#bal

« #Albanie : enjeux migratoires dans les Balkans. Transit, émigration, retours forcés : des mobilités entravées »

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Cette note d’analyse vise à mieux comprendre les enjeux migratoires actuels en Albanie. Elle propose de contribuer à la compréhension de la place de l’Albanie dans cette double dimension : la situation des personnes étrangères en #transit ainsi que les #expulsions des ressortissant·e·s albanais·e·s depuis la France par le concours de l’agence européenne de garde-côtes et de gardes-frontières, Frontex. Les informations collectées proviennent des constats issus d’une mission de La Cimade menée en Albanie en juin 2022 et du travail de recherche effectué en amont par l’équipe du Pôle Solidarités Internationales-Europe.
Au Sommaire :

UE-Albanie : une coopération de longue date maîtrisée par l’UE

- Albanie : l’Union européenne comme horizon
- Un laboratoire des contrôles migratoires externalisés dans les Balkans

La situation des personnes en transit en Albanie

– Filtrage aux frontières : la procédure de pré-identification
- 2020 : coup d’arrêt pour la demande d’asile aux frontières

Les Albanais·es cibles de la #machine_à_expulser de l’UE

- Les #charters #Frontex : instrument privilégié pour expulser vers l’Albanie
- Les « charters Frontex du mardi » : la routine de l’expulsion des Albanais·es depuis la France
– Bannissement de l’UE et interdiction de sortir d’Albanie ?
– En amont des expulsions : dissuader les projets migratoires

▻https://www.lacimade.org/la-cimade-publie-une-note-danalyse-albanie-enjeux-migratoires-dans-les-bal

#migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #renvois #France #réfugiés_albanais #migrants_albanais #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #machine_à_expulsion #externalisation #dissuasion

“Like We Were Just Animals”. Pushbacks of People Seeking Protection from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina

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Laila R. fled Afghanistan with her parents and her two brothers in 2016, when she was 11 or 12 years old. They sought international protection in Iran, then Turkey, and then Greece. Increasingly desperate for stability, they travelled through North Macedonia and arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina in early 2021. When Laila first spoke to Human Rights Watch in November 2021, she and her family had tried to enter Croatia dozens of times. Croatian police apprehended her and her family each time, ignored their repeated requests for asylum, drove them to the border, and forced them to return to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

When Croatian police carry out such pushbacks—broadly meaning official operations intended to physically prevent people from reaching, entering, or remaining in a territory and which either lack any screening for protection needs or employ summary screening—they do not contact authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to arrange for people’s formal return. Instead, Croatian police simply order people to wade across one of the rivers that mark the international border.

Laila and many others interviewed by Human Rights Watch said Croatian authorities frequently pushed them back to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the middle of the night. She and others told Human Rights Watch Croatian police sometimes pushed them back near Velika Kladuša or other towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina. But on many occasions, the Croatian police took them somewhere far from populated areas.

Describing the first pushback she experienced, Laila said, “We had no idea where we were. It was the middle of the night, and the police ordered us to go straight ahead until we crossed the river to Bosnia. We spent that night in the forest.”

Croatian police had destroyed the family’s phones, so they had no easy way of navigating to safety. The next morning, she and her family eventually came across a road. They walked some 30 kilometers to reach Velika Kladuša.

As with Laila and her family, many of the people who spoke to Human Rights Watch told us they had first sought asylum in Greece as well as in countries outside the European Union before they attempted to enter Croatia. Laila and her family spent one month in Iran, six months in Turkey, and more than three years in Greece, leaving each country after concluding that authorities in each did not intend to respond to their requests for international protection. They did not seek international protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina because they had heard that the country’s authorities rarely granted asylum.

Croatia became an increasingly important point of entry to the European Union in 2016, after Hungary effectively closed its borders to people seeking asylum. Croatian police have responded to the increase in the number of people entering Croatia irregularly—without visas and at points other than official border crossings—by pushing them back without considering international protection needs or other individual circumstances. In April 2023, for instance, Farooz D. and Hadi A., both 15 years old, told Human Rights Watch Croatian police had apprehended them the night before, driven them to the border, and ordered them to walk into Bosnia and Herzegovina, disregarding their request for protection and their statements that they were under the age of 18.

Pushbacks from Croatia to the non-European Union countries it borders are now common. Between January 2020 and December 2022, the Danish Refugee Council recorded nearly 30,000 pushbacks from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina, almost certainly an underestimate. Approximately 13 percent of pushbacks recorded in 2022 were of children, alone or with families. Human rights groups have also recorded pushbacks from Croatia to Serbia and to Montenegro.

Croatian pushbacks have often included violent police responses, including physical harm and deliberate humiliation. Video images captured by Lighthouse Reports, an investigative journalism group, for a 2021 investigation it conducted in collaboration with Der Spiegel, the Guardian, Libération, and other news outlets showed a group of men in balaclavas forcing a group of people into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the men did not wear name tags or police badges, the investigation identified them as Croatian police based on characteristic clothing items, the gear they carried, and the corroboration of other police officers. Der Spiegel recounted, “One of the masked men repeatedly lashes out with his baton, letting it fly at the people’s legs so that they stumble into the border river, where the water is chest-high. Finally, he raises his arm threateningly and shouts, ‘Go! Go to Bosnia!’”[1]

In most of the accounts Human Rights Watch heard, Croatian police wore uniforms, drove marked police vans, and identified themselves as police, leaving no doubt that they were operating in an official capacity.

Men and teenage boys have told Human Rights Watch and other groups that Croatian police made them walk back to Bosnia and Herzegovina barefoot and shirtless. In some cases, Croatian police forced them to strip down to their underwear or, in a few cases, to remove their clothing completely. In one particularly egregious case documented by the Danish Refugee Council, a group of men arrived at a refugee camp in Bosnia and Herzegovina with orange crosses spray-painted on their heads by Croatian police, an instance of humiliating and degrading treatment the Croatian ombudswoman concluded was an act of religious hatred.

Younger children have seen their fathers, older brothers, and other relatives punched, struck with batons, kicked, and shoved. Croatian border police have also discharged firearms close to children or pointed firearms at children. In some cases, Croatian police have also shoved or struck children as young as six.

Croatian police commonly take or destroy mobile phones. Human Rights Watch also heard frequent reports that Croatian police had burned, scattered, or otherwise disposed of people’s backpacks and their contents. In some cases, people reported that police had taken money from them. “The last time we went to Croatia, the police took everyone’s money and all our telephones. Why are they like this?” asked Amira H., a 29-year-old Kurdish woman from Iraq travelling with her husband and 9-year-old son.[2]

Pushbacks inflict abuse on everyone. In particular, many people said pushbacks took a toll on their mental well-being. Hakim F., a 35-year-old Algerian man who said Croatian police had pushed him back four times between December 2022 and January 2023, commented, “These pushbacks are so stressful, so very, very stressful.”[3] Stephanie M., a 35-year-old Cameroonian woman, told Human Rights Watch in May 2022, “These pushbacks have been so traumatizing. I find I cannot sleep. I am always thinking of the things that have happened, replaying them in my head. There are days I cry, when I ask myself why I am even living. I find myself thinking, ‘Let everything just end. Let the world just end.’”[4]

For children and their families, who frequently cannot travel as fast on foot as single adults can, pushbacks may add considerably to the time spent in difficult, often squalid, and potentially unsafe conditions before they are able to make a claim for asylum in an EU country. They increase the time children spend without access to formal schooling. For unaccompanied children in particular, pushbacks can increase the risk that they will be subject to trafficking. Family separation may also result from pushbacks: the nongovernmental organization Are You Syrious has reported cases of women allowed to seek asylum in Croatia with their children while their husbands are pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Croatian police continued to carry out pushbacks throughout 2022, although in the second half of the year police increasingly employed an alternative tactic of issuing summary expulsion orders directing people to leave the European Economic Area within seven days. These summary expulsion orders did not consider protection needs and did not afford due process protections. By late March 2023, Croatian police appeared to have abandoned this practice and resumed their reliance on pushbacks.

Croatian authorities regularly deny the overwhelming evidence that Croatian police have regularly carried out pushbacks, sometimes inflicting serious injuries, frequently destroying or seizing phones, and nearly always subjecting people to humiliating treatment in the process. The Croatian government did not respond to Human Rights Watch’s request for comment on this report.

On the initiative of and with funding from the European Union, Croatia has established a border monitoring mechanism, with the ostensible purpose of preventing and addressing pushbacks and other abuses at the border. The mechanism’s parameters and track record have so far not been promising. Its members cannot make unannounced visits and cannot go to unofficial border crossing points. It is not clear how the members are appointed and how the mechanism’s priorities are defined. It has had its reports revised to remove criticism of Croatian police and the Croatian Ministry of the Interior.

Croatia’s consistent and persistent use of pushbacks violates several international legal norms, including the prohibitions of torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, collective expulsion, and refoulement—the sending of people to places where they would face ill-treatment or other irreparable harm or would be at risk of return to harm. Pushbacks of children violate the international norm that states take children’s best interests into account, including by taking particular care to ensure that returns of children are in their best interests. Excessive force, other ill-treatment, family separation, and other rights violations may also accompany pushback operations.

Slovenia and other European Union member states are also implicated in the human rights violations committed by Croatian authorities against people transferred to Croatia under “readmission agreements”—arrangements under which states return people to the neighbouring countries through which they have transited, with few, if any, procedural safeguards. For instance, under Slovenia’s readmission agreement with Croatia, Slovenian police summarily transferred irregular migrants to Croatia if they have entered Slovenia from Croatia, regardless of whether they requested asylum in Slovenia. In turn, Croatian authorities generally immediately pushed them on to Bosnia and Herzegovina or to Serbia.

EU institutions have effectively disregarded the human rights violations committed by Croatian border authorities. The European Union has contributed substantial funds to Croatian border management without securing meaningful guarantees that Croatia’s border management practices will adhere to international human rights norms and comply with EU law.

Moreover, the European Union’s decision in December 2022 to permit Croatia to join the Schengen area, the 27-country zone where internal border controls have generally been removed, sends a strong signal that it tolerates pushbacks and other abusive practices.

Croatia should immediately end pushbacks to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to Serbia and instead afford everybody who expresses an intention to seek international protection the opportunity to do so. Croatia should also reform its border monitoring mechanism to ensure that it is a robust and independent safeguard against pushbacks and other official abuse.

Until such time as Croatia definitively ends pushbacks and other collective expulsions, ensures that people in need of international protection are given access to asylum, and protects the rights of children, Slovenia should not seek to carry out returns under its readmission agreement with Croatia. Austria, Italy, and Switzerland, in turn, should not send people to Slovenia under their readmission agreements as long as Slovenia continues to apply its readmission agreement with Croatia.

