• PRE-ORDER: Build the Wall (#MAGA building blocks toy)

    We are pleased to announce the launch of a brand new line of toys: MAGA building blocks! This set comes with more than 100 pieces including President Trump in a MAGA hard hat!

    A mob of 10,000 Central American migrants is marching through Mexico and heading toward El Paso, Texas. Mexican border agents attempted to stop them at the Mexican border, but to no avail.

    We understand why they want to flee Honduras and live and work in America. After all, we are the greatest nation on earth.

    In the interest of national security, however, we cannot allow just anyone and everyone to cross our borders. While there are good people attempting to enter our nation, there are also gangs, criminals, and terrorists. Everyone who wants to enter our country must enter legally for the safety of all.

    The wall must be built. The wall will keep America safe and strong. Only then will we be able to help those in need.

    We are pleased to announce the launch of a brand new line of toys: MAGA building blocks! This toy makes a great Christmas gift for your kids and grandkids!

    101 Pieces
    Includes President Trump figurine w/ a MAGA hard hat!


    https://keepandbear.com/products/build-the-wall
    #légo #enfants #enfance #jeu #jeux #murs #frontières #barrières_frontalières #fermeture_des_frontières


  • Arizona border residents speak out against Donald Trump’s deployment of troops

    Residents from Arizona borderland towns gathered Thursday outside the Arizona State Capitol to denounce President Donald Trump’s deployment of at least 5,200 U.S. troops to the U.S.-Mexico border.

    The group of about a dozen traveled to Phoenix to hold the event on the Arizona State Capitol lawn. The press conference took place as a caravan of migrants seeking asylum continues to move north through Mexico toward the United States.

    “The U.S. government response to asylum seekers has turned to military confrontation,” said Amy Juan, a member of the Tohono O’odham Nation, who spoke at the event on the Arizona State Capitol lawn.

    “We demand an end to the rhetoric of dehumanization and the full protection of human rights for all migrants and refugees in our borderlands.”

    Juan and her group said many refugees confronted by military at the border will circumvent them by way of “dangerous foot crossings through remote areas.”

    “Already this year, hundreds of remains of migrants and refugees have been recovered in U.S. deserts,” Juan said. “As front-line border communities, we witness and respond to this tragedy firsthand.”

    While she spoke at a lectern, others held a sign saying, “Troops out now. Our communities are not war zones.”

    As the press conference unfolded, the Trump administration announced a plan to cut back immigrants’ ability to request asylum in the United States.

    Those from Arizona borderland towns are also concerned that border communities, such as Ajo, the Tohono O’odham Nation, Arivaca and others, may see an increased military presence.

    “I didn’t spend two years in Vietnam to be stopped every time I come and go in my own community,” said Dan Kelly, who lives in Arivaca, an unincorporated community in Pima County, 11 miles north of the U.S.-Mexico border.

    A major daily hiccup

    Many border-community residents complain the current law enforcement presence, absent the new U.S. troops, creates a major hiccup in everyday life.

    “Residents of Arivaca, Ajo, the Tohono O’odham Nation, they are surrounded on all sides by checkpoints. They are surrounded on all sides by border patrol stations. Every time they go to the grocery store, they pass a border patrol vehicle,” said Billy Peard, an attorney for ACLU Arizona.

    Juan says she gets anxiety from these checkpoints because she has been stopped and forced to get out of her car while federal agents and a dog search for signs of drugs or human smuggling.

    Juan calls the fear of these type of situations “checkpoint trauma.”

    “It’s really based upon their suspicions,” she said of authorities at checkpoints. “Even though we are not doing anything wrong, there’s still that fear.”

    Many of those speaking at Thursday’s event accused the federal government of racial profiling, targeting Latino and tribal members. They said they are often subjected to prolonged questioning, searches, and at times, harassment.

    “A lot of people can sway this as a political thing,” Juan said. “But, ultimately, it’s about our quality of life.”


    https://eu.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/border-issues/2018/11/08/arizona-border-residents-speak-out-against-trumps-troop-deployment/1934976002
    #murs #barrières_frontalières #résistance #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis


  • Trump border wall construction underway in #Chihuahuita in Downtown #El_Paso

    Construction of the border wall in the Chihuahuita neighborhood of Downtown El Paso continued Wednesday beneath the Stanton Street International Bridge. The U.S. Border Patrol announced Friday that the new wall would replace existing fencing south of Downtown El Paso and that construction would begin Saturday as part of President Donald Trump’s executive order authorizing construction of the U.S.-Mexico border wall.
    The wall starts in Chihuahuita and continues east for four miles. Chihuahuita is El Paso’s oldest neighborhood, with about 100 people currently living in the area. The southern boundary of the neighborhood is the border fence separating El Paso from #Juárez.

    The existing fence will be removed, and an 18-foot-high steel bollard wall will be constructed in its place. The construction project is expected to be completed in late April. The estimated cost for the project is $22 million.


    https://eu.elpasotimes.com/story/news/2018/09/26/trump-border-wall-construction-underway-downtown-el-paso-texas/1437573002
    #murs #barrières_frontalières #frontières #mexique #usa #Etats-Unis


  • 5200 troops. 23 apprehensions. In. ONE. Year.

    In fiscal 2018, the average Border Patrol agent apprehended 23 migrants. All year.

    9 of them would’ve been kids and family members, leaving 14 single adults, all year. One per agent, every 26 days.

    And now, at great expense, 5,200 active-duty soldiers are headed to the border.

    75% less migrants since 2000. Nearly 5X more Border Patrol agents since 1992. The buildup has happened already, and the migrant flow has ebbed. Adding soldiers is unnecessary.

    https://twitter.com/adam_wola/status/1057063320770002944

    #murs #efficacité #inefficacité #USA #Etats-Unis #statistiques #frontières #barrières_frontalières #contrôles_frontaliers #militarisation_des_frontières #statistiques #chiffres
    ping @reka


  • Marseille : le mur de la honte

    Comme ultime réponse à la contestation populaire contre son projet piloté par la #Soleam, société d’aménagement, la mairie de Marseille monte un mur de béton entre les habitants et #La_Plaine, pour la « réaménager » par l’agence #APS. Marseille prend ainsi le visage du Mexique, de Belfast, de Gaza, ou de Berlin en 1961.


    https://blogs.mediapart.fr/671095/blog/301018/marseille-le-mur-de-la-honte
    #murs #Marseille #séparation #division #barrières #villes #urban_matter #France #ville_divisée #divided_cities #frontières #frontières_urbaines #murs_intra-urbains

    • Le mur du mépris - La Plaine 2018

      Berlin ? Belfast ? Mexique ? Gaza ? Non, aujourd’hui c’est à la Plaine que la mairie et les flics, main dans la main, ont décidé d’ériger un gigantesque mur de béton pour tenter d’écraser toujours plus le quartier. Retour en photo et en vidéo sur le musellement de la place...

      (Petite mise au point : un certain nombre de lecteur/lectrices ont souligné que la comparaison avec les murs de Gaza, Berlin etc. était peut-être un peu abusive ou malencontreuse. Effectivement, les réalités des murs érigés en Palestine, à la frontière Etats-Unis-Mexique, ou par le passé à Berlin, sont toutes autres. A la Plaine, point de miradors, de contrôles d’identité et de militaires. L’intention n’était pas de mettre sur un même niveau ces réalités totalement différentes, mais simplement de souligner les comparaisons qui sont sur toutes les lèvres des habitant.e.s du quartier, aussi approximatives soient-elles...)

      Tout le monde s’y attendait, mais personne n’osait y croire. Gérard Chenoz tient ses promesses : quand il veut éradiquer les quartiers populaires, et bien il met tout en oeuvre pour y parvenir. Histoires de pouvoir et de pognon, c’est certain. Mépris de classe assurément.

      Et là où le gentrifieur en chef tient aussi ses promesses, c’est dans son goût prononcé pour la manipulation. Il a quand même trouvé moyen de jouer la victime dans la presse, et tenter de renverser médiatiquement la vapeur. Selon ses atermoiements, s’il est nécessaire d’installer ce mur de la honte, c’est à cause de la révolte des habitant.e.s et usager.e.s de la Plaine. Si ce mur coûte près de 400000 euros de plus aux 20 millions déjà faramineux du projet, c’est à cause de la plèbe qui exprime sa colère. Et, pirouette finale, s’il y a 400000 euros à débourser en plus, ce sera bien à la charge des contribuables, et ce, à cause, évidemment, du peuple de la Plaine opposé aux travaux. La boucle est bouclée : l’exorbitant coût des travaux est directement imputable aux plainard.e.s ! Roublard le Gérard, non ?

      Mais ça n’est pas un problème pour lui, ni pour la mairie. Leur mur de mépris, ils le posent. Ils semblent insinuer que, désormais, le quartier est à eux... Pourtant, rien n’est fini. Le quartier ne veut pas de leur aménagement à coup de matraque, de mur et de béton. Le quartier se battra jusqu’au bout pour arrêter ce chantier dont personne ne veut.

      Voici un excellent retour par Primitivi sur le début de l’installation du mur lundi 29 octobre, et sur la conférence de presse qui l’a précédé :
      https://vimeo.com/297967292


      https://mars-infos.org/le-mur-du-mepris-la-plaine-2018-3468
      #gentrification

    • Et à #Bure... les murs ont tombé... c’est ce qui est rappelé sur les réseaux sociaux concernant le mur de Marseille :

      En fait on a déjà vu ce type de murs à Bois Lejuc (#Bure) il y a deux ans ... et les murs étaient tombés

      https://twitter.com/ADecroissance/status/1057396390014390272

      Les murs tombent dans le #Bois_Lejuc !

      Aujourd’hui, près de 500 personnes, jeunes, moins jeunes, militant-e-s de tous les horizons, habitant-e-s, agriculteurs, ont réinvesti le Bois Lejuc et procédé à sa remise en état dans une atmosphère festive et déterminée. Plusieurs centaines de mètres de pans de mur illégalement érigés ont été abattus, d’autres redécorés, des arbrisseaux plantés. Quelques plants de légumes plantés lors de l’occupation de la forêt du 19 juin au 7 juillet, rescapés de la reprise de la forêt par l’Andra, ont même été repiqués.
      deco190Militant-e-s récemment mobilisé-e-s et opposant-e-s de la première heure se sont retrouvé-e-s à l’ombre des arbres libérés pour pique-niquer et refaire le monde sur les ruines du mur. Avec la chute de ce mur, ce n’est pas seulement un symbole de la violence et du passage en force de l’Andra qui est tombé ; c’est aussi la chape de plomb de la fatalité et de la résignation qui s’est fissurée.

      down2Cette fronde populaire est une saine et légitime défense face au rouleau compresseur de l’Andra, prête à tout pour imposer CIGÉO (emploi de vigiles surarmés, mépris des lois, mépris des décisions de justice). Les centaines de personnes arrivées dans le bois ont pu constater l’ampleur des dégâts infligés à la forêt : coupes dans des futaies de jeunes arbres, nouvelles et larges saignées dans les taillis… Certains indices laissent d’ailleurs penser que l’Andra a poursuivi ce défrichement illégal même après la décision de justice du 1er août. Nous attendons avec impatience les échéances juridiques à venir.


      Face à l’étendue des dégâts et la mauvaise foi de l’Andra, il nous semble plus qu’essentiel de continuer à défendre la forêt dans les jours et semaines à venir !


      https://vmc.camp/2016/08/14/les-murs-tombent-dans-le-bois-lejuc

    • Dans le numéro de @cqfd en kiosque actuellement

      #Urbanisme à la tronçonneuse – La Plaine emmurée > La mairie y croyait dur, à son opération table rase sur La Plaine. Et, la mort dans l’âme, le quartier s’y préparait. Une fois chassés les gens du marché, la résistance allait faiblir. Gérard Chenoz, adjoint (LR) aux Grands projets d’attractivité et maître d’œuvre des travaux de requalification de la place Jean-Jaurès, s’en était vanté auprès du site Marsactu : « Une Zad sur La Plaine ? Dans dix jours c’est fini. » Il aura finalement fallu un mois riche en surprises, et un mur de béton de 2,5 mètres de haut ceinturant l’esplanade, pour que le chantier démarre vraiment. Le Marseille populaire n’a pas dit son dernier mot.

      http://cqfd-journal.org/Au-sommaire-du-no170-en-kiosque

    • Heureusement, ces murs seront « embellis et habillés » par des « artistes, peintres urbains et graffeurs [...] dans le respect de l’identité de la place Jean Jaurès, connue pour être un lieu incontournable du street art ». Peindre en rose un mur de séparation, un crachat au visage du quartier, ne le rend pas plus agréable ni « respectueux ». Par contre, ces fameux « artistes » risquent de ne pas être très bien accueillis lorsqu’ils viendront. Devra-t-on bientôt voir des « street-artistes », héritiers de l’art vandale, protégés par la police ? Ce serait un comble.

      Pour l’anecdote, on apprend aussi que « les accès aux immeubles résidents sont maintenus » pendant la durée des travaux. C’est gentil ça, de laiser les gens rentrer chez eux.

      https://mars-infos.org/chenoz-et-la-mairie-nous-mentent-3469#nh3-3

      formulé par la Soleam :

      Mesure de sécurité aussi regrettable qu’indispensable, ces barrières deviendront un espace d’expression. Un collectif d’artistes leur donnera une note artistique. Ces peintres urbains et graffeurs travailleront à égayer le nouveau dispositif de sécurité, dans le respect de l’identité de la place Jean Jaurès, connue pour être un lieu incontournable du street art.

      http://www.soleam.net/projet/__trashed-2

      Leur rêve :

      Un positionnement géographique idéal, un port enfin dynamique et plutôt smart, des grandes entreprises qui agissent comme locomotives, des entrepreneurs qui ne restent pas indifférents aux évolutions du territoire, des startups à foison et, cerise sur le gâteau, un climat clément qui rend le business plus sympathique sous le soleil.

      «  Nous voulons nous servir du langage de la tech pour hacker les cerveaux des plus jeunes et leur donner accès à la culture.  »

      « Il faut repenser la configuration des quartiers. Tout détruire et tout reconstruire de façon différente en utilisant une situation géographique exceptionnelle . Cela doit s’accompagner d’une politique plus sociale. » Et de plaider pour un « plan Marshall urbanistique » . Mais aussi pour un centre-ville qui aurait tout intérêt à devenir piéton, gagnant ainsi des points d’attractivité supplémentaire, ne serait-ce qu’au niveau touristique.

