• Bolsonaro arme les Brésiliens au nom de la « légitime défense » - Boursorama

    Promesse de campagne tenue : pour contenter les « gens bien » qui l’ont élu, le président d’extrême droite du #Brésil Jair #Bolsonaro a assoupli mardi les règles de la détention d’armes à feu, au risque d’augmenter la violence dans l’un des pays les plus dangereux au monde.

    Des #armes pour lutter contre la #violence...

  • Brazil Dissolves Its Ministry of Culture | Smart News | Smithsonian

    In the ten days since he was sworn into office, Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro has already enacted a rash of measures that have sparked concerns across the globe.

    Among his first orders of business, reports Gabriella Angeleti of the Art Newspaper, was dissolving the country’s ministry of culture, along with the ministries of sports and social development.

    All three ministries have been merged into a single department fronted by Osmar Terra, who served as the minister of social development under the previous government. By his own admission, Terra has little experience in cultural policy. According to Angeleti, he “was criticised by Brazilian arts leaders when he said his only cultural expertise is that he knows ‘how to play the berimbau,’ a single-string instrument played to accompany capoeira.”

    News about the dismantled culture ministry has fallen somewhat quietly amid Bolsonaro’s other reforms.

    #brésil #catastrophe #fascisme

  • Brasil no se pierde ni un capítulo de los Bolsonaro, los Kardashian de la política | Internacional | EL PAÍS

    Los brasileños adictos a las telenovelas siguen ahora, capítulo por capítulo, una trama omnipresente: los Bolsonaro. El padre, Jair, de 63 años, fue investido presidente el 1 de enero. Y con él suben al poder sus tres hijos adultos, que también llevan media vida en política: Flávio, 37, el primogénito, senador; Eduardo, de 34 años, diputado nacional; y Carlos, de 36 años, concejal de Rio de Janeiro. El cuarteto conforma una poderosa dinastía, inédita incluso en un país de oligarquías políticas arraigadas, que ha ido conquistando fans hasta crear un imperio de 15 millones de seguidores en Facebook, Twitter e Instagram.

    Guardando las distancias, son una especie de Kardashian de la política. Todo lo que dicen y tocan se convierte en noticia como ocurre con el famoso clan estadounidense. En ambos casos, el público tiene sus personajes preferidos, especula sobre sus actos y sobre sus papeles futuros. Sus mensajes se modulan para cada plataforma digital, que ahora inicia una prueba de fuego: ser influencer y Gobierno a la vez. El primer fin de semana todos mantuvieron una actividad tuitera.

    Bolsonaro padre lideró su triunfante campaña recurriendo a WhatsApp y a retransmisiones en directo en Facebook, donde no faltaron exposiciones de su intimidad —como enseñar la bolsa de colostomía que lleva tras el atentado por apuñalamiento que sufrió en septiembre— ataques virulentos a sus adversarios o la imagen de que es un hombre sencillo, en una estrategia claramente coreografiada. Sus hijos, con mayor o menor habilidad, siguen esa senda. Hablan sobre el Gobierno y actúan como si formasen parte del Gabinete, pese a no tener ningún cargo formal en él. De sus tres matrimonios, el presidente tiene dos hijos más, un adolescente y una niña.


    Mientras esperan que empiece la nueva temporada, los simpatizantes hacen circular una broma en los grupos de WhatsApp que dice que Brasil no se va a librar tan pronto del nuevo programa de telerrealidad: en 2026 Eduardo Bolsonaro será presidente, sucediendo a su padre, que será reelegido dentro de cuatro años.

    #brésil #bolsonaro

  • Meyer Habib sur Twitter : « Parabéns #JairBolsonaro qui ouvre de nouvelles perspectives au #Bresil, affranchi de la corruption et du socialisme. Accueil chaleureux et fraternel à Israël et au PM netanyahu. Le 🇧🇷 va transférer son ambassade à #Jerusalem, de même que #Honduras 🇭🇳. À quand la France ? https://t.co/nvhBIFYgrj » / Twitter

    #extrême_droite #silence #MSM

  • The Ghost of Brazil’s Military Dictatorship

    Brutal military dictatorships governed many Latin American countries during the 1970s and 1980s. But most of those countries—including Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay—established truth commissions in the aftermath of the #repression. Such reconciliation processes allowed successor governments to prosecute at least some human rights abusers, as well as to forge a national narrative that could begin to set the period’s #demons to rest.