Through enforcement of EU law and as a condition of funding, the European Commission should require Croatian authorities to end pushbacks and other human rights violations at the border and provide concrete, verifiable information on steps taken to investigate reports of pushbacks and other human rights violations against migrants and asylum seekers.

The European Union and its member states should also fundamentally reorient their migration policy to create pathways for safe, orderly, and regular migration.

▻https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/05/03/we-were-just-animals/pushbacks-people-seeking-protection-croatia-bosnia-and
#renvois #expulsions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #frontières #push-backs #refoulements #expulsions_de_masse #Croatie #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine

#rappel La fête de LO pendant le week-end de la Pentecôte, à Presles (95)

La fête se déroule à Presles le samedi 27 mai de 11 h à 23 h, puis sans interruption du dimanche 28 mai à 9 h au lundi 29 mai à 20 h.

La carte est valable pendant les trois jours de la fête. Elle coûte 20 euros en prévente jusqu’au 24 mai au soir, 25 euros ensuite et sur place. L’entrée est gratuite pour les enfants de moins de 14 ans accompagnés.

Pour obtenir à l’avance 20 % de réduction sur vos dépenses, des bons d’achat sont disponibles. Payés 4 euros, ils valent 5 euros pendant la fête.

Cartes et bons d’achat sont disponibles auprès de nos militants et ici : ▻https://fete.lutte-ouvriere.org/billetterie

Train : gare de Presles-Courcelles (ligne H depuis la gare du Nord) – départ toutes les heures à partir de 6 h 34 – 38 minutes de trajet.

Cars gratuits depuis le métro Saint-Denis-Université (ligne 13) : samedi 10 h à 17 h – dimanche 8 h à 17 h – lundi 8 h à 14 h. Retour : jusqu’à 23 h le samedi, 1 h 50 le dimanche, 20 h le lundi.

Renseignements, programme, vente de cartes et bons : ►https://fete.lutte-ouvriere.org

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★ Mao, Balladur, Jean-Paul II | Le blog de Floréal

Séduit lui aussi par la folie maoïste qui s’empara de nombre d’intellectuels occidentaux dans les années 70, et qui alla jusqu’à transformer le « grand quotidien de référence » en feuille prochinoise des plus grotesques, Philippe Sollers apporta alors sa contribution au délire : « Notre thèse est qu’ils [les essais philosophiques de Mao] constituent par rapport à la ligne massive des textes de Marx, Engels, Lénine, un « bond en avant » considérable et complètement original de la théorie matérialiste dialectique. » Reconnaissons toutefois, même si sa défense de la veuve Mao ne fit rien pour atténuer ce délire, qu’il lui fallut un peu moins de temps pour reconnaître ses errements que n’en mit Badiou, autre spécimen de l’intellectuel français « engagé », pour exprimer de timides regrets quant à ses propos obscènes sur ses amis les Khmers rouges.
Plus tard, on vit l’écrivain ex-maoïste s’engager dans la campagne présidentielle de 1995 au côté d’Edouard Balladur, cet autre meneur d’hommes qui toutefois échoua, malgré ce soutien de poids, dans sa tentative de petit bond en avant vers le palais de l’Elysée.

En 2000, sans qu’on sache bien si la foi venait de lui tomber dessus ou s’il venait simplement demander un petit coup de pouce à Jean-Paul II pour l’aider à être mieux inspiré dans le choix des hommes politiques à soutenir, Philippe Sollers alla s’agenouiller au Vatican pour baiser l’anneau du pêcheur porté par le Saint-Père.
Etre passé de Mao à Jean-Paul II, après tout, bon. D’autres avant lui ont connu de ces revirements extravagants qui n’empêchent nullement les girouettes d’occuper sans cesse le devant de la scène et font le délice des coteries littéraires parisiennes. Mais passer par Balladur, c’est là où Sollers était très fort et indispensable. Il nous manque déjà.

#Philippe_Sollers #Mao #maoïsme #Khmers_rouges #Badiou #Balladur #Jean_Paul2...

⏩ Le Blog de Floréal Melgar

▶️ ►https://florealanar.wordpress.com/2023/05/07/mao-balladur-jean-paul-ii

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#No_Name_Kitchen is leaving the #Border_Violence_Monitoring_Network

We are No Name Kitchen, a movement created by activists and people on the move in Serbia at the beginning of 2017. The first time we heard about a pushback we didn’t even know what it meant, but everybody talked about it all day long. Months later, we started a joint initiative with other groups working in Northern Serbia to put together in a common database all the testimonies of border violence that we were collecting. The goal was to achieve a unified methodology that would bring robustness to our figures, strengthen our capacity to raise awareness and advocate for a change. We called it the Border Violence Monitoring project (later on, BVMN).

More than five years later, that little baby has grown: we have compiled more than 1,600 violence reports, developed many tools, reached high-level policymakers and media, and made a lot of good noise. Still, we have not put an end to border violence, that’s true, but we know it will happen sooner or later.

We have loved this project right from the very beginning, but the project´s management seems to have taken a particular direction, which, for us, is no longer in line with NNK´s values of respect, fairness and transparency, for the reasons described below:
1 – Undervaluation of fieldwork:

NNK has produced almost 50% of the total reports published in BVMN´s history, and we are proud to have been the sap of this tree. It is not an easy task: to monitor violence at the borders you need an attitude, a plan and a method, but above all, you need to be at the borders. For this obvious reason, the partners´ fieldwork is the backbone of this project. There is nothing more essential than the activists who identify the abuses, develop trust with those who suffer the violence, listen to the stories and share the reports.

Besides this, and for years, the communication managed by the BVMN coordination staff has been oriented to present BVMN as an organization in itself (click for examples), confusing activists, media, politicians and donors alike, who cannot understand that it is not BVMN, but field partners, such as NNK, Collective Aid or Mobile Info Team, who make that work.

2 – Management of resources:

The proposals that are regularly submitted by the BVMN´s fundraising staff to potential donors describe how BVMN will use the funds to collect testimonies, systematize reports and advocate for a change in policy making. The reality, instead, is that up to 85% of the resources are not allocated to field monitoring activities, but rather to BVMN off-field expenses, mainly connected to salaries.

In this regard, NNK believes that this financial approach, while the rest of the partners have to raise funds on their own, where field partners can´t present themselves as BVMN, is unbalanced and undermines the identity of the network.

Furthermore, NNK and other partners have shared multiple concerns regarding the lack of access to BVMN´s accountability and the irregular processes carried out to select new staff in the past, or to raise salaries, more recently, skipping the partners´ Assembly to make use of BVMN’s resources with low transparency.

Last, a very illustrative example of the unfairness we refer to: NNK has had surrealistic conversations with donors who have said: “Sorry, but we can´t fund your activities because we are already funding an organization called BVMN to collect reports in those places where you want to do so”, referring to sites where NNK has been the only one to collect reports for years.
3 – Lack of mutual care:

Since the end of 2020 NNK has received multiple testimonies of colleagues within the network who claim to have suffered different forms of mistreatment and lack of respect while developing BVMN-related activities. Taking a look at all the stories together, we identified three severe problems: first, there are some people putting strong pressure on their workmates. Second, most people are afraid to talk, recognizing a culture of fear, where the same people who fight every day to denounce other kinds of violence suffered by the people on the move, keep silent about the practices they themselves suffer; and last, all the testimonies point at the same people.

The network was created to take care of the people on the move, but to manage to do this, we first need to take care of ourselves. There is no way we can accept certain behaviors, and today we request to put an end to this, because, we, Kitcheners, are activists, we are lionesses: if somebody touches one of us, they touch us all.

For this reason, NNK decides to leave the network, revealing the past to take care of our future.

Disclaimer: NNK will continue to collect testimonies, to report and to denounce without any break, but we will do it differently, more creative, more audiovisual, more partners, making an special effort to reach that part of the European civil society who ignores the neverending drama at the borders, and keeping our priority number one: supporting the people on the move on their right to raise their voices.

▻https://www.nonamekitchen.org/thats-not-all-folks-no-name-kitchen-important-news
#BVNM #Route_des_Balkans #violence #Balkans #migrations #asile #réfugiés

[Saturday Night Panik] #le #bal #des #vampires
▻https://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/saturday-night-panik/le-bal-des-vampires

https://www.radiopanik.org/media/cache/98/cd/98cd91b08f70b941a703557464ee3b25.jpg

Ce sera en musique , une totale immersion , on vous fera sentir l’atmosphère de cette dernière nuit au bifff

#des,le,vampires,bal
▻https://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/saturday-night-panik/le-bal-des-vampires_15754__1.mp3

Reportage tra i “nuovi” respinti dalla Croazia verso i campi della Bosnia ed Erzegovina

Da fine marzo la polizia croata ha attivato una “inedita” pratica di rintraccio, detenzione ed espulsione collettiva delle persone in movimento verso la Bosnia, trasportandole in bus alla frontiera o ai centri di detenzione. Il tutto con una parvenza di formalità. Le Ong ne denunciano la palese illegittimità. E la complicità europea

Con l’inizio del Ramadan, Riaz (nome di fantasia) ha interrotto i tentativi di attraversare il confine verso la Croazia. Si trova nel campo di Lipa, centro di transito ma soprattutto di detenzione nel Nord-Ovest della Bosnia ed Erzegovina, nel Cantone di Una-sana. Si è svegliato tardi, fa freddo e ha una sciarpa nuova con i colori della vecchia bandiera afghana. “Qui hanno riportato tante persone dalla Croazia. Stanno arrivando autobus pieni”, dice.

Da marzo, infatti, le autorità del cantone bosniaco confermano che i campi di Borici e Lipa stanno ricevendo persone espulse collettivamente dalla Croazia sulla base di accordi bilaterali stipulati proprio con la Bosnia. Rintracciate sul territorio croato, le persone in movimento vengono detenute per poi essere trasportate in autobus al confine e consegnate alla polizia bosniaca (l’ha denunciato il Border violence monitoring network, ripreso in Italia dalla rete RiVolti ai Balcani).

“Abbiamo parlato con una famiglia curda riammessa nel campo per famiglie di Borici, a Bihać: fermati vicino Slavonski Brod, in Croazia, sono stati portati in un seminterrato e poi dopo qualche giorno in un magazzino dove hanno ricevuto un foglio di espulsione di un anno dall’area economica europea, con la minaccia di 18 mesi di detenzione”, racconta Marta Aranguren, dell’organizzazione No Name Kitchen. Anche Ines dell’associazione locale Kompas 071 descrive dinamiche simili: “Diversi testimoni riferiscono di aver dormito a terra su cartoni per giorni, senza cibo e poca acqua, alcuni minacciati con cani in caso di lamentele”. Esprime la sua preoccupazione: “Improvvisamente è apparso un foglio che legalizza ogni sopruso: uno per far pagare il trasporto della riammissione o le notti in detenzione e uno che giustifica la confisca di telefoni o oggetti personali”.

