#biélorussie

September 2021:
Poland: 4 people found dead on border with Belarus
►https://seenthis.net/messages/931677

« Hamza me dit qu’il a peur de mourir de froid dans la forêt ». Reportage avec les bénévoles à la frontière qui tue, entre la Biélorussie et la Pologne

La #zone_frontalière entre la Biélorussie et la Pologne est devenue le théâtre d’une #crise_humanitaire. Face aux violations de droit multiples de la part des autorités polonaises et bélarusses, et au silence indifférent des institutions européennes, des réseaux de militants et de locaux apportent une aide de base à ces personnes en détresse.

Par Agata Majos, à #Hajnówka – Depuis quelques jours, je fais partie du réseau militant #Grupa_Granica. Notre travail, c’est de soulager la souffrance des personnes qui se cachent dans la forêt polonaise. Si trouvés par des garde-frontières ou par la police, le risque est grand qu’ils soient de nouveau repoussés en Biélorussie. Cauchemar sans fin qui, pour certains, finira par la mort.

Le 2 septembre, la Pologne a introduit l’état d’urgence sur une bande qui jouxte la frontière. Seuls les habitants de cette zone peuvent y accéder. La présence des militants et des médias est interdite. Nous opérons pourtant dans les forêts qui se trouvent de notre côté.

Mon premier jour au QG des militants, près de la ville de Hajnówka. Je vais à ma première intervention. Un groupe de six personnes, cinq Syriens et un Irakien. C’est leur dixième séjour sur le sol polonais. Les gardes-frontières polonais les ont repoussés déjà neuf fois. Ça fait un mois qu’ils essayent de traverser cette forêt.

Au début, lorsqu’on les approche, ils ont peur de nous. On siffle. C’est pour les rassurer, comme ça ils savent qu’on n’est pas des gardes-frontières. Qu’on a des bonnes intentions.

Ils dévorent la nourriture qu’on apporte. Pour certains, ça fait des jours qu’ils n’ont pas mangé. On leur donne de l’eau, du pain, de la nourriture en boite (thon ou pâté), du chocolat, des barres énergétiques, de la soupe chaude. La soupe ne devrait pas être trop épicée – ils sont nombreux à avoir des problèmes gastriques. C’est parce qu’ils mangent très peu et ils boivent de l’eau boueuse des flaques, des marais et des ruisseaux.

On apporte aussi des couvertures d’urgence. Des chaussures et des chaussettes – les pieds sont souvent dans le pire état. Des batteries externes, absolument essentielles, car avec un portable chargé ils peuvent se localiser sur une carte, écrire un mot à leurs familles. Un portable chargé peut sauver la vie dans ces conditions infernales.

Les signes de leur séjour en Biélorussie, on les voit partout sur leurs corps.

On se met autour du feu, on sort un paquet de cigarettes. Un moment rare de détente, comme si on était à une soirée entre amis. Un des réfugiés, Omar*, nous montre les photos de sa femme et deux enfants, âgé de deux et cinq ans. On demande s’ils sont toujours en Syrie. Il répond que non, qu’ils sont en Biélorussie à la frontière. J’essaie de ne pas imaginer dans ma tête ce qu’ils se passe avec eux.

Les réfugiés que l’on rencontre racontent que ce qui se passe du cote bélarusse de la frontière, c’est le pire. Les signes de leur séjour en Biélorussie, on les voit partout sur leurs corps. Des blessures causées par le fil barbelé, des ecchymoses par les coups de garde-frontières. Certains ont des blessures causées par les morsures des chiens policiers.

Omar me montre une photo de lui en Syrie, puis se pointe du doigt. Sur la photo, il est bien habillé, soigné, il est dans un restaurant avec un ami. Ici, maintenant, il est dans des vêtements sales, la barbe qui n’a pas été rasée depuis des semaines. C’est comme s’il voulait dire : regarde ce que je suis devenu. Il me montre sa main, un morceau de son doigt manque. Effet de son passage de la frontière.

Dans un sac à dos qu’on a apporté, on trouve un paquet de Toffifee. Ils l’ouvrent et nous en proposent. Au début on refuse, on dit qu’ils en ont plus besoin que nous. Mais ils ont besoin de partager. Je prends mon Toffifee et je le cache dans ma poche. Je n’arrive pas à le manger, le ventre serré.

Il est temps de partir. « Quand je m’installe à Berlin, je vous inviterai tous », dit Omar.
« Ça marche ! », on répond en riant, tout en sachant qu’il y a peu de chance que ça arrive vraiment.

On rentre au QG des militants pour se reposer un peu quand soudain l’information nous tombe dessus : six enfants sont à l’hôpital de Hajnówka avec leur mère hospitalisée. On ne sait pas encore ce qui va leur arriver. Il faut leur préparer des vêtements chauds, au cas où ils seraient repoussés de nouveau. Ça peut paraitre fou, mais rien ne nous étonne plus dans cet enfer.

On apprend que le plus petit a trois ans et que le plus grand fait 150 cm. Je fouille dans les cartons dans notre dépôt. Je cherche des bonnets, chaussures, manteaux les plus chauds possible. Je me demande ce qui a bien pu se passer avec l’humanité pour que l’on soit là, à chercher des vêtements chauds pour des tout petits enfants, qui vont peut-être devoir passer des jours, ou des semaines, dans une forêt froide et humide. Je n’arrive pas à comprendre.

Ce sont des questions que les militants se posent tous les jours. Avant de venir sur place, avec mes trois amis avocats, on a appelé une avocate en droit d’asile qui nous a expliqué la procédure. Pourtant, on sait très bien qu’on entre dans une zone ou la loi n’existe plus. Ou ces procédures-là, prescrites par la loi nationale et internationale, ne sont plus applicables. Quelques chanceux vont pouvoir déposer une demande d’asile – généralement quand il y a des médias, des enfants, les cas « médiatiques ». Pour le reste, c’est le refoulement en Biélorussie. Rappel : les médias n’ont pas accès la zone sous état d’urgence.

Comme chaque semaine, Wanda et Robert, deux habitants d’un village qui se trouve dans la zone interdite, viennent à notre base. On leur donne des vêtements et des chaussures. Ils racontent que parfois, dans les villages au plus près de la frontière, on entend des voix venant des champs du maïs qui appellent « au secours ! ». Certains habitants reviennent avec de l’aide. D’autres appellent les autorités.

Depuis quelques jours, certains habitants de la région allument un feu vert devant leurs maisons. C’est un signe pour des réfugié-e-s que c’est une maison ou ils peuvent venir se réchauffer, manger quelque chose, charger leur portable, se reposer un peu avant de reprendre la route. L’initiative est de Kamil Syller, habitant du village Werstok.

Certains habitants de la zone font eux-mêmes des interventions dans des forêts. Ils sont très engagés mais leurs possibilités sont limitées. Comme la zone est fermée aux personnes de l’extérieur, on ne peut pas y aller les soulager. Ils se retrouvent seuls face à une souffrance difficile à imaginer.

– « Ce qui serait utile, c’est une formation médicale, dit Robert, Pour savoir comment reconnaître les symptômes d’hypothermie. Comment savoir que la personne est dans un état critique et qu’il faut appeler les secours ? »

Mais appeler une ambulance signifie aussi que les garde-frontières sont avertis (l’ambulance est obligée de le faire). En conséquence, c’est un « push-back » quasiment garanti.

Notre groupe militant collabore étroitement avec l’ambulance des Médecins à la Frontière (Medycy na granicy), une initiative des médecins et ambulanciers qui fournissent de l’aide médicale aux réfugié-e-s. Ils le font d’une manière bénévole. Depuis des semaines, ils font appel aux autorités pour les laisser entrer dans la zone de l’état d’urgence. Sans résultat.

Ce jour-là, les Médecins à la Frontière nous informent qu’ils soignent un groupe de trois personnes – deux Irakiens et un Turc. Les gardes-frontières ont remarqué l’ambulance et sont déjà sur place. Il faut y aller pour recueillir des procurations des réfugié-e-s. C’est leur seule chance pour commencer la procédure d’asile. On y va.

Les trois hommes sont déshydratés, affamés, avec des symptômes d’hypothermie. Ils ont bu de l’eau contaminée d’un ruisseau, ils ont des symptômes d’intoxication alimentaire. Un homme, Hamza, est dans un état grave. On va à l’hôpital dans la ville de Hajnówka. En route, on passe à côté d’une autre ambulance. On voit une personne à terre, recouverte d’une couverture de survie. On se demande si elle est toujours vivante.

Hamza prend mon portable. Avec mon outil de traduction, il dit qu’il ne peut pas rentrer en Biélorussie, il raconte qu’ils les ont battus et maltraités. Il a peur de mourir de froid dans la forêt.

Je verrai cette personne plus tard à l’hôpital. C’est un jeune homme, il a survécu. Quand je le vois aux urgences, le médecin me demande de lui dire, avec l’application de traduction de mon téléphone, qu’il va aller prendre une douche. Il tremble énormément, je n’ai jamais vu une personne trembler autant. Je mets la langue kurde et je parle à mon portable. Il ne m’entend pas mais je vois qu’il essaye de me dire quelque chose. Je me rapproche pour l’entendre, sa voix est très faible. « No Belarus, no Belarus », il dit. Partout sur son corps, des blessures et des traces de coups.

Après deux ou trois heures, les trois réfugiés avec qui je suis venue se sentent beaucoup mieux. Je recueille des procurations. Je leur dis pourquoi la demande d’asile est leur seule possibilité dans cette situation. J’essaie de leur expliquer que le fait de faire la demande ne garantit pas qu’ils ne vont pas être de nouveau repoussés en Biélorussie. Hamza prend mon portable. Avec mon outil de traduction, il dit qu’il ne peut pas rentrer en Biélorussie, il raconte qu’ils les ont battus et maltraités. Il a peur de mourir de froid dans la forêt. Je ne sais pas quoi lui répondre, comment le réconforter. Je sais très bien, on l’entend tous les jours, que la loi ne fonctionne pas. Mais je ne peux rien lui garantir.

On a un moment libre. Un militant, Olek, me raconte que quand il était petit, il passait l’été dans ces forêts, ou ses parents ont une maison de vacances. Il raconte comment il ramassait des champignons et faisait du vélo. Moi je lui raconte que l’année dernière je suis venue dans un des villages d’à côté pour écouter le brame du cerf. On se dit qu’on ne pourra plus jamais venir ici comme touristes. Qu’on ne pourra jamais se promener dans ces forêts sans penser à toutes ces personnes qu’on a rencontré parmi les arbres, dont on ne connaitra jamais le sort.

Comme celui d’Omar et de son groupe. Ou celui de Hamza ses deux amis Irakiens. Je contacte les garde-frontières pour apprendre où ils les ont pris – étant leur conseillère, j’ai le droit d’avoir accès à cette information. Pourtant, on m’informe que personne ne sait où ils sont, personne ne les a jamais vus.

Tout comme les six enfants de l’hôpital de Hajnówka. Plusieurs institutions, dont l’adjoint au Défenseur des droits, ont essayé d’intervenir en leur faveur.

Mon Toffifee, je le tiens encore dans ma poche. Je n’arrive toujours pas à le manger.

* Les noms des militants et des réfugié-e-s ont été changés

▻https://courrierdeuropecentrale.fr/no-belarus-no-belarus-reportage-avec-les-benevoles-a-la-fron

Entre la Pologne et le Belarus, les migrants abandonnés dans une #zone_de_non-droit

Le Parlement polonais a voté, le 14 octobre, la construction d’un mur à sa frontière avec le Belarus. Mais aussi la possibilité de refouler les migrants, coincés entre les deux pays, dans une forêt où l’état d’urgence a été décrété.

Un mur d’une valeur de 350 millions d’euros et le « droit » de refouler les migrants qui se présentent à ses frontières avec le Belarus. C’est ce qu’a voté le Parlement polonais, jeudi 14 octobre, faisant fi du droit international, qui interdit la pratique du push back (refoulement) lorsque les personnes en migration déclarent vouloir demander l’asile dans un pays. Des mesures qui surviennent au moment où la Pologne a créé, à sa frontière, une zone enclavée en pleine forêt, où les migrants restent bloqués sans eau ni nourriture, dans des conditions de vie extrêmes.

Dimanche 17 octobre, à l’initiative de groupes féministes, des manifestations se sont tenues à Varsovie et dans plusieurs autres villes polonaises, comme Cracovie, pour dénoncer ces refoulements et les « actions scandaleuses des autorités vis-à-vis des personnes à la recherche d’un refuge en Pologne ». Le même jour, un ressortissant ukrainien qui transportait vingt-sept migrants irakiens dans une voiture aurait été arrêté par les garde-frontières polonais, selon l’ambassade de France en Pologne.

Depuis l’été dernier, la Pologne est devenue l’un des principaux points de passage des migrants qui, venant du Belarus, tentent de traverser la frontière pour rejoindre l’Allemagne et l’Europe de l’Ouest. Les forces de l’ordre polonaises sont accusées par plusieurs ONG, dont Amnesty International, d’abandonner à leur sort des demandeurs d’asile se présentant à leurs frontières et de les renvoyer de force vers le Belarus. Ainsi, mi-août dernier, Amnesty International a pu documenter et prouver, grâce à une enquête numérique, le « renvoi forcé illégal » d’une trentaine d’Afghans ayant déposé une demande d’asile en Pologne vers le Belarus.

« Des personnes demandent l’asile dans un pays de l’Union européenne et un État membre de l’Union européenne viole de manière éhontée leurs droits : l’Union européenne doit agir rapidement et fermement pour dénoncer ces atteintes flagrantes au droit européen et international », avait alors dénoncé Eve Geddie, directrice du bureau d’Amnesty International auprès des institutions européennes.

En catimini, dès le 20 août, la Pologne a officialisé le refoulement des migrants par le biais d’un arrêté ministériel. L’état d’urgence décrété dans cette zone frontalière, côté polonais, début septembre, a ensuite fortement restreint l’accès aux ONG et journalistes, les empêchant de documenter le quotidien des personnes vivant ou se présentant à la frontière. C’est dans le cadre de la loi sur le renforcement de la sécurité aux frontières de l’État, adoptée mardi 19 octobre, que le Parlement a légalisé la pratique du refoulement.

Le Parlement polonais peut voter ce qu’il veut, les refoulements restent une violation du droit international.

Jan Brzozowski, chercheur et spécialiste des migrations

« Les migrations sont une nouvelle fois utilisées pour des raisons politiques, analyse le Polonais Jan Brzozowski, chercheur à l’université d’économie de Cracovie et spécialiste des migrations. Mais le Parlement polonais peut voter ce qu’il veut, les refoulements restent une violation du droit international. Ces mesures n’ont donc aucune valeur à l’extérieur de la Pologne. On n’attend pas du gouvernement qu’il accepte toutes les demandes d’asile mais que la loi internationale soit respectée, donc que les migrants qui se présentent à notre frontière, même illégalement depuis le Belarus, soient autorisés à déposer une demande de protection et qu’elle soit étudiée sérieusement. »

Pour Agnès Callamard, secrétaire générale d’Amnesty International, ce scénario ressemble fort au conflit né entre la Grèce et la Turquie il y a quelque temps. « Le Belarus utilise sa frontière avec la Pologne pour mettre l’Europe dans une situation difficile, en permettant à qui en a l’envie de rentrer sur le territoire sans visa. C’est ainsi que des Afghans ou des Irakiens prennent l’avion pour Minsk et entrent, à l’aide de passeurs ou autrement, sur le territoire polonais. Cela fait partie des intentions de Loukachenko d’utiliser la pression migratoire pour mettre une pression politique sur l’Europe, qui a émis beaucoup de sanctions à l’égard de son régime », souligne-t-elle.

Problème : l’instrumentalisation de la question migratoire par les deux pays engendre une situation catastrophique à la frontière, en particulier dans cette zone de non-droit où nul ne peut accéder. Déjà sept personnes ont perdu la vie depuis l’été et nombre d’observateurs ont constaté des cas d’hypothermie, de maladies liées à l’environnement de vie, de mal ou non-nutrition.

« Il faut imaginer une zone de 400 kilomètres de long et 3 kilomètres de large, en état d’urgence, où les seules personnes habilitées à y être sont les garde-frontières. Une zone forestière où il n’y a rien, où l’on ne peut se protéger du froid et où l’on n’a pas à manger. Les réfugiés qui y sont coincés n’ont pas le droit de la traverser pour aller sur le reste du territoire polonais, au risque d’être renvoyés dans cette zone ou d’être repoussés vers le Belarus. Ces push back, sans prise en compte de leur situation individuelle, sont illégaux au regard du droit international. Mais finalement tout est illégal, y compris le fait de les bloquer dans cette zone sans leur apporter une aide humanitaire », résume Agnès Callamard, experte des droits humains, qui rappelle la responsabilité du gouvernement polonais dans ces multiples violations du droit international.

Les gens boivent l’eau des marais, certains tombent malades.

Anna Alboth, membre de l’ONG Minority Rights Group

Anna Alboth, membre de l’ONG Minority Rights Group, estime qu’environ 5 000 personnes seraient aujourd’hui parquées dans cette forêt, au milieu des marécages et des animaux sauvages, sans ressources pour survivre. « On ne peut pas parler d’un afflux, ces mesures sont disproportionnées », relève Agnès Callamard. « Les gens boivent l’eau des marais, certains tombent malades. Les gens ne connaissent pas la géographie des lieux et ne sont pas habitués au froid. Plusieurs migrants nous ont raconté qu’ils n’avaient pas mangé ni bu pendant des jours. Nous, on est juste des travailleurs humanitaires, personne ne nous a préparés à patrouiller en forêt à la recherche de personnes cachées pour leur donner une simple bouteille d’eau », regrette Anna Alboth, qui vient de passer plusieurs semaines à la frontière, rencontrant des groupes de femmes seules, des familles, des enfants, venus pour la plupart de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Congo, Nigéria), du Kurdistan irakien, de Syrie et du Yemen.

Si quelques habitants tentent d’aider les migrants sur place, une majorité d’entre eux, rapporte Anna Alboth, appellent la police pour dénoncer leur présence aux abords de la forêt, répondant aux conseils des policiers. « Ils font du porte-à-porte pour inviter les gens à dénoncer les migrants, en affirmant qu’ils sont dangereux et en leur conseillant de bien fermer leurs fenêtres et porte d’entrée le soir. Ils affirment aussi transférer les migrants dénoncés vers des centres d’accueil où ils peuvent demander l’asile, ce qui est faux. 95 % d’entre eux n’en ont pas la possibilité et sont refoulés. »

Une« propagande » également dénoncée par le chercheur Jan Brzozowski, qui rappelle qu’un programme scandaleux a été diffusé récemment en Pologne, insinuant que les migrants détenaient du matériel illégal sur leurs téléphones comme du contenu pédopornographique, ou étaient des sympathisants de l’État islamique. « Un mensonge total visant à manipuler les gens. La population adhère à la propagande du gouvernement polonais et n’est pas suffisamment informée. Elle ignore ce qu’il se passe à la frontière. »

L’idée d’une “invasion” prépare la population à accepter le pire des agissements.

Agnès Callamard, secrétaire générale d’Amnesty International

À ses yeux, l’une des priorités serait de « sensibiliser » les Polonais sur la réalité du terrain, car le gouvernement polonais actuel accorde une « importance forte » à l’opinion publique. « Cela doit passer par le peuple. Le soutien, même symbolique, des ONG travaillant sur les droits humains à travers le monde peut aussi aider. Quant à l’idée de sanctions au niveau européen, je crois que ce serait contreproductif : on voit bien comment les relations avec l’Union européenne se détériorent dans un contexte où la Pologne espère gagner en autonomie. »

Jeudi 7 octobre, le Tribunal constitutionnel polonais a rendu une décision venant contester la primauté du droit européen (lire ici notre entretien). Au Parlement européen, mardi 19 octobre, les députés ont appelé la Commission européenne à « utiliser tous les outils à sa disposition pour défendre les citoyens polonais » et à lancer des procédures d’infraction envers la Pologne.

La dynamique actuelle aux frontières entre la Pologne et le Belarus rejoint, pour Agnès Callamard, ce que l’on voit ailleurs dans le monde et en Europe concernant les migrations : la symbolique de « l’invasion » s’installe dans les esprits, propagée par les milieux de droite et d’extrême droite. Et tant pis si des personnes (y compris des enfants) « meurent de faim ».

« La majorité des Polonais est d’accord pour que le gouvernement prenne ces mesures, note la secrétaire générale d’Amnesty International, qui revient d’un séjour en Pologne. On n’arrête pas de les bombarder de messages insinuant que le pays est envahi et que s’il ne fait rien, cela aboutira à la même situation qu’en 2015. L’idée d’une “invasion” prépare la population à accepter le pire des agissements. On voit cela partout en Europe, où l’on essaie d’habituer les gens à déshumaniser les réfugiés. Et ça marche. »

▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/201021/entre-la-pologne-et-le-belarus-les-migrants-abandonnes-dans-une-zone-de-no

Video shows Polish guards using tear gas to push back migrants

A group of migrants stuck at the Belarusian-Polish border trying to cross the border barrier has been repelled by guards using tear gas, the Polish Border Guard said. Up to 15,000 migrants and refugees could be stranded in the border region between the two countries.