    The Brazilian government took a different path. It waited until 2012 to establish its commission, never charged anyone with a #crime in connection with the dictatorship, and did not seriously encourage a national dialogue about the country’s authoritarian past. Rather than develop a politics of memory, as other Latin American countries have done, Brazil has chosen to pursue a politics of forgetting. This response may help explain how an apologist for #torture and dictatorship was able to rise to power in Brazil in 2018.

    #Travail_de_mémoire #Brésil #dictature #Bolsonaro #Amérique_latine

  • The New Authoritarians Are Waging War on Women

    Donald Trump’s ideological cousins around the world want to reverse the feminist gains of recent decades.
    Peter Beinart
    January/February 2019 Issue


    The problem with both American-born story lines is that authoritarian nationalism is rising in a diverse set of countries. Some are mired in recession; others are booming. Some are consumed by fears of immigration; others are not. But besides their hostility to liberal democracy, the right-wing autocrats taking power across the world share one big thing, which often goes unrecognized in the U.S.: They all want to subordinate women.

    To understand global Trumpism, argues Valerie M. Hudson, a political scientist at Texas A&M, it’s vital to remember that for most of human history, leaders and their male subjects forged a social contract: “Men agreed to be ruled by other men in return for all men ruling over women.” This political hierarchy appeared natural—as natural as adults ruling children—because it mirrored the hierarchy of the home. Thus, for millennia, men, and many women, have associated male dominance with political legitimacy. Women’s empowerment ruptures this order. “Youths oppress My people, and women rule over them,” laments Isaiah in the Hebrew Bible. “My people, your leaders mislead you.”

    Because male dominance is deeply linked to political legitimacy, many revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries have used the specter of women’s power to discredit the regime they sought to overthrow. Then, once in power themselves, they have validated their authority by reducing women’s rights.

    Commentators sometimes describe Trump’s alliance with the Christian right as incongruous given his libertine history. But whatever their differences when it comes to the proper behavior of men, Trump and his evangelical backers are united by a common desire to constrain the behavior of women. That alliance was consecrated during Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearings, when Republicans raged against Judiciary Committee Democrats for supposedly degrading the Senate by orchestrating a public hearing for Christine Blasey Ford, who had accused Kavanaugh of sexual assault.

    Like Trump, Bolsonaro linked this counterrevolution to a counterrevolution against uppity women. When, as a legislator, he voted to impeach Brazil’s first female president, Dilma Rousseff—who had been tortured by Brazil’s military rulers in the early 1970s—he dedicated the vote to one of that regime’s most infamous torturers. In 2015, he told a Brazilian congresswoman, “I would not rape you, because you are not worthy of it.” Crowds at Bolsonaro rallies chanted that they would feed dog food to feminists. And, like Trump, Bolsonaro has intense support from his country’s growing population of evangelicals, who appreciate his fervent opposition to abortion and gay rights.

    In the Philippines, Duterte didn’t have an economic or corruption crisis to help him delegitimize the political order. (...) Also like Bolsonaro, Duterte has threatened violence against women. In 2017, he informed Filipino soldiers that because he had declared martial law on the island of Mindanao, they could each rape up to three women with impunity. In 2018, he told soldiers to shoot female rebels “in the vagina,” because that would render them “useless.”

    Duterte’s anti-feminist crusade—like Trump’s and Bolsonaro’s—has also featured the ritualized humiliation of powerful women. When Senator Leila de Lima demanded an investigation into Duterte’s drug war, he vowed to “make her cry.” The government then detained de Lima on drug-trafficking charges and leaked evidence supposedly proving, in Duterte’s words, that she was “screwing her driver” like she was “screwing the nation.” A congressman who would later become Duterte’s spokesman joked that de Lima wanted to be detained at an army base “because there are many men there.” Not even Duterte’s female vice president, Leni Robredo—a member of a rival political party—has escaped his taunts. At a public event in 2016, he noted gleefully that the skirts she wore to cabinet meetings were “shorter than usual.”

    One can see parallels in Italy, whose deputy prime minister, Matteo Salvini, a Steve Bannon ally noted for his authoritarian tendencies, in 2016 compared the female president of the lower house of parliament to an inflated sex doll. The Italian government is promoting a law that critics say would eliminate child support, and a government spokesperson said forthcoming legislation would prosecute women who accuse their husbands of domestic violence if the husbands are not convicted.