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Si tratta di riammissioni dalla parvenza solo formale che a differenza dei respingimenti praticati per anni (e ancora oggi) cercano di presentarsi con una base legale. Milena Zajović Milka, attivista dell’organizzazione Are you syrious? e del Border violence monitoring network spiega che “l’ordine di espulsione dall’area economica fa riferimento alla legge sugli stranieri della Croazia, mentre la riammissione si basa su un accordo bilaterale tra due Paesi, che non può prevalere sulla Convenzione di Ginevra e su altre dichiarazioni internazionali”.

Le criticità sono diverse. Non sempre è stata fornita una copia dei documenti di riammissione nella lingua delle persone espulse, né sarebbero stati presenti traduttori. In più non è chiaro come venga dimostrato che le persone riammesse siano entrate dalla Bosnia ed Erzegovina. “Dalle testimonianze sembra che non abbiano avuto opportunità di chiedere asilo, né di poter far ricorso alla decisione di riammissione, come previsto invece dalla stessa Legge sugli stranieri croata”, spiega Silvia Maraone operatrice di Ipsia Acli, organizzazione che opera dentro il campo di Lipa.

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“In sintesi sono tre le fasi che hanno portato alla nuova pratica delle riammissioni collettive a cui stiamo assistendo da fine marzo”, riprende Zajović Milka. “Dopo anni di respingimenti illegali, a fine del 2021 numerose prove hanno costretto la Croazia a cambiare per la prima volta il suo modus operandi. Poi, l’anno scorso, è stato introdotto un foglio di espulsione di sette giorni, un primo tentativo di regolarizzare l’allontanamento delle persone dal Paese”.

Non solo la Croazia ma anche la Commissione europea, che ha finanziato e finanzia il Paese per la gestione delle frontiere europee (così come la Bosnia ed Erzegovina, si veda anche il caso di Lipa), si sono trovate nell’imbarazzante situazione di dover rispondere delle illegalità commesse alle frontiere. “Con questo foglio è diventato più facile passare attraverso la Croazia -prosegue Zajović Milka-. Nel frattempo, dall’inizio di quest’anno, centinaia di persone vengono rimpatriate in Croazia per via del regolamento di Dublino, che prevede il ritorno nel primo Paese di ingresso nell’Unione europea”. La Croazia, entrata questo gennaio nell’area Schengen, deve gestire le persone in arrivo nell’Ue, provando a evitare (o a tentare di celare) le violenze per cui è stata sanzionata. D’altra parte, la Bosnia, recentemente promossa a candidata nell’Ue, è disponibile ad accogliere le persone riammesse, non senza tensioni interne.

Nonostante negli scorsi anni diversi tribunali, in Italia, Austria e Slovenia, si siano pronunciati contro le riammissioni basate su accordi bilaterali, la Commissione europea incoraggia questa pratica. Il Patto sulla migrazione e asilo proposto nel settembre 2020 pone l’enfasi sugli accordi bilaterali tra Paesi per implementare le procedure di ritorno e riammissione in Paesi terzi o di origine. “Stiamo vedendo un rafforzamento di Frontex, la creazione di nuovi centri di detenzione alle frontiere esterne europee e a maggiori finanziamenti per nuovi database volti a facilitare le deportazioni da Bosnia e Serbia, incoraggiate a firmare accordi di ritorno con i Paesi di origine”, riflette Zajović Milka. Il campo di Lipa, finanziato dall’Unione europea, ne è la prova, come aveva pronosticato anche la rete RiVolti ai Balcani.

Secondo i dati dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni, inoltre, nel periodo tra il 6 e il 19 marzo 2023 solo 132 persone sono state registrate a Lipa, su un totale di 1.512 posti.

Riaz cammina tra i container vuoti con il telefono in mano mentre sistema la sua felpa verde militare. Gli piace perché gli ricorda la sua uniforme da poliziotto che indossava prima del ritorno al potere dei Talebani. Abbandonato da tutti gli eserciti internazionali, non ha avuto altra scelta se non intraprendere il viaggio in forma forzatamente irregolare dall’Afghanistan fino alla Bosnia ed Erzegovina.

“La maggior parte delle persone deportate se ne va subito. Alcuni sono deportati con gli autobus, altri lasciati nella foresta”, spiega. Usa erroneamente il termine “deportazione” per descrivere pratiche diverse che ai suoi occhi hanno lo stesso effetto. Le recenti riammissioni non hanno infatti fermato i respingimenti illegali. Mentre viaggia verso il confine sloveno Suleyman (nome di fantasia), ragazzo afghano, racconta al telefono l’esperienza di qualche giorno prima. “Sono stato sette giorni in detenzione senza cibo e da bere solo acqua sporca. Ci hanno preso i telefoni, i soldi; hanno bruciato i vestiti e gli zaini”. Lasciato in un bosco sul confine bosniaco è tornato a piedi a Lipa, per ripartire tre giorni dopo verso la Croazia. Il racconto si interrompe, chiude la chiamata. “Ci ha fermato la polizia, non so che cosa ci succederà”, scrive in un messaggio.

“Tutto sembra lasciato al caso -osserva Zajović Milka-: alcune persone saranno riammesse in Bosnia, altre respinte illegalmente, altre potranno chiedere asilo e altre otterranno il documento di espulsione di sette giorni. Secondo Ines di Kompas 071 l’effetto è chiaro: “La Bosnia è una sorta di purgatorio per le persone in transito, continuamente respinte. È un gioco che va avanti da anni ma ora stanno cercando di rendere questa pratica legale”.

▻https://altreconomia.it/reportage-tra-i-nuovi-respinti-dalla-croazia-verso-i-campi-della-bosnia

#Croatie #refoulements #push-backs #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #Lipa #réadmissions #accords_de_réadmission

–—

ajouté à la liste métaliste sur les accords de réadmission en Europe :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/736091

Inside Croatia’s Secret WhatsApp Group

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How high-ranking Croatian officials presided over clandestine communications about border operations

When Lighthouse Reports filmed and published (▻https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/unmasking-europes-shadow-armies) footage in 2021 of Croatian police officers in black balaclavas beating refugees while illegally forcing them back across the border into Bosnia and Herzegovina, the victims’ sharp screams echoing through the forest, the Croatian government was quick to evade responsibility.

The illegal treatment, Croatian Interior Minister Davor Božinović assured, was an isolated case. The police officers responsible had not acted on the instructions of the government, and neither ministers nor police chiefs had known anything about it, he claimed.

Migration experts, asylum lawyers and human rights activists were sceptical. They suspected that high-ranking Croatian officials knew about the pushbacks, which took place under a police operation known as ‘Korridor’ – which is partially financed by the EU – and that perhaps they even ordered them.

Now we, in collaboration with Der Spiegel, Nova TV, Novosti weekly, Telegram news portal and ORF, have obtained evidence indicating that these suspicions were correct – in the form of leaked WhatsApp communications.

Screenshots leaked to Lighthouse Reports and partners reveal that top Croatian officials have presided over a clandestine WhatsApp group called ‘OA Koridor II- Zapad’, in which Croatian border police shared sensitive information about apprehensions of foreign nationals, including disturbing photographs, between August 2019 and February 2020.

According to government reports (www.sabor.hr/sites/default/files/uploads/sabor/2020-11-26/143106/IZVJ_POLICIJA_2018_2019.pdf), OA Koridor II Zapad was or is one of several sibling operational actions in Croatia “related to combating irregular migration and crimes related to smuggling of people”. Police sources said the violent pushbacks we filmed in 2021 took place under another one of these operations.

The WhatsApp group sat outside any official means of communication and away from the usual monitoring procedures, and there are strong indications that the foreign nationals referenced in the messages went on to be subject to illegal pushbacks.
METHODS

An analysis of the 60 screenshots we received found that there were 33 participants in the WhatsApp group, and we were able to establish the identity of just over two-thirds of them, partly by using digital forensics software such as Pipl and Maltego, which enable the search of various websites where these numbers were used for registration.

We found that among them were Croatian high-ranking officials including the head of border police Zoran Ničeno and head of the public relations department Jelena Bikić, who reports directly to Minister of Interior Božinović.

The WhatsApp group was used to exchange information about apprehensions of more than 1,300 people of mostly Afghan, Pakistani and Syrian nationality. These messages were often accompanied by photos of the individuals, their faces clearly visible, in some cases being forced to lie face down on the ground or remove their shoes.

Experts and police sources told us that sharing such information on a privately-owned platform such as WhatsApp breaches multiple police regulations. They also said they believed the group was likely used to unofficially document the apprehension of migrants who were systematically pushed back across the border in breach of Croatian and European law, in order that there was no trace of this action.
STORYLINES

In one WhatsApp message, the head of border control in Zagreb police administration can be seen saying he had asked on the evening of 13 February 2020 for five police vans to carry out “odvraćanje” after apprehending a group of 80 migrants. Odvraćanje is the Croatian word for “rejection” or “deterrence”, which is said to have become a code word for pushbacks in recent years. Police sources and experts are clear in saying that this message indicates that an illegal pushback was taking place.

We spoke to a Pakistani man who gave testimony of a pushback to a volunteer from the Border Violence Monitoring Network, a grassroots coalition, back in 2019. We were able to match this, with a high degree of confidence, to a message in the WhatsApp group from August 2019 describing the apprehension of 85 foreign nationals. In his testimony, taken the day after the arrest, the man reported that the group was pushed back, with violence used against some of them, and not given the chance to claim asylum. We spoke with him last month and while he said he couldn’t remember the exact date, he recognised the scenario and one of the individuals seen in the photo.

On multiple occasions, the WhatsApp group also was used to exchange information about journalists visiting the border area. In one case, the group’s members were informed that Bernt Koshuch, a journalist from Austrian broadcaster ORF, had been spotted in the wider area of Cetingrad, and a photo was shared of him and a colleague. Mr Koschuch confirmed to us that he had been in the area at that time. He later joined our investigation.

Croatia’s Korridor operations benefit from European funding, with millions of euros flowing to Zagreb each year and EU states paying for overtime, accommodation and food for Croatian border guards – yet to date, the EU has not initiated any infringement proceedings against the country. “The current silence, impunity and even implicit encouragement by the Commission and other member states, only fuel these gross violations against vulnerable people in search of protection,” says MEP Tineke Strik.