      Qui voudrait aussi plus de bleu et de vert, « une ville propre, bien éclairée qui serait devenue le leader mondial de l’éolien flottant, qui aurait un grand port lequel aurait dépassé Miami en termes de nombre de croisiéristes. »

      https://marseille.latribune.fr/economie/2018-10-27/marseille-une-metropole-mondiale-791674.html

      Un cauchemar !

      source de l’article : #twittoland
      https://twitter.com/gerardchenoz/status/1047025687331254274
      #urbanisation #métropolisation #bétonisation

    • Marseille : lettres de la Plaine

      Alors que nous nous apprêtions à boucler l’édition de ce lundi, édition dans laquelle une lettre de la Plaine annonçait aux pouvoirs publiques que le mur de béton de 2m50 construit à la hâte pour protéger la destruction de l’une des dernières place populaire de Marseille, ne manquerait pas de tomber, nous recevons cette nouvelle missive. Le mur est donc partiellement tombé et éclaté sur le sol. Cela valait évidemment une nouvelle lettre aux élus.

      Chers Jean-Claude, Gérard & Jean-Louis,
      On voulait vous prévenir, votre mur il est malade, certaines parties ont dû être abattues.
      C’était pas sécur’.
      On a pensé à la transplantation mais c’est vrai que trois tonnes chaque morceau du mur, c’est beaucoup.
      Ceci dit, on vous trouve un peu léger.
      On a comme l’impression que vous avez du mal à estimer le poids du refus.
      C’est qu’il est bien plus lourd que votre mur.

      C’est bizarre d’être à ce point à côté de la plaque.
      De sous estimer autant.
      On vous pensait mieux renseignés, mieux entourés.
      On a pourtant tout fait pour vous aider.
      Les manifestations, les pétitions, les lettres…
      Trois mille personnes l’autre jour dans la rue.
      C’est peut-être Olivier de la préfecture, il ne sait pas compter, il doit mal vous renseigner.

      On est un peu triste pour vous parce que ça à l’air tout petit le monde dans vos têtes. Tout réduit.
      Bref, on vous sens fatigués, dépassés.
      On s’inquiète pour vous.
      D’autant qu’ici sur la place il se murmure que ça se lézarde dans les autres quartiers. D’ailleurs on fait une réunion cet après-midi avec les autres quartiers. Vous devriez venir, toute la ville sera là. Un grand conseil municipal.

      En tout cas, c’est gentil d’avoir remis l’électricité sur la place.
      On y voit mieux.

      Ici on a hâte de connaître votre prochaine idée. Le carnet de chèque, en tout cas, il doit pas mal tourner. On est rassurés de savoir la ville si riche. ça change.

      Au fait, pour le service après vente du mur, on vous donne les coordonnées :
      - Groupe PBM. 04 72 81 21 80
      97 Allée Alexandre Borodine - Bât Cèdre 2 - 69800 Saint-Priest.

      et puis celles du directeur des ventes, ça peut-être utile pour les réclamations
      Laurent ULLINO - Tél. 06 61 08 58 48
      laurent.ullino@pbm.fr »

      https://lundi.am/Marseille-lettres-de-la-Plaine-1567

    • Un quartier à cran

      Tel un orage d’été, la requalification de la place Jean-Jaurès, au cœur du quartier de La Plaine, à Marseille, s’annonce aussi incertaine que menaçante.

      À quelques jours de l’échéance, et malgré une plaquette publicitaire affirmant que tout est ficelé (on y vante sans vergogne « une démarche collective et collaborative », pour « une grande place métropolitaine, méditerranéenne, polyvalente et populaire »), tous les lots de l’appel d’offres n’ont pas encore été attribués. En revanche, des recours juridiques sont déposés au nom des forains du marché, de commerçants et de l’association La Plaine sans frontières.

      Si le cabinet APS, chargé de redessiner la place, enfume l’opinion avec des formules ronflantes promettant une « réactivation contemporaine », les premiers concernés subissent l’habituel mépris de la vieille garde municipale. Le phasage des travaux, qui aurait permis à 80 vendeurs sur 300 de cohabiter avec le chantier, est jeté aux oubliettes. Dans un courrier en date du 1er août, l’élue Marie-Louise Lota, adjointe aux Emplacements publics, annonce la « fermeture totale de la place pour des motifs de sécurité et de salubrité ». Les forains seront exilés sur huit « sites de repli », pour l’essentiel dans les quartiers Nord. Cette dispersion signerait l’arrêt de mort du marché le plus populaire de la ville.

      Autre déracinement : 87 des 191 arbres de la place devraient être arrachés. Pour endormir les consciences, l’élu Gérard Chenoz, adjoint aux Grands projets d’attractivité, et le paysagiste Jean-Louis Knidel affirment qu’ils ne seraient pas coupés, mais « transplantés ailleurs », pour « une plus grande biodiversité » !

      Consulté, un technicien forestier a démonté l’intox : une telle opération, très coûteuse, aurait dû se préparer en amont et les tilleuls adultes ont peu de chance de survivre.

      Autre fake news, la piétonisation : une voie de circulation éventrera la plus grande place de Marseille sur toute sa longueur. Pour rendre cet attentat plus sexy, les paysagistes parlent de ramblas… Aucun plan général de mobilité, aucune étude d’impact sérieuse : un effet entonnoir, ainsi que la suppression de 400 places de stationnement sans solution alternative, déporteront le chaos automobile dans les rues adjacentes.

      À des restaurateurs inquiets, Yves Moraine, maire des 6e et 8e arrondissements, a répondu avec désinvolture qu’ils seraient « bien contents de la plus-value de leurs fonds de commerce une fois le quartier réhabilité ». Il dévoile ainsi des visées spéculatives, tout en mentant éhontément : s’ils sont contraints de vendre, les commerçants le feront sur la base d’un chiffre d’affaires rendu calamiteux par trois ans de chantier.

      Autre menace : sur un espace « minéralisé », avec un « deck central » en bois où les badauds pourront « se montrer et regarder », tous les usages non encadrés et non marchands seront mal vus. Sous l’œil de 26 caméras, le carnaval indépendant, la sardinade du 1er mai, les jeux de boules ou de balle et les repas de quartier deviendront des « usages déviants ».

      Un tel équarrissage serait le point d’orgue de la reconquête d’un centre-ville trop populeux, qu’on aimerait voir basculer du côté des quartiers huppés. Sans oublier la volonté de multiplier les zones d’attractivité touristique. Preuve de l’impopularité de cette politique, les candidats de l’équipe Gaudin ont été désavoués dans les urnes, éjectés avec à peine 10 % des voix au premier tour des dernières législatives. Mais qu’importe : « Avant de prendre ma retraite, je vais nettoyer La Plaine », aurait déclaré Marie-Louise Lota.

      Plus soucieuse de réélection, la nouvelle génération LR soigne ses éléments de langage : « Je suis pour une rénovation inclusive, nous avons besoin de toutes les énergies », lance Sabine Bernasconi, maire des 1er et 7e arrondissements. Ce qui ne l’empêche pas de s’attaquer au boulodrome associatif de la place Carli, après que les bouquinistes en ont été bannis. La même phobie de toute activité populaire est là encore à l’œuvre.

      Seule force de ce projet de destruction, la division de ses adversaires. Écolos et pro-vélos sont bernés par une piétonisation cosmétique. Nombre de riverains des quartiers voisins croient que tout vaudra mieux que cette place laissée à l’abandon depuis des années. Reste le fantôme d’une Zad urbaine pour sauver les arbres, le spectre d’un coup de sang des forains et la mutation de l’assemblée de La Plaine en véritable assemblée de quartier. Qui est vivant verra.

      http://cqfd-journal.org/local/cache-vignettes/L400xH456/-914-980ee.jpg

      http://cqfd-journal.org/Un-quartier-a-cran


  • Barrières controversées aux #postes-frontières secondaires tessinois

    Des barrières sont en voie d’installation à plusieurs postes-frontières secondaires entre le Tessin et l’Italie. Fruits d’un compromis entre le canton et la Confédération, elles ne font pas l’unanimité.

    La pose de barrières à six de ces passages qui ne sont plus surveillés en permanence intervient après une période d’essai de six mois de #fermeture_nocturne, entre 23 heures et 5 heures du matin, qui avait été mise en place pour lutter contre les #braquages.

    Pour le Conseil fédéral, l’expérience menée en 2017 n’avait pas permis de conclure à une baisse de la criminalité. Il a cependant accepté que, selon les circonstances, ces petites frontières puissent être temporairement bouclées.

    Mais au sud des Alpes, certains ont le sentiment que Berne ménage davantage les susceptibilités italiennes que les intérêts du Tessin. C’est le cas de la conseillère nationale de la Lega et vice-syndique de Chiasso Roberta Pantani, qui avait demandé une fermeture nocturne durable.
    « Berne a peur des mesures de rétorsion de l’Italie »

    « Les problèmes majeurs ont surtout été posés par l’Italie qui disait que la fermeture était contraire à l’accord de Schengen », souligne-t-elle. « Mais pour nous, il s’agissait seulement de rétablir une certaine habitude de fermeture la nuit. C’est la première chose. Et la seconde, c’est que peut-être que le Conseil fédéral ne connaît pas très bien la situation du Tessin, où il a peur des mesures de rétorsion de l’Italie. »

    Mais de simples barrières, comme à l’entrée des parkings, suffiront-elles à repousser des malfaiteurs ? Pour Ornello Rusconi, patron d’une station d’essence à deux pas de la douane de San Pietro où sera installée une barrière, c’est toujours bon à prendre. Il a subi une quinzaine de braquages ces dernières années et l’entrée de son magasin est désormais verrouillée, sécurisée par des barreaux et une caméra de surveillance. Il est impossible d’entrer sans contrôle facial préalable.
    « Une mesure supplémentaire bienvenue »

    Pour lui, la décision constitue une bonne nouvelle : « En cas de besoin, le passage est bloqué et les autos ne peuvent plus passer », relève-t-il. « Si quelqu’un veut sortir, il doit s’arrêter ou trouver une alternative. Ou casser la barrière, mais l’infraction est grave. Si la route est barrée, il faut trouver une autre voie. C’est une mesure supplémentaire bienvenue », dit le commerçant.

    D’autres habitants de la région se montrent plutôt sceptiques. « Celui qui a envie d’entrer pour commettre un méfait ne va pas s’arrêter devant une barrière », juge un père de famille dont l’entourage a déjà subi des cambriolages à répétition. « Dans les faits divers, on lit que ce sont même des bandes professionnelles qui viennent ; ce n’est certainement pas une barrière qui va les arrêter. La frontière est vraiment ouverte ; il n’y a pas qu’un seul passage, la zone de frontière est partout. »
    L’objectif est de fermer rapidement ces frontières

    Reste à savoir quand la décision d’abaisser ces barrières - qui sont en cours d’installation - sera prise. Interpellée, la direction des gardes-frontière à Berne a répondu par un « no comment » à la RTS.

    Le département tessinois du Territoire, chargé de leur pose, fait savoir de son côté qu’un groupe de travail réunissant police et gardes-frontière planche actuellement sur les critères qui permettront « de boucler rapidement » ces frontières secondaires.

    https://www.rts.ch/info/regions/autres-cantons/9944416-barrieres-controversees-aux-postes-frontieres-secondaires-tessinois.html
    #frontières #rematérialisation_des_frontières #Schengen (fin de -) #criminalité #barrières_frontalières #Tessin #Suisse #Italie #fermeture_des_frontières #frontière_sud-alpine

    signalé par @bce_106_6, que je remercie


  • Words matter. Is it @AP style to call migrants an “army”—above a photo of mothers tending to their infants and toddlers, no less? This is not only incorrect, but it enables a racist narrative sold by this @POTUS and his supporters. Armies invade. These people are running away.


    https://twitter.com/JamilSmith/status/1054163071785037824
    #armée #terminologie #préjugés #invasion #afflux #mots #vocabulaire #migrations #réfugiés #médias #journalisme #presse

    • #Polly_Pallister-Wilkins sur la marche de migrants qui a lieu en Amérique centrale...

      Dear media reporting on the Central American migrant caravan, can you please be attentive to how you talk about it? 1/n
      People are walking, walking not pouring, flowing, or streaming. Walking. They are walking along roads, they will be tired, hungry, their feet will hurt, they will have blisters and sore joints. They are not a natural liquid phenomenon governed by the force of gravity. 2/n
      Their walking is conditioned by the infrastructures they move along like roads, the physical geographies they traverse like hills and rivers and the human controls they encounter like border controls and police checkpoints. 3/n
      All of these things are risky, they make the walk, the journey more difficult and dangerous, esepcially the police checkpoints and the border controls. These risks are the reason they are travelling as a caravan, as a large group attempting to minimise the risks of controls 4/n
      And the risks from gangs and criminals that migrants on their journeys routinely face. Their journey is a deeply embodied one, and one that is deeply conditioned both by the violence they are leaving and the violence of the journey itself. 5/n
      So media please try and reflect this in your storytelling. These people are not a river obeying gravity. They have made an active yet conditioned choice to move. When they encounter a block in their path this can be deadly. It can detain, deport, injure, rape, or kill. 6/n
      And these blockages are not boulders in a riverbed around which the river flows. These blockages, these #checkpoints, border controls or police patrols are human blockages, they are not natural. So please try and reflect the political structures of this journey. Please. End/
      Addendum: there is a long history of caravans as a form political resistance in Central America.

      https://twitter.com/PollyWilkins/status/1054267257944227840
      #marche #migrations #Honduras #Amérique_centrale #mots #vocabulaire #terminologie #média #journalisme #presse #caravane #métaphores_liquides #risque #gravité #mouvement #contrôles_frontaliers #blocages #barrières #résistance #Mexique

    • Migrants travel in groups for a simple reason: safety

      A caravan of Central American migrants traveling to through Mexico to the United States to seek asylum is about halfway through its journey.

      The caravan began on Oct. 13 in Honduras with 200 people. As it has moved through Honduras, Guatemala and now Mexico, its ranks have grown to over 7,000, according to an estimate by the International Organization of Migration.

      The migrants have been joined by representatives from humanitarian organizations like the Mexican Red Cross providing medical assistance and human rights groups that monitor the situation.

      Journalists are there, too, and their reporting has caught the attention of President Donald Trump.

      He has claimed that the caravan’s ranks probably hide Middle Eastern terrorists. Trump later acknowledged there is no evidence of this, but conservative media outlets have nevertheless spread the message.

      It is reasonable for Americans to have security concerns about immigration. But as a scholar of forced migration, I believe it’s also important to consider why migrants travel in groups: their own safety.
      Safety in numbers

      The Central Americans in the caravan, like hundreds of thousands of people who flee the region each year, are escaping extreme violence, lack of economic opportunity and growing environmental problems, including drought and floods, back home.

      Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico have some of the world’s highest murder rates. According to Doctors Without Borders, which provides medical care in crisis zones, 68 percent of the migrants and refugees it surveyed in Mexico had experienced violence. Nearly one-third of women were sexually abused.

      Whether crossing Central America, the Sahara desert or the mountains of Afghanistan, migrants are regularly extorted by criminals, militias and corrupt immigration officials who know migrants make easy targets: They carry cash but not weapons.

      Large groups increase migrants’ chance of safe passage, and they provide some sense of community and solidarity on the journey, as migrants themselves report.
      Publicizing the dangers they flee

      Large groups of migrants also attract media coverage. As journalists write about why people are on the move, they shed light on Central America’s many troubles.

      Yet headlines about huge migrant caravans may misrepresent trends at the U.S.-Mexico border, where migration is actually decreasing.

      While the number of Central American families and children seeking asylum in the U.S. has increased in the past two years, Mexican economic migrants are crossing the border at historically low levels.

      And while most migrant caravan members hope to seek asylum in the U.S., recent history shows many will stay in Mexico.

      In response to Trump’s immigration crackdown, Mexican president-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador has promised to welcome Central American refugees — and try to keep them safe.


      https://theconversation.com/migrants-travel-in-groups-for-a-simple-reason-safety-105621

      #sécurité

    • Trump’s Caravan Hysteria Led to This

      The president and his supporters insisted that several thousand Honduran migrants were a looming menace—and the Pittsburgh gunman took that seriously.

      On Tuesday, October 16, President Donald Trump started tweeting.

      “The United States has strongly informed the President of Honduras that if the large Caravan of people heading to the U.S. is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effective immediately!”

      “We have today informed the countries of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador that if they allow their citizens, or others, to journey through their borders and up to the United States, with the intention of entering our country illegally, all payments made to them will STOP (END)!”

      Vice President Mike Pence also tweeted:

      “Spoke to President Hernandez of Honduras about the migrant caravan heading to the U.S. Delivered strong message from @POTUS: no more aid if caravan is not stopped. Told him U.S. will not tolerate this blatant disregard for our border & sovereignty.”

      The apparent impetus for this outrage was a segment on Fox News that morning that detailed a migrant caravan thousands of miles away in Honduras. The caravan, which began sometime in mid-October, is made up of refugees fleeing violence in their home country. Over the next few weeks, Trump did his best to turn the caravan into a national emergency. Trump falsely told his supporters that there were “criminals and unknown Middle Easterners” in the caravan, a claim that had no basis in fact and that was meant to imply that terrorists were hiding in the caravan—one falsehood placed on another. Defense Secretary James Mattis ordered more troops to the border. A Fox News host took it upon herself to ask Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen whether there was “any scenario under which if people force their way across the border they could be shot at,” to which Nielsen responded, “We do not have any intention right now to shoot at people.”

      Pence told Fox News on Friday, “What the president of Honduras told me is that the caravan was organized by leftist organizations, political activists within Honduras, and he said it was being funded by outside groups, and even from Venezuela … So the American people, I think, see through this—they understand this is not a spontaneous caravan of vulnerable people.”

      The Department of Homeland Security’s Twitter account “confirmed” that within the caravan are people who are “gang members or have significant criminal histories,” without offering evidence of any such ties. Trump sought to blame the opposition party for the caravan’s existence. “Every time you see a Caravan, or people illegally coming, or attempting to come, into our Country illegally, think of and blame the Democrats for not giving us the votes to change our pathetic Immigration Laws!” Trump tweeted on October 22. “Remember the Midterms! So unfair to those who come in legally.”

      In the right-wing fever swamps, where the president’s every word is worshipped, commenters began amplifying Trump’s exhortations with new details. Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondered whether George Soros—the wealthy Jewish philanthropist whom Trump and several members of the U.S. Senate blamed for the protests against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and who was recently targeted with a bomb—was behind the migrant caravan. NRATV, the propaganda organ of the National Rifle Association, linked two Republican obsessions, voter fraud and immigration. Chuck Holton told NRATV’s viewers that Soros was sending the caravan to the United States so the migrants could vote: “It’s telling that a bevy of left-wing groups are partnering with a Hungarian-born billionaire and the Venezuelan government to try to influence the 2018 midterms by sending Honduran migrants north in the thousands.” On CNN, the conservative commentator Matt Schlapp pointedly asked the anchor Alisyn Camerota, “Who’s paying for the caravan? Alisyn, who’s paying for the caravan?,” before later answering his own question: “Because of the liberal judges and other people that intercede, including George Soros, we have too much chaos at our southern border.” On Laura Ingraham’s Fox News show, one guest said, “These individuals are not immigrants—these are people that are invading our country,” as another guest asserted they were seeking “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      Peter Beinart: Trump shut programs to counter violent extremists

      In the meantime, much of the mainstream press abetted Trump’s effort to make the midterm election a referendum on the caravan. Popular news podcasts devoted entire episodes to the caravan. It remained on the front pages of major media websites. It was an overwhelming topic of conversation on cable news, where Trumpists freely spread disinformation about the threat the migrants posed, while news anchors displayed exasperation over their false claims, only to invite them back on the next day’s newscast to do it all over again.

      In reality, the caravan was thousands of miles and weeks away from the U.S. border, shrinking in size, and unlikely to reach the U.S. before the election. If the migrants reach the U.S., they have the right under U.S. law to apply for asylum at a port of entry. If their claims are not accepted, they will be turned away. There is no national emergency; there is no ominous threat. There is only a group of desperate people looking for a better life, who have a right to request asylum in the United States and have no right to stay if their claims are rejected. Trump is reportedly aware that his claims about the caravan are false. An administration official told the Daily Beast simply, “It doesn’t matter if it’s 100 percent accurate … this is the play.” The “play” was to demonize vulnerable people with falsehoods in order to frighten Trump’s base to the polls.

      Nevertheless, some took the claims of the president and his allies seriously. On Saturday morning, Shabbat morning, a gunman walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and killed 11 people. The massacre capped off a week of terrorism, in which one man mailed bombs to nearly a dozen Trump critics and another killed two black people in a grocery store after failing to force his way into a black church.

      Before committing the Tree of Life massacre, the shooter, who blamed Jews for the caravan of “invaders” and who raged about it on social media, made it clear that he was furious at HIAS, founded as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish group that helps resettle refugees in the United States. He shared posts on Gab, a social-media site popular with the alt-right, expressing alarm at the sight of “massive human caravans of young men from Honduras and El Salvador invading America thru our unsecured southern border.” And then he wrote, “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

      The people killed on Saturday were killed for trying to make the world a better place, as their faith exhorts them to do. The history of the Jewish people is one of displacement, statelessness, and persecution. What groups like HIAS do in helping refugees, they do with the knowledge that comes from a history of being the targets of demagogues who persecute minorities in pursuit of power.

      Ordinarily, a politician cannot be held responsible for the actions of a deranged follower. But ordinarily, politicians don’t praise supporters who have mercilessly beaten a Latino man as “very passionate.” Ordinarily, they don’t offer to pay supporters’ legal bills if they assault protesters on the other side. They don’t praise acts of violence against the media. They don’t defend neo-Nazi rioters as “fine people.” They don’t justify sending bombs to their critics by blaming the media for airing criticism. Ordinarily, there is no historic surge in anti-Semitism, much of it targeted at Jewish critics, coinciding with a politician’s rise. And ordinarily, presidents do not blatantly exploit their authority in an effort to terrify white Americans into voting for their party. For the past few decades, most American politicians, Republican and Democrat alike, have been careful not to urge their supporters to take matters into their own hands. Trump did everything he could to fan the flames, and nothing to restrain those who might take him at his word.

      Many of Trump’s defenders argue that his rhetoric is mere shtick—that his attacks, however cruel, aren’t taken 100 percent seriously by his supporters. But to make this argument is to concede that following Trump’s statements to their logical conclusion could lead to violence against his targets, and it is only because most do not take it that way that the political violence committed on Trump’s behalf is as limited as it currently is.

      The Tree of Life shooter criticized Trump for not being racist or anti-Semitic enough. But with respect to the caravan, the shooter merely followed the logic of the president and his allies: He was willing to do whatever was necessary to prevent an “invasion” of Latinos planned by perfidious Jews, a treasonous attempt to seek “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      The apparent spark for the worst anti-Semitic massacre in American history was a racist hoax inflamed by a U.S. president seeking to help his party win a midterm election. There is no political gesture, no public statement, and no alteration in rhetoric or behavior that will change this fact. The shooter might have found a different reason to act on a different day. But he chose to act on Saturday, and he apparently chose to act in response to a political fiction that the president himself chose to spread and that his followers chose to amplify.

      As for those who aided the president in his propaganda campaign, who enabled him to prey on racist fears to fabricate a national emergency, who said to themselves, “This is the play”? Every single one of them bears some responsibility for what followed. Their condemnations of anti-Semitism are meaningless. Their thoughts and prayers are worthless. Their condolences are irrelevant. They can never undo what they have done, and what they have done will never be forgotten.

      https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/caravan-lie-sparked-massacre-american-jews/574213

    • Latin American asylum seekers hit US policy “wall”

      Trump’s new restrictions mean long waits simply to register claims.

      The movement of thousands of Central American asylum seekers and migrants north from Honduras towards the southern border of the United States has precipitated threats from US President Donald Trump – ahead of next week’s midterm elections – to block the group’s entry by deploying troops to the US-Mexican border.

      Under international law the United States is obligated to allow asylum seekers to enter and file claims. However, immigration officials at the country’s southern border have for months been shifting toward legally dubious practices that restrict people’s ability to file asylum claims.

      “Make no mistake, the administration is building a wall – one made of restrictionist policy rather than brick and mortar,” said Jason Boyd, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).

      As a result, hundreds, possibly thousands, of asylum seekers have been left waiting for extended periods of time on the Mexican side of the border in need of shelter and basic services. Firm numbers for those affected are difficult to come by because no one is counting.

      Some of those turned away explore potentially dangerous alternatives. Aid and advocacy groups as well as the Department of Homeland Security say the wait has likely pushed some to attempt to enter the United States illegally, either with smugglers or on their own via perilous desert routes.

      While some of those in the so-called “migrant caravan” are searching for economic opportunity, others are fleeing gang violence, gender-based violence, political repression or unrest – all increasingly common factors in Central America and Mexico that push people to leave their homes.
      Menacing phone calls

      When people from the migrant caravan reach the southern border of the United States, they may find themselves in a similar position to Dolores Alzuri, 47, from Michoacan, a state in central Mexico.

      In late September, she was camped out with her husband, daughter, granddaughter, and aunt on the Mexican side of the DeConcini port of entry separating the twin cities of Nogales – one in the Mexican state of Sonora, the other in the US state of Arizona.

      Alzuri and her family were waiting for their turn to claim asylum in the United States, with only a police report in hand as proof of the threats they faced back home. Camping beside them on the pedestrian walkway just outside the grated metal door leading to the United States, nine other families waited to do the same.

      Over the preceding month Alzuri had received several menacing phone calls from strangers demanding money. In Michoacan, and many other parts of Mexico where criminal gangs have a strong presence, almost anybody can receive calls like these. You don’t know who’s on the other end of the line, Alzuri explained, but you do know the consequences of not following their orders.

      “If you do not give [money] to them, they kidnap you or they kidnap your family,” Alzuri said. “They destroy you. They kill you. That is why it is so scary to be in this country.”

      Other people she knew had received similar calls. She also knew that those who didn’t pay ended up dead – pictures of their bodies posted on Facebook as a macabre warning of what happens to those who resist.

      Fearing a similar fate, Alzuri packed her bags and her family and travelled north to ask for asylum in the United States. A friend had been granted asylum about nine months ago, and she had seen on television that other people were going, too. It seemed like the only way out.

      “I had a problem,” she said, referring to the phone calls. “They asked us for money, and since we did not give them money, they threatened us.”

      Before leaving her home, Alzuri said she filed a police report. But the authorities didn’t care enough to act on it, she said. “They are not going to risk their life for mine.”
      No way out

      Despite the danger at home, Alzuri and others in similar situations face an increasingly difficult time applying for asylum in the United States. At the Nogales crossing, asylum seekers must now wait up to a month simply to be allowed to set foot inside a border office where they can register their claims, aid workers there say.

      Those waiting are stuck in territory on the Mexican side that is controlled by gangs similar to the ones many are fleeing, though local aid groups have scrambled to find space in shelters, especially for women and children, so people will be safer while they wait.

      The situation hasn’t always been like this.

      In the past, asylum seekers were almost always admitted to register their claims the same day they arrived at the border. Since May, however, there has been a marked slowdown in registration.

      US Custom and Border Protection (CBP), the federal law enforcement agency responsible for screening people as they enter the country, says delays are due to a lack of capacity and space. But asylum advocates say similar numbers have arrived in previous years without causing a delay and the real reason for the slowdown is that CBP has shifted resources away from processing asylum seekers – not just in Nogales but across the southern US border – resulting in people being forced to wait for long periods or turned away altogether.

      This is happening despite the insistence of high-ranking Trump administration officials that asylum seekers present themselves at ports of entry or face criminal prosecution for crossing the border irregularly. Such contradictory policies, asylum advocates argue, are part of a broad-based effort by the Trump administration to dramatically reduce the number of people able to seek protection in the United States.

      “Our legal understanding is that they have the legal obligation to process asylum seekers as they arrive,” said Joanna Williams, director of education and advocacy at the Kino Border Initiative (KBI), a Nogales-based NGO. “There’s no room in the law for what they are doing right now.”
      A system in crisis

      In the past decade, migration across the southern border of the United States has undergone a dramatic change. Every year since the late 1970s US Border Patrol agents apprehended close to a million or more undocumented migrants entering the country. In 2007, that number began to fall, and last year there were just over 310,000 apprehensions – the lowest number since 1971.

      At the same time, the proportion of people entering the United States from the southern border to claim asylum has increased. Ten years ago, one out of every 100 people crossing the border was seeking humanitarian protection, according to a recent report published by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), a non-partisan think tank in Washington DC. Today that number is about one in three.

      According to Boyd of AILA, the increase is being driven by ongoing humanitarian emergencies in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, an area of Central America known as the Northern Triangle. These countries have some of the highest homicide rates in the world and are wracked by gang violence, gender-based violence, extortion, and extra-judicial killings. “Many of the individuals and families arriving at the US southern border are literally fleeing for their lives,” said Boyd.