A group of migrants stuck on the Polish-Belarusian frontier for weeks tried to break through the border barrier, according to the Polish Border Guard.

Near the village of Usnarz Gorny, six people threw wooden logs onto the barbed wire fence in an effort to topple it, the agency said in a tweet on Wednesday (October 20) that included a video of the incident. The migrants also threw stones at border guards and soldiers, the tweet added. Some were equipped with axes and pliers, it said.

▻https://twitter.com/Straz_Graniczna/status/1450830048035024903

Border guards used tear gas to stop the migrants, which can be seen in the last 15 seconds of the video. Nevertheless, 16 of them eventually forced their way into Polish territory but were pushed back to the other side of the border, according to the agency.

It is important to note that the information provided by the Polish Border Guard cannot be independently verified because Poland has imposed a state of emergency in the border region. Journalists and aid workers are not allowed in.

Over the past few months, thousands of mainly Middle Eastern migrants have been trying to reach the European Union via Belarus. They chose paths to EU member states Lithuania, Latvia and Poland. According to news agency dpa, around 15,000 migrants have gathered at the Polish-Belarusian border since then. The Lithuanian government on Wednesday spoke of a total of 6,000 to 7,000 who could be waiting at the EU external border with Belarus.

Read more: Germany mulls sanctions to stop migration from Belarus amid growing concern over rights violations
Geopolitical conflict

The governments of Poland and other EU countries as well as EU institutions have repeatedly accused Belarusian ruler Lukashenko of allowing people from countries like Iraq and Lebanon to travel toward the bloc’s external borders via Belarus to put pressure on the EU and sow division. On Wednesday, Germany’s interior minister, Horst Seehofer, accused Belarus of organizing human trafficking, calling it a form of “hybrid threat by weaponizing migrants.”

Underlying the recent spike in irregular migrant arrivals to the EU via Belarus is a complicated geopolitical conflict. In May, Lukashenko’s security forces diverted a Ryanair plane with a Belarusian activist on board flying from Greece to Lithuania. As a result, the EU imposed sanctions on Belarus.

In return, Lukashenko indicated that Belarus could retaliate by loosening border controls for irregular, western-bound migrants as well as drug trafficking.

On Wednesday, the body of a Syrian was found in a river in the border region between Poland and Belarus. It was the eighth recorded migrant death since the beginning of the surge in arrivals. Amnesty International, the Council of Europe and others have repeatedly criticized member Poland for its treatment of migrants at the border with Belarus.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/35949/video-shows-polish-guards-using-tear-gas-to-push-back-migrants

#Usnarz_Gorny #push-backs #refoulements

Freezing to death: the migrants left to die on the Poland-Belarus border – video
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uassRA0qF-s

Migrants are dying in Poland’s forested border with Belarus, as the countries are locked in a geopolitical standoff. Polish authorities accuse Belarus of deliberately abandoning migrants near its border in an attempt to destabilise the EU because the bloc imposing sanctions on Belarus after its disputed election.

Poland has responded by declaring an emergency zone, forbidden to journalists and activists, where it is believed that, hidden from sight, they are illegally forcing people seeking asylum back over the border instead of processing applications. We follow Piotr Bystrianin, an activist trying to locate desperate migrants in the woods before the border guards do.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2021/oct/22/freezing-to-death-the-migrants-left-to-die-on-the-poland-belarus-border

#froid

Verloren in Europas letztem Urwald : Fotos von der polnisch-belarussischen Grenze

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH400/16874475185846e4-7d762.jpg

L’Ukraine un pays charmant.

On comprends les efforts de l’OTAN pour y installer des ogives nucléaires ciblant Moscou.
Mais non, enfin, le fascisme new look ukrainien n’est pas dangereux.

Tirer sur des civils désarmés, c’est un truc de fasciste en fait ?

#xénophobie aggravée je dirais, indépendamment de l’orientation politique. Si on politise les comportements déviants/meurtriers de ce type sans référer au cadre politique, on est foutus, je le crains.

Les #valeurs de l’Europe :

https://i.imgur.com/szlCh7V.jpg

Je me suis trompée de route... où est le chemin pour la #démocratie ?

https://i.imgur.com/syVEBQE.jpg

Polonia, nel cuore della zona d’emergenza: «Abbiamo paura di Lukashenko, non dei migranti»

Lavialibera è riuscita a entrare a #Kuznica, centro degli scontri tra migranti e autorità polacche. A spaventare è Lukashenko. Ma la crisi fa comodo anche al governo di Varsavia. Nelle maglie del cinico gioco politico, migliaia di persone ancora intrappolate nella foresta. Morto un bimbo di un anno.

Qualche parola in inglese basta a spaventarli. Le voci si alzano, le mani tremano, i cellulari chiamano la polizia. A Kuznica, piccola cittadina polacca al confine con la Bielorussia, gli abitanti sono ancora terrorizzati. Non li rassicura lo smantellamento del campo in cui la scorsa settimana sono arrivati migliaia di rifugiati perché non è dei rifugiati che hanno paura, ma del presidente bielorusso Alexander Lukashenko. “È imprevedibile, dobbiamo essere pronti a difendere i nostri confini”, dice un abitante del paese.

Come la Polonia ha militarizzato l’area di confine

È da poco passata l’alba elavialibera è riuscita a entrare nell’epicentro della zona d’emergenza voluta dal governo di Varsavia per far fronte a una crisi migratoria che ha numeri irrisori se comparati agli annuali arrivi nel Mediterraneo, ma che qui non si erano mai visti. Da oltre due mesi l’area è militarizzata: già a oltre trenta chilometri di distanza dal confine i numeri stranieri ricevono un messaggio indirizzato ai migranti, che porta la firma del ministero dell’Interno polacco. “La frontiera è chiusa – si legge –. Le autorità bielorusse vi hanno mentito. Tornate a Minsk!”. È il primo “benvenuto in Europa”. Più vicino ai valichi si incontrano posti di blocco della polizia all’entrata e all’uscita delle strade principali e soldati assiepati in buche di terra a margine dei sentieri sterrati. Altri girano a bordo di auto senza alcun segno distintivo che d’improvviso bloccano il passaggio per controllare documenti e portabagagli. Qui nessuno, tranne i residenti, può entrare e uno straniero fa paura: “Lei non dovrebbe essere qui, come è riuscita a passare?”, ripetono le poche persone incontrate a cui riusciamo a fare qualche domanda. I più si trincerano dietro un “non parlo inglese”, abbassano la testa e filano via.

La guerriglia diretta da Minsk

L’attenzione dei media cala, ma la tensione rimane alta. “Non è finita”, dice a lavialibera Katarzyna Zdanowicz, portavoce della Guardia di frontiera del Podlaskie, regione della Polonia nord-orientale con capoluogo Bialystok, che conta chilometri di bosco e 14 distretti. I tentativi di forzare la rete di filo spinato che a settembre è stata alzata alla frontiera proseguono: sabato ci ha provato un gruppo di cento persone a Czeremsza, un’ora e mezza di macchina da Kuznica. Hanno lanciato pietre e lacrimogeni.

Una guerriglia che, raccontano Zdanowicz e la sua vice, Krystyna Jakimik-Jarosz, va avanti da mesi e sta mettendo le forze dell’ordine psicologicamente a dura prova perché “non sappiamo mai cosa aspettarci”. “Ora i migranti sono stati divisi in gruppi più piccoli, dato che la strategia di concentrarli in un unico posto non ha funzionato – spiegano –. L’obiettivo è creare il caos. Il regime bielorusso sta usando queste persone per i propri interessi. Vediamo i soldati di Lukashenko fornirgli laser e cesoie, incitando alla violenza”.

Ricordano di aver incontrato una donna afghana che è finita in lacrime quando ha scoperto di trovarsi in Polonia e non in Germania, dove credeva di essere arrivata. Un’altra, irachena, sconvolta dalla foresta “che non aveva mai visto prima”. “Sono vittime di una truffa – proseguono Zdanowicz e Jakimik-Jarosz –. Vogliamo aiutarle, ma d’altra parte dobbiamo proteggere i confini. Non possiamo permettere che attraversino illegalmente la frontiera”. Respingono le accuse di violare il diritto internazionale spedendo indietro chi vuole fare domanda d’asilo.

“Diamo l’opportunità di fare richiesta, ma i più vogliono andare in Germania e non possiamo fare altro che riportarli in Bielorussia”, sostengono, aggiungendo di cooperare con le autorità di Berlino e di aver ricevuto la visita di Dieter Romann, capo della polizia federale tedesca che “si è complimentato per il nostro lavoro”. Le testimonianze di chi è riuscito a superare il varco, dopo diversi tentativi falliti, descrivono una realtà diversa: le forze dell’ordine polacche caricano i migranti sui furgoncini, prelevandoli anche dagli ospedali, dove in tanti vengono ricoverati per ipotermia, e li scaricano dall’altra parte senza dargli alcuna chance.

Il cinico gioco politico sulle spalle dei migranti

Una situazione che non si risolverà in poche settimane. Fa troppo comodo a entrambi i versanti del confine. Lukashenko, desideroso di riconoscimento internazionale, non ha perso l’occasione di presentare le due telefonate ricevute dalla cancelliera tedesca Angela Merkel come una vittoria. Mentre il governo polacco di destra di Mateusz Morawiecki, in calo nei sondaggi e sempre meno credibile in Europa, punta a guadagnare terreno tanto in casa, giocando la carta dell’invasione, quanto agli occhi degli altri leader europei, auto-promuovendosi difensore delle porte dell’Unione. Nelle maglie di questo cinico gioco politico, migliaia di uomini, donne e bambini ancora intrappolati nella foresta Bielorussa che sperano di raggiungere l’Europa. I pochi che riescono a entrare in Polonia si nascondono per settimane, rischiando di morire di freddo e di fame. Le associazioni umanitarie li intercettano in condizioni sempre peggiori. Una coppia siriana ha raccontato ai medici dell’organizzazione Poland emergency medical team di essere rimasta nel bosco per quasi un mese. Il loro bimbo di un anno ha perso la vita.

▻https://lavialibera.it/it-schede-754-polonia_nel_cuore_della_zona_d_emergenza_abbiamo_paura

Biélorussie/Pologne : construction d’une crise politique

https://i.imgur.com/o2AQ3am.png

Depuis novembre 2021, il ne se passe pas un jour sans que la presse n’évoque –images très dures à l’appui– les tensions à la frontière biélorusse. Euphémisme s’il en est que de parler de tensions : plusieurs milliers de personnes massées en pleine nature, dans des conditions de survie terribles, sans aide humanitaire pendant plusieurs semaines, le tout pour servir de pion à un cynique chantage politique. Car il ne s’agit ici de rien d’autre que de la construction de toutes pièces d’une crise politique.

Dans cette analyse, nous retraçons les grands moments qui ont engendré cette crise et nous revenons sur les dernières actualités et sur les conditions de survie de ces personnes migrantes à la frontière biélorusse. Nous verrons également en quoi certains droits fondamentaux sont violés, et les réactions de l’Union européenne y faisant suite. Enfin, nous analyserons la manière dont la Biélorussie a instrumentalisé la migration à des fins politiques et expliquerons en quoi cela est loin d’être inédit.

Que ce soit à travers des accords politiques iniques, ou par la construction de murs et grâce à un inventaire sécuritaire toujours plus important et perfectionné, l’Union européenne reproche à la Biélorussie ce qu’elle fait, elle aussi, depuis de nombreuses années. Nous expliquerons ainsi en quoi l’Union, et ses États membres, sont pour partie responsables de cette situation humanitaire catastrophique.

▻https://www.cire.be/publication/bielorussie-pologne-construction-dune-crise-politique

Août 2021 :
Pologne : des arrivées de migrants records à la frontière biélorusse
►https://seenthis.net/messages/925941

Août 2021 :
La #Pologne érigera une clôture en barbelés à sa frontière avec le #Bélarus
►https://seenthis.net/messages/927137

Octobre 2021:
Poland : 4 people found dead on border with Belarus
►https://seenthis.net/messages/931677

Octobre 2021 :
L’#Allemagne propose à la #Pologne des #patrouilles_conjointes
►https://seenthis.net/messages/933796

Octobre 2021:
Poland passes law allowing migrants to be pushed back at border
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/934175

Novembre 2021 :
Une petite séquence sur la situation à la #frontière entre la #Pologne et la #Biélorussie (via twitter) :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/935856

Novembre 2021:
Belarus threatens to cut gas deliveries to EU if sanctioned over border crisis
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/936249

La Pologne rempart contre l’immigration clandestine

https://i.imgur.com/Koofbsa.jpg

Et deux autres :

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH450/szlCh7Vjpg-ff303-b2ef3.jpg https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH409/syVEBQEjpg-ee52f-3ec9b.jpg

▻https://seenthis.net/messages/937296

Novembre 2021, déclaration de #Ursula_von_der_Leyen :

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L486xH696/QItHFtRpng-22fb6-a7b7d.png

Die Toten von der polnisch-belarussischen Grenze

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH338/a4229f8e-322643e-60913.jpg

Poland’s border wall will cut Europe’s oldest forest in half
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1024724
#forêt #nature #faune #flore

Poland blocks hundreds of migrants at Belarus border

Poland says it has repelled attempts by migrants to enter the country at its eastern border with Belarus, warning that thousands more were on the way.

Video footage showed hundreds of people near a barbed-wire border fence, which some tried to force their way through.

The Polish government called a crisis meeting on Monday and deployed 12,000 troops to the region.

Poland has accused Belarus of pushing the migrants towards the border, describing it as hostile activity.

Poland, Lithuania and Latvia say there’s been a surge in the number of people trying to enter their countries illegally from Belarus in recent months. Many of them have come from the Middle East and Asia.

The European Union has accused Belarus’s authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko of facilitating the influx in retaliation against sanctions.

Poland, which has been criticised for pushing back migrants and refugees at its border, has responded to the large number of people arriving there by building a razor-wire fence.

The Polish Border Guard also said it was closing its border crossing with Belarus at Kuznica from Tuesday morning.

Conditions for migrants on the border are hostile to the point of being deadly, and fears have been raised for their safety in the region’s sub-zero winter.

As they are summarily expelled from Poland and Belarus refuses to allow them back in, people are finding themselves stranded and freezing in Poland’s forests. Several have died of hypothermia.
Polish troops and border guards with shields stop migrants from crossing into the country

The BBC’s Paul Adams spoke to Barwa Nusreddine Ahmed, the brother of one Iraqi migrant who was at the border with his wife and three children. They arrived in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, last month.

With little to eat or drink, the people stuck at the border were suffering, Mr Ahmed said.

He said Monday’s move to the border post was planned on social media by the migrants themselves, but suggested Belarus was pushing them.

“People know they’re being used [by Mr Lukashenko], but they have no future,” Mr Ahmed said.

READ MORE: How Belarus is helping ‘tourists’ break into the EU

On Monday, the Nato alliance said it was worried about “escalation” on the border with Poland and was ready to “maintain safety and security in the region”.

Meanwhile in Lithuania, the government there moved troops to its border with Belarus to prepare for a possible influx of migrants and was considering declaring a state of emergency.

▻https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-59206685

Migrants have destroyed the barbed wire fence and are shouting “Germany”. #Polish border guards cover the hole with a human shield.

▻https://twitter.com/nexta_tv/status/1457698015314071562

#vidéo

Reports are coming that Belarusian soldiers are firing in the air to scare off those migrants who tried to return to Belarus.

▻https://twitter.com/TadeuszGiczan/status/1457749315691196416

Belarus escorts 1,000 migrants towards Polish border

Column of people including children led by border guards in escalation of deadly crisis.

Belarusian authorities have escorted an estimated 1,000 people, most of whom are from the Middle East, to the Polish border in an escalation of a deadly crisis that has already left people desperate to reach the EU trapped between borders and at least eight dead due to exposure.

Videos published by Belarusian media on Monday showed armed Belarusian border guards in combat fatigues guiding the column of people, which included families with children, along a highway from the border town of Bruzgi towards a forest that runs alongside Poland’s Podlaskie region as European countries accused the state of using the migrants in a “hybrid attack”.

Video reports later showed a standoff at the border, where Polish border guards reportedly used teargas to push back people as some in the crowd tried to cut through barbed wire or knock down border fencing to cross the border. Polish helicopters hovered over the scene as some of the migrants chanted, “Germany!”, their desired destination, according to video posted to social media.

By evening, hundreds had set up tents and lit campfires in a forested border area, suggesting clashes could repeat themselves in coming days as Polish officials have vowed to prevent people from crossing into the country from Belarus.

Gunshots can be heard in one video posted to social media. It is not clear whether anyone was injured as a result. In the footage, a voice off-camera says that Belarusian border guards had opened fire, possibly in the air. Belarusian officials confirmed that gunshots were audible but claimed they had come from the Polish side of the border.

Poland and other EU countries have accused Belarus of trying to provoke a new refugee crisis in Europe in revenge for their criticism of Alexander Lukashenko’s brutal crackdown on opposition and European sanctions after the forced landing of a Ryanair flight in May, in effect opening up a new migration route to the bloc.

One Iraqi Kurdish woman told the Guardian that she was brought to Belarus by a travel agency that provided them with flights to Minsk and then a transfer to the EU’s external border. People can be charged €15,000-€20,000 (£12,800-£17,100) when they reach Belarus.

The European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, said the EU should now extend its sanctions on the Belarusian regime. She said: “Belarus must stop putting people’s lives at risk. The instrumentalisation of migrants for political purposes by Belarus is unacceptable.”

Von der Leyen also pledged greater support for Poland, Lithuania and Latvia to deal with the crisis and said the EU would explore “how to sanction, including through blacklisting, third-country airlines that are active in human trafficking”.

The crisis along the European Union’s eastern border has been simmering for months but escalated in the last 24 hours. Poland’s deputy foreign minister, Piotr Wawrzyk, told Polish public radio on Monday that Belarus was trying to cause a “major incident, preferably with shots fired and casualties”, and the defence minister, Mariusz Błaszczak, said 12,000 soldiers were “prepared to defend the Polish border”. Piotr Mueller, the Polish government spokesperson, said there were 3,000 to 4,000 people next to the Polish border.

Those attempting to cross from Belarus into the EU have become trapped between the two since October, when Polish police were authorised to summarily expel migrants and ignore asylum applications. Belarusian border guards have refused to allow them to turn back, meaning that people from countries including Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan have been left in the inhospitable forests as temperatures drop below freezing.

Anton Bychkovsky, a spokesman for Belarus’s border guards, told the Associated Press those at the border were seeking to “exercise their right to apply for refugee status in the EU”. He said they had gathered into such a large group in order to avoid “forcible ousting by the Polish side”.

Crystal van Leeuwen, a medical emergency manager with Médecins Sans Frontières, told the Guardian last week that NGOs must urgently gain access to the secure zone for migrants’ claims and international protection to be respected.

Poland has reported nearly 30,000 illegal border crossings this year, with more than 17,000 coming in October. Many are attempting to flee to Germany, which said it had received more than 6,100 refugees via Poland from Belarus since the beginning of the year.

Yet those efforts rarely looked so organised as the mass column on Belarus’s M6 highway on Monday, which critics saw as a dramatic attempt by Lukashenko to increase pressure on his neighbour. Tensions soared between the two countries with the sharp rise in border crossings in October. In one case, Polish officials accused Belarusian troops of firing across the border.

Belarus has denied it has any hand in directing the flow of migrants. “The indifference and inhumane attitude of the Polish authorities has prompted the refugees to take such a step of despair,” the Belarusian border guard said in a statement on Monday.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/nov/08/belarus-escorts-hundreds-of-migrants-towards-polish-border?CMP=Share_iO

Et il y a eu ce weekend une chasse aux migrants autour de la ville de Guben (Allemagne).
« La ville de Guben est située dans la région de Basse-Lusace ; elle est traversée par la rivière Neisse et c’est la partie allemande de la ville historique ; l’autre partie est polonaise (Gubin). »

La liberté académique aux prises avec de nouvelles #menaces

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Colloques, séminaires, publications (Duclos et Fjeld, Frangville et alii) : depuis quelques années, et avec une accélération notoire ces derniers mois, le thème de la liberté académique est de plus en plus exploré comme objet scientifique. La liberté académique suscite d’autant plus l’intérêt des chercheurs qu’elle est aujourd’hui, en de nombreux endroits du monde, fragilisée.