Bodo Weber, senior associate at the Democratisation Policy Council in Berlin, said: “Overall, this group confirms what I have been researching for several years and other observers have long suspected: The Croatian police’s well-documented pushback campaign is clearly being directed from within the Ministry of Interior.”

▻https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/inside-croatias-secret-whatsapp-group

#Croatie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #whatsapp #groupe_whatsapp #contrôles_frontaliers #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #violence #violences_policières #Korridor #opération_Korridor #push-backs #refoulements #OA_Koridor_II_Zapad #preuves #photographies #Zoran_Ničeno #Zoran_Niceno #Jelena_Bikić #Jelena_Bikic #odvraćanje #odvracanje

Principio di non-refoulement è solo un articolo che non viene rispettato

Quello che emerge dal quinto rapporto del network Protecting Rights at Borders (PRAB) “Picchiati, puniti e respinti” 1, è l’ennesima immagine drammatica di quanto accade alle porte esterne dell’Unione Europea, alla porte di quella comunità che ha tra i suoi principi fondativi (e fondamentali) la protezione e il rispetto dei diritti dell’uomo.

Stando dunque alla pubblicazione di PRAB, nel 2022 sono state raccolte segnalazioni di pushback da oltre 5.756 persone. Le pratiche di respingimento, messe in atto dalle forze dell’ordine dei Paesi d’ingresso all’Europa, sono pratiche sistematiche ed estremamente violente che violano la normativa internazionale ed europea.

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Inoltre, per ribadire quanto le pratiche di respingimento vadano contro i diritti i diritti dell’uomo, la Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951, con l’articolo 33, stabilisce il principio di non-refoulement (non respingimento).

«1. Nessuno Stato Contraente espellerà o respingerà, in qualsiasi modo, un rifugiato verso i confini di territori in cui la sua vita o la sua libertà sarebbero minacciate a motivo della sua razza, della sua religione, della sua cittadinanza, della sua appartenenza a un gruppo sociale o delle sue opinioni politiche.

2. La presente disposizione non può tuttavia essere fatta valere da un rifugiato se per motivi seri egli debba essere considerato un pericolo per la sicurezza del paese in cui risiede oppure costituisca, a causa di una condanna definitiva per un crimine o un delitto particolarmente grave, una minaccia per la collettività di detto paese»

Si tratta di un principio fondamentale del diritto internazionale. È importate sottolineare che per effetto della giurisprudenza della Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, tale principio si applica indipendentemente dal fatto che la persona sia stata riconosciuta rifugiata e/o dall’aver formalizzato o meno una diretta domanda di protezione.

Le pratiche messe in atto dalle forze dell’ordine alle frontiere della cosiddetta fortezza europea e al proprio interno, sono in violazione del diritto della stessa Europa. Ricordiamo l’articolo 19 della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione Europea:

«Protezione in caso di allontanamento, di espulsione e di estradizione.
1. Le espulsioni collettive sono vietate.
2. Nessuno può essere allontanato, espulso o estradato verso uno Stato in cui esiste un rischio serio di essere sottoposto alla pena di morte, alla tortura o ad altre pene o trattamenti inumani o degradanti»

È evidente come ancora una volta l’obbligo nel quadro giuridico contraddice la realtà.

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Dal lavoro di PRAB emerge che vi è un sistematico uso di respingimenti. Il report ne riporta quasi 6mila, ma i numeri complessivi sono sicuramente più alti dal momento che questi sono solamente dati raccolti da testimonianze dirette. Nelle due zone di confine dove è più alto il transito di persone migranti tra Italia e Francia (Oulx e Ventimiglia), i respingimenti sono una pratica sempre più comune.

Ad esempio, se si guarda il numero di serie presente sulla documentazione ufficiale (Refus d’entree) consegnata alle persone respinte dalla polizia di frontiera francese nel 2022, emerge che i numeri sono estremamente più elevati: a Ventimiglia sono 17.749 le persone respinte e a Oulx oltre 3.600. Questi dati sono importanti in quanto sottolineano come le pratiche di respingimento e le barriere d’accesso siano molto più diffuse e si verificano su scala molto più ampia di quella registrata da PRAB.

Anche in altri territori italiani l’uso sistematico dei respingimenti è in aumento. “Assistiamo a continue riammissioni lungo i porti adriatici dall’Italia alla Grecia e a respingimenti verso l’Albania. Si tratta di trattamenti inumani, come la confisca e la distruzione degli effetti personali, la svestizione forzata e l’esposizione a temperature estreme. Il governo italiano cerca di negare che ciò avvenga. Ma la situazione sembra peggiorare“, conferma Erminia Rizzi di ASGI.

Nella maggior parte dei casi i respingimenti avvengono in maniera violenta. Sono tantissime le testimonianze che raccontano come la polizia di frontiera si sia comportata in modo brutale: manganellando le persone migranti, confiscando tutti i loro effetti personali per poi distruggerli, negando loro acqua e cibo, obbligandoli a restare svestiti a temperature estreme.

Uno dei confini in cui le violenze sono all’ordine del giorno è ancora quello che separa la Croazia dalla Bosnia. Ma le numerose violazioni dei diritti umani che erano state denunciate e riportate dalle persone solidali che lottano quotidianamente contro tali pratiche, sono state messe da parte nel momento in cui la Croazia è entrata ufficialmente nella zona Schengen. Per l’ennesima volta le istituzioni Europee hanno chiuso gli occhi di fronte alle molteplici violazioni e violenze: ancora una volta i diritti umani sono stati sacrificati per raggiungere compromessi politici ed economici.

Il 2022 è stata un anno di grandi contrasti per quanto riguarda la solidarietà e l’accoglienza: le persone che fuggivano dalla guerra in Ucraina sono state accolte mentre le persone migranti provenienti da paesi africani e/o mediorientali sono stati respinte: vi sono due pesi e due misure basate sul profilo etnico, cosa che viola la Dichiarazione Universale dei Diritti Umani. Nel 2022 l’Unione Europea ha applicato per la prima volta una direttiva speciale per concedere un permesso temporaneo da chi scappa dalla guerra. Non si tratta di una nuova direttiva poiché risale al 2001 ma prima di quest’anno non era mai stata applicata. Il rapporto PRAB dichiara che l’attivazione di tale direttiva è una decisione storica ma basata su un doppio standard: benvenuti a un confine, respinti ad un altro. Questa è la realtà ai confini della fortezza Europa.

Charlotte Slente, Segretaria generale della Danish Refugee Council, afferma che «la pratica di chiudere un occhio sulle violazioni dei diritti umani alle frontiere dell’UE deve essere interrotta. È giunto il momento di sostenere, rispettare e far rispettare i diritti di coloro che si trovano alle porte dell’Europa, indipendentemente dal loro Paese di appartenenza. Per anni sono state raccolte prove sulle pratiche di respingimento. Le prove sono innegabili. Questo schema non deve essere visto in modo isolato. Fa parte di una più ampia crisi dello Stato di diritto. La crisi alle frontiere dell’UE non è una crisi di numeri. È invece una crisi di dignità umana e di volontà politica, dovuta alla mancata attuazione dei quadri giuridici esistenti e all’applicazione delle sentenze giudiziarie».

Con il 2023 è giunto il momento di porre fine alla pratica illecita e discriminatoria di chiudere gli occhi sulle violazioni dei diritti umani alle frontiere dell’Unione Europea. Il rapporto si conclude con cinque richieste: rispetto diritti umani e dignità umana a tutte le frontiere; porre fine all’uso sistematico dei respingimenti; introduzione di meccanismi di monitoraggio indipendenti alle frontiere; prevalenza di una cultura dei diritti rafforzata dal coraggio politico per sostenere le persone bisognose di protezione; apertura di percorsi d’entrata sicuri e legali.

Sono tutte richieste più che lecite che dovrebbero esser già applicate. Ma il 2023 è veramente l’anno in cui tali richieste verranno accettate?

Nell’anno in cui, solo per rimanere in Italia, il governo Meloni rivendica come legittimi i respingimenti al confine con la Slovenia, gli accordi con la Libia e ha deciso di stanziare oltre 40 milioni di euro per costruire nuovi CPR, è veramente l’anno in cui i governi degli Stati UE smetteranno di sacrificare i diritti umani per scopi politici ed economici?

▻https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/03/principio-di-non-refoulement-e-solo-un-articolo-che-non-viene-rispettato

#refoulements #push-backs #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #2022 #rapport #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #chiffres #statistiques #violence #droits_humains

Mass deportations from Croatia and Hungary: Organisations complain of human rights violations

More than 130,000 people were deported from Hungary to neighbouring Serbia without an asylum application being registered. Now Croatia is returning refugees on a large scale to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Croatian police are currently carrying out mass deportations of refugees to Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to media reports on Monday (▻https://fena.ba/article/1525329/nastavljeno-organizirano-vracanje-migranata-iz-republike-hrvatske-u-centar-lipa), people from the Republic of Croatia are being taken by bus across the border and from there to the notorious Lipa men’s camp or the Borići reception centre. Both facilities are located in the border area near the town of Bihać.

The Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN), which is active in the Balkans, had already pointed out the noticeable increase in deportations to Bosnia and Herzegovina last week (►https://borderviolence.eu/reports/press-release-croatia-carries-out-mass-deportations-of-people-on-the-). According to the report, people are being intercepted by the police all over Croatia and sometimes taken away in unmarked vehicles. The people concerned were held for hours in prison-like basement rooms without access to food and water. There, the police issued them with deportation notices to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The refugees had to sign the documents even though they did not understand their content. Appeals against the procedure were not possible, the report says. This also violated international law, BVMN complains. The groups were then transferred to other detention centres. The deportees were even forced to pay for accommodation, food and transport to the border.

The BVMN suspects that the methods described are the implementation of compensatory measures announced by the Croatian Minister of the Interior, Davor Božinović, after the country’s accession to Schengen at the beginning of this year. In this context, 742 police officers were to be withdrawn from other border crossings with Slovenia and Hungary and pick up refugees in mobile teams in the border area with Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to the announcement.

By receiving the deported of refugees, the government in Bosnia and Herzegovina is also following EU Commission guidelines. The country has adopted implementing protocols for readmission agreements with 16 EU states, which Brussels considers „overall satisfactory“. However, accelerated readmission procedures with neighbouring countries must be „fully and effectively implemented“, according to an October report (▻https://neighbourhood-enlargement.ec.europa.eu/system/files/2022-10/Bosnia%20and%20Herzegovina%20Report%202022.pdf). In 2021, the number of third-country nationals returned to Bosnia and Herzegovina under various readmission agreements amounted to 570, which is significantly lower than in previous years.