      But the system that is supposed to provide them protection is in crisis. Beginning in 2010 the number of asylum requests lodged in the United States started to balloon, mirroring an upward trend in global displacement. Last year, 79,000 people approached the US border saying they had a credible fear of returning to their home country, compared to 9,000 at the beginning of the decade.

      The increase in credible-fear claims, as well as asylum requests made by people already in the United States, has strained the system to a “crisis point”, according to the MPI report. This has led to a backlog of around 320,000 cases in US immigration courts and people having to wait many months, if not years, to receive a hearing and a decision.
      Crackdown

      Senior officials in the Trump administration, including the president, have consistently lumped asylum seekers and economic migrants together, positing that the United States is being “invaded” by a “massive influx of illegal aliens” across the southern border, and that the asylum system is subject to “systematic abuse” by people looking to gain easy entry to the country.

      People working on the ground with asylum seekers refute this. Eduardo Garcia is a communication coordinator at SOA Watch, an organisation that monitors the humanitarian impact of US policy in Latin America. He has spent time in Nogales speaking with people waiting to claim asylum.

      “The stories of many of the people we have talked to… are stories of people fleeing gang violence, are stories of people fleeing because one of their sons was killed, because one of their sons was threatened, because one of their family members [was] raped,” he said. “They have said they cannot go back to their countries. If they are sent back they are going to be killed.”

      Still, the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy on immigration – responsible for the recent child-separation crisis – has also included measures that have restricted access to asylum in the United States.

      In May, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that the Justice Department would begin criminally prosecuting everyone who irregularly crossed the US southern border, including asylum seekers. In June, that policy was followed by a decision that the United States would no longer consider gang and sexual violence – precisely the reasons so many people flee the Northern Triangle – as legitimate grounds for asylum. Around the same time, CBP appears to have deprioritised the processing of asylum seekers at ports of entry in favour of other responsibilities, leading to the long waits and people being turned away, according to humanitarian workers and a recent report by the DHS’s Office of Inspector General.

      And even as these restrictive policies were being put in place, Trump administration officials have been encouraging asylum seekers to try. “If you’re seeking asylum, go to a port of entry,” Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said in an 18 June press conference. “You do not need to break the law of the United States to seek asylum.”

      Nogales, Mexico

      “I came here with the hope that if I asked for asylum I could be in the United States,” said Modesto, a 54-year-old from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. In mid-September he was sitting in a mess hall run a couple hundred meters from the US border run by KBI, which provides humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers.

      Modesto had already been in Nogales, Sonora for several months. Like Dolores Alzuri, he fled his home because criminal gangs had tried to extort money from him. “I worked a lot and was making a living in my country,” Modesto explained. “The problem in particular with the gangs is that they don’t let you work… If you have money they extort you. If you don’t have money they want to recruit you.” And people who don’t cooperate: “They’re dead,” he added.

      The situation Modesto found when he arrived in Nogales, Sonora was far from what he expected. For starters, there was the long wait at the border. But he also discovered that – as an adult travelling with his 18-year-old son – even once he entered the United States he would likely end up in a detention centre while his case slowly made its way through the overburdened immigration courts – a practice that has also increased under the Trump administration. “I don’t want to cross… and spend a year in prison when my family needs my help,” he said.

      Modesto is in some ways an exception, according to Williams of KBI. Many of the people arriving in Nogales, Sonora are families with children. Once in the United States they will likely be released from immigration detention with ankle monitoring bracelets to track their movements. These people often choose to wait and to claim asylum at the port of entry when there is space.

      After more than 100 people piled up to wait at the border in May, local humanitarian groups set up a system to organise and keep track of whose turn it was to submit an asylum claim to US immigration officials. They also scrambled to find spaces in shelters so people were not sleeping on the walkway over the weeks they needed to wait.

      Now, only people who are likely to enter soon are camped on the walkway. When IRIN visited, about 40 asylum seekers – mostly women and children – sat on one side of the walkway as a steady stream of people heading to the United States filtered by on the other. Some of the asylum seekers were new arrivals waiting to be taken to a shelter, while others had been sleeping there for days on thin mats waiting for their turn. Volunteers handed out clean clothing and served pasta, as a CBP agent opened and closed the metal gate leading to the United States, just a few tantalisingly short feet away.

      The slowdown of processing “leaves people stranded – in really dangerous situations sometimes – on the other side of the border, and completely violates our obligations under both domestic and international law,” said Katharina Obser, a senior policy adviser at the Women’s Refugee Commission, an NGO that advocates for women, children, and youth displaced by conflict and crisis.

      As a result, some people arrive, find out about the wait, and leave. “We’re fairly certain that those are individuals who then end up crossing the border through other means,” Williams said.

      The DHS Office of the Inspector General came to a similar conclusion, finding that the contradiction between Trump administration rhetoric and policy “may have led asylum seekers at ports of entry to attempt illegal border crossings.”
      Border-wide

      The situation in Nogales, Sonora is far from isolated, according to Boyd of the AILA. “Recent turnbacks of vulnerable asylum seekers have been documented throughout the US southern border,” he said, including at many ports of entry in Texas and California. In those states, asylum seekers have reported being stopped as they approach the border and told they cannot enter because immigration officials don’t have the capacity to process their claims.

      “Turnbacks form part of a comprehensive set of practices and policies advanced under this administration that appears aimed at shutting out asylum seekers from the United States,” Boyd continued.

      Meanwhile, people like Dolores Alzuri – and most likely some of the thousands of Central Americans who are travelling north from Honduras in the hope of claiming asylum – are left with little choice but to wait. Moving somewhere else in Mexico or returning home is not an option, said Alzuri. “The violence is the same in every state,” she said. And crossing the desert, “that’s a big danger.”

      She and her family don’t have a back-up plan. “Let’s hope that I do get [asylum], because I really do need it,” she said. “You don’t live comfortably in your own country anymore. You live in fear that something will happen to you. You can’t walk around on the streets because you feel that you’re being followed.”

      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/10/29/latin-american-asylum-seekers-hit-us-policy-wall
      #USA #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Mexique

      Commentaire Emmanuel Blanchar via la mailing-list Migreurop:

      Un article intéressant car il rappelle opportunément que la « caravane des migrants » en route vers les Etats-Unis est également composée de nombreuses personnes qui souhaiteraient pouvoir déposer des demandes d’asile. Or, si la frontières Mexique-USA est loin d’être encore mûrées, un mur administratif empêche déjà que les demandes d’asile puisse être déposées et traitées dans le respect des droits des requérant.e.s.

      #mur_administratif #asile

    • No es una caravana, es un dolor que camina

      La caravana de migrantes es sólo la primera manifestación pública y masiva de la crisis humanitaria en la que vive la mayoría de la población; negada por el gobierno, por la oligarquía, embajadas, organizaciones de la sociedad civil y por algunas agencias de cooperación que le hacen comparsa a la dictadura.

      Esta crisis humanitaria es provocada por el modelo económico neoliberal impuesto a sangre y fuego, que sólo pobreza y violencia ha llevado a las comunidades, que ante la ausencia de oportunidades y ante el acoso de los grupos criminales no tienen otra alternativa que la peligrosa e incierta ruta migratoria; prefieren morir en el camino que en sus barrios y colonias.

      El infierno en que se ha convertido Honduras tiene varios responsables. En primer el lugar el imperialismo, que a través de su embajada promueve la inestabilidad política en el país con el apoyo directo al dictador, que para granjearse ese apoyo les ha entregado el país, hasta el grado del despojo y de la ignominia, como puede observarse en los foros internacionales.

      Otro responsable es el dictador, que además de la incertidumbre que genera en lo económico, en lo político y en lo social, ha profundizado y llevado al extremo las políticas neoliberales, despojando de sus recursos a comunidades enteras, para dárselas a las transnacionales, principalmente norteamericanas y canadienses.

      La oligarquía corrupta, mediocre, salvaje, inepta y rapaz también es responsable de esta crisis humanitaria, quien se ha acostumbrado a vivir del presupuesto nacional a tal grado de convertir al Estado en su patrimonio, por medio de un ejército de ocupación, de diputados y presidentes serviles y títeres, que toman las decisiones no para el pueblo, sino que para sus insaciables intereses.

      Hay otro actor importante en esta crisis y es el Ejército Nacional, fiel sirviente de los intereses imperiales y de la oligarquía, que sólo sirve para consumir una gran tajada del presupuesto nacional y más que un ejército defensor y garante de la soberanía nacional es una fuerza de ocupación; listo para asesinar, torturar y matar aquellos que se oponen al dictador, al imperio y la oligarquía.

      Desgraciadamente esta caravana la conforman los miserables, los desheredados de la tierra, los parias: “los que crían querubes para el presidio y serafines para el burdel” como dijo en su poema, Los Parias, el poeta mexicano Salvador Díaz Mirón.

      Estos miserables y desheredados no huyen de la patria, la aman, la adoran y la llevan convertida en un dolor sobre sus hombros, huyen de los verdugos y carniceros que nos gobiernan y de los otros responsables de esta crisis humanitaria. Los que huyen aman a esta tierra más que los que nos quedamos.

      https://criterio.hn/2018/10/29/no-es-una-caravana-es-un-dolor-que-camina
      #douleur


  • Roma, un muro attorno al #Baobab «Sembra un lager per migranti»

    La denuncia dei volontari che assistono 300 rifugiati transitanti nel campo a ridosso della stazione Tiburtina. Gli operai stanno montando barriere in cemento e grate metalliche. Le Ferrovie: «Solo lavori per cantieri, abbiamo cominciato ad agosto»


    https://roma.corriere.it/notizie/cronaca/18_ottobre_19/roma-muro-attorno-baobab-sembra-lager-migranti-b0275d14-d3df-11e8-8205
    #Rome #asile #migrations #réfugiés #murs #barrières #frontières


  • Afghan, Pakistani forces clash over border fence

    Afghan and Pakistani border forces engaged in an armed clash over building a fence along the #Durand_Line on Sunday, local officials in southern Kandahar province said.

    Kandahar police spokesman, Zia Durani, told Pajhwok Afghan News that Pakistani forces tried this afternoon to fence a part of the Durand Line in Shorabak district of Kandahar, but Afghan border forces prevented their move.

    He said Pakistani forces in response attacked the Afghan forces and the clash was still underway. No one has so far been hurt in the battle. However, Pakistan closed down the friendship gate in #Spin_Boldak.

    A day earlier, Kandahar police chief, Gen. Abdul Raziq, said they had stopped Pakistan from fencing the Durand Line.

    He said that Pakistan started fencing the Durand Line in the southern region of the country but they stopped them.

    “Two weeks back, Pakistani forces started installation of fence on the border between Spin Boldak and #Shorabak districts of #Kandahar but border forces removed the fence and prevented them from doing so,” Raziq added.

    A year back, Afghan and Pakistani forces engaged in heavy clashes over fence installation in #Luqman and #Jahangir areas of Spin Boldak district and both the sides suffered casualties.

    Luqman and Jahangir areas are located in the zero point area of the border and they belong to Spin Boldak district.

    Pakistan forces last year conducted a population registration process in the two areas and claimed the areas belonged to Pakistan, but Afghan forces prevented them.

    The Afghan forces’ interference last year led to a fierce clash that continued for several hours, with both sides sustaining heavy casualties.

    After the clash, Afghanistan port with Pakistan was closed for 23 days that caused millions of afghanis losses to traders.


    https://www.pajhwok.com/en/2018/10/14/afghan-pakistani-forces-clash-over-border-fence
    #Pakistan #Afghanistan #murs #barrières_frontalières #frontières #disputes_frontalières

    #Ligne_durand:


    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ligne_Durand


  • The UK Border Regime

    Throughout history, human beings have migrated. To escape war, oppression and poverty, to make a better life, to follow their own dreams. But since the start of the 20th century, modern governments have found ever more vicious ways to stop people moving freely.

    The UK border regime includes the razor wire fences at #Calais, the limbo of the asylum system, and the open #violence of raids and deportations. Alongside the #Home_Office, it includes the companies running databases and detention centres, the media pushing hate speech, and the politicians posturing to win votes. It keeps on escalating, through Tony Blair’s war on refugees to Theresa May’s “#hostile_environment”, spreading fear and division.

    This book describes and analyses the UK’s system of immigration controls. It looks at how it has developed through recent history, the different actors involved, and how people resist. The aim is to help understand the border regime, and ask how we can fight it effectively.


    https://corporatewatch.org/new-book-the-uk-border-regime
    #livre #frontières #régime_frontalier #UK #Angleterre #limbe #barrières_frontalières #externalisation #France #renvois #expulsions #déportations #résistance #migrations #asile #réfugiés #détention_administrative #rétention #privatisation


  • Donald Trump urged Spain to ’build the wall’ – across the Sahara

    Spanish foreign minister says US president advised tactic to stem migration across the Med.

    Donald Trump suggested the Spanish government tackled the Mediterranean migration crisis by emulating one of his most famous policies and building a wall across the Sahara desert, the country’s foreign minister has revealed.

    According to Josep Borrell, the US president brushed off the scepticism of Spanish diplomats – who pointed out that the Sahara stretched for 3,000 miles – saying: “The Sahara border can’t be bigger than our border with Mexico.”

    #murs #Trump #Europe #Sahara #barrières_frontalières #désert_du_Sahara


  • Finland considers building border wall to block wild boars from Russia

    Finland is considering the construction of a wall on the Finnish-Russian border to prevent wild boars that can bring the African swine fever to Finland, media reports said on Monday.

    Sirpa Thessler, a senior official at the Finnish Natural Resources Agency, told public broadcaster Yle that the agency would figure out how long the wall could be and consider also the ecological impact of such a wall and the repercussions on other animals.

    The investigation has been ordered by the Ministry for Agriculture and Forestry of Finland and should be completed by the end of the year.

    The highly contagious disease has reached some Russian areas that border on Finland. It is no danger to people though.

    Finland has stepped up prevention measures to keep the swine pest out of Finland. Hunting of wild boars has been encouraged and pork production farms have been required to install additional fences if pigs are kept outdoors during summer.

    The swine pest can also be transferred via food carried by travelers. Finland has campaigned in ports with posters against meat products brought in by tourists. There are no formal customs controls for passengers entering Finland, except directly from Russia.

    “Even one sausage brought from the infected area can be fatal,” Katri Levonen, a senior official at the Ministry of Agriculture told the newspaper Maaseudun Tulevaisuus.

    She explained the infection spreads with long leaps via food, while the spreading based on direct contact with animals progresses slowly.

    Finnish officials and the pork industries were alarmed about the news that the swine fever had reached Belgium last week.

    The most western reported infection before Belgium had been the Czech Republic. Levonen said the leap from the Czech Republic to Belgium must have been with food. The infection of the Czech Republic had resulted as wild boars had been able to open a waste container, she said.