La création en 2021 par l’#Open_Society_University_Network (un partenariat entre la Central European University et le Bard College à New York) d’un #Observatoire_mondial_des_libertés_académiques atteste d’une inquiétante réalité. C’est en effet au moment où des libertés sont fragilisées qu’advient le besoin d’en analyser les fondements, d’en explorer les définitions, de les ériger en objets de recherche, mais aussi de mettre en œuvre un système de veille pour les protéger.

S’il est évident que les #régimes_autoritaires sont par définition des ennemis des libertés académiques, ce qui arrive aujourd’hui dans des #pays_démocratiques témoigne de pratiques qui transcendent les frontières entre #régime_autoritaire et #régime_démocratique, frontières qui elles-mêmes tendent à se brouiller.

La liberté académique menacée dans les pays autoritaires…

S’appuyant sur une régulation par les pairs (la « communauté des compétents ») et une indépendance structurelle par rapport aux pouvoirs, la liberté de recherche, d’enseignement et d’opinion favorise la critique autant qu’elle en est l’expression et l’émanation. Elle est la condition d’une pensée féconde qui progresse par le débat, la confrontation d’idées, de paradigmes, d’axiomes, d’expériences.

Cette liberté dérange en contextes autoritaires, où tout un répertoire d’actions s’offre aux gouvernements pour museler les académiques : outre l’emprisonnement pur et simple, dont sont victimes des collègues – on pense notamment à #Fariba_Adelkhah, prisonnière scientifique en #Iran ; à #Ahmadreza_Djalali, condamné à mort en Iran ; à #Ilham_Tohti, dont on est sans nouvelles depuis sa condamnation à perpétuité en# Chine, et à des dizaines d’autres académiques ouïghours disparus ou emprisonnés sans procès ; à #Iouri_Dmitriev, condamné à treize ans de détention en #Russie –, les régimes autoritaires mettent en œuvre #poursuites_judiciaires et #criminalisation, #licenciements_abusifs, #harcèlement, #surveillance et #intimidation.

https://i.imgur.com/w1C5dfO.png

▻https://twitter.com/AnkyraWitch/status/1359630006993977348

L’historien turc Candan Badem parlait en 2017 d’#académicide pour qualifier la vague de #répression qui s’abattait dans son pays sur les « universitaires pour la paix », criminalisés pour avoir signé une pétition pour la paix dans les régions kurdes. La notion de « #crime_contre_l’histoire », forgée par l’historien Antoon de Baets, a été reprise en 2021 par la FIDH et l’historien Grigori Vaïpan) pour qualifier les atteintes portées à l’histoire et aux historiens en Russie. Ce crime contre l’histoire en Russie s’amplifie avec les attaques récentes contre l’ONG #Memorial menacée de dissolution.

En effet, loin d’être l’apanage des institutions académiques officielles, la liberté académique et de recherche, d’une grande rigueur, se déploie parfois de façon plus inventive et courageuse dans des structures de la #société_civile. En #Biélorussie, le sort de #Tatiana_Kuzina, comme celui d’#Artiom_Boyarski, jeune chimiste talentueux emprisonné pour avoir refusé publiquement une bourse du nom du président Loukachenko, ne sont que deux exemples parmi des dizaines et des dizaines de chercheurs menacés, dont une grande partie a déjà pris le chemin de l’exil depuis l’intensification des répressions après les élections d’août 2020 et la mobilisation qui s’en est suivie.

La liste ci-dessus n’est bien sûr pas exhaustive, les cas étant nombreux dans bien des pays – on pense, par exemple, à celui de #Saïd_Djabelkhir en #Algérie.

… mais aussi dans les #démocraties

Les #régressions que l’on observe au sein même de l’Union européenne – le cas du déménagement forcé de la #Central_European_University de Budapest vers Vienne, sous la pression du gouvernement de Viktor Orban, en est un exemple criant – montrent que les dérives anti-démocratiques se déclinent dans le champ académique, après que d’autres libertés – liberté de la presse, autonomie de la société civile – ont été atteintes.

Les pays considérés comme démocratiques ne sont pas épargnés non plus par les tentatives des autorités politiques de peser sur les recherches académiques. Récemment, en #France, les ministres de l’Éducation nationale et de l’Enseignement supérieur ont affirmé que le monde académique serait « ravagé par l’#islamo-gauchisme » et irrespectueux des « #valeurs_de_la_République » – des attaques qui ont provoqué un concert de protestations au sein de la communauté des chercheurs. En France toujours, de nombreux historiens se sont mobilisés en 2020 contre les modalités d’application d’une instruction interministérielle restreignant l’accès à des fonds d’#archives sur l’#histoire_coloniale, en contradiction avec une loi de 2008.

https://i.imgur.com/oi5FTkS.png

▻https://twitter.com/VivementLundi/status/1355564397314387972

Au #Danemark, en juin 2021, plus de 260 universitaires spécialistes des questions migratoires et de genre rapportaient quant à eux dans un communiqué public les intimidations croissantes subies pour leurs recherches qualifiées de « #gauchisme_identitaire » et de « #pseudo-science » par des députés les accusant de « déguiser la politique en science ».

D’autres offensives peuvent être menées de façon plus sournoise, à la faveur de #politiques_néolibérales assumées et de mise en #concurrence des universités et donc du champ du savoir et de la pensée. La conjonction de #logiques_libérales sur le plan économique et autoritaires sur le plan politique conduit à la multiplication de politiques souvent largement assumées par les États eux-mêmes : accréditations sélectives, retrait de #financements à des universités ou à certains programmes – les objets plus récents et fragiles comme les #études_de_genre ou études sur les #migrations se trouvant souvent en première ligne.

Ce brouillage entre régimes politiques, conjugué à la #marchandisation_du_savoir, trouve également à s’incarner dans la façon dont des acteurs issus de régimes autoritaires viennent s’installer au sein du monde démocratique : c’est le cas notamment de la Chine avec l’implantation d’#Instituts_Confucius au cœur même des universités, qui conduisent, dans certains cas, à des logiques d’#autocensure ; ou de l’afflux d’étudiants fortunés en provenance de pays autoritaires, qui par leurs frais d’inscriptions très élevés renflouent les caisses d’universités désargentées, comme en Australie.

Ces logiques de #dépendance_financière obèrent l’essence et la condition même de la #recherche_académique : son #indépendance. Plus généralement, la #marchandisation de l’#enseignement_supérieur, conséquence de son #sous-financement public, menace l’#intégrité_scientifique de chercheurs et d’universités de plus en plus poussées à se tourner vers des fonds privés.

La mobilisation de la communauté universitaire

Il y a donc là une combinaison d’attaques protéiformes, à l’aune des changements politiques, technologiques, économiques et financiers qui modifient en profondeur les modalités du travail. La mise en place de programmes de solidarité à destination de chercheurs en danger (#PAUSE, #bourses_Philipp_Schwartz en Allemagne, #bourses de solidarité à l’Université libre de Bruxelles), l’existence d’organisations visant à documenter les attaques exercées sur des chercheurs #Scholars_at_Risk, #International_Rescue_Fund, #CARA et la création de ce tout nouvel observatoire mondial des libertés académiques évoqué plus haut montrent que la communauté académique a pris conscience du danger. Puissent du fond de sa prison résonner les mots de l’historien Iouri Dmitriev : « Les libertés académiques, jamais, ne deviendront une notion abstraite. »

▻https://theconversation.com/la-liberte-academique-aux-prises-avec-de-nouvelles-menaces-171682

« #Wokisme » : un « #front_républicain » contre l’éveil aux #injustices

CHRONIQUE DE LA #BATAILLE_CULTURELLE. L’usage du mot « wokisme » vise à disqualifier son adversaire, mais aussi à entretenir un #déni : l’absence de volonté politique à prendre au sérieux les demandes d’#égalité, de #justice, de respect des #droits_humains.

Invoqué ad nauseam, le « wokisme » a fait irruption dans un débat public déjà singulièrement dégradé. Il a fait florès à l’ère du buzz et des clashs, rejoignant l’« #islamogauchisme » au registre de ces fameux mots fourre-tout dont la principale fonction est de dénigrer et disqualifier son adversaire, tout en réduisant les maux de la société à quelques syllabes magiques. Sur la scène politique et intellectuelle, le « wokisme » a même réussi là où la menace de l’#extrême_droite a échoué : la formation d’un « front républicain ». Mais pas n’importe quel front républicain…

Formellement, les racines du « wokisme » renvoient à l’idée d’« #éveil » aux #injustices, aux #inégalités et autres #discriminations subies par les minorités, qu’elles soient sexuelles, ethniques ou religieuses. Comment cet « éveil » a-t-il mué en une sorte d’#injure_publique constitutive d’une #menace existentielle pour la République ?

Si le terme « woke » est historiquement lié à la lutte des #Afro-Américains pour les #droits_civiques, il se trouve désormais au cœur de mobilisations d’une jeunesse militante animée par les causes féministes et antiracistes. Ces mobilisations traduisent en acte l’#intersectionnalité théorisée par #Kimberlé_Williams_Crenshaw*, mais le recours à certains procédés ou techniques est perçu comme une atteinte à la #liberté_d’expression (avec les appels à la #censure d’une œuvre, à l’annulation d’une exposition ou d’une représentation, au déboulonnage d’une statue, etc.) ou à l’égalité (avec les « réunions non mixtes choisies et temporaires » restreignant l’accès à celles-ci à certaines catégories de personnes partageant un même problème, une même discrimination). Le débat autour de ces pratiques est complexe et légitime. Mais parler en France du développement d’une « cancel culture » qu’elles sont censées symboliser est abusif, tant elles demeurent extrêmement marginales dans les sphères universitaires et artistiques. Leur nombre comme leur diffusion sont inversement proportionnels à leur écho politico-médiatique. D’où provient ce contraste ou décalage ?

Une rupture du contrat social

En réalité, au-delà de la critique/condamnation du phénomène « woke », la crispation radicale qu’il suscite dans l’hexagone puise ses racines dans une absence de volonté politique à prendre au sérieux les demandes d’égalité, de justice, de respect des droits humains. Un défaut d’écoute et de volonté qui se nourrit lui-même d’un mécanisme de déni, à savoir un mécanisme de défense face à une réalité insupportable, difficile à assumer intellectuellement et politiquement.

D’un côté, une série de rapports publics et d’études universitaires** pointent la prégnance des inégalités et des discriminations à l’embauche, au logement, au contrôle policier ou même à l’école. Non seulement les discriminations sapent le sentiment d’appartenance à la communauté nationale, mais la reproduction des inégalités est en partie liée à la reproduction des discriminations.

De l’autre, le déni et l’#inaction perdurent face à ces problèmes systémiques. Il n’existe pas de véritable politique publique de lutte contre les discriminations à l’échelle nationale. L’État n’a pas engagé de programme spécifique qui ciblerait des axes prioritaires et se déclinerait aux différents niveaux de l’action publique.

L’appel à l’« éveil » est un appel à la prise de conscience d’une rupture consommée de notre contrat social. La réalité implacable d’inégalités et de discriminations criantes nourrit en effet une #citoyenneté à plusieurs vitesses qui contredit les termes du récit/#pacte_républicain, celui d’une promesse d’égalité et d’#émancipation.

Que l’objet si mal identifié que représente le « wokisme » soit fustigé par la droite et l’extrême-droite n’a rien de surprenant : la lutte contre les #logiques_de_domination ne fait partie ni de leur corpus idéologique ni de leur agenda programmatique. En revanche, il est plus significatif qu’une large partie de la gauche se détourne des questions de l’égalité et de la #lutte_contre_les_discriminations, pour mieux se mobiliser contre tout ce qui peut apparaître comme une menace contre un « #universalisme_républicain » aussi abstrait que déconnecté des réalités vécues par cette jeunesse française engagée en faveur de ces causes.

Les polémiques autour du « wokisme » contribuent ainsi à forger cet arc politique et intellectuel qui atteste la convergence, voire la jonction de deux blocs conservateurs, « de droite » et « de gauche », unis dans un même « front républicain », dans un même déni des maux d’une société d’inégaux.

▻https://www.nouvelobs.com/idees/20210928.OBS49202/wokisme-un-front-republicain-contre-l-eveil-aux-injustices.html

#récit_républicain

« Le mot “#woke” a été transformé en instrument d’occultation des discriminations raciales »

Pour le sociologue #Alain_Policar, le « wokisme » désigne désormais péjorativement ceux qui sont engagés dans des courants politiques qui se réclament pourtant de l’approfondissement des principes démocratiques.

Faut-il rompre avec le principe de « #color_blindness » (« indifférence à la couleur ») au fondement de l’#égalitarisme_libéral ? Ce principe, rappelons-le, accompagne la philosophie individualiste et contractualiste à laquelle adhèrent les #démocraties. Or, en prenant en considération des pratiques par lesquelles des catégories fondées sur des étiquettes « raciales » subsistent dans les sociétés postcolonialistes, on affirme l’existence d’un ordre politico-juridique au sein duquel la « #race » reste un principe de vision et de division du monde social.

Comme l’écrit #Stéphane_Troussel, président du conseil départemental de Seine-Saint-Denis, « la République a un problème avec le #corps des individus, elle ne sait que faire de ces #différences_physiques, de ces couleurs multiples, de ces #orientations diverses, parce qu’elle a affirmé que pour traiter chacun et chacune également elle devait être #aveugle » ( Le Monde du 7 avril).

Dès lors, ignorer cette #réalité, rester indifférent à la #couleur, n’est-ce pas consentir à la perpétuation des injustices ? C’est ce consentement qui s’exprime dans l’opération idéologique d’appropriation d’un mot, « woke », pour le transformer en instrument d’occultation de la réalité des discriminations fondées sur la couleur de peau. Désormais le wokisme désigne péjorativement ceux qui sont engagés dans les luttes antiracistes, féministes, LGBT ou même écologistes. Il ne se caractérise pas par son contenu, mais par sa fonction, à savoir, selon un article récent de l’agrégé de philosophie Valentin Denis sur le site AOC , « stigmatiser des courants politiques souvent incommensurables tout en évitant de se demander ce qu’ils ont à dire . Ces courants politiques, pourtant, ne réclament-ils pas en définitive l’approfondissement des #principes_démocratiques ?

Une #justice_corrective

Parmi les moyens de cet approfondissement, l’ affirmative action (« #action_compensatoire »), en tant qu’expression d’une justice corrective fondée sur la #reconnaissance des #torts subis par le passé et, bien souvent, qui restent encore vifs dans le présent, est suspectée de substituer le #multiculturalisme_normatif au #modèle_républicain d’#intégration. Ces mesures correctives seraient, lit-on souvent, une remise en cause radicale du #mérite_individuel. Mais cet argument est extrêmement faible : est-il cohérent d’invoquer la #justice_sociale (dont les antiwokedisent se préoccuper) et, en même temps, de valoriser le #mérite ? L’appréciation de celui-ci n’est-elle pas liée à l’#utilité_sociale accordée à un ensemble de #performances dont la réalisation dépend d’#atouts (en particulier, un milieu familial favorable) distribués de façon moralement arbitraire ? La justice sociale exige, en réalité, que ce qui dépend des circonstances, et non des choix, soit compensé.

Percevoir et dénoncer les mécanismes qui maintiennent les hiérarchies héritées de l’#ordre_colonial constitue l’étape nécessaire à la reconnaissance du lien entre cet ordre et la persistance d’un #racisme_quotidien. Il est important (même si le concept de « #racisme_systémique », appliqué à nos sociétés contemporaines, est décrit comme une « fable » par certains auteurs, égarés par les passions idéologiques qu’ils dénoncent chez leurs adversaires) d’admettre l’idée que, même si les agents sont dépourvus de #préjugés_racistes, la discrimination fonctionne. En quelque sorte, on peut avoir du #racisme_sans_racistes, comme l’a montré Eduardo Bonilla-Silva dans son livre de 2003, Racism without Racists [Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, non traduit] . Cet auteur avait, en 1997, publié un article canonique sur le #racisme_institutionnel dans lequel il rejetait, en se réclamant du psychiatre et essayiste Frantz Fanon [1925-1961], les approches du racisme « comme une #bizarrerie_mentale, comme une #faille_psychologique » .

Le reflet de pratiques structurelles

En fait, les institutions peuvent être racialement oppressives, même sans qu’aucun individu ou aucun groupe ne puisse être tenu pour responsable du tort subi. Cette importante idée avait déjà été exprimée par William E. B. Du Bois dans Pénombre de l’aube. Essai d’autobiographie d’un concept de race (1940, traduit chez Vendémiaire, 2020), ouvrage dans lequel il décrivait le racisme comme un #ordre_structurel, intériorisé par les individus et ne dépendant pas seulement de la mauvaise volonté de quelques-uns. On a pu reprocher à ces analyses d’essentialiser les Blancs, de leur attribuer une sorte de #racisme_ontologique, alors qu’elles mettent au jour les #préjugés produits par l’ignorance ou le déni historique.

On comprend, par conséquent, qu’il est essentiel de ne pas confondre, d’une part, l’expression des #émotions, de la #colère, du #ressentiment, et, d’autre part, les discriminations, par exemple à l’embauche ou au logement, lesquelles sont le reflet de #pratiques_structurelles concrètes. Le racisme est avant tout un rapport social, un #système_de_domination qui s’exerce sur des groupes racisés par le groupe racisant. Il doit être appréhendé du point de vue de ses effets sur l’ensemble de la société, et non seulement à travers ses expressions les plus violentes.

#Alexis_de_Tocqueville avait parfaitement décrit cette réalité [dans De la démocratie en Amérique, 1835 et 1840] en évoquant la nécessaire destruction, une fois l’esclavage aboli, de trois préjugés, qu’il disait être « bien plus insaisissables et plus tenaces que lui : le préjugé du maître, le préjugé de race, et enfin le préjugé du Blanc . Et il ajoutait : « J’aperçois l’#esclavage qui recule ; le préjugé qu’il a fait naître est immobile. » Ce #préjugé_de_race était, écrivait-il encore, « plus fort dans les Etats qui ont aboli l’esclavage que dans ceux où il existe encore, et nulle part il ne se montre aussi intolérant que dans les Etats où la servitude a toujours été inconnue . Tocqueville serait-il un militant woke ?

Note(s) :

Alain Policar est sociologue au Centre de recherches politiques de Sciences Po (Cevipof). Dernier livre paru : « L’Universalisme en procès » (Le Bord de l’eau, 160p., 16 euros)

►https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/12/28/alain-policar-le-mot-woke-a-ete-transforme-en-instrument-d-occultation-des-d

#WEB_Du_Bois

signalé par @colporteur ici :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/941602

L’agitation de la chimère « wokisme » ou l’empêchement du débat

Wokisme est un néologisme malin : employé comme nom, il suggère l’existence d’un mouvement homogène et cohérent, constitué autour d’une prétendue « idéologie woke ». Ou comment stigmatiser des courants politiques progressistes pour mieux détourner le regard des discriminations que ceux-ci dénoncent. D’un point de vue rhétorique, le terme produit une version totalement caricaturée d’un adversaire fantasmé.

(#paywall)
▻https://aoc.media/opinion/2021/11/25/lagitation-de-la-chimere-wokisme-ou-lempechement-du-debat

Derrière le débat sur le « wokisme », les trois mutations du racisme : biologique, culturel, systémique
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/943324

Le WOKISME, #Béligh_Nabli

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CtQXTG8LAR0

Europe’s War on Woke

Why elites across the Atlantic are freaking out about the concept of structural racism.

https://www.thenation.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/Robinson-McAuley_Woke-illo_img.jpg

On my 32nd birthday, I agreed to appear on Répliques, a popular show on the France Culture radio channel hosted by the illustrious Alain Finkielkraut. Now 72 and a household name in France, Finkielkraut is a public intellectual of the variety that exists only on the Left Bank: a child of 1968 who now wears Loro Piana blazers and rails against “la cancel culture.” The other guest that day—January 9, less than 72 hours after the US Capitol insurrection—was Pascal Bruckner, 72, another well-known French writer who’d just published “The Almost Perfect Culprit: The Construction of the White Scapegoat,” his latest of many essays on this theme. Happy birthday to me.

The topic of our discussion was the only one that interested the French elite in January 2021: not the raging pandemic but “the Franco-American divide,” the Huntington-esque clash of two apparently great civilizations and their respective social models—one “universalist,” one “communitarian”—on the question of race and identity politics. To Finkielkraut, Bruckner, and the establishment they still represent, American writers like me seek to impose a “woke” agenda on an otherwise harmonious, egalitarian society. Americans who argue for social justice are guilty of “cultural imperialism,” of ideological projection—even of bad faith.

This has become a refrain not merely in France but across Europe. To be sure, the terms of this social-media-fueled debate are unmistakably American; “woke” and “cancel culture” could emerge from no other context. But in the United States, these terms have a particular valence that mostly has to do with the push for racial equality and against systemic racism. In Europe, what is labeled “woke” is often whatever social movement a particular country’s establishment fears the most. This turns out to be an ideal way of discrediting those movements: To call them “woke” is to call them American, and to call them American is to say they don’t apply to Europe.