For the implementation of EU requirements, Bosnia and Herzegovina cooperates with the Commission in a „Joint Readmission Committee“. In December, the country adopted a „Strategy on Migration and Asylum“ for the period 2021 to 2025 (▻https://balkaninsight.com/2022/12/09/bosnia-to-tighten-border-controls-in-line-with-eu-demands) and committed itself to following hundreds of new measures. In return, the country beckons the status of an EU accession candidate.

Hungary is also deporting refugees en masse to neighbouring Serbia. According to information from „nd“, this now affects around 130,000 people who have not been given the opportunity to apply for asylum by the Serbian authorities in so-called fast-track procedures. The persons concerned have therefore not been entered in the Eurodac file in Hungary with their fingerprints and facial image. With such an entry, a country declares itself responsible for processing the asylum application.

Bilateral readmissions without verification of a claim for international protection constitute a violation of the international principle of non-refoulement and EU law, the European Court of Justice had ruled. The EU border agency Frontex therefore stopped its activities on the Hungarian side of the border with Serbia two years ago. However, the agency subsequently launched a mission on the Serbian side.

▻https://digit.site36.net/2023/04/04/mass-deportations-from-croatia-and-hungary-organisations-complain-of-h

#refoulements #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Croatie #Hongrie #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #push-backs #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Bosnie

Polémique sur Michel-Ange en Floride : l’oeuvre d’"ignorants", dénonce-t-on à Florence
▻https://www.france24.com/fr/info-en-continu/20230327-pol%C3%A9mique-sur-michel-ange-en-floride-l-oeuvre-d-ignorants-d%

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La directrice d’une école sous contrat à Tallahassee, capitale de la Floride, a été contrainte de démissionner après avoir montré à ses élèves de 11 et 12 ans une photo de la célèbre sculpture nue de l’artiste florentin, une initiative qualifiée de « pornographique » par des parents.

« Il y a une grande différence entre nudité et pornographie », a tenu à souligner Cecilie Hollberg, directrice de la Galerie de l’Académie de Florence, dans un entretien avec l’AFP. « Il faut vraiment avoir l’esprit tordu pour confondre » les deux.

« Ceux qui dérangés (par la nudité de David) ont un sérieux problème avec les racines de la culture occidentale », tranche-t-elle, alors que « c’est la justement la nudité qui est le symbole de sa pureté ».

L’historienne allemande, qui dénonce « un puritanisme déplacé », juge cette affaire « assez grave » parce qu’elle révèle que « nous perdons le lien avec notre culture et avec l’Histoire ».

(...)

Le président du conseil des parents d’élèves de l’école de Floride, Barney Bishop, a assuré à la télévision américaine CNN qu’il ne s’agissait pas d’interdire l’image, qui est montrée chaque année en cours d’arts.

Mais selon lui, les parents n’ont pas été informés en amont comme le prévoit la procédure et même si la quasi totalité d’entre eux étaient satisfaits du cours, l’établissement a reçu une plainte jugeant l’image pornographique.

Tout en reconnaissant la beauté esthétique de l’oeuvre, M. Bishop a expliqué que le concept des droits parentaux, suprême en Floride, prévalait.

La directrice et enseignante, Hope Carrasquilla, a reçu l’ordre de démissionner sous peine d’être limogée. « Cela m’attriste que ma mission ici ait dû se terminer ainsi », a-t-elle confié au quotidien Tallahassee Democrat.

Interrogé par Slate sur le fait de savoir si cette décision était due à la polémique, M. Bishop a confirmé que « c’était un problème, parmi bien d’autres ».

La Floride accorde une grande importance aux droits parentaux dans l’éducation, une politique menée par le gouverneur Ron DeSantis, qui devrait se présenter contre Donald Trump comme candidat du Parti républicain pour l’élection présidentielle de 2024.

Le nouveau site web de #Lucie_Bacon :

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Écoute les murs tomber

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« Écoute les murs tomber » est un long-métrage documentaire, construit en un diptyque s’installant aux deux extrémités de la #France. Deux #balades guidées par le regard des personnes qui peuplent chaque endroit.
À Marseille, une copropriété dégradée du sud de la ville est cernée de murs la séparant des résidences privées voisines.
À Calais, les #barrières et les #barbelés cherchent à repousser et à rendre invisibles les personnes exilées désireuses de rejoindre l’Angleterre pour y construire une vie meilleure.
« Écoute les murs tomber » raconte comment l’humain, poussé par le désir d’aller et venir, de vivre et de s’affranchir des interdits et des impasses contourne, seul ou en collectif, ce qui l’enferme, l’empêche, le contraint. Face aux murs, « Écoute les murs tomber » propose des chemins d’espoir et de dépassement.

▻https://www.lussasdoc.org/film-ecoute_les_murs_tomber-1,55904.html

#film #film_documentaire #documentaire #murs #murs_intra-urbains #Marseille #Calais

Hobby Club’s Missing Balloon Feared Shot Down By USAF | Aviation Week Network
▻https://aviationweek.com/defense-space/aircraft-propulsion/hobby-clubs-missing-balloon-feared-shot-down-usaf

Voilà un article qui confirme ma conviction que le militaire réunit l’élite des idiots de chaque pays. En France j’ai entendu l’expression « plus con tu meurs ». Je commence à en saisir la signification tragique. En effet il faut une sacrée dose d’idiotie pour mourir pour son pays. Là les choses sont moins graves. L’armée de l’air étatsunienne a dépensé quelques millions pour des missiles Sidewinder afin de pulvériser des jouets aeronautiques C’est un fait d’armes digne de la sérîe télévisée Space Force . J’adore les militaires quand ils nous font rire.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xDLvUqhwHZc

16.2.2023 by Steve Trimble - A small, globe-trotting balloon declared “missing in action” by an Illinois-based hobbyist club on Feb. 15 has emerged as a candidate to explain one of the three mystery objects shot down by four heat-seeking missiles launched by U.S. Air Force fighters since Feb. 10.

The club—the Northern Illinois Bottlecap Balloon Brigade (NIBBB)—is not pointing fingers yet.

But the circumstantial evidence is at least intriguing. The club’s silver-coated, party-style, “pico balloon” reported its last position on Feb. 10 at 38,910 ft. off the west coast of Alaska, and a popular forecasting tool—the HYSPLIT model provided by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)—projected the cylindrically shaped object would be floating high over the central part of the Yukon Territory on Feb. 11. That is the same day a Lockheed Martin F-22 shot down an unidentified object of a similar description and altitude in the same general area.

There are suspicions among other prominent members of the small, pico-ballooning enthusiasts’ community, which combines ham radio and high-altitude ballooning into a single, relatively affordable hobby.

“I tried contacting our military and the FBI—and just got the runaround—to try to enlighten them on what a lot of these things probably are. And they’re going to look not too intelligent to be shooting them down,” says Ron Meadows, the founder of Scientific Balloon Solutions (SBS), a Silicon Valley company that makes purpose-built pico balloons for hobbyists, educators and scientists.

The descriptions of all three unidentified objects shot down Feb. 10-12 match the shapes, altitudes and payloads of the small pico balloons, which can usually be purchased for $12-180 each, depending on the type.

“I’m guessing probably they were pico balloons,” said Tom Medlin, a retired FedEx engineer and co-host of the Amateur Radio Roundtable show. Medlin has three pico balloons in flight in the Northern and Southern hemispheres.

Aviation Week contacted a host of government agencies, including the FBI, North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), the National Security Council (NSC) and the Office of the Secretary of Defense for comment about the possibility of pico balloons. The NSC did not respond to repeated requests. The FBI and OSD did not acknowledge that harmless pico balloons are being considered as possible identities for the mystery objects shot down by the Air Force.

“I have no update for you from NORAD on these objects,” a NORAD spokesman says.

On Feb. 15, NSC spokesman John Kirby told reporters all three objects “could just be balloons tied to some commercial or benign purpose,” but he did not mention the possibility of pico balloons.

Launching high-altitude, circumnavigational pico balloons has emerged only within the past decade. Meadows and his son Lee discovered it was possible to calculate the amount of helium gas necessary to make a common latex balloon neutrally buoyant at altitudes above 43,000 ft. The balloons carry an 11-gram tracker on a tether, along with HF and VHF/UHF antennas to update their positions to ham radio receivers around the world. At any given moment, several dozen such balloons are aloft, with some circling the globe several times before they malfunction or fail for other reasons. The launch teams seldom recover their balloons.

The balloons can come in several forms. Some enthusiasts still use common, Mylar party balloons, with a set of published calculations to determine the amount of gas to inject. But the round-shaped Mylar balloons often are unable to ascend higher than 20,000-30,000 ft., so some pico balloonists have upgraded to different materials.

Medlin says he uses a foil balloon sold by Japanese company Yokohama for $12. The material has proven to be resilient for long periods at high altitude, he says, even if the manufacturer never intended the balloon to be used for that purpose. An alternative is Meadows’ SBS, which makes a series of balloons designed specially for circumnavigational flights.

The pico-ballooning community is nervous about the negative attention by some members of Congress and the White House, who have called the objects shot down at altitudes of 20,000-40,000 ft. dangerous to civil aviation.

“We did assess that their altitudes were considerably lower than the Chinese high-altitude balloon and did pose a threat to civilian commercial air traffic,” Kirby says. “And while we have no specific reason to suspect that they were conducting surveillance of any kind, we couldn’t rule that out.”

In fact, the pico balloons weigh less than 6 lb. and therefore are exempt from most FAA airspace restrictions, Meadows and Medlin said. Three countries—North Korea, Yemen and the UK­—restrict transmissions from balloons in their airspace, so the community has integrated geofencing software into the tracking devices. The balloons still overfly the countries, but do not transmit their positions over their airspace.

The community is also nervous that their balloons could be shot down next. Medlin says one of his balloons—call sign W5KUB-112—is projected by HYSPLIT to enter U.S. airspace on Feb. 17. It already circumnavigated the globe several times, but its trajectory last carried the object over China before it will enter either Mexican or U.S. airspace.

“I hope,” Medlin said, “that in the next few days when that happens we’re not real trigger-happy and start shooting down everything.”
What Is a Pico Balloon?

Pico balloons are typically about 3 ft. in diameter on the ground before they are launched. As they ascend to altitudes of 20,000-50,000 ft., the super-pressure balloon envelope expands by about 2-3 times in size and achieves neutral buoyancy, allowing them to float at a roughly consistent altitude. Wind currents then push them through the atmosphere, with some balloons capable of circling the world several times before they pop or fall.