    Not all of the new authoritarians are this flamboyant. But they all link the new political order they seek to create to a more subordinate and traditional role for women. Orbán, who has accused his predecessors of permitting immigrants and Roma to undermine Hungary’s identity, has proposed “a comprehensive agreement with Hungarian women” to bear more children. He promotes debt-free education for women, but only if they have at least three children.

    For its part, Poland’s autocratic government has run ads urging Poles to “breed like rabbits” and banned over-the-counter access to the morning-after pill. In late 2017, after Polish women protested draconian new restrictions on abortion, the government raided the offices of women’s groups.

    #guerre_aux_femmes #patriarcat #autoritarisme #extrême_droite
    #USA #Philippines #Brésil #Pologne #Italie #Hongrie
    Et appels au #viol comme punition envers les femmes, @mad_meg.

  • #Rio_de_Janeiro (Brésil) : les forces armées expulsent des familles de la Favela Maracajás

    Le mardi 13 novembre 2018, l’armée de l’air, la police militaire et la police municipale ont mené une opération ensemble pour déloger six familles de la favela de Maracajás, à Ilha do Governador, à proximité de l’aéroport international de Rio de Janeiro. L’opération policière a eu lieu à peu près un an après la première […]

    #Amériques #Brésil #expulsion #militaires

  • Haïti pèse lourd dans le cabinet de Jair #Bolsonaro

    Secoué par les violences dans les favelas qui ont fait environ 64 000 morts l’an dernier, le #Brésil serait sur le point d’utiliser les moyens forts pour neutraliser les hors-la-loi. Le président élu, Jair Bolsonaro, compare la situation de son pays à celle qui prévalait en Haïti après le départ pour l’exil de Jean-Bertrand Aristide en 2004. Aux grands maux, les grands remèdes, le capitaine s’inspire donc des opérations de la MINUSTAH et compose son cabinet en faisant appel à des militaires retraités qui ont servi dans la force onusienne.

  • Brésil en sol mineur

    Le 30 octobre 2018, Jair Bolsonaro, candidat d’extrême-droite, accédait à la présidence du Brésil. Vécu sur le mode de la surprise, cette poussée d’autoritarisme paraît en réalité plus profonde et plus prévisible quand elle est vue depuis l’Amazonie. En effet, l’économie d’exportation de matières premières, fondée sur le maintien des oligarchies régionales et la corruption généralisée, n’est pas sans rapport avec les désillusions démocratiques.

    #Brésil #Bolsonaro #extrême_droite

  • Le Brésil perd 8300 médecins cubains pour des raisons purement politiques Céline Tzaud/afp/oang - 23 Novembre 2018 - RTS

    Les premiers des quelque 8300 médecins cubains exerçant au Brésil sont arrivés vendredi à La Havane. Leur départ, qui risque de provoquer des déserts médicaux, fait suite aux menaces du président brésilien élu Jair Bolsonaro.

    Les milliers de praticiens cubains concernés avaient été envoyés au Brésil depuis 2013 dans le cadre du programme « Mais Médicos » (Plus de médecins) initié par l’ancienne présidente de gauche Dilma Roussef pour remédier à la pénurie de médecins.

    Les premiers d’entre eux - partis jeudi du Brésil - ont été reçus avec les honneurs vendredi à La Havane. En blouses blanches et portant des drapeaux cubains et brésiliens, ils ont été accueillis à leur descente d’avion par le président Miguel Diaz-Canel.

    Hostilités déclenchées par le président élu brésilien
    Leur rapatriement, qui doit être achevé d’ici le 12 décembre, a été décidé par les autorités cubaines en réaction à des propos tenus par le président brésilien élu Jair Bolsonaro.

    Ce dernier avait prévenu qu’il allait conditionner la poursuite de ce programme à la mise en place d’un examen de compétences pour ces médecins et au versement de leur salaire intégral.

    L’accord conclu à l’époque prévoit en effet le versement, par le Brésil, d’un salaire mensuel de plusieurs milliers de francs à Cuba pour chaque médecin. Mais La Havane ne reverse que moins d’un tiers de ce montant aux praticiens. Farouche anticommuniste, Jair Bolsonaro a laissé entendre que ce système finançait la « dictature socialiste » cubaine.
    . . . . .
    Le programme continue toutefois dans une soixantaine de pays, principalement au Venezuela qui vient de renforcer sa collaboration.
    . . . . . .
    Les Noirs et les indigènes particulièrement touchés
    L’Affaire fait la Une des médias au Brésil, où de nombreuses régions périphériques défavorisées ou des zones rurales risquent de se transformer en déserts médicaux.