In France, “wokeism” came to the fore in response to a recent slew of terror attacks, most notably the gruesome beheading in October 2020 of the schoolteacher Samuel Paty. After years of similar Islamist attacks—notably the massacre at the offices of the newspaper Charlie Hebdo in January 2015 and the ISIS-inspired assaults on the Hypercacher kosher supermarket and the Bataclan concert hall in November 2015—the reaction in France reached a tipping point. Emmanuel Macron’s government had already launched a campaign against what it calls “Islamist separatism,” but Paty’s killing saw a conversation about understandable trauma degenerate into public hysteria. The government launched a full-scale culture war, fomenting its own American-style psychodrama while purporting to do the opposite. Soon its ministers began railing against “islamo-gauchisme” (Islamo-leftism) in universities, Muslim mothers in hijabs chaperoning school field trips, and halal meats in supermarkets.

But most of all, they began railing against the ideas that, in their view, somehow augmented and abetted these divisions: American-inspired anti-racism and “wokeness.” Macron said it himself in a speech that was widely praised by the French establishment for its alleged nuance: “We have left the intellectual debate to others, to those outside of the Republic, by ideologizing it, sometimes yielding to other academic traditions…. I see certain social science theories entirely imported from the United States.” In October, the French government inaugurated a think tank, the Laboratoire de la République, designed to combat these “woke” theories, which, according to the think tank’s founder, Jean-Michel Blanquer, Macron’s education minister, “led to the rise of Donald Trump.”

As the apparent emissaries of this pernicious “Anglo-Saxon” identitarian agenda, US journalists covering this moment in France have come under the spotlight, especially when we ask, for instance, what islamo-gauchisme actually means—if indeed it means anything at all. Macron himself has lashed out at foreign journalists, even sending a letter to the editor of the Financial Times rebutting what he saw as an error-ridden op-ed that took a stance he could not bear. “I will not allow anybody to claim that France, or its government, is fostering racism against Muslims,” he wrote. Hence my own invitation to appear on France Culture, a kind of voir dire before the entire nation.

Finkielkraut began the segment with a tirade against The New York Times and then began discussing US “campus culture,” mentioning Yale’s Tim Barringer and an art history syllabus that no longer includes as many “dead white males.” Eventually I asked how, three days after January 6, we could discuss the United States without mentioning the violent insurrection that had just taken place at the seat of American democracy. Finkielkraut became agitated. “And for you also, [what about] the fact that in the American Congress, Emanuel Cleaver, representative of Missouri, presiding over a new inauguration ceremony, finished by saying the words ‘amen and a-women’?” he asked. “Ça vous dérangez pas?” I said it didn’t bother me in the least, and he got even more agitated. “I don’t understand what you say, James McAuley, because cancel culture exists! It exists!”

The man knew what he was talking about: Three days after our conversation, Finkielkraut was dropped from a regular gig at France’s LCI television for defending his old pal Olivier Duhamel of Sciences Po, who was embroiled in a pedophilia scandal that had taken France by storm. Duhamel was accused by his stepdaughter, Camille Kouchener, of raping her twin brother when the two were in their early teens. Finkielkraut speculated that there may have been consent between the two parties, and, in any case, a 14-year-old was “not the same thing” as a child.

I tell this story because it is a useful encapsulation of France’s—and Europe’s—war on woke, a conflict that has assumed various forms in different national contexts but that still grips the continent. On one level, there is a certain comedy to it: The self-professed classical liberal turns out to be an apologist for child molestation. In fact, the anti-woke comedy is now quite literally being written and directed by actual comedians who, on this one issue, seem incapable of anything but earnestness. John Cleese, 81, the face of Monty Python and a public supporter of Brexit, has announced that he will be directing a forthcoming documentary series on Britain’s Channel 4 titled Cancel Me, which will feature extensive interviews with people who have been “canceled”—although no one connected with the show has specified what exactly the word means.

Indeed, the terms of this debate are an insult to collective intelligence. But if we must use them, we need to understand an important distinction between what is called “cancel culture” and what is called “woke.” The former has been around much longer and refers to tactics that are used across the political spectrum, but historically by those on the right. “Cancel culture” is not the result of an increased awareness of racial disparities or a greater commitment to social justice broadly conceived—both of which are more urgent than ever—but rather a terrible and inevitable consequence of life with the Internet. Hardly anyone can support “cancel culture” in good faith, and yet it is never sufficiently condemned, because people call out such tactics only when their political opponents use them, never when their allies do. “Woke,” on the other hand, does not necessarily imply public shaming; it merely signifies a shift in perspective and perhaps a change in behavior. Carelessly equating the two is a convenient way to brand social justice activism as inherently illiberal—and to silence long-overdue conversations about race and inequality that far too many otherwise reasonable people find personally threatening.

But Europe is not America, and in Europe there have been far fewer incidents that could be construed as “cancellations”—again, I feel stupid even using the word—than in the United States. “Wokeism” is really a phenomenon of the Anglosphere, and with the exception of the United Kingdom, the social justice movement has gained far less traction in Europe than it has in US cultural institutions—newspapers, universities, museums, and foundations. In terms of race and identity, many European cultural institutions would have been seen as woefully behind the times by their US counterparts even before the so-called “great awokening.” Yet Europe has gone fully anti-woke, even without much wokeness to fight.

So much of Europe’s anti-woke movement has focused on opposing and attempting to refute allegations of “institutional” or “structural” racism. Yet despite the 20th-century continental origins of structuralism (especially in France) as a mode of social analysis—not to mention the Francophone writers who have shaped the way American thinkers conceive of race—many European elites dismiss these critiques as unwelcome intrusions into the public discourse that project the preoccupations of a nation built on slavery (and thus understandably obsessed with race) onto societies that are vastly different. Europe, they insist, has a different history, one in which race—especially in the form of the simple binary opposition of Black and white—plays a less central role. There is, of course, some truth to this rejoinder: Different countries do indeed have different histories and different debates. But when Europeans accuse their American critics of projection, they do so not to point out the very real divergences in the US and European discussions and even conceptions of race and racism. Rather, the charge is typically meant to stifle the discussion altogether—even when that discussion is being led by European citizens describing their own lived experiences.

France, where I reside, proudly sees itself as a “universalist” republic of equal citizens that officially recognizes no differences among them. Indeed, since 1978, it has been illegal to collect statistics on race, ethnicity, or religion—a policy that is largely a response to what happened during the Second World War, when authorities singled out Jewish citizens to be deported to Nazi concentration camps. The French view is that such categories should play no role in public life, that the only community that counts is the national community. To be anti-woke, then, is to be seen as a discerning thinker, one who can rise above crude, reductive identity categories.

The reality of daily life in France is anything but universalist. The French state does indeed make racial distinctions among citizens, particularly in the realm of policing. The prevalence of police identity checks in France, which stem from a 1993 law intended to curb illegal immigration, is a perennial source of controversy. They disproportionately target Black and Arab men, which is one reason the killing of George Floyd resonated so strongly here. Last summer I spoke to Jacques Toubon, a former conservative politician who was then serving as the French government’s civil liberties ombudsman (he is now retired). Toubon was honest in his assessment: “Our thesis, our values, our rules—constitutional, etc.—they are universalist,” he said. “They do not recognize difference. But there is a tension between this and the reality.”

One of the most jarring examples of this tension came in November 2020, when Sarah El Haïry, Macron’s youth minister, traveled to Poitiers to discuss the question of religion in society at a local high school. By and large, the students—many of whom were people of color—asked very thoughtful questions. One of them, Emilie, 16, said that she didn’t see the recognition of religious or ethnic differences as divisive. “Just because you are a Christian or a Muslim does not represent a threat to society,” she said. “For me, diversity is an opportunity.” These and similar remarks did not sit well with El Haïry, who nonetheless kept her cool until another student asked about police brutality. At that point, El Haïry got up from her chair and interrupted the student. “You have to love the police, because they are there to protect us on a daily basis,” she said. “They cannot be racist because they are republican!”

For El Haïry, to question such assumptions would be to question something foundational and profound about the way France understands itself. The problem is that more and more French citizens are doing just that, especially young people like the students in Poitiers, and the government seems utterly incapable of responding.

Although there is no official data to this effect—again, because of universalist ideology—France is estimated to be the most ethnically diverse society in Western Europe. It is home to large North African, West African, Southeast Asian, and Caribbean populations, and it has the largest Muslim and Jewish communities on the continent. By any objective measure, that makes France a multicultural society—but this reality apparently cannot be admitted or understood.

Macron, who has done far more than any previous French president to recognize the lived experiences and historical traumas of various minority groups, seems to be aware of this blind spot, but he stops short of acknowledging it. Earlier this year, I attended a roundtable discussion with Macron and a small group of other Anglophone correspondents. One thing he said during that interview has stuck with me: “Universalism is not, in my eyes, a doctrine of assimilation—not at all. It is not the negation of differences…. I believe in plurality in universalism, but that is to say, whatever our differences, our citizenship makes us build a universal together.” This is simply the definition of a multicultural society, an outline of the Anglo-Saxon social model otherwise so despised in France.

Europe’s reaction to the brutal killing of George Floyd in may 2020 was fascinating to observe. The initial shock at the terrifyingly mundane horrors of US life quickly gave way to protest movements that decried police brutality and the unaddressed legacy of Europe’s colonial past. This was when the question of structural racism entered the conversation. In Britain, Prime Minister Boris Johnson responded to the massive protests throughout the country by establishing the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, an independent group charged with investigating the reality of discrimination and coming up with proposals for rectifying racial disparities in public institutions. The commission’s report, published in April 2021, heralded Britain as “a model for other White-majority countries” on racial issues and devoted three pages to the problems with the language of “structural racism.”

One big problem with this language, the report implied, is that “structural racism” is a feeling, and feelings are not facts. “References to ‘systemic’, ‘institutional’ or ‘structural racism’ may relate to specific processes which can be identified, but they can also relate to the feeling described by many ethnic minorities of ‘not belonging,’” the report said. “There is certainly a class of actions, behaviours and incidents at the organisational level which cause ethnic minorities to lack a sense of belonging. This is often informally expressed as feeling ‘othered.’” But even that modest concession was immediately qualified. “However, as with hate incidents, this can have a highly subjective dimension for those tasked with investigating the claim.” Finally, the report concluded, the terms in question were inherently extreme. “Terms like ‘structural racism’ have roots in a critique of capitalism, which states that racism is inextricably linked to capitalism. So by that definition, until that system is abolished racism will flourish.”

The effect of these language games is simply to limit the terms available to describe a phenomenon that indeed exists. Because structural racism is not some progressive shibboleth: It kills people, which need not be controversial or even political to admit. For one recent example in the UK, look no further than Covid-19 deaths. The nation’s Office for National Statistics concluded that Black citizens were more than four times as likely to die of Covid as white citizens, while British citizens of Bangladeshi and Pakistani heritage were more than three times as likely to die. These disparities were present even among health workers directly employed by the state: Of the National Health Service clinical staff who succumbed to the virus, a staggering 60 percent were “BAME”—Black, Asian, or minority ethnic, a term that the government’s report deemed “no longer helpful” and “demeaning.” Beyond Covid-19, reports show that Black British women are more than four times as likely to die in pregnancy or childbirth as their white counterparts; British women of an Asian ethnic background die at twice the rate of white women.

In the countries of Europe as in the United States, the battle over “woke” ideas is also a battle over each nation’s history—how it is written, how it is taught, how it is understood.

Perhaps nowhere is this more acutely felt than in Britain, where the inescapable legacy of empire has become the center of an increasingly acrimonious public debate. Of particular note has been the furor over how to think about Winston Churchill, who remains something of a national avatar. In September, the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust renamed itself the Churchill Fellowship, removed certain pictures of the former prime minister from its website, and seemed to distance itself from its namesake. “Many of his views on race are widely seen as unacceptable today, a view that we share,” the Churchill Fellowship declared. This followed the November 2020 decision by Britain’s beloved National Trust, which operates an extensive network of stately homes throughout the country, to demarcate about 100 properties with explicit ties to slavery and colonialism.

These moves elicited the ire of many conservatives, including the prime minister. “We need to focus on addressing the present and not attempt to rewrite the past and get sucked into the never-ending debate about which well-known historical figures are sufficiently pure or politically correct to remain in public view,” Johnson’s spokesman said in response to the Churchill brouhaha. But for Hilary McGrady, the head of the National Trust, “the genie is out of the bottle in terms of people wanting to understand where wealth came from,” she told London’s Evening Standard. McGrady justified the trust’s decision by saying that as public sensibilities change, so too must institutions. “One thing that possibly has changed is there may be things people find offensive, and we have to be sensitive about that.”

A fierce countermovement to these institutional changes has already emerged. In the words of David Abulafia, 71, an acclaimed historian of the Mediterranean at Cambridge University and one of the principal architects of this countermovement, “We can never surrender to the woke witch hunt against our island story.”

This was the actual title of an op-ed by Abulafia that the Daily Mail published in early September, which attacked “today’s woke zealots” who “exploit history as an instrument of propaganda—and as a means of bullying the rest of us.” The piece also announced the History Reclaimed initiative, of which Abulafia is a cofounder: a new online platform run by a board of frustrated British historians who seek to “provide context, explanation and balance in a debate in which condemnation is too often preferred to understanding.” As a historian myself, I should say that I greatly admire Abulafia’s work, particularly its wide-ranging synthesis and its literary quality, neither of which is easy to achieve and both of which have been models for me in my own work. Which is why I was surprised to find a piece by him in the Daily Mail, a right-wing tabloid not exactly known for academic rigor. When I spoke with Abulafia about it, he seemed a little embarrassed. “It’s basically an interview that they turn into text and then send back to you,” he told me. “Some of the sentences have been generated by the Daily Mail.”

As in the United States, the UK’s Black Lives Matter protests led to the toppling of statues, including the one in downtown Bristol of Edward Colston, a 17th-century merchant whose wealth derived in part from his active involvement in the slave trade. Abulafia told me he prefers a “retain and explain” approach, which means keeping such statues in place but adding context to them when necessary. I asked him about the public presentation of statues and whether by their very prominence they command an implicit honor and respect. He seemed unconvinced. “You look at statues and you’re not particularly aware of what they show,” he said.

“What do you do about Simon de Montfort?” Abulafia continued. “He is commemorated at Parliament, and he did manage to rein in the power of monarchy. But he was also responsible for some horrific pogroms against the Jews. Everyone has a different perspective on these people. It seems to me that what we have to say is that human beings are complex; we often have contradictory ideas, mishmash that goes in any number of different directions. Churchill defeated the Nazis, but lower down the page one might mention that he held views on race that are not our own. Maintaining that sense of proportion is important.”

All of these are reasonable points, but what I still don’t understand is why history as it was understood by a previous generation must be the history understood by future generations. Statues are not history; they are interpretations of history created at a certain moment in time. Historians rebuke previous interpretations of the past on the page all the time; we rewrite accounts of well-known events according to our own contemporary perspectives and biases. What is so sacred about a statue?

I asked Abulafia why all of this felt so personal to him, because it doesn’t feel that way to me. He replied, “I think there’s an element of this: There is a feeling that younger scholars might be disadvantaged if they don’t support particular views of the past. I can think of examples of younger scholars who’ve been very careful on this issue, who are not really taking sides on that issue.” But I am exactly such a younger scholar, and no one has ever forced me to uphold a certain opinion, either at Harvard or at Oxford. For Abulafia, however, this is a terrifying moment. “One of the things that really worries me about this whole business is the lack of opportunities for debate.”

Whatever one thinks of “woke” purity tests, it cannot be argued in good faith that the loudest European voices on the anti-woke side of the argument are really interested in “debate.” In France especially, the anti-woke moment has become particularly toxic because its culture warriors—on both the right and the left—have succeeded in associating “le wokeisme” with defenses of Islamist terrorism. Without question, France has faced the brunt of terrorist violence in Europe in recent years: Since 2015, more than 260 people have been killed in a series of attacks, shaking the confidence of all of us who live here. The worst year was 2015, flanked as it was by the Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan concert hall attacks. But something changed after Paty’s brutal murder in 2020. After a long, miserable year of Covid lockdowns, the French elite—politicians and press alike—began looking for something to blame. And so “wokeness” was denounced as an apology for terrorist violence; in the view of the French establishment, to emphasize identity politics was to sow the social fractures that led to Paty’s beheading. “Wokeness” became complicit in the crime, while freedom of expression was reserved for supporters of the French establishment.

The irony is fairly clear: Those who purported to detest American psychodramas about race and social justice had to rely on—and, in fact, to import—the tools of an American culture war to battle what they felt threatened by in their own country. In the case of Paty’s murder and its aftermath, there was another glaring irony, this time about the values so allegedly dear to the anti-woke contingent. The middle school teacher, who was targeted by a Chechen asylum seeker because he had shown cartoons of the prophet Muhammad as part of a civics lesson about free speech, was immediately lionized as an avatar for the freedom of expression, which the French government quite rightly championed as a value it would always protect. “I will always defend in my country the freedom to speak, to write, to think, to draw,” Macron told Al Jazeera shortly after Paty’s killing. This would have been reassuring had it not been completely disingenuous: Shortly thereafter, Macron presided over a crackdown on “islamo-gauchisme” in French universities, a term his ministers used with an entirely straight face. If there is a single paradox that describes French cultural life in 2021, it is this: “Islamophobia” is a word one is supposed to avoid, but “Islamo-leftism” is a phenomenon one is expected to condemn.

Hundreds of academics—including at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France’s most prestigious research body—attacked the government’s crusade against an undefined set of ideas that were somehow complicit in the Islamist terror attacks that had rocked the country. Newspapers like Le Monde came out against the targeting of “islamo-gauchisme,” and there were weeks of tedious newspaper polemics about whether the term harks back to the “Judeo-Bolshevism” of the 1930s (of course it does) or whether it describes a real phenomenon. In any case, the Macron government backtracked in the face of prolonged ridicule. But the trauma of the terror attacks and the emotional hysteria they unleashed will linger: France has also reconfigured its commitment to laïcité, the secularism that the French treat as an unknowable philosophical ideal but that is actually just the freedom to believe or not to believe as each citizen sees fit. Laïcité has become a weapon in the culture war, instrumentalized in the fight against an enemy that the French government assures its critics is radical Islamism but increasingly looks like ordinary Islam.

The issue of the veil is infamously one of the most polarizing and violent in French public debate. The dominant French view is a function of universalist ideology, which holds that the veil is a symbol of religious oppression; it cannot be worn by choice. A law passed in 2004 prohibits the veil from being worn in high schools, and a separate 2010 law bans the face-covering niqab from being worn anywhere in public, on the grounds that “in free and democratic societies…o exchange between people, no social life is possible, in public space, without reciprocity of look and visibility: people meet and establish relationships with their faces uncovered.” (Needless to say, this republican value was more than slightly complicated by the imposition of a mask mandate during the 2020 pandemic.)

In any case, when Muslim women wear the veil in public, which is their legal right and in no way a violation of laïcité, they come under attack. In 2019, for instance, then–Health Minister Agnès Buzyn—who is now being investigated for mismanaging the early days of the pandemic—decried the marketing of a runner’s hijab by the French sportswear brand Decathlon, because of the “communitarian” threat it apparently posed to universalism. “I would have preferred a French brand not to promote the veil,” Buzyn said. Likewise, Jean-Michel Blanquer, France’s education minister, conceded that although it was technically legal for mothers to wear head scarves, he wanted to avoid allowing them to chaperone school trips “as much as possible.”

Nicolas Cadène, the former head of France’s national Observatory of Secularism—a laïcité watchdog, in other words—was constantly criticized by members of the French government for being too “soft” on Muslim communal organizations, with whose leaders he regularly met. Earlier this year, the observatory that Cadène ran was overhauled and replaced with a new commission that took a harder line. He remarked to me, “You have political elites and intellectuals who belong to a closed society—it’s very homogeneous—and who are not well-informed about the reality of society. These are people who in their daily lives are not in contact with those who come from diverse backgrounds. There is a lack of diversity in that elite. France is not the white man—there is a false vision [among] our elites about what France is—but they are afraid of this diversity. They see it as a threat to their reality.”

As in the United States, there is a certain pathos in the European war on woke, especially in the battalion of crusaders who belong to Cleese and Finkielkraut’s generation. For them, “wokeism” —a term that has no clear meaning and that each would probably define differently—is a personal affront. They see the debate as being somehow about them. The British politician Enoch Powell famously said that all political lives end in failure. A corollary might be that all cultural careers end in irrelevance, a reality that so many of these characters refuse to accept, but that eventually comes for us all—if we are lucky. For many on both sides of the Atlantic, being aggressively anti-woke is a last-ditch attempt at mattering, which is the genuinely pathetic part. But it is difficult to feel pity for those in that camp, because their reflex is, inescapably, an outgrowth of entitlement: To resent new voices taking over is to believe that you always deserve a microphone. The truth is that no one does.