The balloon owners keep track of them through HF and VHF/UHF radio links. A small GPS tracking device is attached to the balloon by a tether. The balloon broadcasts its position using the WSPR protocol on HF and the ASPR standard for line-of-sight on VHF/UHF. Most pico balloons lack the lifting power to carry batteries, so the tracking coordinates usually are broadcast in daylight hours, with tiny attached solar arrays sending power to the transmitter.

#militaire #wtf

L’Unione europea finanzia un nuovo centro di detenzione a Lipa, in Bosnia ed Erzegovina

A pochi chilometri dal confine croato è sorta una nuova struttura di detenzione amministrativa per “facilitare” i rimpatri dei migranti che transitano lungo questo snodo di rotta balcanica. Per il commissario europeo Várhelyi, sostenitore del nuovo progetto, si tratterebbe di “falsi richiedenti asilo”. Cade il velo sul vero scopo di Lipa

L’Unione europea ha finanziato un nuovo centro di detenzione nel campo di Lipa, in Bosnia ed Erzegovina. A pochi chilometri dal confine con la Croazia, la nuova struttura è stata costruita per facilitare i rimpatri dei migranti che transitano lungo questo pezzo di rotta balcanica. La conferma arriva ad Altreconomia dal Rappresentante speciale dell’Ue in Bosnia, Ferdinand Koenig. La costruzione dell’eufemisticamente definito “Temporary retention facility”, spiega Koenig, si sarebbe resa necessaria perché la struttura di detenzione amministrativa più vicina a Lipa è a Sarajevo Est, in località Lukavica, a 300 chilometri di distanza. Troppi per l’obiettivo europeo di bloccare i “falsi richiedenti asilo” -come li ha definiti il commissario europeo per il vicinato e l’allargamento, Olivér Várhelyi, a fine novembre 2022– al confine con la Croazia e poi organizzare rapidi rimpatri verso i Paesi d’origine.

Arrivando da Bihać, la città più vicina a Lipa, la nuova struttura è stata costruita all’inizio del centro al posto del campetto di pallone. L’ufficio della delegazione Ue in Bosnia sottolinea come “l’unità di detenzione” sia separata dal centro da un “corridoio sicuro e da un ingresso indipendente” e la costruzione sia stata “agevolata” dal Centro internazionale per lo sviluppo delle politiche migratorie (Icmpd), un’organizzazione fondata nel 1993 su iniziativa di Austria e Svizzera e che opera in oltre 90 Paesi ed è molto attiva sul tema delle gestione delle frontiere (l’avevamo già “incontrata” in progetti riguardanti la guardia costiera tunisina). Questa avrebbe provveduto ad appaltare i lavori di costruzione della struttura. Non è dato sapere quale sia l’azienda né l’importo totale della costruzione: l’Icmpd ha riferito infatti ad Altreconomia che queste informazioni sono riservate. “Al termine dei lavori -risponde l’Icmpd- la gestione del centro sarà affidata al Servizio per gli affari degli stranieri (Sfa) del ministero della Sicurezza bosniaco”. Una gestione che prevede “uno staff dedicato e procedure operative standard chiare in linea con le norme internazionali in materia di migrazione” e che prevede un periodo di detenzione di “massimo 72 ore” prima del trasferimento al centro di Lukavica.

Così il “centro multiuso” di Lipa, costruito sulle macerie di quello andato a fuoco nel dicembre 2020, svela il suo “vero” obiettivo: confinare, arrivando anche alla detenzione, per poi respingere. Come già raccontato dalla rete RiVolti ai Balcani nel report “Lipa, il campo dove fallisce l’Europa”, pubblicato nel dicembre 2021, il centro è distante due chilometri dalla strada statale asfaltata e a 24 chilometri da Bihać e da servizi essenziali come ospedali, poste, scuole, stazioni, supermarket o altre infrastrutture: un “confinamento di fatto” rispetto a cui il nuovo step della detenzione amministrativa è una finalità che secondo Gianfranco Schiavone, presidente del Consorzio italiano per i rifugiati (Ics) di Trieste è “solo apparentemente contrastante con le finalità iniziali ma in realtà già occultate nella iniziale indeterminatezza giuridica con cui il campo è sorto e si è sviluppato”. Non è nota la capienza di questa nuova struttura, si sa però che il Centro di Lipa, all’8 febbraio di quest’anno, “ospitava” appena 128 persone su una capacità di 1.500 (uomini, donne e minori). Ma l’aumento delle persone transitate lungo la “rotta balcanica” nel 2022 ha allarmato, nuovamente, le istituzioni europee.

Il commissario Várhelyi a fine novembre 2022 ha dichiarato appunto che “i falsi richiedenti asilo devono essere detenuti fino al loro ritorno nei Paesi d’origine” annunciando “un nuovo progetto pilota da 500mila euro con la Bosnia ed Erzegovina”. In questo quadro gioca un ruolo fondamentale anche l’Organizzazione mondiale per le migrazioni (Oim), in primo piano anche a Lipa. La capo missione nel Paese e coordinatrice dell’area dei Balcani occidentali, Laura Lungarotti, ha scritto ad Altreconomia che l’Oim non è coinvolta né nella gestione né nella costruzione della struttura di detenzione “vista la (nostra) politica di ricerca di alternativa alla detenzione amministrativa” e che la parola detenzione “è stata erroneamente messa nello stesso annuncio”, riferendosi al comunicato stampa in cui Várhelyi presentava il progetto. L’organo delle Nazioni Unite si occupa invece di tutto ciò che riguarda i rimpatri volontari assistiti. Anche con riferimento al centro multiuso di Lipa, Lungarotti ha detto che Oim starebbe “devolvendo sempre più responsabilità al Servizio stranieri”. Pur senza essere coinvolta in primo piano rispetto alla nuova struttura e ai rimpatri forzati, l’Organizzazione assiste però lo Sfa nelle procedure di rimpatrio forzato. “Sarà effettuato un counseling continuo prima della partenza -le parole di Lungarotti- nel qual caso volessero poter rientrare volontariamente e anche altro supporto di salvaguardia dei diritti umani nel corso di tutto il processo”. Il diritto d’asilo in Bosnia ed Erzegovina, però, dati dell’Alto commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati (Unhcr), è un ologramma. Nel 2022 sono state registrate appena 149 richieste d’asilo, con 12 riconoscimenti di protezione con un tempo medio di analisi delle domande di 306 giorni. Quasi un anno, con scarsissime possibilità di ottenere una regolarizzazione: un elemento ormai consolidato.

La costruzione di un centro di detenzione nasce come secondo tassello della strategia europea per “delegare” le espulsioni a Paesi terzi. Il primo passo è stata l’implementazione di accordi con i Paesi d’origine verso cui “rimandare” le persone. Caso di scuola è il Pakistan. Il 31 luglio 2022, con grande enfasi mediatica, un volo di linea con a bordo due persone residenti sul territorio bosniaco senza regolare permesso di soggiorno è atterrato a Islamabad. È stata la prima operazione di espulsione a seguito della firma di un’intesa con il governo pakistano del 23 luglio 2021, sempre su “mandato” delle istituzioni europee. “Di fatto è stata posta come prerequisito al Paese balcanico per entrare nell’Ue la sottoscrizione di accordi con Paesi terzi per facilitare le espulsioni dei migranti. È un tassello fondamentale -aveva spiegato allora ad Altreconomia la ricercatrice Gorana Mlinarevic-. Anche perché per diverse nazionalità, come quella pakistana, questo rappresenta l’unico modo per l’Ue di rimpatriare le persone. E Bruxelles lo sa bene”. Anche in quest’ottica a livello europeo qualcosa si muove: a inizio febbraio 2023, il nuovo direttore di Frontex, Hans Leijtes, ha fatto visita proprio al ministro dell’Interno del Pakistan per rafforzare la cooperazione con il Paese.

L’Ufficio della delegazione Ue in Bosnia ed Erzegovina sottolinea nella sua risposta ad Altreconomia come “il governo bosniaco deve rafforzare le sue capacità e adottare tutte le misure necessarie per gestire efficacemente il centro di Lipa nel pieno rispetto dei diritti fondamentali, della legislazione nazionale e degli standard internazionali, anche per quanto riguarda lo screening e la registrazione, la protezione delle persone vulnerabili e la detenzione”. Un altro ologramma.

▻https://altreconomia.it/lunione-europea-finanzia-un-nuovo-centro-di-detenzione-a-lipa-in-bosnia

#Lipa #Bosnie-Herzégovine #route_des_Balkans #Balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #financement #UE #EU #Union_européenne #externalisation #renvois #Temporary_retention_facility #détention #rétention #détention_administrative #International_Centre_for_Migration_Policy_Development (#ICMPD) #Lukavica #OIM #IOM #expulsions

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Antonio Guterres (#ONU) : « Nous marchons, les yeux grands ouverts, vers une guerre plus large »

La seule guerre que nous avons à mener, c’est la guerre pour nos intérêts de travailleurs ! Éditorial des bulletins d’entreprise #LO du 13 février 2023

▻http://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/editoriaux/la-seule-guerre-que-nous-avons-mener-cest-la-guerre-pour-nos-interet

Depuis le 19 janvier, nous sommes engagés dans un bras de fer pour empêcher le report de l’âge de la retraite à 64 ans. Mais comment ne pas s’inquiéter, aussi, des bruits de bottes qui ne cessent de se rapprocher ?

La #guerre_en_Ukraine menace toujours de dégénérer en déflagration généralisée. Aussi lourd de dangers, il y a l’affrontement économique et politique des deux géants que sont les #États-Unis et la #Chine. Celui-ci est déjà marqué d’une série d’actes guerriers. La semaine dernière, les États-Unis ont détruit un #ballon _chinois qu’ils accusaient d’#espionnage. En même temps, ils installaient quatre nouvelles bases militaires aux Philippines, à proximité d’une Chine encerclée par les bases américaines.

Le secrétaire général de l’ONU, #Antonio_Guterres, s’en est alarmé : « Nous marchons, les yeux grands ouverts, vers une guerre plus large », a-t-il déclaré. C’est un fait : toutes les grandes puissances préparent la guerre en se réarmant à marche forcée. Elles ont même, désormais, avec l’Ukraine, un terrain d’entraînement. C’est là-bas que sont testés les canons et les missiles dernier cri, les chars et les drones bourrés de technologie.

Qu’ils le veuillent ou non, tous les pays sont déjà pris au piège de cette guerre et de la rivalité sino-américaine. Plus les évènements s’envenimeront, plus ils seront sommés de choisir leur camp.