    Jukka Rantala, the production animal ombudsman of the Organization of Finnish Agricultural Producers, told Maaseudun tulevaisuus that detection of African swine fever can cause the pork exports to a standstill.

    “Much pork would remain a burden for the European market. Problems are to be expected on the European pork market,” Rantala said.

    http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-09/18/c_137474704.htm
    #Finlande #murs #barrières_frontalières #Russie #frontières #sangliers #faune #infections #santé #peste_porcine

    Et pour une fois il ne s’agirait pas, en tout cas c’est ce qu’ils reportent, de bloquer les humains, mais des animaux, des sangliers en particulier...


  • Centre fédéral de Chevrilles – asile et barbelés
    https://asile.ch/2018/09/18/centre-federal-de-chevrilles-asile-et-barbeles

    Le 18 juillet 2018, Aldo Brina, chargé d’information sur l’asile du Centre Social Protestant (CSP), s’est rendu au centre fédéral de Chevrilles, aussi appelé Giffers ou Gouglera. Cette structure est la première du genre en Suisse romande (si on ose dire, puisque le centre est situé dans la Singine fribourgeoise…). Elle a pour fonction d’héberger […]


  • Before the Trump Era, the “Wall” Made In Arizona as Political Performance

    “Trump’s Wall” illustrates the US obsession with ever-greater militarization of the Mexican border, independently of the actual numbers of unauthorized crossings. Yet these debates began revolving around the slogan “Build The Wall” long before the rise of Trump. Between 2010 and 2013, the activities of a coalition of activists, politicians and Arizona security experts had already legitimized recourse to a “wall”. Border-security debates thus concern more than mere control of border crossings. More crucially, they structure local and national political life in accordance with the interests and agendas of the political players whom they bring together.

    The Governors of California and Arizona reacted unevenly to President Trump’s announcement on April 4th, 2018, that National Guard soldiers were to be sent to the Mexican border1 to reinforce the Border Patrol and local police. Doug Ducey, Republican Governor of Arizona, displayed his enthusiasm: “I’m grateful today to have a federal administration that is finally taking action to secure the border for the safety of all Americans” 2. Jerry Brown, Democrat Governor of California, was more circumspect. He insisted upon the limits of such a measure: “”This will not be a mission to build a new wall […] It will not be a mission to round up women and children or detain people escaping violence and seeking a better life. […] Here are the facts: There is no massive wave of migrants pouring into California3”. These contrasting reactions illustrate the US rift over migration and border-security issues. To the anti-migrant camp, the border is insufficiently secured, and is subject to an “invasion4”. For opponents of the border’s militarization, this deployment is futile.

    On the anti-migrant side, between 2010 and 2013, Republican state congressmen in Arizona set up a unified Committee to gather all the political players who demanded of President Obama that he increases militarization of the border5. This included Sheriffs and Arizona State ministers—but also a breeders’ organization, the border Chambers of Commerce, militiamen who patrol the desert, and Tea Party groups. In May 2011, this Committee launched a fundraising drive dubbed “Build the Border Fence”. They portrayed cross-border migration as a threat to the public, consecrated the “Fence” as a legitimate security tool, and, seeking to force the hand of the Federal Government, accused it of failing in its duty to protect. Examining this mobilization prior to Trump’s election enables illustrating how militarization and the debates around it came to acquire legitimacy—and therefore to shed light on its current crystallization around the rhetoric of the “Wall”. This article will, first, briefly describe stages in the performative militarization of the border within which this political mobilization is embedded. It then presents three stages in the legitimization of the “Wall”, drawing on pro-“Border Wall” activism in Arizona.

    #Militarization by One-Upmanship

    Parsing differences over migration debates in the United States requires situating them within the framework of the long-term political performance of militarization of the border. The process whereby the border with Mexico has become militarized has gone hand in hand with the criminalization of unauthorized immigration since the 1980s-6. In the border area, militarization is displayed through the deployment of technology and surveillance routines of transborder mobility, both by security professionals and by citizen vigilantes7. The construction of “fences”8 made the borderline visible and contributed to this policy of militarization. The Trump administration is banking on these high-profile moments of wall-construction. In doing so, it follows in the footsteps of the G.W.Bush administration through the 2006 Secure Fence Act, and California Republicans in the 1990s. This is even while the numbers of unauthorized crossings are at historically low levels9, and federal agencies’ efforts are more directed towards chasing down migrants within the US. At various stages in the development of this policy, different players, ranging from federal elected officials through members of civil society to the security sector, local elected officials and residents, have staged themselves against the backdrop of the territory that had been fenced against the “invaders”. They thereby invest the political space concerned with closing this territory,against political opponents who are considered to be in favor of its remaining open, and of welcoming migrants. The latter range from players in transborder trade to religious humanitarian and migrant rights NGOs. Border security is therefore at the core of the political and media project of portraying immigration in problematic and warlike terms. Beyond controlling migrants, the issue above all orbits around reassuring the citizenry and various political players positioning themselves within society-structuring debates.
    Why Demand “Fences”?

    First and foremost, Arizona’s pro-fence players package transborder mobility as a variety of forms of violence, deriving from interpretation, speculation and—to reprise their terms—fantasies of “invasion”. In their rhetoric, the violence in Mexico has crossed the border. This spillover thesis is based on the experience of ranchers of the Cochise County on the border, who have faced property degradations since the end of the 1990s as a result of migrants and smugglers crossing their lands. In January 2013, the representative of the Arizona Cattlemen Association struck an alarmist tone: “Our people are on the frontline and the rural areas of our border are unsecured10”. The murder of an Association member in March 2010 was cited as evidence, swiftly attributed to what was dubbed an “illegal alien11”.

    “Border security also reflects domestic political stakes.”

    Based on their personal experiences of border migration, the pro-fence camp has taken up a common discursive register concerning the national stakes tied to such mobility. As Republican State Senator Gail Griffin explains, they express a desire to restore public order over the national territory, against the “chaos” provoked by these violent intrusions:

    “People in larger communities away from the border don’t see it as we do on the border but the drugs that are coming in though my backyard are ending up in everybody’s community in the State of Arizona and in this country. So it’s just not a local issue, or a county issue or a state issue, it’s a national issue 12.”

    In their view, the threat is as much to public order as it is to national identity. These fears denote a preoccupation with the Hispanization of society and cultural shifts affecting a nation that they define as being “Anglo-Saxon”. When the Build the Border Fence fundraising drive was launched on July 27, 2011, for example, Representative Steve Smith pronounced himself “horrified” by a development that he called “Press 2 for Spanish” in telephone calls. He also condemned the lack of integration on the part of Mexican migrants:

    “If you don’t like this country with you, you wanna bring your language with you, your gangfare with you, stay where you were! Or face the consequences. But don’t make me change because you don’t want to13.”

    Finally, border security also reflects domestic political stakes. It is a variable in the political balance of power with the federal government to influence decisions on immigration policy. Arizona elected representatives condemn the federal government’s inefficiency and lay claim to migration decision-making powers at the state-level. The “fence” is also portrayed a being a common sense “popular” project against reticent decision-making elites.
    “Fences”—or Virtual Surveillance?

    Control of the border is already disconnected from the border territory itself, and virtual and tactical technologies are prioritized in order to manage entry to the US. “Fences” appear archaic compared to new surveillance technologies that enable remote control. In the 2000s, the “virtualization” of border control was favored by the Bush and Obama administrations. Since 2001-2002, it has been embedded in the strategic concept of “Smart Borders” within the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This aims to filter authorized migration through programs that grant expedited- and preregistered-entry to US ports of entry, and through the generalization of biometric technologies. This strategy also rests upon integrating leading-edge technologies, such as the Secure Border Initiative (SBI) program that was in place from 2006 to 2011. At the time, the border area (including South-West Arizona) acquired watchtowers equipped with cameras and radar. Fences are, moreover, costly—and the financial and human costs of the construction, guarding and upkeep of these fences raise doubts over the benefits of such infrastructure. These doubts are expressed at security-technology fairs, where security professionals and industrialists gather14. There, the “fence” is ultimately understood as being a marginal control technology.

    Regardless, pro-fence activism in Arizona grants a key role to those military and police who help legitimate the recourse to “fences”. In particular, they draw on such models of securitization as the California border, that has been gradually been sealed since 1991, as well as, since 2006-07, the triple-barrier of Yuma, in South-West Arizona. Sheriff Paul Babeu, an ex-military National Guardsman who erected the “fences” in Yuma, assesses that they provide a tactical bonus for Border Patrol agents in smuggling centers, urban areas and flatlands15. Mainly, Arizona security professionals articulate their defense of the “fence” within the pursuit of personal political agendas, such as Republican sheriffs who are both security and political professionals.

    Attacking the Federal Government for Failure to Protect

    The spread of the pro-fence narrative largely rests upon widely-covered events designed to symbolize the process of militarization and to call for federal intervention. The materiality of “fences” elicits easy media coverage. The pro-fence camp are well aware of this, and regularly stage this materiality. During such public events as the 4thof July national holiday, they erect fake wooden fences on which they encourage participants to write “Secure the Border”. These pro-fence political players also seek out media coverage for their public statements.

    “Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.”

    Such media as Fox News follow their activities to the extent of turning pro-fence events into a regular series. On August 25, 2011, on the Fox News program On The Record, presenter Greta Van Susteren invited Republican Representative Steve Smith and publicized the fundraising drive using visuals drawn from the initiative’s website 16. The presenter framed the interview by gauging that Arizona parliamentarians had “got a grip on things to get the White House’s attention”. At no point was Steve Smith really challenged on the true cost of the fence, nor on opposition to the project. This co-production between the channel’s conservative editorial line and the pro-fence narrative enables the border area to be presented as a warzone, and amplifies the critique of the federal government.

    This staging of the debate complements lobbying to set up direct contact with federal decision-makers, as well as legal actions to pressure them. Pro-barrier activists in Arizona thus set out plans to secure the border, which they try to spread among Arizona authorities and federal elected officials-17. Sheriff Paul Babeu, for instance, took part in consultations on border security conducted by Senator John McCain and Presidential candidate Mitt Romney. By passing repressive immigration laws and mobilizing Arizona legal advisors to defend these laws when they are challenged in court, Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.
    Twists and Turns of “Build The Wall”

    Portraying transborder mobility as a “problem” on the local and, especially, the national levels; Legitimizing a security-based response by promoting the “fence” as only solution; And accusing the federal government of failing to protect its citizens. These are the three pillars of “The Fence”, the performance by pro-fence activists in the early 2010s. These moves have enabled making militarization of the border and the “Build The Wall” trope banal. Its elements are present in the current state of the discourse, when Donald Trump resorts to aggressive rhetoric towards migrants, touts his “Wall” as the solution, and stages photo-ops alongside prototypes of the wall—and when he accuses both Congress and California of refusing to secure the border. The issue here has little to do with the undocumented, or with the variables governing Central American migration. It has far more to do with point-scoring against political opponents, and with political positioning within debates that cleave US society.


    https://www.noria-research.com/before-the-trump-era-the-wall-made-in-arizona-as-political-performan
    #performance #performance_politique #spectacle #murs #barrières #barrières_frontalières #USA #Etats-Unis #Arizona #surveillance #surveillance_virtuelle #sécurité

    signalé par @reka


  • Biennale Venezia: muri protagonisti dell’esposizione di Architettura

    Mentre il governo italiano chiude i porti alle ong per lo sbarco di migranti alzando così una barriera immaginaria in mezzo al mediterraneo, quattro padiglioni della Biennale di Architettura di Venezia invitano i visitatori a riflettere su muri e confini. Un’esplicita critica all’attuale momento politico mondiale, segnalato da chiusure e separatismi.

    Freespace è il titolo scelto dalle architette irlandesi Yvonne Farrell e Shelley McNamara per parlare di libertà, generosità ed etica per arrivare alla valorizzazione degli spazi collettivi, senza tralasciare la rappresentazione politica che determinano le scelte nell’architettura. Secondo McNamara «dobbiamo essere consapevoli delle questioni politiche, l’architettura ha una profonda agenda sociale che ha una vasta portata politica».

    Partendo da questo principio, i padiglioni di Brasile, Stati Uniti, Germania e Israele hanno portato alla Biennale la loro ricerca basata sulla rappresentazione e percezione di muri, barriere e confini. Se in un momento della storia i muri erano indispensabile all’umanità per poter difendersi, oggi sono archetipi di conflitti e intolleranza.
    Biennale Venezia 2018: il muro nell’identità brasiliana

    Il viaggio tra interpretazioni ed esplorazioni, anche immaginarie, di muri e confini inizia dal padiglione brasiliano. A fare da cornice alla mostra Muros de Ar (Muri d’aria), si incontra una grande sala bianca dove sono state appese dieci gigantesche mappe suddivise per temi che attraverso la grafica mettono in relazione i problemi del paese con l’ambiente stesso.

    Attraverso la ricerca collettiva, i curatori Gabriel Kozlowski, Laura González Fierro, Marcelo Maia Rosa e Sol Camacho invitano a riflettere sulle condizioni archetipiche dei muri per il Brasile. Per i curatori «il muro è un elemento dell’architettura, della cultura e dell’identità brasiliane e la sua trasposizione si oppone all’omogeneizzazione, all’intolleranza e all’estremismo delle reclusioni».

    Le contraddizioni tra confine e divisione è vista alla luce del giorno nel paese verdeoro, dove la barriera sociale fra ricchi e poveri è sempre più evidente. Questa zona di confine costringe un’intera popolazione a vivere in uno stato di mancanza permanente di diritto.

    A dimostrazione di questo ci sono i dati l’istituto di ricerca Ipea. Soltanto nel 2016 più di 60 mila persone sono state assassinate nel paese e la maggior parte delle vittime sono giovani dai 15 ai 19 anni, neri e abitanti delle favelas.

    I dati rafforzano il pensiero di Ian Bremmer, presidente di Eurasia Group e professore della New York University, che durante un incontro a San Paolo a ottobre del 2017 aveva dichiarato che i governi dei paesi ricchi non daranno una risposta efficace all’aumento della disuguaglianza e che tensioni sociali e la violenza rafforzeranno i processi di esclusione e costruzione di muri, reali o virtuali.

    Oltre il muro di Trump alla Biennale di Venezia

    Su filone del pensiero di Bremmer si trova la mostra Dimensions of citizenship presentata dal padiglione degli Stati Uniti. Curata da Niall Atkinson, Ann Lui, Mimi Zeiger, l’esposizione si interroga sul significato della cittadinanza al giorno d’oggi, quando alcuni governi, compreso quello statunitense, limitano questo diritto. Per il team di curatori «è urgente che l’architettura agisca come uno strumento per comprendere, modellare e immaginare ciò che significa essere un cittadino oggi».