▻https://www.thenation.com/article/world/woke-europe-structural-racism

à propos des refoulements à la frontière Polonaise, voir le message passé sur la newsletter d’octobre de Tous migrants :
▻https://tousmigrants.weebly.com/octobre-20211.html

Le même jour, nous recevons un appel de détresse sur Facebook d’un exilé coincé à la frontière entre la Biélorussie et la Pologne. Depuis plusieurs semaines, des personnes sont prises en étau dans la zone frontalière entre les deux pays, privés d’assistance et sans aucune issue[1]. L’Union européenne et la Pologne accusent Minsk d’orchestrer l’arrivée des personnes migrantes en réaction aux sanctions économiques infligées au pays au mois de juin. Cette instrumentalisation des flux migratoires menace la vie d’au moins 180 personnes, dont 26 enfants (selon l’ONG Watch the Med) et certaines sont déjà mortes. Comment l’Union européenne peut-elle tolérer que des humains meurent à sa frontière, sans agir ? Comment est-ce possible qu’un homme désespéré qui se trouve de l’autre côté de l’Europe à des milliers de kilomètres de nous, nous interpelle directement ?

« Bonjour ! Nous vous écrivons via ce canal car nous sommes en situations de détresses. Nous sommes plus de 4000 migrant présentement coincés dans la frontière de la Pologne sans issu. Nous sommes sans secours, abandonnés à notre propre sort, en pleine forêt, sans nourriture, et sans aide d’aucune forme. Nous comptons déjà des morts dans nos rangs. Sans aucune aide nous allons tous périr. De grâce portez notre message de désespoir plus haut afin que l’union européenne soit au courant de ce qui se passe ici. Les journalistes n’ont pas accès, ni les médias et ONG. Les militaires polonais récupèrent nos téléphones et nous rejettent à la zone neutre sans secours et en pleine nuit sous le froid. Svp aidez-nous nous périssons à petit feu. »

#Pologne #Frontex #Biélorussie

#social-traitre

l fait suspendre en 2021 les titres de séjour de plusieurs centaines de réfugiés syriens, estimant que la situation en Syrie était désormais suffisamment sûre pour permettre le retour des réfugiés3. Il est aussi à l’origine du projet de loi, adopté pendant l’été 2021, destinée à externaliser l’asile dans des pays non-européen, notamment au Rwanda

▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mattias_Tesfaye

On the EU’s eastern border, Poland builds a fence to stop migrants

Polish soldiers were building a fence on the border with Belarus on Thursday, as the European Union’s largest eastern member takes steps to curb illegal border crossings despite criticism that some migrants are being treated inhumanely.

Brussels has accused Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko of using migrants as part of a “hybrid war” designed to put pressure on the bloc over sanctions it has imposed, and building the wall is part of Poland’s efforts to beef up border security on the EU’s eastern flank.

“Almost 3 km of fencing has been erected since yesterday,” Defence Minister Mariusz Blaszczak said on Twitter, adding that almost 1,800 soldiers were supporting the border guard.

Blaszczak said on Monday that a new 2.5 metre high solid fence would be built, modelled on the one built by Prime Minister Viktor Orban on Hungary’s border with Serbia.

On Thursday Reuters saw soldiers next the frontier stringing wire through barbed wire to hook it to posts.

Poland has received sharp criticism over its treatment of a group of migrants who have been stuck on the Belarus border for over two weeks, living in the open air with little food and water and no access to sanitary facilities.

On Wednesday refugee charity the Ocalenie Foundation said 12 out of 32 migrants stuck on the border were seriously ill and one was close to death.

“No fence or wire anywhere in the world has stopped any people fleeing war and persecution,” said Marianna Wartecka from the foundation who was at the border on Thursday.

Poland says responsibility for the migrants lies with Belarus. The prime minister said this week that a convoy of humanitarian offered by Poland had been refused by Minsk.

Surveys show that most Poles are against accepting migrants, and Poland’s ruling nationalists Law and Justice (PiS) made a refusal to accept refugee quotas a key plank of its election campaign when it swept to power in 2015.

An IBRiS poll for private broadcaster Polsat on Wednesday showed that almost 55% of respondents were against accepting migrants and refugees, while over 47% were in favour of a border wall.

“Our country cannot allow such a large group of people to break our laws,” said Emilia Krystopowicz, a 19-year-old physiotherapy student, in Krynki, a village next the border.

Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko has accused Poland and Lithuania of fuelling the migrant issue on the borders.

▻https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/eus-eastern-border-poland-builds-fence-stop-migrants-2021-08-26

Poland to build anti-refugee wall on Belarus border

Poland has become the latest European country to start building an anti-refugee wall, with a new fence on its border with Belarus.

The 2.5-metre high wall would be modelled on one built by Hungary on its border with Serbia in 2015, Polish defence minister Mariusz Blaszczak said.

“We are dealing with an attack on Poland. It is an attempt to trigger a migration crisis,” he told press at a briefing near the Belarus frontier on Monday (23 August).

“It is [also] necessary to increase the number of soldiers [on the border] ... We will soon double the number of soldiers to 2,000,” he added.

“We will not allow the creation of a route for the transfer of migrants via Poland to the European Union,” he said.

The minister shared photos of a 100-km razor-wire barrier, which Poland already erected in recent weeks.

Some 2,100 people from the Middle East and Africa tried to enter Poland via Belarus in the past few months in what Blaszczak called “a dirty game of [Belarus president Alexander] Lukashenko and the Kremlin” to hit back at EU sanctions.

“These are not refugees, they are economic migrants brought in by the Belarusian government,” deputy foreign minister Marcin Przydacz also said on Monday.

Some people were pushed over the border by armed Belarusian police who fired in the air behind them, according to Polish NGO Minority Rights Group.

Others were pushed back by Polish soldiers, who should have let them file asylum claims, while another 30-or-so people have been stuck in no man’s land without food or shelter.

“People were asking the [Polish] border guards for protection and the border guards were pushing them back,” Piotr Bystrianin from the Ocalenie Foundation, another Polish NGO, told the Reuters news agency.

“That means they were in contact and that means they should give them the possibility to apply for protection ... It’s very simple,” he said.

“We have been very concerned by ... people being stranded for days,” Shabia Mantoo, a spokeswoman for the UN refugee agency, the UNHCR, also said.

But for its part, the Polish government had little time for moral niceties.

“The statements and behaviour of a significant number of Polish politicians, journalists, and NGO activists show that a scenario in which a foreign country carrying out such an attack against Poland will receive support from allies in our country is very real,” Polish deputy foreign minister Paweł Jabłoński said.

Belarus has also been pushing refugees into Lithuania and Latvia, with more than 4,000 people recently crossing into Lithuania.

“Using immigrants to destabilise neighbouring countries constitutes a clear breach of international law and qualifies as a hybrid attack against ... Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and thus against the entire European Union,” the Baltic states and Poland said in a joint statement on Monday.

Lithuania is building a 3-metre high, 508-km wall on its Belarus border in a €152m project for which it wants EU money.

The wall would be completed by September 2022, Lithuanian prime minister Ingrida Simonyte said on Monday.

“The physical barrier is vital for us to repel this hybrid attack,” she said.
Fortress Europe

The latest upsurge in wall-building began with Greece, which said last week it had completed a 40-km fence on its border with Turkey to keep out potential Afghan refugees.

And Turkey has started building a 3-metre high concrete barrier on its 241-km border with Iran for the same reason.

“The Afghan crisis is creating new facts in the geopolitical sphere and at the same time it is creating possibilities for migrant flows,” Greece’s citizens’ protection minister Michalis Chrisochoidis said.

Turkey would not become Europe’s “refugee warehouse”, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said.

▻https://euobserver.com/world/152711

Comme la Lituanie, la Pologne veut sa barrière anti-migrants à la frontière biélorusse

Varsovie et Vilnius veulent construire des barrières contre les migrants qui transitent par le Bélarus, tandis que la situation humanitaire continue de se détériorer à la frontière orientale de l’Union européenne.

La pression augmente pour faire de l’Union une forteresse. Vendredi 8 octobre, douze pays, dont la Pologne et la Lituanie, ont réclamé d’une seule voix que l’Union européenne finance la construction de barrières à ses frontières externes. Il s’agit de l’Autriche, la Bulgarie, Chypre, la République tchèque, le Danemark, l’Estonie, la Grèce, la Hongrie, la Lituanie, la Lettonie, la Pologne et la Slovaquie.

« Je ne suis pas contre », a répondu la commissaire aux Affaires intérieures Ylva Johansson. « Mais quant à savoir si on devrait utiliser les fonds européens qui sont limités, pour financer la construction de clôtures à la place d’autres choses tout aussi importantes, c’est une autre question ».

La question migratoire agite particulièrement en Pologne, soumise à une pression inédite sur sa frontière orientale, avec le Bélarus. Le 7 octobre, le vice-Premier ministre Jarosław Kaczyński, qui préside aussi la commission des affaires de sécurité nationale et de défense, a confirmé la construction d’une barrière permanente le long de la frontière polono-biélorusse. Lors d’une conférence de presse tenue au siège de l’unité des gardes-frontières de Podlachie, frontalière avec la Biélorussie, il a expliqué : « Nous avons discuté des décisions déjà prises, y compris dans le domaine financier, pour construire une barrière très sérieuse. Le genre de barrière qu’il est très difficile de franchir. L’expérience européenne, l’expérience de plusieurs pays, par exemple la Hongrie et la Grèce, montre que c’est la seule méthode efficace ».

La Pologne a débuté les travaux en août dernier et des barbelés ont déjà été tirés sur des sections sensibles de la frontière polono-biélorusse. Lorsqu’elle aura atteint son terme, la barrière fera 180 kilomètres de long et plus de deux mètres de haut.

La Lituanie, autre pays frontalier de la Biélorussie, a elle aussi déroulé les barbelés et alloué 152 millions d’euros pour la construction d’une barrière de quatre mètres de haut, sur cinq cents kilomètres, qui doit être prête en septembre 2022.

Le gouvernement national-conservateur du Droit et Justice (PiS) a réagi par la manière forte à la pression migratoire inédite sur ses frontières. Plusieurs milliers de soldats ont été déployés pour prêter main-forte aux gardes-frontières.

Le Sénat a adopté le 8 octobre un amendement qui autorise l’expulsion immédiate des étrangers interpellés après avoir franchi la frontière irrégulièrement, sans examiner leur demande de protection internationale. En clair, il s’agit de passer un vernis de légalité sur la pratique dit de « pushback » qui contrevient aux règles internationales, mais utilisées ailleurs sur la frontière de l’UE, parfois très violemment, comme en témoigne la diffusion récente de vidéos à la frontière de la Croatie.
Loukachenko accusé de trafic d’êtres humains

Varsovie et Vilnius accusent de concert le président autocrate du Bélarus, Alexandre Loukachenko, de chercher à ouvrir une nouvelle route migratoire vers l’Europe, dans le but de se venger de leur soutien actif à l’opposition bélarusse en exil et des sanctions européennes consécutives aux élections frauduleuses d’août 2020.

« Ce sont les immigrants économiques qui arrivent. Ils sont amenés dans le cadre d’une opération organisée par les autorités biélorusses avec l’assentiment clair de la Fédération de Russie. Les agences de sécurité biélorusses le tolèrent totalement et y sont présentes », a noté Jarosław Kaczyński. « Ces personnes sont conduites vers des endroits où elles auront une chance de traverser la frontière. Parfois, des officiers biélorusses participent personnellement au franchissement des barrières et à la coupure des fils », a-t-il ajouté.

« Des centaines de milliers de personnes seront acheminées à notre frontière orientale », a avancé le ministre polonais de l’Intérieur Mariusz Kamiński, au mois de septembre.
Soutien de la Commission européenne

La Commission européenne dénonce, elle aussi, « un trafic de migrants parrainé par l’État [biélorusse] ». Le 5 octobre, Ylva Johansson, commissaire européenne chargée des affaires intérieures, a déclaré que « le régime utilise des êtres humains d’une manière sans précédent, pour faire pression sur l’Union européenne. […] Ils attirent les gens à Minsk. Qui sont ensuite transportés vers la frontière. Dans des mini-fourgonnettes banalisées. ».

C’est aussi une manne économique pour Minsk, a détaillé Ylva Johansson. « Les gens viennent en voyages organisés par l’entreprise touristique d’État Centrkurort. Ils séjournent dans des hôtels agréés par l’état. Ils paient des dépôts de plusieurs milliers de dollars, qu’ils ne récupèrent jamais ».
La situation humanitaire se dégrade

L’hiver approche et les températures sont passées sous zéro degré les nuits dernières en Podlachie, la région du nord-est de la Pologne, frontalière avec la Biélorussie. Des groupes d’immigrants qui tentent de se frayer un chemin vers l’Union européenne errent dans les forêts de part et d’autre de la frontière qui est aussi celle de l’Union. « Ce [samedi] soir il fait -2 degrés en Podlachie. Des enfants dorment à même le sol, quelque part dans nos forêts. Des enfants déportés vers ces forêts sur ordre des autorités polonaises », affirme le Groupe frontalier (Grupa Granica).

Une collecte a été lancée pour permettre à une quarantaine de médecins volontaires d’apporter des soins de première urgence aux migrants victimes d’hypothermie, de blessures, d’infections ou encore de maladies chroniques. Avec les trente mille euros levés dès la première journée (près de soixante mille euros à ce jour), trois équipes ont débuté leurs opérations de sauvetage. « Nous voulons seulement aider et empêcher les gens à la frontière de souffrir et de mourir », explique le docteur Jakub Sieczko à la radio TOK FM. Mais le ministère de l’Intérieur leur refuse l’accès à la zone où a été décrété un état d’urgence au début du mois de septembre, tenant éloignés journalistes et humanitaires de la tragédie en cours.

Quatre personnes ont été retrouvées mortes – vraisemblablement d’hypothermie – dans l’espace frontalier, le 19 septembre, puis un adolescent irakien cinq jours plus tard. La fondation pour le Salut (Ocalenie) a accusé les gardes-frontières polonais d’avoir repoussé en Biélorussie le jeune homme en très mauvaise santé et sa famille quelques heures plus tôt.

A ce jour, ce flux migratoire n’est en rien comparable à celui de l’année 2015 via la « Route des Balkans », mais il est dix fois supérieur aux années précédentes. Samedi, 739 tentatives de franchissement illégal de la frontière ont été empêchées par les gardes-frontières polonais, qui ont enregistré plus de 3 000 tentatives d’entrée irrégulière au mois d’août, et près de 5 000 en septembre.

▻https://courrierdeuropecentrale.fr/comme-la-lituanie-la-pologne-veut-aussi-sa-barriere-anti-mig

EU’s job is not to build external border barriers, says Commission vice president

Yes to security coordination and technology; no to ‘cement and stones,’ says Margaritis Schinas.

The European Commission is ready to support member countries in strengthening the bloc’s external borders against the “hybrid threat” posed by international migrant flows but doesn’t want to pay for the construction of physical border barriers, Commission Vice President Margaritis Schinas said Thursday.

Rather than defending borders with “cement and stones,” Schinas said in an interview at POLITICO’s Health Care Summit, the EU can usefully provide support in the form of security coordination and technology.

Highlighting how divisive the issue is of the use of EU funds for physical barriers, which EU leaders discussed at length at a summit last Friday morning, Schinas’ line is different from the one expressed by his party in the European Parliament, the center-right EPP, and by his own country, Greece.

He was responding to comments by Manfred Weber, chairman of the European Parliament’s EPP group, in support of a letter, first reported by POLITICO’s Playbook, by 12 member countries, including countries like Greece, Denmark and Hungary, to finance a physical barrier with EU money.

Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said after last week’s Council summit that no EU money would be spent to build “barbed wire and walls.”

“The Commission position is very clear. We are facing a new kind of threat on our external border. This is a hybrid threat,” said Schinas. “The obvious thing for the European Union to do is to make sure that those who seek to attack Europe by weaponizing human misery know that we will defend the border … I think that, so far, we have managed to do it.”

“At the same time we do have resources that will allow us to help member states to organize their defences — not of course by financing the cement and the stones and the physical obstacles of walls,” he added.

“But we have the capacity to assist and finance member states for the broader ecosystem of border management at the European Union external border,” said Schinas, referring to setting up command centers and deploying equipment such as thermal cameras. “This is how we will do it. If there is one lesson that this situation has taught us [it] is that migration is a common problem. It cannot be delegated to our member states.”

Eastern member states have accused authoritarian leader Alexander Lukashenko of flying thousands of people into Belarus and then sending them on hazardous journeys into EU territory. Polish lawmakers approved €350 million in spending last week to build a wall along the country’s border with Belarus.

▻https://www.politico.eu/article/eus-job-is-not-to-build-external-border-barriers-says-commission-vice-presi

Les travaux de construction du mur ont commencé (février 2022) :

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L487xH652/H0E4O5Fpng-1118d-f293e.png

Poland Begins Constructing Border Walls To Deter Asylum-Seeking Refugees

Poland has begun the construction of a new border wall, estimated to cost $400 million and likely to be completed by June 2022. The wall will stand 5.5 meters high (six yards) and will have a final length of 186 km (115 miles).

“Our intention is for the damage to be as small as possible,” border guard spokeswoman Anna Michalska assured Poland’s PAP news agency on January 25th. “Tree felling will be limited to the minimum required. The wall itself will be built along the border road.”

While the Polish border forces are taking extra precautions not to disrupt the nature surrounding the border, there have been concerns about the human rights of asylum-seeking refugees. Over the past decade, there has been a rise in Middle Eastern and African refugees entering European Union countries, primarily through Eastern European territories. Standards set by the United Nations state that it is not illegal to seek refugee status in another country if an individual is in danger within their home country; however, Poland has sent numerous troops to its borders to deter asylum seekers trying to enter the nation on foot from Belarus. Poland has accused Belarus of encouraging asylum seekers to use the state as a passage into E.U. countries that may be a more favorable residency. The Belarusian government has denied these accusations, stating that Poland’s current attempts to restrict the number of refugees allowed in its country are inhumane and a human rights issue. Poland has since claimed that the “easy journey” allowed by Belarus’s government, and potentially supported by its ally Russia, is a non-militant attack against not only Poland, but the rest of the E.U.

As the two countries continue in their conflict, the asylum seekers – individuals from around the world in need of safety and shelter – are being caught in the crossfire.

Over the past months, Poland has increased border security, built a razor-wire fence along a large majority of the border, closed off border territories from the media and advocacy groups, and approved a new law allowing the border guard to force asylum seekers back into Belarus. Due to the recent changes, the number of refugees entering Poland has decreased, but this does not mean that the number of asylum seekers in need of aid from E.U. countries has decreased. Numerous groups still try to cross the treacherous border; the Polish border guard estimates that there are seventeen crossings just in the span of 24 hours. Al Jazeera reported on the 25th that Polish border security caught a group of fourteen asylum seekers, the majority of them fleeing Middle Eastern countries, cutting through a portion of the wire fence. These individuals, like many asylum seekers discovered along the border, have been “detained” until the Polish government decides whether to grant them refugee status or force them to return to Belarus.

While Poland’s frustration with the uneven distribution of asylum seekers entering their country compared to others within the E.U. is understandable, its poor treatment of those in need of aid and protection is unacceptable. Rather than raising arms and security, Poland and the European Union must explore options of refugee resettlement that appease Polish desires for an equal dispersal of refugees throughout Europe without turning away people who need real government assistance. No matter its attitude towards Belarus, Poland must not turn its punishment towards those in need of refuge.

▻https://theowp.org/poland-begins-constructing-border-walls-to-deter-asylum-seeking-refugees

"The Iron Forest" - building the walls to scar the nature

If I could bring one thing from my hometown, it would be the fresh air of the conifers from “my” forest. This is the statement my friends have heard me say many times, in particular when I feel nostalgic about my hometown.

Augustów, where I am from, lies in the midst of Augustów Primeval Forest, in the North-East of Poland — a region referred to as the “green lungs” of Poland. It is an enormous virgin forest complex stretching across the border with Lithuania and connecting with other forests in the region.

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When I was 10, I went on a school trip to a neighbouring Bialowieza forest — a UNESCO heritage site with its largest European bison population. I still remember the tranquillity and magnificence of its landscape including stoic bison. I never would have thought that some years later, the serenity of this place will face being destroyed by the wall built on the Polish and Belarusian border, following the recent events of the refugee crisis.

Today, I am a mental health scientist with a background in Psychology and Psychological Medicine. I am also a Pole from the North-East of Poland. Embracing both identities, in this blog, I would like to talk about “building walls” and what it means from a psychological perspective.
Building Walls and Social Identity

Following the humanitarian crisis which recently took place on the border between Belarus and Poland, we are now witnessing Poland building a wall which would prevent asylum seekers from Syria, Iraqi Kurdistan and Afghanistan, to cross the border.