    Dans des Etats comme Bahia, on parle d’une perte de la moitié des médecins dans certaines villes.

    L’association nationale des maires du Brésil (FNP) a tiré la sonnette d’alarme, rappelant dans un communiqué que près de 80% des municipalités du pays « dépendent exclusivement du programme pour les soins médicaux et que 90% de la population indigène est traitée par des professionnels cubains ».

    De nombreuses populations risquent donc de n’avoir plus accès à des services médicaux. "Bolsonaro a provoqué cet acte raciste car ce sont principalement les Noirs qui en pâtiront, a dénoncé pour sa part l’ancienne superviseuse du programme Mais Médicos à Rio.

    #jair_bolsonaro #Brésil #Santé #Cuba #guerre_aux_pauvres

  • Des termites ont construit une « structure » aussi vaste que la Grande-Bretagne

    Ils se dressent, mystérieux, sur une étendue de 230 000 km2 dans le nord-est du #Brésil, dans une région encore épargnée par l’agriculture intensive. Deux cents millions de monticules de terre d’environ 2,5 m de haut, fruit du travail patient d’une colonie de #termites depuis près de quatre mille ans, ont été découverts par une équipe de biologistes britanniques et brésiliens.

    Il s’agit de « la plus grande structure construite par une seule espèce d’insecte jamais découverte à ce jour », selon les chercheurs, qui ont publié lundi 19 novembre les résultats de leur étude dans la revue scientifique Current Biology.[...]

    Cet impressionnant chantier était longtemps resté dissimulé par la végétation de cette région semi-aride. Mais les récents effets de la #déforestation en ont mis au jour les contours.



  • Ailton Krenak, figure historique des luttes indigènes au Brésil, à propos de l’élection de Bolsonaro.

    Je dis que le Brésil est une petite nation car il est petit dans son rêve. Il rêve petit. Un territoire qui ébauche une telle vision de souveraineté peut être grand géographiquement mais il continuera à être petit dans son expression envers le monde.

    #brésil #peuples_autochtones

  • Au Brésil, les profs craignent une chasse aux sorcières (France 24)

    Depuis une dizaine d’années, ce groupe ultra-conservateur a gagné du terrain au Brésil. « Escola sem Partido » veut bannir des écoles l’utilisation de certains mots tels « genre » ou « orientation sexuelle » et remet en question le contenu des programmes d’histoire. Pour ces activistes, Pinochet n’était pas un dictateur, mais le sauveur de sa patrie menacée par le communisme.

    Organisant sans relâche manifestations (parfois violentes) et pétitions visant des intellectuels défendant la théorie du genre, il préconise aussi de rendre optionnel l’enseignement des sciences sociales et de la philosophie.

    « Escola sem Partido » a déjà remporté quelques batailles. Un projet de loi qui porte son nom est actuellement débattu au Parlement. Il prévoit des sanctions pénales contre les enseignants coupables de « dogmatisme ou de prosélytisme » et affirme « le droit des parents à ce que leurs enfants reçoivent l’éducation morale qui correspond à leurs convictions ».

    Au Brésil, Jair Bolsonaro lance la guerre de l’école (Le Monde)

    Fomenté par la droite dure et le lobby évangélique, le texte, rebaptisé « loi du bâillon » par l’opposition, se fonde sur l’idée d’une école hantée par le communisme, où l’on ferait l’apologie de mœurs ­débridées et la publicité d’une pseudo « théorie du genre ». Un propos qui fait écho au discours de campagne de Jair Bolsonaro promettant le « lance-flammes » pour les ouvrages de Paulo Freire,pédagogue connu pour son travail pour l’alphabétisation des pauvres, et fustigeant le « marxisme » comme la « sexualisation précoce » des enfants à l’école.

    #éducation #Brésil #fascisme

  • Education Is in the Crosshairs in Bolsonaro’s Brazil

    The president-elect seeks to ban from the classroom political opinions, debates, and any issues that could be construed as leftist.
    At universities across Brazil, the atmosphere may appear normal on the surface, but many are worried. “There is a climate of tension and of fear,” said Adriana D’Agostini, an education professor at the Santa Catarina Federal University (UFSC).

    #Bolsonaro #Brésil #Freire #Paulo_Freire #censure #gauche #éducation #liberté_d'expression #université

  • University alerts students to danger of leftwing essay

    Prevent critics slam Reading for labelling ‘mainstream’ academic text as extremist.
    An essay by a prominent leftwing academic that examines the ethics of socialist revolution has been targeted by a leading university using the government’s counter-terrorism strategy.

