common discursive register concerning the national stakes tied to such mobility. As Republican State Senator Gail Griffin explains, they express a desire to restore public order over the national territory, against the “chaos” provoked by these violent intrusions:

    “People in larger communities away from the border don’t see it as we do on the border but the drugs that are coming in though my backyard are ending up in everybody’s community in the State of Arizona and in this country. So it’s just not a local issue, or a county issue or a state issue, it’s a national issue 12.”

    In their view, the threat is as much to public order as it is to national identity. These fears denote a preoccupation with the Hispanization of society and cultural shifts affecting a nation that they define as being “Anglo-Saxon”. When the Build the Border Fence fundraising drive was launched on July 27, 2011, for example, Representative Steve Smith pronounced himself “horrified” by a development that he called “Press 2 for Spanish” in telephone calls. He also condemned the lack of integration on the part of Mexican migrants:

    “If you don’t like this country with you, you wanna bring your language with you, your gangfare with you, stay where you were! Or face the consequences. But don’t make me change because you don’t want to13.”

    Finally, border security also reflects domestic political stakes. It is a variable in the political balance of power with the federal government to influence decisions on immigration policy. Arizona elected representatives condemn the federal government’s inefficiency and lay claim to migration decision-making powers at the state-level. The “fence” is also portrayed a being a common sense “popular” project against reticent decision-making elites.
    “Fences”—or Virtual Surveillance?

    Control of the border is already disconnected from the border territory itself, and virtual and tactical technologies are prioritized in order to manage entry to the US. “Fences” appear archaic compared to new surveillance technologies that enable remote control. In the 2000s, the “virtualization” of border control was favored by the Bush and Obama administrations. Since 2001-2002, it has been embedded in the strategic concept of “Smart Borders” within the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This aims to filter authorized migration through programs that grant expedited- and preregistered-entry to US ports of entry, and through the generalization of biometric technologies. This strategy also rests upon integrating leading-edge technologies, such as the Secure Border Initiative (SBI) program that was in place from 2006 to 2011. At the time, the border area (including South-West Arizona) acquired watchtowers equipped with cameras and radar. Fences are, moreover, costly—and the financial and human costs of the construction, guarding and upkeep of these fences raise doubts over the benefits of such infrastructure. These doubts are expressed at security-technology fairs, where security professionals and industrialists gather14. There, the “fence” is ultimately understood as being a marginal control technology.

    Regardless, pro-fence activism in Arizona grants a key role to those military and police who help legitimate the recourse to “fences”. In particular, they draw on such models of securitization as the California border, that has been gradually been sealed since 1991, as well as, since 2006-07, the triple-barrier of Yuma, in South-West Arizona. Sheriff Paul Babeu, an ex-military National Guardsman who erected the “fences” in Yuma, assesses that they provide a tactical bonus for Border Patrol agents in smuggling centers, urban areas and flatlands15. Mainly, Arizona security professionals articulate their defense of the “fence” within the pursuit of personal political agendas, such as Republican sheriffs who are both security and political professionals.

    Attacking the Federal Government for Failure to Protect

    The spread of the pro-fence narrative largely rests upon widely-covered events designed to symbolize the process of militarization and to call for federal intervention. The materiality of “fences” elicits easy media coverage. The pro-fence camp are well aware of this, and regularly stage this materiality. During such public events as the 4thof July national holiday, they erect fake wooden fences on which they encourage participants to write “Secure the Border”. These pro-fence political players also seek out media coverage for their public statements.

    “Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.”

    Such media as Fox News follow their activities to the extent of turning pro-fence events into a regular series. On August 25, 2011, on the Fox News program On The Record, presenter Greta Van Susteren invited Republican Representative Steve Smith and publicized the fundraising drive using visuals drawn from the initiative’s website 16. The presenter framed the interview by gauging that Arizona parliamentarians had “got a grip on things to get the White House’s attention”. At no point was Steve Smith really challenged on the true cost of the fence, nor on opposition to the project. This co-production between the channel’s conservative editorial line and the pro-fence narrative enables the border area to be presented as a warzone, and amplifies the critique of the federal government.

    This staging of the debate complements lobbying to set up direct contact with federal decision-makers, as well as legal actions to pressure them. Pro-barrier activists in Arizona thus set out plans to secure the border, which they try to spread among Arizona authorities and federal elected officials-17. Sheriff Paul Babeu, for instance, took part in consultations on border security conducted by Senator John McCain and Presidential candidate Mitt Romney. By passing repressive immigration laws and mobilizing Arizona legal advisors to defend these laws when they are challenged in court, Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.
    Twists and Turns of “Build The Wall”

    Portraying transborder mobility as a “problem” on the local and, especially, the national levels; Legitimizing a security-based response by promoting the “fence” as only solution; And accusing the federal government of failing to protect its citizens. These are the three pillars of “The Fence”, the performance by pro-fence activists in the early 2010s. These moves have enabled making militarization of the border and the “Build The Wall” trope banal. Its elements are present in the current state of the discourse, when Donald Trump resorts to aggressive rhetoric towards migrants, touts his “Wall” as the solution, and stages photo-ops alongside prototypes of the wall—and when he accuses both Congress and California of refusing to secure the border. The issue here has little to do with the undocumented, or with the variables governing Central American migration. It has far more to do with point-scoring against political opponents, and with political positioning within debates that cleave US society.


    https://www.noria-research.com/before-the-trump-era-the-wall-made-in-arizona-as-political-performan
    #performance #performance_politique #spectacle #murs #barrières #barrières_frontalières #USA #Etats-Unis #Arizona #surveillance #surveillance_virtuelle #sécurité

    signalé par @reka

  • Black Leaders in Ariz. Push for Removal of State’s Confederate Monuments

    African-American leaders in Arizona are the next to call for the swift removal of the state’s Confederate monuments, joining an overall cry across the nation by those who know that the monuments celebrate slavery and racism and, generally, just the wrong side of history.

    http://www.theroot.com/black-leaders-in-arizona-push-for-removal-of-states-con-1795811014

    #monuments #mémoire #USA #Etats-Unis #Arizona #guerre_de_sécession #Etats_confédérés #esclavagisme

  • En #Arizona, Jim le rancher rêve d’un mur à la frontière mexicaine

    Pour beaucoup, la promesse de Donald Trump de construire un mur à la frontière avec le Mexique est irréaliste, mais pour Jim Chilton c’est une question de sécurité nationale... et le seul moyen qu’il retrouve le sommeil.

    http://www.courrierinternational.com/sites/ci_master/files/styles/image_original_765/public/afp/736a0d32d2214d45ed1b7864ca1179f0430ff6dc.jpg?itok=wj8YTeYw
    http://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/en-arizona-jim-le-rancher-reve-dun-mur-la-frontiere-mexicaine

    #murs #barrières_frontalières #rêves #asile #migrations #frontières #réfugiés #Mexique #USA #Etats-Unis