The concept of building a wall to separate nations isn’t new. I am sure you have heard about the Berlin wall separating East and West Germany, the Israeli West Bank Barrier between Israel and Palestine, or more recently the wall between Mexico and the US. In fact, according to Elisabeth Vallet, a professor at the University of Quebec-Montreal, since World War II the number of border walls jumped from 7 to at least 70! So, how can we explain this need to separate?

In her article for the New Yorker on “Do walls change how we think”, Jessica Wapner talks about the three main purposes of the walls which are “establishing peace, preventing smuggling, and terrorism”. It is based on the premises of keeping “the others” away, the others that are threatening to “us”, our safety, integrity and identity. These motivations form the basis for the political agenda of nationalism.

Using the words of the famous psychologist, Elliot Aronson, humans are social animals, and we all have the need to belong to a group. This has been well described by the Social Identity Theory which claims that positive evaluation of the group we belong to helps us to maintain positive self-image and self-esteem. Negative evaluation of the “the other,” or the outgroup, further reaffirms the positive image of your own group — the intergroup bias. As such, strong social identity helps us feel safe and secure psychologically, which is handy in difficult times such as perceived threat posed by another nation or any other crisis. However, it often creates a “psychological illusion” as in attempt to seek that comfort, we distort the reality placing ourselves and our group in a more favourable light. This, in turn, only worsens the crisis, as described by Vamik Volkan, a psychiatrist and the president of the International Society of Political Psychology, in the article by Jessica Wapner.

The disillusionment of walls

In reality, history shows consistently that building walls have only, and many, negative consequences. The positive ones, well, are an illusion: based on the false sense of psychological protection.

In 1973, a German psychiatrist #Dietfried_Müller-Hegemann, published a book, “#Wall_disease”, in which he talked about the surge of mental illness in people living “in the shadow” of the wall. Those who lived in the proximity of the Berlin wall showed higher rates of paranoia, psychosis, depression, alcoholism and other mental health difficulties. And the psychological consequences of the Iron Curtain lingered long after the actual wall was gone: in 2005, a group of scientists were interested in the mental representation of the distances between the cities in Germany among the German population. They demonstrated systematic overestimations of distances between German cities that were situated across the former Iron Curtain, compared with the estimated difference between cities all within the East or the West Germany. For example, people overestimated the distance between Dusseldorf and Magdeburg, but not between Dusseldorf and Hannover, or between Magdeburg and Leipzig.

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What was even more interesting is that this discrepancy was stronger in those who had a negative attitude towards the reintegration! These findings show that even when the physical separation is no longer present, the psychological distance persists.

Building walls is a perfect strategy to prevent dialogue and cooperation and to turn the blind eye to what is happening on the other side — if I can’t see it, it doesn’t exist.

It embodies two different ideologies that could not find the way to compromise and resorted to “sweeping the problem under the carpet”. From a psychoanalytical point of view, it refers to denial — a defence mechanism individuals experience and apply when struggling to cope with the demands of reality. It is important and comes to the rescue when we truly struggle, but, inevitably, it needs to be addressed for recovery to be possible. Perhaps this analogy applies to societies too.

It goes without saying that the atmosphere created by putting the walls up is that of fear of “the other” and hostility. Jessica Wapner describes it very well in her article for the New Yorker, as she talks about the dystopian atmosphere of the looming surveillance and the mental illness that goes with it.

And lastly, I wouldn’t want to miss a very important point related to the wall of interest in this blog — the Poland-Belarus wall. In this particular case, we will not only deal with the partition between people, but also between animals and within the ecosystem of the forest, which is likely to have a devastating effect on the environment and the local society.

Bringing this blog to conclusion, I hope that we can take a step back and reflect on what history and psychology tell us about the needs and motivations to “build walls”, both physically and metaphorically, and the disillusionment and devastating consequences it might have: for people, for society, and for nature.

▻https://www.inspirethemind.org/blog/the-iron-forest-building-the-walls-to-scar-the-nature
#santé_mentale

Poland’s border wall to cut through Europe’s last old-growth forest

Work has begun on a 116-mile long fence on the Polish-Belarusian border. Scientists call it an environmental “disaster.”

The border between Poland and Belarus is a land of forests, rolling hills, river valleys, and wetlands. But this once peaceful countryside has become a militarized zone. Prompted by concerns about an influx of primarily Middle Eastern migrants from Belarus, the Polish government has begun construction on a massive wall across its eastern border.

Human rights organizations and conservation groups have decried the move. The wall will be up to 18 feet tall (5.5 meters) and stretch for 116 miles (186 kilometers) along Poland’s eastern border, according to the Polish Border Guard, despite laws in place that the barrier seems to violate. It’s slated to plow through fragile ecosystems, including Białowieża Forest, the continent’s last lowland old-growth woodland.

If completed within the next few months as planned, the wall would block migration routes for many animal species, such as wolves, lynx, red deer, recovering populations of brown bears, and the largest remaining population of European bison, says Katarzyna Nowak, a researcher at the Białowieża Geobotanical Station, part of the University of Warsaw. This could have wide-ranging impacts, since the Polish-Belarus border is one of the most important corridors for wildlife movement between Eastern Europe and Eurasia, and animal species depend on connected populations to stay genetically healthy.

Border fences are rising around the world, the U.S.-Mexico wall being one of the most infamous. A tragic irony of such walls is that while they do reliably stop the movement of wildlife, they do not entirely prevent human migration; they generally only delay or reroute it. And they don’t address its root causes. Migrants often find ways to breach walls, by going over, under, or through them.

Nevertheless, time after time, the specter of migrants crossing borders has caused governments to ignore laws meant to protect the environment, says John Linnell, a biologist with the Norwegian Institute for Nature Research.

Polish border wall construction will entail heavy traffic, noise, and light in pristine borderland forests, and the work could also include logging and road building.

“In my opinion, this is a disaster,” says Bogdan Jaroszewicz, director of the Białowieża Geobotanical Station.
Fomenting a crisis

The humanitarian crisis at the border began in summer 2021, as thousands of migrants began entering Belarus, often with promises by the Belarusian government of assistance in reaching other locations within Europe. But upon arrival in Belarus, many were not granted legal entry, and thousands have tried to cross into Poland, Latvia, and Lithuania. Migrants have often been intercepted by Polish authorities and forced back to Belarus. At least a dozen migrants have died of hypothermia, malnourishment, or other causes.

Conflict between Belarus and the EU flared when Alexander Lukashenko claimed victory in the August 2020 presidential election, despite documented claims the election results were falsified. Mass protests and crackdowns followed, along with several rounds of EU sanctions. Poland and other governments have accused Belarus of fomenting the current border crisis as a sort of punishment for the sanctions.

In response, the Polish government declared a state of emergency on the second of September, which remains in place. Many Polish border towns near the Belarusian border are only open to citizens and travel is severely restricted; tourists, aid workers, journalists, and anybody who doesn’t live or permanently work in the area cannot generally visit or even move through.

That has made life difficult for the diverse array of people who live in this multi-ethnic, historic border region. Hotels and inns have gone out of business. Researchers trying to do work in the forest have been approached by soldiers at gunpoint demanding to know what they are doing there, says Michał Żmihorski, an ecologist who directs the Mammal Research Institute, part of the Polish Academy of Sciences, based in Białowieża.

The Polish government has already built a razor-wire fence, about seven feet tall, along the border through the Białowieża Forest and much of the surrounding border areas. Reports suggest this fence has already entrapped and killed animals, including bison and moose. The new wall will start at the north edge of the Polish-Belarusian border, abutting Lithuania, and stretch south to the Bug River, the banks of which are already lined with a razor-wire fence.

“I assume that it already has had a negative impact on many animals,” Żmihorski says. Further wall construction would “more or less cut the forest in half.”

Some scientists are circulating an open letter to the European Commission, the executive branch of the EU, to try to halt the wall’s construction.

Primeval forest

Much of the Białowieża Forest has been protected since the 1400s, and the area contains the last large expanse of virgin lowland forest, of the kind that once covered Europe from the Ural Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean. “It’s the crown jewel of Europe,” Nowak says.

Oaks, ash, and linden trees, hundreds of years old, tower over a dense, unmanaged understory—where trees fall and rot undisturbed, explains Eunice Blavascunas, an anthropologist who wrote a book about the region. The forest is home to a wide diversity of fungi and invertebrates—over 16,000 species, between the two groups—in addition to 59 mammalian and 250 bird species.

In the Polish side of the forest, around 700 European bison can be found grazing in low valleys and forest clearings, a precious population that took a century to replenish. There are also wolves, otters, red deer, and an imperiled population of about a dozen lynx. Normally these animals move back and forth across the border with Belarus. In 2021, a brown bear was reported to have crossed over from Belarus.

Reports suggest the Polish government may enlarge a clearing through Białowieża and other borderland forests. Besides the impact on wildlife, researchers worry about noise and light pollution, and that the construction could introduce invasive plants that would wreak havoc, fast-growing weedy species such as goldenrod and golden root, Jaroszewicz adds.

But it’s not just about this forest. Blocking the eastern border of Poland will isolate European wildlife populations from the wider expanse of Eurasia. It’s a problem of continental scale, Linnell says, “a critical issue that this [border] is going to be walled off.”

Walls cause severe habitat fragmentation; prevent animals from finding mates, food, and water; and in the long term can lead to regional extinctions by severing gene flow, Linnell says.
Against the law?

The wall construction runs afoul of several national environment laws, but also important binding international agreements, legal experts say.

For one, Białowieża Forest is a UNESCO World Heritage site, a rare designation that draws international prestige and tourists. As part of the deal, Poland is supposed to abide by the strictures of the World Heritage Convention—which oblige the country to protect species such as bison—and to avoid harming the environment of the Belarusian part of the forest, explains Arie Trouwborst, an expert in environmental law at Tilburg University in the Netherlands.

It’s conceivable that construction of the wall could lead UNESCO to revoke the forest’s World Heritage status, which would be a huge blow to the country and the region, Trouwborst adds; A natural heritage site has only been removed from the UNESCO list once in history.

The Polish part of the Białowieża site has also been designated a Natura 2000 protected area under the European Union Habitats Directive, as are a handful of other borderlands forests. The new wall would “seem to sit uneasily with Poland’s obligations under EU law in this regard, which require it to avoid and remedy activities and projects that may be harmful for the species for which the site was designated, [including] European bison, lynx, and wolf,” Trouwborst says.

EU law is binding, and it can be enforced within Poland or by the EU Court of Justice, which can impose heavy fines, Trouwborst says. A reasonable interpretation of the law suggests that the Polish government, by building a razor-wire fence through Białowieża Forest, is already in breach of the Habitats Directive. The law dictates that potentially harmful projects may in principle only be authorized “where no reasonable scientific doubt remains as to the absence” of adverse impacts. And further wall construction carries obvious environmental harms.

“One way or another, building a fence or wall along the border without making it permeable to protected wildlife would seem to be against the law,” Trouwborst says.

The EU Court of Justice has already shown itself capable of ruling on activity in the Białowieża Forest. The Polish government logged parts of the forest from 2016 to 2018 to remove trees infected by bark beetles. But in April 2018, the Court of Justice ruled that the logging was illegal, and the government stopped cutting down trees. Nevertheless, the Polish government this year resumed logging in the outskirts of Białowieża.
Walls going up

Poland is not alone. The global trend toward more border walls threatens to undo decades of progress in environmental protections, especially in transboundary, cooperative approaches to conservation, Linnell says.

Some of the more prominent areas where walls have recently been constructed include the U.S.-Mexico border; the Slovenian-Croatian boundary; and the entire circumference of Mongolia. Much of the European Union is now fenced off as well, Linnell adds. (Learn more: An endangered wolf went in search of a mate. The border wall blocked him.)

The large uptick in wall-building seems to have taken many conservationists by surprise, after nearly a century of progress in building connections and cooperation between countries—something especially important in Europe, for example, where no country is big enough to achieve all its conservation goals by itself, since populations of plants and animals stretch across borders.

This rush to build such walls represents “an unprecedented degree of habitat fragmentation,” Linnell says. It also reveals “a breakdown in international cooperation. You see this return to nationalism, countries trying to fix problems internally... without thought to the environmental cost,” he adds.

“It shows that external forces can threaten to undo the progress we’ve made in conservation... and how fragile our gains have been.”

▻https://www.nationalgeographic.com/environment/article/polish-belarusian-border-wall-environmental-disaster
#nature #faune #forêt #flore

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voir aussi ce fil de discussion sur les effets sur la faune de la construction de barrières frontalières :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/515608

Le spectre d’une nouvelle #crise_humanitaire et migratoire à la frontière entre la Pologne et la Biélorussie

La #clôture construite par la Pologne en réponse à l’afflux de migrants en 2021, n’empêche pas la Russie de continuer à user de l’immigration comme d’une arme pour déstabiliser l’Europe.

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#Minkowce est une bourgade polonaise d’une centaine d’âmes, accolée à la frontière biélorusse, où les rues non goudronnées, les anciennes maisons de bois et leurs vieilles granges donnent l’impression que le temps s’y est arrêté. « On se croirait en Amérique à la frontière avec le Mexique ! », s’amuse pourtant Tadeusz Sloma, un agriculteur à la retraite. Car si dans cette région forestière, l’automne est humide et resplendit de couleurs vives en cette fin d’octobre, une imposante clôture d’acier de 5,5 mètres de hauteur, rappelant celle du Texas, s’élève depuis peu à proximité immédiate du hameau.

« On finit par s’y habituer et on ne la regarde même plus », relativise M. Sloma, dont le jardin débouche sur la clôture. Ici, le souvenir de l’afflux migratoire de l’automne 2021 et de ses dizaines de milliers de réfugiés reste vif. « Nous jetions de la nourriture aux migrants au-dessus des barbelés, des sacs de couchage, des habits, se rappelle le retraité. Ils nous répondaient : “Thank you ! We love you !” Des femmes enceintes, des enfants… cela faisait mal au cœur. » Mais désormais, dit-il, tous les autochtones approuvent le mur et les mesures sécuritaires. « C’est une situation qui ne pouvait pas durer. On se sent davantage en sécurité. Ça ne se répétera pas. »

Le long de ce qui était il y a encore peu une des frontières les plus paisibles et les plus sauvages de l’Union européenne (UE), chemine désormais un serpent d’acier, de béton et de barbelés de 186 kilomètres de long. Beaucoup plus imposante que les infrastructures similaires dans les pays Baltes, la clôture traverse la #forêt de #Bialowieza, la dernière forêt primaire d’Europe et ses pâturages de bisons, classée au patrimoine de l’Unesco. Les ONG et les scientifiques dénoncent une catastrophe écologique provoquée par la construction de l’infrastructure, qui traverse des zones où la biodiversité était préservée depuis près de douze mille ans.

« Guerre hybride »

Depuis que le régime biélorusse a fait de l’organisation de filières migratoires du Moyen-Orient une arme contre le Vieux Continent, le gouvernement national conservateur polonais a répondu avec la plus grande fermeté, au grand dam des défenseurs des droits humains.

Pour lutter contre ce qui a été qualifié par les institutions européennes de « #guerre_hybride », la raison d’Etat a pris le dessus sur bien des considérations liées aux libertés civiques, au respect du droit d’asile où à la protection du patrimoine naturel. La guerre en Ukraine n’a pas arrangé les choses, même si le nombre de soldats dans la région est passé de 15 000 au pic de la crise migratoire à 1 600 aujourd’hui.

Grâce à la lutte contre les filières depuis les pays d’origine, l’arrivée de migrants a considérablement baissé, mais ne s’est jamais tarie : 11 000 tentatives de passages ont été recensées depuis le début de l’année, dont 1 600 au mois octobre. Elles étaient 17 000 en octobre 2021. La clôture, opérationnelle depuis juin, est sur le point d’être équipée de systèmes de surveillance électronique dernier cri, avec lesquels les autorités espèrent la rendre « 100 % étanche. » Il restera néanmoins 230 km de frontière le long du Boug occidental, un cours d’eau difficile à surveiller.

« Ce qui est frappant, c’est que le profil des migrants a radicalement changé , souligne Katarzyna Zdanowicz, porte-parole des gardes-frontières de la région de Podlachie, au nord-est de la Pologne. L’immense majorité provient désormais d’Afrique subsaharienne et de pays jamais recensés auparavant : Nigeria, Soudan, Congo, Togo, Bénin, Madagascar, Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Erythrée. » Autre différence : les migrants ne transitent désormais plus directement par Minsk mais d’abord par Moscou. « Il est clair que la Russie leur facilite la tâche. Les visas russes sont tous récents », ajoute-t-elle.

Possible hausse des tensions

A une moindre échelle, l’effroyable industrie migratoire pilotée par Minsk et Moscou continue, et les épaisses forêts marécageuses, surnommées par les migrants « la jungle », voient errer des centaines de personnes par semaine. Les soldats biélorusses jouent les passeurs et s’occupent de la logistique. Ils aident les migrants à franchir le mur, fournissent des échelles, des outils, de quoi creuser des tunnels.

« Grâce au mur, il y a moins d’incidents , insiste Katarzyna Zdanowicz. Avant, les heurts violents étaient fréquents. Les Biélorusses diffusaient dans des haut-parleurs des pleurs d’enfants pour nous faire craquer. » Le temps où les gardes polonais et biélorusses organisaient chaque année, en bonne camaraderie, des compétitions de kayaks le long de la frontière, paraît aujourd’hui bien loin.

D’autres signes laissent présager une possible hausse des tensions : la Russie a ouvert, début octobre, l’aéroport de Kaliningrad, l’enclave russe située entre la Pologne et la Lituanie, aux vols internationaux. Les médias russes rapportent que les autorités aéroportuaires ont annoncé leur intention d’ouvrir des liaisons avec les Emirats arabes unis, l’Egypte, l’Ethiopie ou encore la Turquie. Un moyen supplémentaire de pression sur l’UE. Pour l’heure, les autorités polonaises assurent toutefois ne constater « aucun phénomène préoccupant » sur la frontière avec Kaliningrad, pourtant particulièrement difficile à protéger.

Plus au sud, le village de #Bialowieza vit toujours au rythme des interventions des activistes bénévoles, qui portent assistance en forêt aux réfugiés retrouvés dans des états critiques après des journées d’#errance. Au quartier général de l’organisation « #Grupa_Granica » (« Groupe Frontière »), dans un lieu tenu secret, on recense toujours entre 50 et 120 interventions par semaine, sur une zone relativement restreinte. « Grâce au mur, si l’on peut dire, nous n’avons presque plus de femmes ou d’enfants, c’est une différence par rapport à l’année dernière, confie Oliwia, une activiste qui souhaite rester anonyme. Mais nous avons davantage de jambes et de bras cassés, de blessés graves par les barbelés. »

« Nous avons vu trop d’horreurs »

Autre différence, la #répression des activistes par les services spéciaux s’est considérablement accrue. « L’aide est de plus en plus criminalisée. On essaye de nous assimiler à des passeurs, alors que nous n’enfreignons pas la loi. Nous sommes surveillés en permanence. » Chacun des militants a un numéro de téléphone écrit au marqueur indélébile sur l’avant-bras : le contact d’un avocat. Les #arrestations_violentes sont devenues monnaie courante. Il y a peu, le local d’une organisation partenaire, le Club de l’intelligentsia catholique (KIK), a été perquisitionné, des membres ont été arrêtés et du matériel confisqué.

« Nous ne sommes plus en crise migratoire, ajoute Oliwia. Les gardes et l’armée devraient être plus contenus, faire respecter les procédures. Mais ils sont au contraire plus agressifs. La crise humanitaire, elle, est toujours là, et elle va s’accroître avec l’hiver. »

En #Podlachie, l’aide aux migrants repose principalement sur les épaules des militants bénévoles et de certains autochtones. Elle est financée par des campagnes de dons, et les moyens tendent à se tarir. Nombreux sont ceux qui déplorent l’absence de soutien des grandes organisations humanitaires internationales.