    Fra le opere della mostra, l’istallazione Mexus di Estudio Teddy Cruz + Fonna Forman ha riempito le parete di una delle sale del padiglione con una serie di fotografie intitolate La Nazione contro la Natura. Le immagini evidenziano una zona di confine fra Messico e Stati Uniti dove scorrono otto bacini fluviali che fanno una divisione geologica fra i due paesi.

    Arte e Biennale: 29 anni dopo la caduta del Muro

    Se gli Stati Uniti si sono interrogati sul senso della cittadinanza ai nostri giorni, la Germania ha fatto i conto con la propria storia. Ha presentato un’esposizione in cui il muro è mostrato come un’ombra oscura del passato, che deve essere ricordato perché non succeda più. Unbuilding Walls, curata da Marianne Birthler e dallo studio Graft, impressiona subito.

    Nella sala centrale del padiglione, l´istallazione di Alexander Lubic e cfk architetti riprende un muro alto, tagliato a pezzi, percorribile fra gli spazi vuoti. La parte davanti è dipinta di nero, mentro sul retro ci sono informazioni sui progetti costruiti nel 1989 lungo la striscia della morte che separava le due Germanie. L’istallazione gioca anche con la luce, proiettando sul pavimento l’ombra nera del muro frammentato, un chiaro richiamo al periodo buio del nazismo.

    Nelle due sale adiacenti, sei schermi fissi alle parete, messi uno accanto all’altro riprendendo l’impostazione di un muro, proiettavano la video-installazione Wall of Opinions. Ad ogni schermo un frammento di video documentava le testimonianze di persone che vivono in luoghi dove i muri esistono e fanno da barriera sociale, politica e immigratoria. Ad esempio, il muro che separa la Palestina da Israele, il muro di Trump che divide gli Stati Uniti dal Messico, quello della Corea del Nord e Sud e quello che fa da frontiera fra Unione Europea e Ceuta.
    Biennale di Architettura: Terra Santa, coesistenza tra culture

    Anche Israele ha portato il suo muro alla Biennale di Architettura. Statu Quo: Structures of Negotiation, curata da Ifat Finkelman, Deborah Pinto Fdeda, Tania Coen-Uzzielli, Oren Sagiv indaga sul delicato equilibrio coabitativo nei luoghi santi che spesso diventano luoghi di conflitti.

    Attraverso un percorso tra luoghi sacri invita a riflettere sulla coesistenza e le fragili regole di convivenza tra culture diverse che convivono in Terra Santa. L’architettura in questo caso è vista come un agente attivo per il mantenimento dell’equilibrio della regione, diventato molto complicato dopo 1948, l´anno in cui scoppiò la guerra con la Palestina.

    Subito all’ingresso è possibile vedere un modello materico della Chiesa del Santo Sepolcro dipinta di azzurro, bianco, giallo e marrone, dove ogni colore rappresenta una religione diversa. Nel piano superiore una video-installazione attende il pubblico. Nel video si vede il ponte in legno – che ricorda un tunnel – per Mughrabi, unica entrata al tempio per i non musulmani. Impressiona lo sguardo di una donna in un frame del video.

    #murs #art #Venise #biennale #frontières #barrières_frontalières

    @isskein y est, si j’ai bien compris!


  • El Gobierno desempolva un convenio de hace 26 años para expulsar a 116 migrantes

    La operación, de carácter extraordinario, se basa en un pacto que España y Marruecos firmaron en 1992.

    La Policía Nacional ha devuelto a Marruecos a los 116 subsaharianos que este miércoles saltaron la valla de Ceuta. Únicamente permanecen en España los dos menores que participaron en la entrada. El Gobierno ha recurrido para repatriarlos a un convenido firmado en 1992 por los entonces ministros del Interior de ambos países, José Luis Corcuera y Driss Basri, que contemplaba la expulsión en menos de 10 días de los ciudadanos de terceros países que entraran ilegalmente en España desde Marruecos. En sus 26 años, el acuerdo solo se había aplicado de manera excepcional.

    Firmado tras un repunte de la llegada de pateras a las costas andaluzas a comienzo de los noventa, en sus primeros 13 años en vigor el convenio sirvió para expulsar únicamente a 114 migrantes. En 2006, el Gobierno de José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero intentó reactivarlo, pero sin éxito. Tampoco lo logró Jorge Fernández Díaz, ministro del Interior del PP, quien en 2014 llegó a plantear a Marruecos su aplicación solo a aquellos que lograran saltar la valla de “forma violenta”. Desde entonces, se había utilizado en contadas ocasiones y, siempre, con un número de extranjeros muy inferior al de este jueves.

    Fuentes policiales destacan que las reticencias de Rabat a admitir ciudadanos de terceros países por esta vía había convertido su aplicación en excepcional. En los últimos años se aplicaba únicamente a los no marroquíes que arribaban en patera a las Islas Chafarinas, un archipiélago de soberanía española situado a 27 millas náuticas de Melilla y a 1,9 de la costa de Marruecos, en las que solo hay un destacamento militar español.

    La decisión de reactivar el acuerdo de Corcuera más allá de estas pateras la tomó el Ejecutivo de Pedro Sánchez el pasado 26 de julio, después de que más de 600 inmigrantes lograran saltar la valla de Ceuta. Los ministros del Interior y Asuntos Exteriores, Fernando Grande-Marlaska y Josep Borrell, respectivamente, solicitaron entonces a Marruecos que permitiera la entrega de, al menos, una parte de este numeroso grupo, pero Rabat rechazó la propuesta, según detallan fuentes de Interior conocedoras de aquellos contactos. Marruecos sí se comprometió a aplicar el convenio si se volvía a producir un salto masivo, como el que finalmente se produjo este miércoles otra vez en Ceuta. España inició entonces los contactos, pero las autoridades del país magrebí volvieron a mostrar reticencias. Grande-Marlaska entró en contacto esa misma tarde con sus interlocutores magrebíes para desatascar la situación.

    Los responsables de la Comisaría General de Extranjería y Fronteras desplegaron entonces un amplio dispositivo para cumplimentar los trámites en pocas horas. Los migrantes fueron trasladados de 10 en 10 desde el Centro de Estancia Temporal de Inmigrantes (CETI) de Ceuta a dependencias policiales para tramitar el expediente de devolución de forma exprés. Tras tomarles la filiación, se les entregaba la orden de expulsión en presencia de un abogado. De allí, pasaban a los calabozos para su posterior traslado en vehículos a la frontera. Interior ha marcado distancias con las polémicas devoluciones en caliente, en las que no se produce ninguna de estas circunstancias y que ya han costado una condena del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de Estrasburgo. Portavoces del ministerio recalcaban que “ninguno” de los 116 inmigrantes ahora devueltos a Marruecos solicitó asilo durante este trámite.
    España pagará los gastos

    Fuentes del equipo de Grande-Marlaska reconocen que el procedimiento habitual es que la devolución se haga directamente con el país de origen. Sin embargo, el acuerdo ahora esgrimido contempla la posibilidad de que regresen al país desde el que han cruzado la frontera, pese a que no sean oriundos de allí. “La clave es que han entrado por Marruecos”, recalcan estas fuentes. El convenio recoge que España se hace cargo tanto de los gastos de transporte a Marruecos como, posteriormente, desde allí a sus países de origen.

    Interior recalca que la entrada de los ahora devueltos se produjo de forma “ilegal y violenta” tras arrojar cal viva, ácido y excrementos a los guardias civiles que custodiaban la frontera. Siete agentes y cinco migrantes resultados heridos. “Legalmente, su situación es muy distinta de los que se les rescata en el mar”, recuerdan desde el ministerio. En el caso del auxilio de las pateras, la normativa internacional establece la obligación de los servicios de salvamento de llevar a los rescatados al puerto seguro más cercano.

    https://elpais.com/politica/2018/08/23/actualidad/1535027599_502354.html

    Je mets ici un autre message pour alimenter le tag #walls_don't_work #efficacité #murs #barrières_frontalières #frontières #les_murs_ne_marchent_pas

    ... même si, une fois passé le mur, les autorités marocaines ont procédé au #renvois #expulsions #push-backs des exilé·es qui avaient réussi à passer le barrage...

    #Ceuta #Melilla #Espagne #Maroc


  • Illusion cartographique au Nord, barrière de sable à l’Est : les #frontières mouvantes du #Sahara_occidental
    http://journals.openedition.org/espacepolitique/2644

    C’est entre 1981 et 1987 que l’Etat marocain entreprend, avec l’aide de techniciens français, la fortification militaire de lignes de dunes dans une perspective défensive. La fin des années 1970 est alors marquée par des combats violents entre les Forces armées marocaines (FAR) et le Front Polisario, qui agit dès 1976 depuis des bases arrière algérienne et mauritanienne. La prise pour cible du territoire marocain (hors de la zone controversée) et l’occupation ponctuelle de Tan Tan par les indépendantistes (opération « Houari Boumédiene ») sont vécues côté marocain comme un affront et renforcent l’idée d’un nécessaire mur de sécurisation pour protéger les centres névralgiques du Sahara, à savoir les villes, les oasis, les mines de phosphate de Bou Craa et les sources de la Saguia al Hamra (Mohsen-Finan, 2004). Entreprise à la faveur d’un renversement du rapport de forces sur le terrain par les FAR, la fortification de dunes s’étale sur plusieurs années

    #cartographie #Maroc


  • This European Border Is Still Open. But for How Long?

    The border between Austria and Slovenia runs through Armin Tement’s backyard. Literally.

    Not that you would know it. Neat rows of vines march up and down the valley like military columns with no regard for a frontier laid down by man, why here, no one can quite remember. The Slovene wine workers speak German. The Austrians speak Slovenian, or at least try.

    As for the wine, well, says Mr. Tement, 32, “it tastes exactly the same on both sides.”

    When Mr. Tement’s family started making wine back in the 19th century, there was no border here. The region of Styria, straddling what is now southeastern Austria and northeastern Slovenia, was part of the Hapsburg Empire.

    When the empire was broken up after World War I, Upper Styria became Austrian and Lower Styria became part of Yugoslavia — until the 1990s, when that country, too, was broken up and Slovenia gained its independence.

    The border, a hundred years old this year, was briefly eliminated by advancing Nazi armies, then heavily policed during the Cold War, before vanishing in all but name when Slovenia joined the European Union’s passport-free travel zone in 2007.

    “It was a great moment,” recalled Janez Valdhuber, 53, a winemaker on the Slovenian side. To celebrate, he grabbed his young children, climbed the steep vineyard opposite his house to the top where the border runs, and unfurled a European flag.

    The interrogations at the border stopped, and Mr. Valdhuber’s car trunk was no longer searched when entering Austria.

    But some worry Europe’s open borders might slowly be closing again, one checkpoint at a time.

    This month, Germany announced that at its Bavarian border, it would turn back asylum seekers registered in other European Union countries, a move reintroducing a hard border of sorts with Austria.

    Austria, now run by a conservative government in coalition with the far right, threatened to do the same on its southern border with Italy, Europe’s busiest north-south trade route. And as if to demonstrate its resolve, Austria briefly resurrected checkpoints at the Brenner Pass this month.

    The border at Spielfeld, an Austrian town with barely 1,000 inhabitants, became a stop on the migrant route in 2015, and for a few traumatic weeks that year, tens of thousands of refugees came through.

    Since then, Austrian soldiers have returned.

    They ride in military jeeps along the “Wine Route,” a winding country road that zigzags back and forth across the border. They have built a fence along a small border stretch near Spielfeld and set up makeshift checkpoints in the hills — only sporadically manned, but there — on otherwise deserted lanes.

    No one here reports having seen any refugees in more than two years, and so far the border checks are relatively rare.

    But this month, the Austrian military and police staged a high-profile military exercise, simulating another mass arrival of migrants.

    A platform was set up for the photographers. Two Black Hawk helicopters circled overhead. Two hundred students from the police academy were enlisted as “refugees.” Later, the defense ministry released a video.

    “It feels a bit like we’re backsliding into the old days,” said Marko Oraze, a member of Austria’s Slovene-speaking minority who runs the Council of Carinthian Slovenes.

    Mr. Oraze lives in Austria but gets his car fixed in Slovenia. Many of his friends commute across the border every day.

    “More and more of them are stopped at the border on their way to work,” he said.

    Some in Spielfeld applaud the tougher stance taken by Austria.

    “It’s about time,” said Walpurga Sternad, who runs a restaurant with her husband near the highway connecting Austria and Slovenia. “They should just close all the borders in Europe, go back to what we used to have,” she said, as a group of friends nodded in approval.

    Ms. Sternad remembers the day in October 2015, when some 6,000 migrants poured over the border in Spielfeld, filling the motorway and spilling into her own front yard. “It was scary,” she said. “So many people. They kept coming.”


    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/24/world/europe/austria-slovenia-border-migrants-spielfeld-schengen.html#click=https://t.co/YWlazq9xGU
    #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Autriche #Slovénie #fermeture_des_frontières #Schengen (fin de -) #militarisation_des_frontières #armée #frontière_sud-alpine

    • Anti-immigration mood drives fear of racist profiling on EU borders

      Europe’s passport-free area under pressure as calls grow for tougher migrant controls.

      Police spot checks have become a part of Fahad’s annual summer holiday when driving through the snow-topped mountains of southern Bavaria.

      “This usually happens,” said the Kuwaiti father of three, when his silver people-carrier with his wife and children was stopped by German border officers in the idyllic Alpine town of #Kiefersfelden.

      Fahad and his family had to wait for more than half an hour at the border post, until they were given a pass to drive from Austria into Germany. During the FT’s three-hour stay at the checkpoint, non-white drivers made up about 70 per cent of cars selected for further checks. Fahad was one of a few drivers with beards, while others included women wearing headscarves and motorists who at first sight did not look like white Europeans. All were waved through once their IDs were checked, vehicle boots searched and luggage examined.

      Racial profiling at Europe’s internal borders is forbidden under EU law. But with a fresh wave of anti-immigrant governments calling for tougher controls on migrant movements, there are concerns that non-white people will come under increasing suspicion when travelling in the continent.

      Europe’s passport-free Schengen zone — an area made up of 26 European states that abolished passport control at their mutual borders — has buckled under twin pressures: Europe’s biggest influx of refugees since the second world war, and a growing number of anti-immigrant governments pushing to crack down on irregular migration flows. “There is such a fear that Schengen won’t survive that countries are being given the discretion to do whatever they can to keep it alive,” said Elizabeth Collett, director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe think-tank.