Ici, la #propagande présente les États-Unis, l’#Otan et l’#Union européenne [#UE] comme des forces de paix garantes de la liberté, de la démocratie et du droit des peuples, quand la #Russie et la Chine seraient l’incarnation de la dictature et de l’oppression, autrement dit, l’axe du mal.

C’est oublier que les puissances occidentales n’hésitent pas à fomenter des coups d’État et à appuyer des dictatures sanglantes, comme en #Arabie_Saoudite ou en Afrique, quand elles veulent exploiter et piller une région. Quand un régime leur est hostile, il n’y a pas de souveraineté qui tienne, elles envahissent le pays et le combattent, comme elles l’ont fait en Irak et en #Afghanistan. Pour soutenir #Israël, leur plus fidèle allié au #Proche-Orient, elles ferment les yeux sur la colonisation de la #Cisjordanie et enterrent le droit des #Palestiniens à disposer de leur propre État.

Les relations internationales ne sont pas guidées par des valeurs morales, mais par la lutte permanente des grandes puissances pour l’accès aux #matières_premières, la captation de nouveaux marchés et pour la suprématie économique. Pas un km2 de la terre, des océans, et maintenant de l’espace, n’y échappe. C’est de ces rivalités-là que sont victimes, aujourd’hui, les Ukrainiens.

Les dirigeants occidentaux exploitent les atrocités commises par l’armée russe pour chauffer l’opinion à blanc et pour qu’elle accepte, résignée, de s’engager davantage dans la #guerre.

Comme s’il était possible de stopper le carnage en amenant toujours plus d’armes sur le terrain ! Et qui peut croire que #Joe_Biden ou #Emmanuel_Macron s’inquiètent des travailleurs et des pauvres d’Ukraine, quand ils montrent tous les jours qu’ils n’ont que faire des classes populaires de leur propre pays !

En Ukraine, il s’avère, sans surprise, que les prétendus défenseurs du peuple se préoccupent d’abord et surtout de leur coffre-fort. Plusieurs proches de #Zelensky ont en effet profité de la guerre pour toucher des pots-de-vin. Jusqu’au ministre de la Défense qui a détourné des millions du budget de l’armée ! Et ce n’est rien à côté des profits empochés par les industriels de l’armement, #Dassault, #Thalès… mais cela nous rappelle que, si la guerre est une tragédie pour les peuples, elle est toujours une gigantesque affaire commerciale pour la #bourgeoisie.

Alors, non au #bourrage_de_crâne va-t-en guerre ! Non à la livraison d’armes à Zelensky ! Non à l’augmentation des budgets militaires ! La guerre que se mènent les grandes puissances avec, aujourd’hui, la peau des Ukrainiens, et demain, peut-être avec la nôtre, n’est pas notre guerre !

Nous, travailleurs, n’avons pas à choisir entre la grande bourgeoisie exploiteuse occidentale et les oligarques russes ou les nouveaux capitalistes chinois. Ils font partie de la même classe exploiteuse. Partout, c’est de cette classe qu’il faut nous protéger en défendant nos intérêts de travailleurs. Ici, nous avons à poursuivre notre combat contre la retraite à 64 ans, le recul de nos salaires et des #droits_ouvriers. Il faut le faire en ayant en tête la nécessité de reconstruire une force politique pour pouvoir, demain, refuser de servir de chair à canon dans la guerre que fomentent les capitalistes.

#réforme_des_retraites #guerre_mondiale #lutte_de_classe

How Many More “Incidents” Before an Economic War Becomes a Shooting War ? (Feb 12, 2023)
▻https://the-spark.net/bl_1676227390.html

+ traduction française en fin de post.

The #US_military shot down a supposed Chinese “#spy_balloon.” And then they shot down two “unidentified flying objects"—pieces of “space junk"—just to drive the point home.

Of course, if #China did send over a “spy balloon,” it would have been more than justified. The U.S. has a vast fleet of satellites, as many as all the other countries in the world put together. They spy on every part of China (and every other country) 24 hours a day, every day of the year.

The gunning down of the “spy balloon” was a made-for-TV demonstration of U.S. military bravado, an announcement that the U.S. is ready for war with China.

Going as far back as the Obama administration—and even further—the U.S. has been pursuing an economic war against China. Tariffs were put on Chinese products. Chinese companies were banned from buying the items they need from U.S. companies—particularly, advanced semi-conductors and other high-tech goods. And embargos were put on the products from the most advanced high-tech Chinese companies.

But behind this economic war lay another reality: Chinese factories have been an integral part of the U.S. high-tech industry. They have provided parts like simple chips, mass produced on Chinese assembly lines, by labor pushed to work at slave-labor wages. Part of the enormous profit made by big U.S. companies derives from parts produced in Chinese factories, or in factories on Taiwan, or in India, or South Korea, or in Mexico, and so on.

This is not new. This “global assembly line,” pulled together since the end of World War II, has been directed, organized and presided over by big multinational companies, most of them centered in the U.S. The whole globe may be their factory floor. But the profits feed into the U.S. banking system.

What’s different today is the economic crisis in which capitalism has been mired for 40 years. The longer capitalism’s crisis goes on, the more that big companies attempt to snatch greater profit from labor—no matter where that labor works.

We know what has happened in this country. U.S. companies push American workers to put out more production in less time, for wages whose value has been cut by inflation.

U.S. companies put the squeeze on labor in other countries by squeezing the companies they work for. This is true around the globe, whether the subsidiaries of U.S. companies be in South Korea or Mexico or Canada or even Europe.

But China is a special case. Its productive economy is the second biggest in the world. It has the most people. And its history, coming out of the 1949 Revolution, aimed at developing China as an independent country.

That didn’t mean that China could call the tune in its relationship with the U.S. But for decades, the Chinese ruling class took a slightly larger share of the value produced in its industry than what happened, for example, with Mexico.

But today, U.S. #capitalism wants more out of #China. So, today, there is an economic war, carried out with tariffs, and patent restrictions and even trade embargoes.

But economic wars have a logic to them—they can lead to shooting wars. During the 1930s #economic_crisis, trade wars led right into the Second World War.

It’s a mistake to fall for the propaganda being fed to us today: “spy balloons,” “unidentified flying objects,” “chip wars.” All of it aims to get us lined up behind “our own” #capitalist_class: enlisted in their #economic_war today; enlisted in their shooting war tomorrow.

Well, that capitalist class is not our friend, never has been. And our enemy is not in China or other countries. When World War One was starting, a German revolutionary said, “Every people’s main enemy is in their own country.”

A century later, it’s even more true.

Combien encore d’"incidents" avant qu’une guerre économique ne devienne une guerre armée ? (traduction française)

L’armée américaine a abattu un supposé « #ballon_espion » chinois. Puis elle a abattu deux « objets volants non identifiés » - des « déchets spatiaux » - juste pour enfoncer le clou.

Bien sûr, si la Chine a effectivement envoyé un « ballon espion », cela aurait été plus que justifié. Les États-Unis disposent d’une vaste flotte de satellites, aussi nombreux que tous les autres pays du monde réunis. Ils espionnent chaque partie de la Chine (et de tous les autres pays) 24 heures sur 24, tous les jours de l’année.

L’abattage du « ballon espion » était une démonstration télévisée de bravade militaire américaine, une annonce que les États-Unis sont prêts pour la guerre avec la Chine.

Depuis l’administration Obama, et même avant, les États-Unis ont mené une guerre économique contre la Chine. Des droits de douane ont été imposés sur les produits chinois. Les entreprises chinoises se sont vu interdire d’acheter les articles dont elles ont besoin auprès des entreprises américaines, en particulier les semi-conducteurs avancés et autres produits de haute technologie. Et des embargos ont été imposés sur les produits des entreprises chinoises de haute technologie les plus avancées.

Mais derrière cette guerre économique se cache une autre réalité : Les usines chinoises ont fait partie intégrante de l’industrie high-tech américaine. Elles ont fourni des pièces comme de simples puces, produites en masse sur des chaînes de montage chinoises, par une main-d’œuvre poussée à travailler à des salaires d’esclaves. Une partie des énormes bénéfices réalisés par les grandes entreprises américaines provient de pièces produites dans des usines chinoises, ou dans des usines à Taïwan, ou en Inde, ou en Corée du Sud, ou au Mexique, etc.

Ce n’est pas nouveau. Cette « chaîne de montage mondiale », mise en place depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, a été dirigée, organisée et présidée par de grandes sociétés multinationales, dont la plupart ont leur siège aux États-Unis. Mais les profits alimentent le système bancaire américain.

Ce qui est différent aujourd’hui, c’est la #crise_économique dans laquelle le capitalisme est embourbé depuis 40 ans. Plus la crise du capitalisme se prolonge, plus les grandes entreprises tentent d’arracher des profits à la main-d’œuvre, quel que soit l’endroit où elle travaille.

Nous savons ce qui s’est passé dans ce pays. Les entreprises américaines poussent les travailleurs américains à produire davantage en moins de temps, pour des salaires dont la valeur a été réduite par l’#inflation.

Les entreprises américaines mettent la pression sur la main-d’œuvre dans d’autres pays en mettant la pression sur les entreprises pour lesquelles ils travaillent. Cela est vrai dans le monde entier, que les filiales des entreprises américaines soient en Corée du Sud, au Mexique, au Canada ou même en Europe.

Mais la Chine est un cas particulier. Son économie productive est la deuxième plus grande du monde. Elle est la plus peuplée. Et son histoire, issue de la révolution de 1949, visait à faire de la Chine un pays indépendant.

Mais pendant des décennies, la classe dirigeante chinoise a pris une part légèrement plus importante de la valeur produite dans son industrie que ce qui s’est passé, par exemple, au Mexique.

Mais aujourd’hui, le #capitalisme américain veut davantage de la Chine. Il y a donc aujourd’hui une guerre économique, menée avec des droits de douane, des restrictions de brevets et même des embargos commerciaux.

Mais les guerres économiques ont une logique : elles peuvent conduire à des guerres armées. Lors de la crise économique des années 1930, les guerres commerciales ont mené tout droit à la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

C’est une erreur de croire à la propagande dont on nous abreuve aujourd’hui : « ballons espions », « objets volants non identifiés », « guerre des puces ». Tout cela a pour but de nous aligner derrière « notre » #classe_capitaliste : enrôlés dans leur guerre économique aujourd’hui ; enrôlés dans leur guerre de tir demain.

Eh bien, cette classe capitaliste n’est pas notre amie, elle ne l’a jamais été. Et notre ennemi n’est pas en Chine ou dans d’autres pays. Au début de la Première Guerre mondiale, un révolutionnaire allemand a dit : « Le principal ennemi de chaque peuple est dans son propre pays. »

Un siècle plus tard, c’est plus vrai que jamais.