L’année tumultueuse qui s’est écoulée a laissé des traces dans les mentalités des populations locales, empreintes d’un ras-le-bol généralisé, d’une atmosphère d’extrême méfiance de l’étranger et d’omerta sur les sujets sensibles. « Après plus d’une année à agir, nous sommes tous exténués physiquement et psychiquement , conclut Olivia. Nous avons vu trop d’horreurs. »

▻https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2022/10/29/a-la-frontiere-entre-la-pologne-et-la-bielorussie-le-spectre-d-une-nouvelle-
#criminalisation_de_l'aide #criminalisation_de_la_solidarité

Polonia tra accoglienza e nuovi muri, ‘solidarnosc’ a lettura politica

https://www.remocontro.it/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Muro-Pol.jpg

Un nuovo muro anti migranti clandestini tra Polonia e Bielorussia costato quasi mezzo miliardo di Euro che frena ma non ferma. Non bastano il muro e l’inverno, in quelle foreste particolarmente crudele. La spinta dei migranti clandestini usata anche come arma politica, analizza Marsonet. Sulla Polonia e altrove. Chi la favorisce e chi la ferma per ragioni opposte ma eguali: per interesse politico o per puro guadagno.
Per rimanere su quel confine interpretato spesso come fronte con la Russia, tra le persone che lo attraversano o muoiono tentando di farlo, si contano circa 80 nazionalità e luoghi di origine, segnalano Croce rossa e Mezzaluna rossa.
Il migrante come arma o come guadagno

Vi sono pochi dubbi sul fatto che Putin e il suo alleato Lukashenko stiano utilizzando il problema dei migranti per mettere in difficoltà l’Unione Europea. Del resto, è noto che anche Erdogan sta praticando la stessa strategia. L’unica differenza è che il “sultano” si fa profumatamente pagare per impedire che i disperati lascino il suolo turco e si dirigano verso l’Ue, lasciando però scoperti varchi attraverso i quali la fuga può essere tentata.
Nessuna richiesta di denaro invece, da Mosca e Minsk. Federazione Russa e Bielorussia vogliono solo accrescere le difficoltà di Bruxelles, magari usando i migranti per cercare di ammorbidire le sanzioni emanate dopo l’invasione dell’Ucraina.
Europa in ordine sparso e scaricabarile

Purtroppo occorre constatare che le varie nazioni europee affrontano il problema (anzi: il dramma) in ordine sparso. Non c’è alcuna strategia comune che l’Unione abbia adottato. E, se anche vi fosse, vien fatto di pensare che non verrebbe accettata da tutti.
La reazione più comune consiste nel costruire muri sempre più alti, con grandi quantità di filo spinato e dotati di sensori elettronici in grado di dare l’allarme in caso di sconfinamento. Tali muri danno, ai Paesi che li erigono, un notevole senso di sicurezza.
I muri muraglia senza imparare dalla storia

E’ lecito chiedersi, tuttavia, se tale senso di sicurezza sia giustificato, o se si tratta piuttosto di una sicurezza fasulla. I fenomeni migratori sono una costante della storia, e non solo di quella occidentale. Gli imperatori cinesi costruirono la Grande Muraglia, che resta tuttora una meraviglia architettonica.
Però non riuscì affatto a fermare i popoli delle steppe dell’Asia centrale, che la superarono senza eccessivi problemi penetrando quindi nei territori dell’Impero Celeste, mischiandosi ai cinesi e imponendo addirittura dinastie estranee agli “han”, la componente etnica maggioritaria della Cina.
L’inganno delle trincee indifendibili

Ci si chiede, quindi, perché mai nella nostra epoca i muri che vengono costruiti a ritmo accelerato nell’Europa dell’Est dovrebbero riuscire a bloccare le ondate di disperati che vogliono penetrare nelle nazioni più ricche, alla ricerca di un’esistenza migliore.
Il caso emblematico è quello della Polonia, ormai trasformata in una sorta di “fortezza” protetta dai muri anzidetti. Senza scordare che non tutti i confini sono fortificabili in questo modo. Per esempio, tra Polonia e Bielorussia esistono vaste aree con grandi foreste e acquitrini che rendono in pratica impossibile la costruzione di muri di quel tipo.
‘Solidarnosc’ solo con Kiev

Ora si apprende che Varsavia intende erigere un muro anche al confine con l’enclave russa di Kaliningrad, peraltro irta di missili che Mosca vi ha piazzato per far pesare la sua presenza militare. Il governo polacco è allarmato per l’aumento dei voli dall’Africa a Kaliningrad, e accusa quello russo di voler incoraggiare anche qui il passaggio di migranti.
Sottolineando ancora una vota le responsabilità di Mosca (e di Minsk) che usa i migranti come “arma politica”, è tuttavia lecito chiedersi se una nazione vasta come la Polonia può davvero trasformarsi in fortezza inespugnabile con questi metodi. Dopo tutto è il Paese in cui Lech Walesa fondò il movimento sindacale “Solidarnosc” (che significa “solidarietà”).

▻https://www.remocontro.it/2022/12/20/polonia-solo-per-lucraina-altri-muri-per-i-migranti-sgraditi

Refugees seriously injured on razor-wire fence UK helped build to keep asylum seekers out of EU

Government accused of backing ‘inhumane’ policies as 16 people are badly hurt by barrier blocking entry via Poland from Belarus

Refugees and asylum seekers have been seriously injured by a “dangerous” razor-wire fence that the UK helped to build to keep asylum seekers out of Europe.

At least 16 people have been gravely hurt, some hospitalised, when recently attempting to reach Europe by crossing a 5.5m-high barrier the British military helped to construct on Poland’s border with Belarus.

Humanitarian groups last night called for an inquiry into why the government had aided “inhumane anti-migration measures” and demanded answers from ministers over Britain’s “role in the harm and misery inflicted upon vulnerable people”.

The Ministry of Defence confirmed it sent Royal Engineers personnel to Poland between December 2021 and August 2022 to provide “border infrastructure support” in response to “pressures from irregular migration”.

The Polish defence minister stated British soldiers would work on a fence on the Belarusian border.

Now the medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has revealed it has been treating a series of grave injuries sustained at the barrier.

During the month up to 24 April, at least 16 people, mainly from Syria, Iraqi Kurdistan and Afghanistan, were treated for blunt injuries, sprains, cuts, and suspected fractures – some requiring urgent hospitalisation – as a “direct result” of trying to cross the razor-wire border wall stretching 116 miles along its frontier with Belarus.

The types of injury led MSF medics to conclude that the border fence, completed last June, was “dangerous.”

Sophie McCann, advocacy adviser at MSF UK, said: “MSF medical teams have seen the injuries and suffering caused by abusive treatment at Europe’s borders of refugees, people seeking asylum and other migrants.

“It is therefore deeply alarming that the UK government is actively and directly supporting these inhumane anti-migration measures.

“Given the government sent personnel to help construct fences in response to ‘irregular migration’, ministers have serious questions to answer about their role in the harm and misery inflicted upon vulnerable people searching for sanctuary.”

A defence source said the UK had become involved after Belarus began forcing migrants towards Poland, a Nato ally, in an apparent attempt to undermine EU security.

“Belarus’s deliberate policy to use migrants as weapons has sadly led to many being forced across secure border fences. The UK government condemns such use,” said the source.

The developments come as the UK government refuses to say what anti-migrant and border security support it has given to Hungary, whose nationalist prime minister, Viktor Orbán, previously described asylum seekers entering Europe as “a poison”.

Since January 2021, MSF teams at the border have treated 498 patients for physical injuries, allegedly because of physical assaults by Hungary’s border police and army, or due to a steel fence built on the border with Serbia to keep out migrants.

The charity said it was investigating recent reports of children locked up in shipping containers and teargassed in Hungary.

Another country accused of serious abuses towards refugees is Greece. The UK government has, in the past, been transparent about helping Athens with anti-migrant measures but now appears to have adopted a policy of secrecy, not answering queries from the Observer or sharing details following Freedom of Information requests.

“The excessive secrecy around the provision of assistance to other states’ harsh migration policies is deeply alarming,” said McCann.

This month the New York Times published video showing asylum seekers taken to sea and abandoned on a raft by the Greek coastguard – despite the country claiming it does not ditch migrants at sea.

McCann added: “We have seen the horrendous human cost of policies such as violent pushbacks – where people arriving in Greece are aggressively forced back out to sea and abandoned. Yet the Home Office is refusing to share even minimal information about what support it provides to border forces in Greece or Hungary – two states where many of the worst abuses happen.

“It is completely unacceptable that the UK government continues to support this approach while seeking to cover up the evidence of its support at every turn.”

A Ministry of Defence spokesperson said: “Between December 2021 and August 2022, personnel from the Royal Engineers were deployed to Poland to help secure its border.

“Personnel supported Polish troops with specific engineering tasks along the border including infrastructure support and repairing access roads, as well as planning support.”

The Home Office referred queries to the Foreign Office who said the issue was one for the Home Office.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/may/27/refugees-hurt-dangerous-fence-uk-built-keep-asylum-seekers-out-of-eu-po

Belarus: border crisis with Poland loses sight of the people trapped in the middle

Tensions at the border between Poland and Belarus continue to rise, with thousands of vulnerable migrants stranded in a standoff between the two countries and the geopolitical blocs to which they belong. About 4,000 men, women and children are caught along the border between the two countries, having been reportedly escorted to the border by Belarusian guards.

Many of these people have been trying to get through border defences into Poland where security forces are attempting to prevent them from crossing. According to some reports, they are “migrants”, to others, “refugees”. The BBC, for example, reports that Poland fears that Belarus “may try to provoke an incident with hundreds of migrants seeking to cross into the EU”. In the same article, the Belarusian border agency is reported saying “that ‘refugees’ were heading for the EU ‘where they want to apply for protection’.”

https://i.imgur.com/icubFxF.png

Two observations follow: the people stranded at the border are “migrants” for Poland and “refugees” for Belarus. By applying the quotation marks in reporting Belarus’s position, the BBC is implicitly aligning itself with the Polish and EU narrative.

This argument over terminology, as research on the 2015-16 Mediterranean border crisis has demonstrated. As I wrote at the time the way we label, categorise and, in turn, differentiate between those on the move – for example those who crossed the Mediterranean on unseaworthy boats – has had enormous implications on the kind of legal and moral obligations receiving states and societies feel towards them.

But there are other important lessons we learned from the situation in the Mediterranean. For example, how countries are prepared to use displaced people as leverage on the geopolitical chessboard. Many observers have pointed out at Belarus “orchestrating the crisis” as retaliation for sanctions imposed on the government of Alexander Lukashenko by the US, UK and EU.

Some commentators have also suggested that Belarus is acting on behalf of its powerful sponsor Russia, hinting that the agenda behind the current crisis may be more far-reaching.
Weaponising refugees

During the 2015-16 Mediterranean border crisis, Turkey and Russia were, at different points accused of weaponising refugees to destabilise the EU. Turkey was accused of playing politics with its border policy with Syrian refugees, until it eventually negotiated a financially and politically advantageous deal with the EU in December 2015, which led in just a few weeks to the flow of Syrians into Lesbos drying up. Russia was accused of using its airstrikes in Syrian border regions to push displaced people to cross the border and move west.

But, in truth, this was nothing new either. States have used displaced people as political leverage and human shields, to create chaos, instability, or retaliate against other countries for a long time. This, arguably, was one reason why the 1951 Refugee Convention and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees were established after the second world war to protect people caught between battling states.

And, while understanding the geopolitics behind the current border crisis is useful and relevant, the protection of vulnerable people stranded at the EU border and their humanitarian needs should remain paramount, as well as their right to claim asylum.

It is important also to remember that while Belarus and Russia may be acting behind the scene to orchestrate the crisis, the situation at the border between Belarus and Poland is not the full story. People at the border began their journeys weeks – sometimes months – earlier. Many are coming from Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, others from Iraq, a country on the verge of a new civil war, or from Kurdistan. We don’t know.

And we won’t, until people are no longer treated like parcels, pushed back and forth between posturing military forces. If they are victims of persecution and human rights abuses, they must be allowed to tell their stories and apply for asylum in a safe country.

We should also remember that since the Mediterranean border crisis the EU has invested a huge amount of resources in securing and – as far as has been possible – closing down Mediterranean sea routes. So the opening of new land routes should not come as a surprise. In truth, land routes had long been in use for unauthorised migration until the significant increase in the use of fences, barbed wire, walls and other border technologies made them harder and more hazardous for migrants.
Wider dangers

Another angle of this unfolding border standoff, is to understand how the fraught relationship between the EU and Poland will play out. Given its fraught relationship with the EU, Poland calling on the bloc for help, as Italy did on multiple occasions during the Mediterranean crisis, is not straightforward. Requesting Nato’s help may be easier for Poland at the moment, but this requires the militarisation of the narrative.

From the EU perspective, the crisis presents many dangers. It is well aware that how this crisis is handled may have repercussions on a potential “Polexit” if the border crisis pushes broadly pro-EU Polish public opinion towards the government, which is increasingly hostile to the EU. This would be a major strategic victory for Russia.

There’s also a parallel with Brexit. Many will remember Nigel Farage posing in front of a billboard portraying a long queue of refugees, hinting at a possible invasion of Britain and accusing the EU of failing to “protect our borders”. Similar images of vulnerable migrants paraded by Belarus military forces pressing at the border have shocked the Polish public – and no doubt anti-EU politicians in Poland and elsewhere are more than ready to use them to achieve their goal.

In the middle of all this, thousands of people are experiencing hunger, freezing temperatures, violence and fear, kicked back and forth like footballs, between two military forces.

►https://theconversation.com/belarus-border-crisis-with-poland-loses-sight-of-the-people-trapped

Lithuania Reports 116 More Border Arrests Of Migrants Crossing From Belarus

https://gdb.rferl.org/71f29a57-3568-4501-906f-4ecd6288ce67_cx0_cy7_cw0_w1023_r1_s.jpg

Lithuanian authorities reported 116 more arrests of migrants crossing the border from Belarus, a surge in crossings that Lithuania says Minsk is purposely organizing in retaliation for European Union sanctions.

The Lithuanian State Border Security Service said on July 3 that border guards also fired tear gas and warning shots as one group of migrants were being detained.

The latest figures bring the number of migrants detained over the past two days to 179, the service said; in all 938 people have been arrested crossing from Belarus this year, 12 times as many in all of last year.

Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis said late on July 2 that the government had declared a state of emergency, and he accused Lukashenka seeking “to weaponize migration to weaken our resolve for sanctions.”

Vilnius contends that the migrants, most of whom are Iraqi, are moved to the border with Lithuania, where Belarusian border guards turn a blind eye as they cross into the European Union member state.

Lithuania has been one of the loudest critics of Belarus’s strongman leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka since last August’s dispute presidential election. The 66-year-old Lukashenka claimed victory, setting off months of unprecedented protests.

The opposition says that election was rigged, and the West has refused to recognize the results of the vote.

The Baltic state has offered refuge to Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who supporters say was the real winner of the election.

Vilnius has also become a center for Belarusians in exile, and the two countries have expelled a number of diplomats as ties have worsened in recent weeks.

The EU’s border guard service, Frontex, has sent teams to Lithuania to help deal with the influx of migrants.

https://www.rferl.org/a/lithuania-migrants-arrests-belarus/31339043.html

La Lituanie se dit débordée face à l’afflux de migrants venus de Biélorussie

La Lituanie s’est déclarée, vendredi, en #état_d'urgence, face à la hausse des arrivées de migrants depuis la Biélorussie voisine. Plus de 150 personnes ont traversé la frontière ces dernières 24 heures. L’agence de garde-frontières européenne, #Frontex, a dépêché une équipe pour venir en aide au pays balte.

Une équipe de six gardes-frontières de l’agence européenne Frontex a commencé à travailler vendredi 2 juillet en Lituanie pour aider le pays balte à faire face à l’arrivée de migrants. Depuis plusieurs semaines, des dizaines de personnes en provenance de la Biélorussie voisine, passent la frontière ouest du pays pour entrer en Lituanie.

Le nombre de gardes-frontières de Frontex devant être déployés à la frontière biélorusse devrait passer à 30 dans le courant du mois.

Les garde-frontières lituaniens ont indiqué avoir arrêté quelque 150 migrants ces dernières 24 heures - près du double du nombre d’arrestations sur l’ensemble de 2020. Face à cet afflux, le gouvernement a déclaré l’état d’urgence vendredi.

Cela porte le nombre total de traversées illégales de frontières par des migrants cette année à plus de 800, la plupart venant du Moyen-Orient. Sur l’ensemble de 2020, 81 traversées illégales de la frontière avaient été enregistrées – et 37 en 2019.

La plupart des migrants sont originaires d’Irak, mais il y en a aussi de plus en plus de Syrie, de Gambie, de Guinée et d’Inde, selon le site EUobserver (https://euobserver.com/world/152305).

« La situation commence à se détériorer »

« La situation est tendue et a tendance à se détériorer », a déclaré le ministre lituanien des Affaires étrangères Gabrielius Landsbergis à l’AFP.

Il y a deux semaines, l’armée lituanienne a mis en place un #camp_d’urgence de plusieurs tentes à #Pabradé, à une quarantaine de kilomètres de la capitale Vilnius, pour pouvoir gérer l’afflux. « Le but du ministère est clair : les migrants économiques qui traversent la frontière de l’UE illégalement doivent être renvoyés à l’endroit d’où ils viennent », a-t-il ajouté.

« Un tiers sont des hommes, un autre tiers sont des femmes, on accueille aussi des enfants, quelques mineurs non accompagnés et des personnes avec des problèmes de santé. Nous sommes inquiets quant à nos capacités d’accueil pour assurer l’hébergement à ces personnes qui demandent l’asile », a expliqué à RFI Egle Samuchovaite (https://www.rfi.fr/fr/europe/20210618-la-lituanie-accuse-la-bi%C3%A9lorussie-de-laisser-passer-des-migrants-s), directrice des programmes de la Croix-Rouge lituanienne, au mois de juin.

Le gouvernement lituanien, qui s’oppose au président biélorusse Alexandre Loukachenko, a indiqué qu’il soupçonnait les autorités du pays de laisser les migrants passer la frontière.

Ces tensions entre Minsk et Vilnius interviennent alors que les relations entre l’Union européenne et la Biélorussie sont elles-mêmes très compliquées. En cause : le détournement au mois de mai d’un vol commercial de Ryanair ordonné par le président Loukachenko pour arrêter un dissident politique.

https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/33405/la-lituanie-se-dit-debordee-face-a-l-afflux-de-migrants-venus-de-bielo

L’agence des frontières de l’UE augmente ” considérablement ” l’aide à la Lituanie

L’agence des frontières de l’Union européenne s’engage à renforcer “de manière significative” son soutien à la Lituanie dans les prochains jours “en raison de la pression migratoire croissante à la frontière lituanienne avec la Biélorussie” que la nation balte tente de contenir .

La décision de Frontex, l’agence chargée de coordonner le contrôle des frontières entre les États membres de l’UE et les pays tiers, a été annoncée samedi dernier à la suite d’un appel vidéo entre le directeur exécutif de Frontex Fabrice Leggeri et le président lituanien Gitanas Nauseda.

“La frontière lituanienne est notre frontière extérieure commune et Frontex est prête à aider si nécessaire”, a déclaré Leggeri dans un communiqué. “Nous sommes prêts à renforcer notre niveau de soutien et à déployer plus d’officiers et d’équipements du corps permanent européen” en Lituanie, membre de l’UE et de l’OTAN de 2,8 millions.

L’opération de Frontex, qui a commencé au début du mois avec le déploiement d’une douzaine d’officiers et de voitures de patrouille, va doubler la semaine prochaine, a indiqué l’agence.

Le bureau de Nauseda a déclaré séparément que Frontex avait promis que des renforts devraient arriver en Lituanie avant le 15 juillet et que des patrouilles frontalières armées et d’autres traducteurs sont arrivés au cours du week-end.

En outre, un hélicoptère de patrouille sera envoyé en Lituanie depuis la Pologne voisine et des discussions sont en cours pour envoyer un autre hélicoptère depuis l’Allemagne, a indiqué le bureau de Nauseda.

Dans un tweet, Nauseda a remercié Frontex pour son soutien “Gérer les flux de migrants illégaux à travers la frontière orientale” avec la Biélorussie, autre ancienne république soviétique qui ne fait pas partie de l’UE.

La Lituanie, qui a donné refuge à des membres de l’opposition biélorusse, accuse son voisin d’organiser des passages frontaliers principalement par des personnes originaires d’Irak, du Moyen-Orient et d’Afrique.

En juin, le nombre de passages illégaux des frontières entre la Biélorussie et la Lituanie a sextuplé, augmentant la pression sur les autorités nationales de contrôle des frontières, a déclaré Frontex. Le phénomène s’est accéléré en juillet et plus de 1 500 personnes sont entrées en Lituanie depuis la Biélorussie au cours des deux derniers mois, 20 fois plus qu’en 2020.

Plus tôt cette semaine, le président autoritaire biélorusse Alexandre Loukachenko a déclaré que son pays ne fermerait pas ses frontières “et ne deviendrait pas un camp pour les personnes fuyant l’Afghanistan, l’Iran, l’Irak, la Syrie, la Libye et la Tunisie”.

Les tensions entre l’UE et la Biélorussie se sont encore intensifiées après que la Biélorussie a détourné un avion de ligne le 23 mai pour arrêter un journaliste de l’opposition.

Loukachenko a déclaré que son pays cesserait de coopérer avec le bloc des 27 pays pour endiguer la migration en représailles aux lourdes sanctions économiques que l’UE a imposées à la Biélorussie pour le détournement d’avions de passagers.

Vendredi, la Lituanie a commencé à construire une double clôture en fil de fer barbelé à la frontière avec la Biélorussie. Il parcourra 550 kilomètres (342 miles), couvrant la majeure partie de la frontière de près de 680 kilomètres (423 miles) et coûtera 41 millions d’euros (48 millions de dollars), selon les autorités lituaniennes.