      Although the number of migrants entering the EU has dropped dramatically since the height of the migration crisis in 2015, emergency powers still allow border controls across 20,000km inside the Schengen zone. Kiefersfelden, a popular skiing destination, has become one of Schengen’s pinch points: it is home to one of three emergency police controls along Germany’s 820km border with Austria.

      Every car travelling on the A12 autobahn through Kiefersfelden must pass a police border stop where officers select vehicles for extra spot checks. The cars that are picked are sent to a tented zone, where drivers and passengers must show valid ID documents.

      Border police said they are told to look for signs of undocumented migrants and people smugglers crossing into Germany from Austria. So far this year, an average of 900 illegal migrants per month have been detained on the Austro-German border, down from 1,120 per month in 2017.

      As racial profiling is outlawed, it is the responsibility of European governments to ensure their police forces carry out checks at random. Rainer Schafer, spokesman for the federal police overseeing the Kiefersfelden controls, said race and ethnicity “can be among the indicators” officers look for when deciding to pull over a vehicle for extra checks.

      “But there are no rules that we just pick out the people who look like they are coming from Africa,” he said. Other factors include registration plates (Italian or eastern European plates draw officers’ attention), blacked-out windows, and the number of passengers, he said.

      Police checks in Bavaria are expected to intensify after the region’s conservative local government last month requested tougher migration controls.

      Horst Seehofer, Germany’s interior minister, has also called on the government to break two decades of EU-wide co-operation on migration and unilaterally send people away at Germany’s internal borders. Observers fear that other Schengen countries, like Austria, could in turn erect their own emergency border controls — and that the EU’s principle of free movement of people is at risk of becoming a privilege enjoyed only by white Europeans.

      A report from La Cimade, a French non-governmental organisation, found French border police “systematically check the identity documents of people who do not have the right skin colour” on inbound trains from Italy.

      Inga Schwarz, a researcher at the University of Freiburg, said Europe’s internal border crossings are becoming “increasingly racialised spaces, constructed not only by border guards profiling according to race, but also by European citizens who witness these racialised control practices”.

      In Kiefersfelden, the majority of the non-white drivers selected for checks were tourists in people-carriers and expensive cars — mostly from the Gulf — and were waved through in less than 15 minutes. Uruj, a 27-year-old teacher from Kuwait, her husband and young daughter waited for nearly an hour in their white Mercedes.

      Although they had valid visa documents, police took away their passports and only permitted the family to continue to their holiday destination in Austria once they had obtained a car seat for their three-and-a-half-year-old daughter, Wafah. Uruj, who was wearing a pink headscarf, said, “I don’t think they liked the look of us.”


      https://www.ft.com/content/fac891a6-93f9-11e8-b67b-b8205561c3fe?segmentid=acee4131-99c2-09d3-a635-873e61754
      #contrôles_frontaliers #profiling #Allemagne #Autriche #contrôle_au_faciès

    • Réfugiés : la #Slovénie veut toujours plus de #barbelés sur sa frontière avec la #Croatie

      Les autorités slovènes se veulent rassurantes : la sécurité des frontières est assurée et personne n’a d’information sur l’éventuelle réouverture massive de la « #route_des_Balkans ». Pourtant le nouveau gouvernement ne semble pas avoir l’intention d’infléchir la politique migratoire de son prédécesseur et songerait même à étendre les barbelés qui coupent la Slovénie de son voisin croate.

      Par Charles Nonne

      La question des réfugiés semble ces dernières semaines avoir déserté le débat public en Slovénie. Le contrat de coalition signé le 28 août 2018, lapidaire, dédramatise : « Nous élaborerons une stratégie migratoire exhaustive, basée sur la coopération intergouvernementale. Nous protègerons les frontières de l’espace Schengen avec davantage d’efficacité et nous démonterons les obstacles techniques [barrières et panneaux] dès que les circonstances le permettront. »

      Pourtant, les passages de la frontière se poursuivent, notamment dans la région de la Bela Krajina, au sud-est du pays, où la rivière Kolpa sépare Slovénie et Croatie. Selon la police de Novo Mesto, entre le 1er janvier et le 31 septembre 2018, plus de 2400 ressortissants étrangers auraient illégalement franchi la Kolpa, soit douze fois plus qu’en 2017.

      Fin septembre, en marge d’un déplacement dans le centre régional de Črnomelj, le nouveau ministre de l’Intérieur, Boris Poklukar, avait affirmé vouloir maintenir les barrières en l’état, tout en garantissant que la police était préparée à une augmentation des passages frontaliers. Pour la maire de Črnomelj, Mojca Čemas Stjepanovič, « pour le moment, la sécurité est garantie et nous n’avons aucune raison de nous inquiéter. » Dans les communes les plus exposées, le gouvernement a promis l’érection de nouveaux « obstacles techniques » : sur les 670 kilomètres de frontière slovéno-croate, plus de 160 sont parcourus par des barbelés et 56 par de véritables barrières.

      En Slovénie, c’est notamment les tensions à la frontière entre la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Croatie qui préoccupent. Si le gouvernement se prépare à plusieurs scénarios, il affirme n’avoir « aucune information laissant penser à une augmentation prochaine des flux », indique le ministre Boris Poklukar. Au nord, l’Autriche a d’ores et déjà annoncé qu’elle ne diminuerait pas la surveillance de sa frontière lors des six prochains mois.

      Au-delà du strict contrôle frontalier, d’autres questions divisent : des inquiétudes pèsent notamment sur la possible installation de centres d’accueil, comme à Debeli Rtič, sur la côte slovène, et à Brežice, à 40 kilomètres de Zagreb. La directrice du bureau gouvernemental pour la prise en charge de l’intégration des migrants, Mojca Špec Potočar, a tenu à indiquer qu’« il n’y [aurait] aucune installation permanente de réfugiés. »

      La question secoue également les rangs de la coalition : l’ancienne ministre de l’Intérieur, Vesna Györkös Žnidar, « faucon » régulièrement critiqué par les défenseurs des droits de l’homme, vient de claquer la porte de son parti, le Parti du centre moderne (SMC) de l’ancien Premier ministre Miro Cerar, en raison de désaccords profonds sur les questions migratoires.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Slovenie-le-gouvernement-poursuit-lentement-le-renforcement-de-sa
      #fermeture_des_frontières #murs #barrières_frontalières



  • Inside Palmer Luckey’s Bid to Build a Border Wall

    Palmer Luckey—yes, that Palmer Luckey, the 25-year-old entrepreneur who founded the virtual reality company Oculus, sold it to Facebook, and then left Facebook in a haze of political controversy—hands me a Samsung Gear VR headset. Slipping it over my eyes, I am instantly immersed in a digital world that simulates the exact view I had just been enjoying in real life. In the virtual valley below is a glowing green square with text that reads PERSON 98%. Luckey directs me to tilt my head downward, toward the box, and suddenly an image pops up over the VR rendering. A human is making his way through the rugged sagebrush, a scene captured by cameras on a tower behind me. To his right I see another green box, this one labeled ANIMAL 86%. Zooming in on it brings up a photo of a calf, grazing a bit outside its usual range.

    The system I’m trying out is Luckey’s solution to how the US should detect unauthorized border crossings. It merges VR with surveillance tools to create a digital wall that is not a barrier so much as a web of all-seeing eyes, with intelligence to know what it sees. Luckey’s company, Anduril Industries, is pitching its technology to the Department of Homeland Security as a complement to—or substitute for—much of President Trump’s promised physical wall along the border with Mexico.


    https://www.wired.com/story/palmer-luckey-anduril-border-wall

    #Palmer_Luckey #murs #frontières #barrières_frontalières #complexe_militaro-industriel #surveillance #technologie #migrations #asile #réfugiés #détection #Lattice #Anduril
    via @isskein


  • L’#urbanisation du #Japon, le pays des #possibles, partie 3 : #Sou #Fujimoto.

    Les #possibilités d’#urbanisation du Japon sont le sujet principal de cette #interview de l’#architecte #japonais Sou Fujimoto faite par Marie Bélœil.
    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/larchitecte-japonais-sou-fujimoto-chaque-mur-est-une-fenetre
    Publié le 11/05/2O18
    Vu le 07/06/2018

    Figure importante du « #minimalisme » japonais, Sou Fujimoto, en répondant à la journaliste, nous permet de placer de nouveaux #concepts à propos de ses choix d’organisation #urbains japonais. Selon lui la #maison est « à la fois un nid et une grotte, une fusion moderne des deux », elle fait partie de la #société et donc du domaine du #public tout en recueillant la sphère #privée. Il considère également qu’il y a un lien important entre #nature et #architecture étant donné le lien important entre la nature et l’homme et des choix à faire vis-à-vis de la #relation qu’ils entretiennent. De plus, « la nature est une grande source d’#inspiration. » L’#habitat selon lui est fondée sur les notions de « transparence », de « division » ou encore d’« identification », en un mot il est fondé sur les « relations entre les #individus et entre l’#individu et la société », celle-ci devant de préférences être basées sur « [la] #diversité et [l’]harmonie. [La] #différence et [la] #tolérance. » Aussi pense-t-il la question de la « fenêtre » en fonction de ses relations, et considère-t-il les notions de #fenêtres et de #murs étroitement liées.

    Les murs séparent, relient et créent du lien. La présence d’un mur éveille la curiosité pour ce qui se trouve derrière. Les murs ne sont pas des #barrières et peuvent au contraire servir de point de départ à des #rencontres.
    Le #mur est une #fenêtre. Les murs et leurs ouvertures se définissent toujours les uns par rapport aux autres. Pour moi, une #ouverture sans fenêtre n’est pas un mur. Et une fenêtre sans mur n’est pas une fenêtre.

    D’autres questions lui sont posées, à propos de ses allusions à Le #Corbusier, à propos du Ministère de la Solitude au Royaume-Unis ou encore à propos de ses #projets en France comme notamment celui de l’Arbre Blanc ou encore celui en partenariat avec #OXO #Architectes : le projet Mille Arbres. Cependant nous nous intéresserons désormais à l’aspect problématique du développement urbain rapide du Japon et ses limites.


  • Avis de tempête sur la #politique_d’asile_européenne

    La réunion des ministres européens de l’Intérieur s’est soldée par un #échec : impossible de s’accorder sur la réforme du Règlement de #Dublin. En refusant le texte, l’Italie s’est rangée du côté du groupe de Visegrád, pays fermement opposés à la redistribution par quotas des demandeurs d’asile, qu’elle appelle pourtant de ses vœux.


    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/avis-de-tempete-sur-la-politique-dasile-europeenne
    #murs #incompréhension #solidarité (pas de -) #dessin_De_presse #caricature #barrières #politique_migratoire #EU #UE #Règlement_Dublin #Visegrad #quotas


  • Contemporary Israeli Anarchism: A History

    Our anonymous interlocutor traces the prehistory and development of contemporary Israeli anarchism, touching on the origins of punk and the animal rights movement in Israel and presenting a critical analysis of the trajectory of Anarchists Against the Wall. He concludes by reflecting on the function of nonviolence rhetoric in the conflict between Israel and Palestine. We strongly recommend this interview to anyone interested in the Israel/Palestine conflict or, for that matter, in the strategic challenges of formulating an anarchist opposition in adverse conditions.


    https://crimethinc.com/2013/11/11/contemporary-israeli-anarchism-a-history
    #Israël #résistance #anarchisme #Palestine #non-violence


  • Video shows Palestinians from Gaza cut border fence, enter Israeli territory
    Haaretz.com | Palestinians report six wounded, one seriously, by live fire at protests near border. Israeli army says it shot toward Palestinians who tried to damage fence
    Jack Khoury and Yaniv Kubovich May 05, 2018 6:31 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/video-shows-palestinians-from-gaza-cut-fence-enter-israeli-territory-1.6054
    https://youtu.be/X4Z0noNhI2Q

    In the video, several Palestinians are seen approaching the fence and shouting, with one shouting “God is with us, we are crossing the fence.” The young man goes on to encourage the others to damage the fence and cross through it.

    The Israel Defense Forces said Friday that it had thwarted two attempts by protesters to damage the fence and cross into Israeli territory. The protesters turned back after troops arrived, the army said.

    Attempts by Palestinians in Gaza to cross into Israeli territory continued on Saturday, the IDF spokesman said.


  • http://www.multitudes.net/category/l-edition-papier-en-ligne/70-multitudes-70-printemps-2018

    Derrière ce #bloody_paywall se cache un excellent article de Yann Moulier Boutang que je copie-colle ici sans vergogne excessive, grâcieusement offert par quelque dysfonctionnement inopiné d’un agrégateur de flux rss.

    C’est assez clinique comme analyse et au delà de s’élever contre les futurs lois contre l’immigration, ça a le mérite supérieur de démontrer que cette politique est juste stupide, démonstration qui n’est finalement pas inutile.

    Je ne mets pas en citation pour éviter le rapetissement d’un texte inaccessible autrement

    Misère du monde ou misère des politiques migratoires  ?

    Pour repousser une régularisation massive (de quelques dizaines de milliers de sans-papiers), Michel Rocard, loin d’être le plus bête ou le plus pusillanime des hommes politiques de la gauche française, avait lâché la célèbre bourde  : «  Nous ne pouvons pas accueillir toute la misère du monde.  » Pourquoi une bourde  ? Parce que la misère du monde n’a pas la force physique et mentale de quitter son pays d’origine. Seuls ceux qui en veulent affrontent l’exil. Gérard Collomb, avec son projet de loi sur l’asile et l’immigration, vient de cumuler à peu près toutes les erreurs qu’on peut commettre en matière de migrations internationales  : les termes dans lesquels il a posé les débats, les catégories (donc les différenciations qu’il entend introduire), les solutions prônées, les résultats, le ton, la méthode, les propositions, tout est bon à jeter au cabinet, comme on dit chez Molière. La Présidence Hollande s’était enlisée dans le grotesque projet de déchéance de nationalité. Visiblement la leçon n’a pas été tirée.

    Gérard Collomb peut se consoler sur un point  : il est aussi nul que ses prédécesseurs de gauche et de droite passés, que les Insoumis, centristes, marinistes et autres philippotistes futurs . Au royaume des aveugles, les borgnes sont les rois. Les associations qui connaissent le terrain depuis plus d’un demi-siècle, quelques intellectuels pourtant conseillers ou soutiens d’Emmanuel Macron, comme Jean Pisan-Ferry, ont émis un timide «  Non possumus  ». Le Défenseur des droits, Jacques Toubon ; a mis les pieds dans le plat courageusement. Yann Moix a remis l’ancien maire de Lyon à sa place. Pour le reste, les critiques ou propositions de l’opposition interne ou externe au gouvernement ont été d’une rare insanité, y compris celles qui se réclament d’un «  peu plus de tendresse dans un monde de brutes  », confondant migrations et chocolat (Lindt)  !