#impérialisme #imperialism

Zucchero - High Flyin’ Bird (Billy Edd Wheeler) / 2021

#art #musique #culture #ballon #balloon #politique #vent #société #Zucchero #Billy_Edd_Wheeler #changement #climat #vangauguin

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NRPsaQfvtjk&ab_channel=wolverine3566

Katya Lycheva sur Twitter : Twitter
▻https://twitter.com/karpov16/status/1622949858255462401

https://pbs.twimg.com/ext_tw_video_thumb/1622949755276910599/pu/img/L1xYAKVALq94gSEs.jpg:large#.jpg

"« Histoire d’un Ballon 🇨🇳 »😂😂😂 Les chinois ont filmé une vidéo hilarante sur le travail « dangereux » du #Pentagone pour protéger l’espace aérien 🇺🇸 !👏😂 #USA #China #Balloon

j’arrive (toujours !) pas avoir le lien vidéo direct…

Iran : face à une dictature obscurantiste, élément de l’ordre impérialiste (Cercle Léon Trotsky, Paris, 4 février 2023)

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Audio ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste
Vidéo ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste

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Audio ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste
Vidéo ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste

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Audio ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste
Vidéo ▻https://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/multimedia/exposes-du-cercle-leon-trotsky/iran-face-une-dictature-obscurantiste-element-de-lordre-imperialiste

#Iran #impérialisme #obscurantisme #dictature #république_islamique_d'Iran #analyse_de_classe #trotskisme

[enthousiasme] A Paris, des opérations de maintien de l’ordre en rupture avec la « méthode Lallement »
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2023/01/20/a-paris-des-operations-de-maintien-de-l-ordre-en-rupture-avec-la-methode-lal

https://img.lemde.fr/2023/01/16/0/0/7905/5270/1440/960/60/0/7e5881f_5227439-01-06.jpg

Après des années de gestion offensive du maintien de l’ordre, le nouveau préfet de police, Laurent Nunez, a entendu démarquer son action de celle de son prédécesseur.
Par Antoine Albertini

En langage administratif, cela s’appelle un « changement de posture », mais, vu au ras du cortège parisien – 80 000 personnes selon le ministère de l’intérieur, un chiffre indiscutablement sous-évalué –, la gestion du #maintien_de_l’ordre, jeudi, a inauguré un changement d’ère. Ou, plutôt, le retour à une doctrine éprouvée, faite de mise à distance des forces de l’ordre, de cogestion avec les organisations syndicales et, lorsque la situation le réclame, d’un traitement ponctuel et quasi chirurgical des incidents.

.... Discret, le dispositif n’en était pas moins présent dans la quasi-totalité des rues adjacentes, dissimulé à la vue des manifestants mais prêt à intervenir. A deux reprises au moins, il a témoigné de son efficacité ; lorsque des #black_blocs se sont attaqués à une agence bancaire puis à la succursale d’une compagnie d’assurances. En quelques minutes dans le premier cas, en moins de soixante secondes dans le second, des unités spécialisées appuyées par des effectifs en tenue de maintien de l’ordre sont intervenues pour procéder à des #interpellations et extraire les fauteurs de troubles. « Sans compromettre le déroulement de la manifestation, alors que la présence d’éléments à risque en plein cœur du cortège compliquait considérablement la manœuvre », souligne une source policière.
▻https://justpaste.it/a8npf

#police #manifestation #répression

#Alana_Osbourne - “Decolonial Tours” - 30th June 2022 - Beyond Inhabitation Lab Spring Seminar Series

I focus on tour guides who offer decolonial narratives and experiences of Brussels to an eclectic and changing audience. Drawing on the embodied temporalities of walking tours and by reviving urban memories, these guides give texture and shape to the city’s sensorium in a way that reaffirms black life against the resonances of colonialism in Belgium. Suturing past, present and future, this quilting of urban times fosters new relationships between people, landscapes and histories, and opens spaces of togetherness within a riven city.

Dr. Alana Osbourne is a FNRS post-doctoral fellow at the Anthropological Laboratory for Contemporary Worlds (LAMC) at the Brussels Free University (ULB | Université Libre de Bruxelles). An anthropologist and filmmaker, her research interests include: sensorial anthropology and affect, the anthropology of violence, archival studies, Caribbean studies and film. She alternates her academic work with film and theatre projects.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=03AOAlPxQV8

via @cede

#Balancetonmagistrat : sommes-nous à l’aube d’un État policier ? - La Libre
▻https://www.lalibre.be/debats/opinions/2023/01/10/balancetonmagistrat-sommes-nous-a-laube-dun-etat-policier-X53AKG7QQJASXEARZI

La gravité de ces prises de position ne peut être minimisée ; elle est remarquable de la lutte idéologique qui est menée par l’extrême droite partout en Occident contre l’État de droit, les juges et les droits humains, réputés empêcher la lutte contre les périls qui menaceraient les populations : immigration, banditisme et terrorisme. C’est un refrain connu et viral : les politiciens seraient corrompus, les magistrats laxistes ou impuissants, tandis que les délinquants seraient désormais les nouveaux seigneurs de nos cités, épargnés par une #justice droits-de-l’hommiste.

-- Permalien

#belgique #démocratie

Qu’est-ce que l’entrée de la #Croatie dans #Schengen peut changer à la route migratoire des Balkans ?

https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/8fbf028ab419173b6f016d21b11ec9318f9d863c.jpeg

La Croatie a fait son entrée, le 1er janvier 2023, dans l’espace Schengen. L’intégration de ce pays des Balkans dans la zone de libre circulation pourrait changer la donne à la frontière croate, où les #refoulements de migrants sont fréquents, observe la chercheuse Camille Le Coz. Par un effet de dominos, la situation en Bosnie voisine pourrait se durcir.

La Croatie a fait son entrée, le 1er janvier 2023, dans l’espace de libre circulation européen Schengen alors que la route migratoire des Balkans connaît une forte hausse de fréquentation depuis l’été. Zagreb a enregistré 30 000 migrants irréguliers dans le pays au cours des dix premiers mois de 2022, soit une augmentation de 150% par rapport à la même période de l’année précédente.

Pour Camille Le Coz, analyste au Migration policy institute, l’entrée de la Croatie dans Schengen permet d’"acter quelque chose qui était déjà en place sur le terrain". « La Croatie a été récompensée pour ses bons et loyaux services en faisant en sorte de limiter les arrivées de migrants [dans l’UE] », affirme-t-elle.

Depuis son intégration dans l’Union européenne en 2013, la Croatie est chargée de protéger les frontières extérieures de l’UE, dont la majeure partie est partagée avec la Bosnie. Si les chiffres n’ont rien à voir aujourd’hui avec ceux de 2015, des milliers d’exilés tentent encore chaque année ce passage par la route des Balkans, via la Serbie ou la Bosnie.

Depuis 2018, le nord de la Bosnie, à la frontière croate, s’est transformé en cul-de-sac pour ces migrants. Voulant montrer à Bruxelles sa capacité à protéger les frontières de l’Union, la Croatie a en effet déployé de nombreux garde-frontières sur la zone. Les refoulements se sont multipliés et, dans la plupart des cas, ils se sont accompagnés de graves violences, tortures et vols, régulièrement dénoncés. Depuis des années, les rapports d’ONG se multiplient sur les exactions commises contre les exilés à la frontière bosno-croate.
Vers davantage de respect des droits humains ?

Mais cela pourrait changer à la faveur de cette nouvelle situation, explique la chercheuse Camille Le Coz. « Le respect des droits de l’Homme fait partie des obligations liées à l’entrée dans Schengen. Il est donc possible que l’entrée de la Croatie mette plus de pression sur les policiers et les garde-frontières croates », pointe-t-elle. Les cas de non-respect des droits humains pourraient ainsi être davantage contrôlés.

Cette entrée pourrait aussi s’accompagner d’aides pour améliorer le système d’asile dans le pays et d’une coopération sur les retours volontaires de migrants. À condition que les garde-frontières ne refoulent pas systématiquement les exilés qui entrent dans le pays pour demander une protection internationale.

A contrario, et par un effet de dominos, la situation en Bosnie voisine, qui a récemment obtenu le statut de candidat à l’entrée dans l’Union européenne, pourrait se durcir.
« Éviter à la Croatie d’avoir à pratiquer des pushbacks »

Le 28 novembre, le commissaire européen Olivér Várhelyi a annoncé le financement d’un protocole d’accord entre l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) et le ministère bosnien de la Sécurité à hauteur de 500 000 euros. Cette somme doit servir à augmenter le nombre de « retours volontaires et forcés » des migrants vers leur pays d’origine. Le commissaire a également indiqué que le camp de Lipa, situé dans le nord de la Bosnie serait amené à devenir un centre de détention. « Les faux demandeurs d’asile doivent être détenus jusqu’à leur retour dans leur pays », a-t-il déclaré.

Barbara Becares, chargée des relations avec la presse de l’ONG No Name Kitchen, qui vient en aide aux exilés en Bosnie et en Serbie, voit dans ce projet la volonté de Bruxelles d’"éviter à la Croatie d’avoir à pratiquer des pushbacks […] en gardant les personnes en Bosnie".

Sur le terrain, les polices bosniennes et serbes œuvrent déjà à retenir les personnes le plus loin possible des frontières de l’UE, selon elle. « Les expulsions sont très courantes, autant en Bosnie qu’en Serbie, observe-t-elle. La police va chercher très tôt le matin les personnes qui dorment à l’extérieur des camps et les emmène dans des endroits éloignés des frontières ». En Bosnie, elles sont généralement emmenées dans le camp de Lipa, alors qu’en Serbie, elles sont conduites dans le sud du pays.

Pour freiner les arrivées via la route des Balkans, Bruxelles compte aussi sur l’aide de la Serbie. Le pays est, lui aussi, candidat à l’adhésion à l’Union européenne et son intégration dépendra sans doute largement, comme pour la Bosnie, de sa capacité à montrer à Bruxelles qu’il contrôle ses frontières.

En octobre, Belgrade a déjà, à la demande de Bruxelles, mis fin à l’exemption de visas pour les ressortissants tunisiens et burundais. L’obligation de détenir un visa pour entrer dans le pays a été étendue, le 1er janvier, aux ressortissants d’Inde et de Guinée-Bissau.

#espace_Schengen #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #route_des_Balkans #Balkans #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #refoulements_en_chaîne #récompense #frontières_extérieures #soutien_financier #accord #protocole_d'accord #OIM #IOM #retours_volontaires #retours_forcés #Lipa #rétention #détention_administrative #expulsions #push-backs #visas #Serbie