En outre, la Lituanie a mis en place des camps de tentes pour accueillir le nombre croissant de migrants.

▻https://www.cablechronicles.com/lagence-des-frontieres-de-lue-augmente-considerablement-laide-a-la-

EU deploys border force in Lithuania as Belarus opens pathway for migrants

Officials cite effort by Minsk to ‘weaponize’ irregular migration flows.

The EU’s border protection agency on Monday said it was mobilizing a rapid intervention force to Lithuania, where the government has accused neighboring Belarus of allowing hundreds of migrants to cross illegally into the country.

The allegations that Belarus is “weaponizing” migrants in retaliation for EU sanctions and support for political opponents of the country’s long-time leader, Alexander Lukashenko, were discussed Monday in the European Parliament and in the EU Foreign Affairs Council.

“It seems like the Belarusian authorities now facilitate irregular migration possibly in retaliation to EU restrictive measures and as a response to the Lithuanian support for the civil society in Belarus,” the EU’s commissioner for home affairs, Ylva Johansson, testified during a joint hearing of the Parliament’s home affairs and foreign affairs committees.

Johansson said that the method of arrivals was still under investigation, but that it appeared several flights per day were landing in Minsk, the Belarusian capital, carrying migrants from Istanbul and Baghdad. Officials said at least 60 EU border guards were expected to arrive in Lithuania in the coming days.

While many of the migrants that have crossed into Lithuania seem to be of Iraqi or Syrian origin, there have also been migrants from African countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo and Cameroon.

Arriving for Monday’s Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Brussels, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis said his country was struggling to return migrants to their home countries. He added that the Baltic nation is now confronting challenges more commonly seen in frontline EU countries like Greece and Spain that face a constant influx of migrants across the Mediterranean, and have faced similar pressure of arrivals from Turkey and Morocco.

“The European Union should have a common strategy how to deal with these sort of political or hybrid threats,” Landsbergis said. “We need a strategy of readmission because a country — be it Lithuania, be it Greece or Spain — alone faces a rather challenging path when trying to return the people who illegally entered the country. Secondly, we need to be very strict with the regimes who are using these sorts of weapons.”

Landsbergis called for additional sanctions against Belarus and said other countries using such tactics should face similar punishment.

To help manage the crisis, the Lithuanian parliament will convene in a special session on Tuesday to adopt amendments to national asylum laws with an aim of reducing the time needed to evaluate applications for protected status.

Asked if the situation in Lithuania was adding new urgency to the EU’s years-long struggle to develop a new migration pact, the bloc’s high representative for foreign affairs, Josep Borrell, said it was up to the border protection agency, Frontex, to help manage the situation.

“That’s why we created Frontex, to help member states to face migration crises,” Borrell said at a news conference following the meeting.
‘High pressure’ situation

Fabrice Leggeri, the executive director of Frontex, said his agency had anticipated Belarus seeking to use flows of irregular migrants as a political weapon, and has been monitoring the country’s borders since last fall. Testifying in the parliamentary hearing, Leggeri said there had been more than 1,600 irregular border crossings to Lithuania from Belarus since January 1 of this year, but roughly half of those, some 800, occurred in the first week of July.

“This was clearly the sign that something was happening with more intensity,” Leggeri testified, adding: “We see that there is a high pressure that could even worsen in the next days.”

Leggeri told Parliament that while the initial arrivals had mostly come from Iraq, Syria and Iran, this month there was a shift toward African nationals, including migrants from Congo, Gambia, Guinea, Mali and Senegal. He said Lukashenko’s government was encouraging the influx by inviting citizens to travel to Belarus without visas under the guise of obtaining coronavirus vaccines.

“Belarus announced that 73 countries are encouraged to enter Belarus without a visa and to stay up to five days to get COVID vaccine shots,” he said.

Lukashenko has simultaneously denied using migrants for political pressure while also warning that Belarus has no intention of halting the flows. He has effectively mocked the EU, saying last week: “We will not hold anyone back. We are not their final destination after all. They are headed to enlightened, warm, cozy Europe.”

According to statistics from the Lithuanian Border Guard Service, a total of 1,714 irregular migrants crossed the Lithuanian border in 2021, compared to just 74 in 2020. Of these, 1,676 arrived from Belarus. According to the statistics, roughly 1,000 irregular migrants were detained between July 1 and July 11, including 377 from Iraq; 194 from the Democratic Republic of Congo; 118 from Cameroon; 67 from Guinea; 23 from Afghanistan; 22 from Togo; and 20 from Nigeria.

The bizarre situation of Middle Eastern and African migrants arriving in the Baltics was part of a busy Foreign Affairs Council meeting that included a discussion over lunch with the new Israeli foreign affairs minister, Yair Lapid.

Ministers also discussed the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, which Borrell conceded was a direct consequence of the withdrawal of Western troops that was ordered by U.S. President Joe Biden. Borrell said a new international task force may be needed to try to stabilize the country and, especially, to protect the rights of women and girls, but he gave no indication of how such a task force would operate without military support.

Ministers also discussed the continuing risk of famine in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. Borrell said the EU was trying to mobilize assistance but that it was impossible for the EU alone to address a shortage of food for an estimated 850,000 people.

▻https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-deploys-border-force-in-lithuania-as-belarus-opens-pathway-for-migrants-

Lithuania introduces pushbacks against migrants crossing from Belarus

As Lithuania struggles to stem the flow of migrants trying to enter the country from neighboring Belarus, border guards have said that they have begun to push back migrants trying to enter the country using irregular methods of crossing.

Rustamas Liubajevas, the head of Lithuania’s border guard service, announced on Tuesday that “anyone who tries to enter Lithuanian territory illegally will be refused entry and directed to the nearest operational international border control point.” He added that some 180 migrants had already been sent back to Belarus on Tuesday.

“Deterrent actions may be taken against those who do not comply,” Liubajevas said further. He did not to disclose the exact measures taken, but said the guards did not use violence to push back the migrants.

The Baltic News Agency confirmed the reports.

https://i.imgur.com/V2E0jyd.png

▻https://twitter.com/BNSLithuania/status/1422295961074814980

Criticism against move

The decision to introduce push backs has been taken by Lithuanian Interior Minister Agne Bilotaite, effectively allowing authorities to use force to send migrants to official border crossing points or to diplomatic missions, where they can apply for asylum legally.

Lithuanian NGOs meanwhile have responded to the pushback of migrants, saying that it violates international human rights: “This restricts the fundamental human right to seek asylum in a safe state,” Akvile Krisciunaite, a researcher at the Diversity Development Group, told the AFP news agency.

“Belarus is not a safe country, and human rights are known to be grossly violated there.”

So far this year, Lithuanian border officials have detained more than 4,000 migrants — mostly Iraqi nationals. That number compares to 81 intercepted migrants for all of 2020.

’Cold War’ between Belarus and Lithuania

Tensions between the two countries are on an all-time high since much of the Belarusian opposition have sought refuge in Lithuania from violent oppression following the disputed presidential reelection of authoritarian leader Alexander Lukashenko in August 2020. His main challenger and the likely winner of the vote, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, has been living in exile in Lithuania ever since.

Many Western governments, including Lithuania, have denounced the alleged re-election saying results were rigged. The EU then imposed a series of sanctions. Lithuanian officials now said they suspect that the influx of migrants is being staged by the Belarusian government under Lukashenko’s leadership.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/34091/lithuania-introduces-pushbacks-against-migrants-crossing-from-belarus

Lithuanian parliament votes to allow mass detention of asylum seekers

Lithuania’s parliament on Tuesday (13 July) approved the mass detention of migrants and curbed their right of appeal, a move meant to deter high numbers crossing the border with Belarus but which stirred an outcry among humanitarian groups.

Eighty-four lawmakers supported the bill, with one objection and 5 abstentions, brushing aside protests from Red Cross and other non-governmental organizations saying it violates Lithuania’s international obligations and migrant rights.

Lithuanian and EU officials have accused Belarus of using illegal migrants as a political weapon to exert pressure on the European Union because of the bloc’s sanctions on Minsk. More than 1,700 people have entered Lithuania from its non-EU neighbour this year, including 1,100 in July alone.

Prime Minister Ingrida Simonyte said the detention policy would prevent migrants from illegally travelling onwards to the more affluent west of the EU – the favoured destination of the vast majority of migrants reaching EU territory in recent years.

The legislation is intended “to send a message to Iraqis and others that this is not a convenient route, conditions will not be good here”, Interior Minister Agne Bilotaite said in introducing the bill.

She said such migrants are “not real asylum seekers” but rather Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko’s “tool to use against Lithuania”, after he vowed retaliation for EU sanctions imposed over his violent suppression of street protests.

The new law bans any release of migrants from detention for six months after their arrival, curbs the right of appeal for rejected asylum-seekers and stipulates that migrants can be deported while their appeals are considered.

“The law is a potential human rights violation, and it does not correspond to EU directives,” Lithuanian Red Cross programme director Egle Samuchovaite told Reuters.

“It enshrines the current bad situation in Lithuania’s detention centres in law and leaves vulnerable people in an even more vulnerable situation.”

Lithuania also began building a 550-km razor wire barrier on its frontier with Belarus on Friday.

The small Baltic republic of 2.8 million people, on the poorer eastern end of the EU, is used to receiving less than 100 illegal migrants per year and has struggled to cope with the recent influx.

Fewer rights for migrants

Several migrants at a temporary detention centre in a disused school in rural Lithuania told Reuters on Monday they had been given no information about their rights or future, nine days after arriving from Belarus.

They said they had not been given a chance to apply for asylum nor to speak with the help of a translator.

The new law removes most rights accorded to migrants such as the right to a translator or to obtain information about their status and the asylum process.

Lithuanian authorities are now obliged only to provide upkeep in detention, medical care and legal aid, but Simonyte said the government will try to do more.

“The government intends to provide all support that is needed for those people,” she told reporters. “But if there is a very sudden influx in a short time frame, we might be able to ensure only what is absolutely needed. For that we should have a legal framework.”

Dainius Zalimas, a lawyer who until June was the chairman of Lithuania’s Constitutional Court, said mass detention and restricted appeal process likely violate both Lithuania’s constitution and the European Convention of Human Rights.

“The proposals, which are unconstitutional, are based on premise that all foreigners who crossed the border are second-class human beings, not entitled to constitutional rights,” he told Reuters before the vote.

▻https://www.euractiv.com/section/justice-home-affairs/news/lithuanian-parliament-votes-to-allow-mass-detention-of-asylum-seekers

#détention #détention_massive

EU presses Iraq to halt migrant flights to Belarus

A number of new flights have been announced between Iraq and Belarus.

The EU is ramping up pressure on Iraq to stop its airlines from flying to Belarus, which helps Minsk send asylum seekers into the EU in retaliation against sanctions imposed by the bloc.

On Thursday, there were signs that the pressure was beginning to work. An Iraqi Airways flight from Basra to Minsk was canceled. However, an aircraft belonging to another carrier, Fly Baghdad, did land in the Belarusian capital Thursday, although a flight scheduled for Friday was canceled. Iraqi Airways recently expanded its schedule of flights to Belarus, while Fly Baghdad first started trips to Minsk in May.

“We welcome the reports on the decision about the cancellation of these flights,” a European Commission spokesperson said Thursday, although they did not confirm reports that Iraqi Airways will cancel flights until August 15.

The EU has accused Belarusian strongman Alexander Lukashenko of trying to “weaponize” the Iraqi migrants who arrive in Minsk. They are taken to the border with Lithuania and then cross into the EU; so far, 4,000 asylum seekers have entered, almost 2,800 of them from Iraq. Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis estimates that up to 10,000 migrants could come into his country by the end of the summer. Last year, Lithuania received only about 80 migrants.

This migration crisis is very different from previous ones where people crossed into the EU by sea. The main access to Belarus is by air, and despite EU efforts to throttle traffic, Minsk is working hard to expand the number of flights reaching the country.

The immediate pressure is on Iraq, but there is also an increase in flights to Minsk from Turkey, also reportedly carrying asylum seekers.

The EU is ramping up pressure on Iraq to fall into line.

Charles Michel, president of the European Council, got involved, speaking to Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi, while EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell spoke with Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein.

Talks with the Iraqis are “done in a very constructive spirit [with] the Iraqi side conveying the willingness to cooperate and jointly address the situation," said the Commission spokesperson.

Germany, the Czech Republic, Austria and others joined Lithuania in putting pressure on Baghdad, diplomats said. An Iraqi delegation was in Lithuania last week and visited the camps where Iraqis are staying.

Some EU diplomats say that the diplomatic effort is hampered by a lack of strong leverage over Baghdad. The Iraqis “are well aware that we cannot abandon them, we need them for our security and we cannot risk having another Afghanistan next door,” said an EU diplomat.

The bloc did threaten last month to restrict visas for Iraqis to improve cooperation in taking back people rejected for asylum. The Commission said that “Iraqi authorities cooperate only on voluntary returns and in very exceptional cases (Iraqi nationals convicted for a criminal offence) on forced returns” and that “Iraq’s cooperation with the EU on readmission matters is not sufficient and that action is needed.”
More flights

While flights from Iraq are the most pressing issue, there is also worry about the increase in routes from Turkey.

In recent weeks, Belavia — which is currently banned from European airspace after Minsk illegally diverted a Ryanair plane in May to kidnap an opposition blogger — has beefed up its schedule from Turkey. Two routes between Minsk and Istanbul that had been serviced three times a week are now flying daily. Regular flights from Izmir have been reinstated, as have several regular flights from Antalya — although those are also popular holiday destinations for Belarusians.

There is also an effort to crack down on EU-based leasing companies supplying aircraft to Belavia.

Brussels “must make sure that no European company can provide assets that facilitate the trafficking route,” Landsbergis told POLITICO’s Brussels Playbook on Wednesday.

According to an EU official, several of the jets operated by Belavia come from Ireland. A company based in Denmark, Nordic Aviation Capital, has also provided aircraft to Belavia in the past. A spokesperson for the firm said it would not comment, but the company announced last September that it had delivered the last plane of a five-jet agreement to the carrier.

Danish Foreign Minister Jeppe Kofod told POLITICO his government does not yet “have sufficient information to verify such claims” but said the case is being reviewed by Danish authorities.

“But let me be clear: If Danish companies are involved in Lukashenko’s deliberate, malicious and cynical efforts to use migrants as a political weapon to try and put pressure on Lithuania and the EU, then that would of course be totally unacceptable and should be stopped immediately,” he said. “If European companies aid and abet the Lukashenko regime in this way, then I firmly believe we need to revisit our current sanctions in the EU.”

SMBC Aviation Capital, a Dublin-based company that has previously leased aircraft to Belavia, said in an email on Wednesday that it had not been contacted by Irish or European authorities. The Irish government did not respond to a request for comment.

▻https://www.politico.eu/article/belarus-migrant-flights-eu-sanctions-iraq-turkey

#Irak #vol #vols

Lithuania and Belarus. Refugees as pawns in a political game

https://i.imgur.com/YM55eDL.png

Tweet de #Margaritis_Schinas, 04.09.2021

On the ground at the Lithuania-Belarus border with PM @IngridaSimonyte and @Frontex Ex.Dir. Leggeri.

European support by 19 countries, 200+ EU agencies staff, €36,7 million emergency assistance.

This is the European Union’s external border and we will protect it.

https://i.imgur.com/M8hWPzy.png

Le #Danemark offre des #barbelés coupants à la #Lituanie pour sa clôture antimigrants
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/931719

La Lituanie commence la construction d’une clôture à la frontière avec le Bélarus

La Lituanie a entrepris la construction d’une clôture le long de sa frontière avec le Bélarus, accusé par Vilnius et Varsovie d’acheminer des migrants vers l’UE.

C’est un mur de plus qui va être érigé en Europe, de plusieurs centaines de kilomètres de long.

Tetas, une entreprise de construction qui fait partie du groupe énergétique public lituanien Epso-G a commencé à acheminer le matériel nécessaire à la construction d’une clôture de 111 kilomètres de long, a rapporté le radiodiffuseur public LRT.

L’entreprise a aussi marqué les sections des points de contrôle frontaliers de Druskininkai, Barauskas et Adutiskis dans le sud-est de la Lituanie.

Dans l’urgence, des barbelés accordéon vont être posés dans les sections clés ce mois d’octobre, puis la pose d’une clôture de 4 mètres de hauteur sera effectuée à partir de novembre/décembre, avec pour objectif de l’achever d’ici le mois d’avril 2022.
500 km au total

Mais ce tronçon de 111 kilomètres ne représente qu’une première étape. L’entreprise Epso-G prévoit de lancer un second appel d’offres dès cette semaine, pour la construction d’une section de 400 kilomètres qui doit être terminée d’ici septembre 2022.

Le gouvernement lituanien, qui accuse Alexandre Loukachenko de mener une « guerre hybride » contre la Lituanie, a alloué 152 millions d’euros pour la construction d’une barrière de 508 kilomètres.

La Lituanie a accueilli sur son sol des opposants au régime de Loukachenko et son parlement a reconnu Svetlana Tsikhanovskaïa comme la présidente légitime du Bélarus.

A Varsovie aussi on s’inquiète des mouvements du voisin de l’est. La Biélorussie augmente la pression de l’émigration illégale vers les frontières de l’UE en acheminant « des dizaines de milliers d’immigrants dans son pays afin de les livrer à la frontière avec la Pologne », a assuré le premier ministre Mateusz Morawiecki.

Tout le monde en Lituanie ne voit pas ce nouveau mur d’un bon œil.

Dans une interview au « Courrier d’Europe centrale », l’eurodéputé et ancien ministre de la Défense lituanien Juozas Olekas estime que « Loukachenko est un leader illégitime qui […] utilise les migrants comme un mécanisme de pression sur l’Union européenne ».

Pour autant, Juozas Olekas déclare : « Je ne suis pas favorable à l’érection de murs sur l’ensemble de la frontière et je pense qu’un travail diplomatique intensif, y compris avec les pays d’origine des migrants, ou de meilleures patrouilles, qui fonctionnent déjà, seraient des mesures plus efficaces. Je pense qu’il est inutile de paniquer, car ça ne sert jamais à rien, et que nous devrions nous concentrer sur des solutions à long terme ».

▻https://courrierdeuropecentrale.fr/la-lituanie-commence-la-construction-dune-cloture-a-la-front

https://i.imgur.com/2x0q1Fo.png

Lithuania has finalised building a physical barrier (mostly a 4 m tall steel fence+concertina) on the entire length of border with Belarus (except where natural barriers such as rivers occur). It covered approximately 550km and cost €152mil.

▻https://twitter.com/LinasKojala/status/1564243576275476482

#coût #prix #budget

Authorities in Lithuania are considering building a wall with Belarus

►https://seenthis.net/messages/920493

#murs #barrières #barrières_frontalières

Le FMI modifie ses règles pour aider l’#Ukraine, Moscou enrage, 
Par Marine Rabreau
▻http://www.lefigaro.fr/conjoncture/2015/12/11/20002-20151211ARTFIG00010-le-fmi-modifie-ses-regles-pour-aider-l-ukraine-mo
#IFI #FMI #Réformes_structurelles #Dette_publique #Ukraine #Relations_internationales_Russie_Ukraine #Relations_internationales_Ukraine_Russie

-"Le FMI a en effet décidé de modifier une règle interne, celle qui lui interdisait d’assister financièrement un État ayant fait défaut vis-à-vis d’un autre pays. Ce qui permet, in extremis, au plan d’aide accordé en mars dernier à l’Ukraine de survivre." ;
–"Le pays, en quasi-faillite, « n’a pas eu d’autre choix » que de faire appel à l’aide financière internationale. Une demande qui s’est soldée en mars dernier par un plan de 40 milliards d’euros (la dette s’élevait alors à 71 milliards de dollars fin 2014), dont 17,5 milliards d’euros de la part du FMI, en échange -comme c’est toujours le cas lorsque l’institution intervient- de sévères mesures d’austérité. Fin août dernier, après cinq mois de négociations acharnées pour restructurer sa dette, l’Ukraine obtient un effacement de 20% de sa dette. De quoi, a pensé le FMI, rendre la dette ukrainienne « soutenable »." ;
–"« La nécessité de cette réforme était claire depuis un certain temps maintenant », a assuré Hugh Bredenkamp, un des cadres de l’institution, en dévoilant les détails de la nouvelle règle. Selon lui, un tel changement était nécessaire pour éviter qu’un plan du FMI ne soit « pris en otage » par le refus d’un pays de renégocier sa créance. Le FMI s’était d’ailleurs penché sur cette question dans un rapport de mai 2013 « avant même que le prêt de la Russie à l’Ukraine n’existe », a-t-il rappelé." ;
–"Bien plus récemment, fin novembre, le Fonds a décidé d’inclure le yuan chinois dans son panier de réserves et d’en faire ainsi une monnaie de référence sur le globe."