    Demandez à n’importe quel expert réel en matière de migrations internationales en France et ailleurs1 (pas ces jeunes conseillers de l’administration aux dents acérées mais aux idées courtes). Tous ont souligné le niveau lamentable du débat. Il y a de quoi enrager  : répétez dix fois, vingt fois que s’abriter derrière la distinction entre réfugiés politiques, qu’on pourrait admettre, et migrants économiques, qu’il faudrait châtier et renvoyer séance tenante «  chez eux  », est une ânerie  ; quand le problème à traiter est celui des réfugiés économiques, vous verrez réapparaître ce distinguo éculé, qui est réaffirmé avec un mélange insupportable de naïveté et de morgue.

    Tuez-vous à rabâcher méthodiquement depuis cinquante ans, que le durcissement des conditions d’accès au permis de séjour est à la fois injuste et parfaitement inefficace. Mieux, démontrez que le système lui-même de permis de travail est une forme de travail forcé et d’esclavage temporaire moderne (y compris par une thèse de 500 pages De l’esclavage au salariat, 1998, PUF), vous aurez toujours l’inertie des gratte-papier et des officiers de police administrative qui opposent aux droits fondamentaux de la personne, l’application de la énième circulaire ou pire, la haïssable pratique de l’état de fait  : couper l’eau aux migrants puis la rétablir quand on a été désavoué par le Conseil d’État, à hauteur d’auges à cochons, gazer les couvertures de sans-abri, laisser mourir de froid des adolescents qui se lancent dans la traversée des cols des Alpes. On peut comprendre la rage qui saisit toute personne qui a vaguement une âme. Mais la rage contre des abrutis ou des canailles de petite volée n’est rien à côté de celle, métaphysique et purement intellectuelle, qui saisit le chercheur quand il voit un gouvernement s’asseoir sur tout élément de savoir rationnel.

    Prenons le grand argument de l’équilibre (à la française sans doute  ?) de la loi en gestation

    Le couple humanisme-générosité pour l’asile versus réalisme-fermeté à l’égard des migrants économiques a été invoqué pour donner un fondement et un peu de hauteur à cette suite de bassesses indignes. Nous avons dit plus haut que cette dichotomie passait tout à fait à côté de la réalité. L’immense majorité des réfugiés politiques ne sont pas seulement des belles âmes à haute conscience politique et sans motivation économique. Croit-on que des familles d’Alep ou de la plaine de la Ghouta syrienne, qui croulent sous les bombes et prennent le chemin de l’exil vers la Turquie ou Lesbos, ne sont pas des réfugiés économiques  ; c’est parce qu’elles n’ont plus de toit, plus d’argent, plus de quoi manger, et également plus d’hommes armés pour les protéger qu’elles partent. Et quand bien même elles ne seraient pas politisées, juchées sur des barricades ou inscrites dans un parti d’opposition officielle, ne supportant plus une situation intenable sur tous les plans, à commencer par celui de savoir si elles vont manger le soir, ou si leurs enfants vivront demain, en seraient-elles pour autant des bandes de délinquants pour ne pas entrer dans la catégorie de sacro-saintes circulaires qui ajoutent à l’outrage de ne pas leur offrir l’asile, l’insulte de les culpabiliser  ?

    Les Tartuffes français de l’asile après avoir temporisé tout ce qu’ils pouvaient pendant 6 ans annoncent, avec un sérieux passablement comique, être prêts post festum à accueillir 150 000 réfugiés estampillés «  pur jus  », alors que l’Allemagne en a déjà reçu plus d’un million. Certes, la France peut trouver encore plus pingre qu’elle, du côté des Magyars, des Polonais et des pauvres Tchèques, dont on aurait pu penser que leur histoire ne les conduirait pas à une telle déchéance morale. Mais alors, que le coq gaulois étatique ne se dresse par sur ses ergots ni ne bombe le torse de la leçon. Seuls les humanitaires des associations nous sauvent de la honte nationale et européenne.

    Au passage puisque quelques esprits paraît-il littéraires (les Renaud Camus, les Houellbecq) parlent d’invasion, de soumission, il faudrait redresser leur sens des proportions, sens aviné autant perverti et avili  : 550 millions d’Européens dans l’UE (je compte les Britanniques encore dans l’Union, car ils sont touchés eux aussi par le même syndrome) recevant 5 millions de réfugiés en un an, cela ne ferait que 0,9 % ou 9 pour 1 000. Pas grand-chose. L’UE pourrait recevoir sans problème 0,5 % de nouveaux arrivants soit 3 millions de personnes par an. Au terme de 10 ans d’entrées (en supposant qu’il n’y ait aucun retour ce qui est très irréaliste), ces trente millions d’entrants ne constitueraient que 5,4 % de la population totale actuelle. Dont au reste la natalité européenne a déjà bien besoin dans la plupart de ses États membres. La Hongrie est particulièrement touchée par ce syndrome paranoïaque, car la rançon de son refus depuis 1990 de toute immigration est que sa population diminue de 15 000 personnes par an. Son refus d’accueillir un sang neuf la condamne au suicide démographique. Avis à l’Autriche, à la République Tchèque  ? Quant à la Pologne, la dégringolade de son taux de fertilité conduit ses hiérarques, obsédés par un nationalisme du XVIIIe siècle, à vouloir revenir sur le peu d’espace concédé à l’avortement.

    Mais il faut ajouter au manque risible de pertinence, la parfaite idiotie de ramer à contre-courant et à contretemps. La croissance économique repart dans toute l’Union Européenne. Chacun sait que pour le marché du travail banal et peu payé, ces centaines de milliers de migrants prêts à travailler n’importe où constituent une aubaine prodigieuse, ce que l’Allemagne a compris trois bonnes années avant la France. En revanche, les réfugiés politiques plus qualifiés, mieux dotés en argent, sont susceptibles d’entrer en concurrence avec les couches plus élevées de la main-d’œuvre. L’extrême droite, comme dans les années 1930, rejointe par ce qui reste des Républicains, pourrait ne pas tarder à réclamer des quotas pour protéger l’emploi «  qualifié-de-souche  ».

    Le réalisme censé équilibrer «  en même temps  » la générosité de l’asile n’est pas plus réaliste que l’asile concédé à dose homéopathique n’est humaniste et généreux.

    Demeure une question  : ce n’est pas faute d’avoir été avertis que les gouvernements répètent à satiété les mêmes erreurs. Sont-ils purement et simplement bêtes et incompétents  ? Ce serait trop simple. Nous avons suffisamment approché des hauts fonctionnaires de l’administration de la «  chose migratoire  » pour pouvoir avancer une autre explication. Les migrations internationales constituent pour eux un double défi culturel, à la fois pour le concept de souveraineté dont ils sont les produits défraîchis et pour la notion même de politique.

    Quiconque se frotte à la réalité des migrations internes ou transnationales s’aperçoit qu’elles ont une autonomie forte par rapport à leur inscription dans un espace institutionnel, aussi bien dans le pays de départ que dans celui d’arrivée. Adam Smith disait que de toutes les marchandises, la plus difficile à transporter, c’était l’homme  ; à la fois parce qu’il refuse de bouger où l’on voudrait qu’il aille, mais aussi et surtout, parce qu’il bouge quand on veut le fixer. On ne règle pas le volume des entrées et des sorties comme on le ferait d’un débit d’eau au robinet. Quant au migrant, il n’est pas un pur produit de la réglementation, alors que la réglementation en revanche réagit aux mouvements des migrants et cherche à l’assujettir à des impératifs économiques ou bien à s’en servir symboliquement pour des motifs purement électoraux. Casser du migrant (clandestin, sans papiers, terroristes), ça paie toujours.

    L’administration d’État se trouve donc confrontée au fait migratoire et au système migratoire, produit de l’interaction des mouvements humains, des réglementations mais aussi de toutes les variables instables qui rentrent dans l’équation (les catastrophes politiques, climatiques, le regroupement familial, les pressions économiques, les organisations communautaires). La mondialisation troue la souveraineté  : l’économique en est l’exemple toujours cité, mais les migrations humaines minent encore plus l’espace dévolu à la politique et à l’administration car, contrairement au marché, elles mettent en jeu des valeurs inconditionnelles que n’aime pas la loi «  nationale  » et encore moins la circulaire administrative.

    Pourtant, il est rigoureusement impossible de mélanger les ordres. La vie, le respect des personnes, la priorité des enfants et des femmes, sont des valeurs inconditionnelles. Aucune raison d’État ne peut avoir raison contre ces valeurs. Elles sont d’un autre ordre, dirait Pascal et approuverait Ricœur. La désobéissance civique est un impératif catégorique. Le respect de cette loi-là pose des problèmes mais pas ceux qu’on croit  : pas celui de l’assujettissement provisoire, dans une «  morale de provision  », de ces valeurs à la raison d’État, encore moins à la raison raisonnable appuyée sur les sophismes comme le passage à la limite  : mais si tout le monde désobéit... En fait, c’est à la politique de s’ajuster au corset de cette inconditionnalité. Le politique ne devrait s’aventurer sur ce terrain miné qu’avec une grande prudence et une humilité extrême. Et c’est ce bât-là qui blesse la haute fonction publique.

    Comme le «  gros animal  » de l’État n’a pas l’habitude de cet état de prudence, d’humilité, de modestie vis-à-vis de quelque chose qui le dépasse (quoi de plus étranger à l’État souverain qui régit un territoire que cette prétention des hommes sur la planète de traverser les pays, de changer de «  souverain  »  ?), il faut que d’autres organes se chargent de le lui rappeler (Cour Constitutionnelle, le Conseil d’État) et à défaut les associations.

    Ce serait évidemment à l’Union Européenne de rappeler à l’ordre les États membres, mais on voit que cela supposerait qu’elle en finisse avec le concept de souveraineté illimitée.

    Alors souhaitons à Emmanuel Macron de l’audace, encore de l’audace, fédéraliste pour l’Union  ; ce n’est pas avec la loi Collomb que le groupe de Visegrad va être mis au pas.

    Le projet de loi Collomb

    – Pénalisation croissante  : les migrants obligés de laisser leurs empreintes dans les «  hotspots  » des pays d’entrée (Grèce, Italie, Espagne) seront mis en centre de rétention dès leur arrivée en France  ; la durée de rétention administrative passera de 45 jours à 135 jours  ; le franchissement non autorisé des frontières extérieures de l’espace Schengen sera puni d’un an de prison  ; les déboutés de l’asile ne pourront plus demander d’autre titre de séjour.

    – Accélération des procédures  : 90 jours pour déposer une demande au lieu de 120 jours aujourd’hui  ; 15 jours pour déposer un recours au lieu de 30 jours aujourd’hui  ; la décision pourra être prise par ordonnance, sans entretien avec le migrant  ; le recours ne sera plus suspensif dans les cas de «  procédure accélérée  »  ; les personnes pourront alors être expulsées du territoire sans délai.

    Cf. www.lacimade.org/decryptage-projet-de-loi-asile-immigration

    1 Pensons à Catherine Withold de Wenden, Patrick Weil, Jean-Pierre Garson, Roxane Silberman, Patrick Simon ou François Héran par exemple.

    • #misère #asile #migrations #réfugiés #loi_asile #France #valeurs #souveraineté #Etat-nation

      Je mets en relief ici un passage sur la #catégorisation #catégories :

      Le couple humanisme-générosité pour l’asile versus réalisme-fermeté à l’égard des migrants économiques a été invoqué pour donner un fondement et un peu de hauteur à cette suite de bassesses indignes. Nous avons dit plus haut que cette dichotomie passait tout à fait à côté de la réalité. L’immense majorité des réfugiés politiques ne sont pas seulement des belles âmes à haute conscience politique et sans motivation économique. Croit-on que des familles d’Alep ou de la plaine de la Ghouta syrienne, qui croulent sous les bombes et prennent le chemin de l’exil vers la Turquie ou Lesbos, ne sont pas des réfugiés économiques  ; c’est parce qu’elles n’ont plus de toit, plus d’argent, plus de quoi manger, et également plus d’hommes armés pour les protéger qu’elles partent. Et quand bien même elles ne seraient pas politisées, juchées sur des barricades ou inscrites dans un parti d’opposition officielle, ne supportant plus une situation intenable sur tous les plans, à commencer par celui de savoir si elles vont manger le soir, ou si leurs enfants vivront demain, en seraient-elles pour autant des bandes de délinquants pour ne pas entrer dans la catégorie de sacro-saintes circulaires qui ajoutent à l’outrage de ne pas leur offrir l’asile, l’insulte de les culpabiliser  ?

      Et la question liée aux #préjugés sur l’ #afflux et l’#invasion :

      Au passage puisque quelques esprits paraît-il littéraires (les Renaud Camus, les Houellbecq) parlent d’invasion, de soumission, il faudrait redresser leur sens des proportions, sens aviné autant perverti et avili  : 550 millions d’Européens dans l’UE (je compte les Britanniques encore dans l’Union, car ils sont touchés eux aussi par le même syndrome) recevant 5 millions de réfugiés en un an, cela ne ferait que 0,9 % ou 9 pour 1 000. Pas grand-chose. L’UE pourrait recevoir sans problème 0,5 % de nouveaux arrivants soit 3 millions de personnes par an. Au terme de 10 ans d’entrées (en supposant qu’il n’y ait aucun retour ce qui est très irréaliste), ces trente millions d’entrants ne constitueraient que 5,4 % de la population totale actuelle. Dont au reste la natalité européenne a déjà bien besoin dans la plupart de ses États membres. La Hongrie est particulièrement touchée par ce syndrome paranoïaque, car la rançon de son refus depuis 1990 de toute immigration est que sa population diminue de 15 000 personnes par an.

      #idées-reçues

      Et pourquoi, même les #murs et #barrières_frontalières ne marchent pas ?

      Quiconque se frotte à la réalité des migrations internes ou transnationales s’aperçoit qu’elles ont une autonomie forte par rapport à leur inscription dans un espace institutionnel, aussi bien dans le pays de départ que dans celui d’arrivée. Adam Smith disait que de toutes les marchandises, la plus difficile à transporter, c’était l’homme  ; à la fois parce qu’il refuse de bouger où l’on voudrait qu’il aille, mais aussi et surtout, parce qu’il bouge quand on veut le fixer. On ne règle pas le volume des entrées et des sorties comme on le ferait d’un débit d’eau au robinet.

      et #merci à @philippe_de_jonckheere