    Students at the University of Reading have been told to take care when reading an essay by the late Professor Norman Geras, in order to avoid falling foul of Prevent.

    Third-year politics undergraduates have been warned not to access it on personal devices, to read it only in a secure setting, and not to leave it lying around where it might be spotted “inadvertently or otherwise, by those who are not prepared to view it”. The alert came after the text was flagged by the university as “sensitive” under the Prevent programme.

    The essay, listed as “essential” reading for the university’s Justice and Injustice politics module last year, is titled Our Morals: The Ethics of Revolution. Geras was professor emeritus of government at the University of Manchester until his death in 2013. He rejected terrorism but argued that violence could be justified in the case of grave social injustices.

    Waqas Tufail, a senior lecturer in criminology at Leeds Beckett University who wrote a report about Prevent last year, described the case at Reading as “hugely concerning”. Another Prevent expert, Fahid Qurashi of Staffordshire University, said the move showed how anti-terrorism legislation is “being applied far beyond its purview”.
    Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the debate - sent direct to you
    Read more

    Ilyas Nagdee, black students’ officer for the National Union of Students, said the case again highlighted “misunderstanding of the [counter-terrorism guidance].”

    The strategy, itself controversial, is meant to divert people before they offend, and requires universities to monitor students’ and academics’ access to material that could be considered extremist. The scheme has repeatedly come under fire since its remit was expanded by the coalition government in 2011. Critics argue that it has curtailed academic freedom by encouraging universities to cancel appearances by extremist speakers and for fostering a “policing culture” in higher education.

    Tufail added: “This text was authored by a mainstream, prominent academic who was well-regarded in his field, who was a professor at Manchester for many years and whose obituary was published in the Guardian. This case raises huge concerns about academic freedom and students’ access to material, and it raises wider questions about the impact of Prevent.” The text was identified as potentially sensitive by an academic convening the course. “This is almost worse because it means academics are now engaging in self-censorship,” Tufail said.

    Nagdee said: “Prevent fundamentally alters the relationship between students and educators, with those most trusted with our wellbeing and development forced to act as informants. As this case shows, normal topics that are discussed as a matter of course in our educational spaces are being treated as criminal”.

    The University of Reading said: “Lecturers must inform students in writing if their course includes a text deemed security-sensitive, and then list which students they expect will have to access the material.

    “As laid out in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015, the University of Reading has put policies in place to take steps to prevent students being drawn into terrorism.” One aspect of this is to safeguard staff and students who access security-sensitive materials legitimately and appropriately used for study or research.”

    #université #it_has_begun #UK #Angleterre #surveillance #censure #gauche #droite #Reading #Prevent_programme #terrorisme #anti-terrorisme #violence #liberté_d'expression #liberté_académique #extrémisme #Norman_Geras

  • Netizen Report: How WhatsApp (and $3 million) helped carry Brazil’s Jair #Bolsonaro to victory · Global Voices

    The Advox Netizen Report offers an international snapshot of challenges, victories, and emerging trends in Internet rights around the world. This report covers the events we tracked in October 2018.

    On October 28, Latin America’s largest democracy elected a president whose campaign was propelled by violence, vicious rumors of fraud and a cascade of online news and information that has proven to be false.

    #brésil #réseaux_sociaux #whatsapp

  • #Brésil : crise démocratique, dérive réactionnaire et menace fasciste

    « Je n’ai jamais été seul, j’ai toujours senti la présence de Dieu ». Voici les premiers mots prononcés par le nouveau président du Brésil à l’annonce de sa victoire électorale, le 28 octobre, après avoir prié devant les caméras aux côtés d’un pasteur évangéliste. Une ascension fascisante fulgurante Le désastre annoncé a donc eu lieu : pour cette huitième élection depuis la fin de la dictature, en 1985, l’ex-capitaine Jair Bolsonaro vient de conquérir l’exécutif du plus grand pays latino-américain et de la 7ème (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Brésil, #Election, #L'école_émancipée

  • #Carrefour a financé la campagne du président d’#extrême_droite brésilien

    En effet, l’un des actionnaires des plus célèbres supermarchés de France, Carrefour, est l’un des généreux bienfaiteurs du parti de #Bolsonaro, le PSL.

    #Brésil #France #financement

    • Mouais, c’est un peu ampoulé comme titre. Ce mec gagne de l’argent entre autre grace à Carrefour (mais pas que), et ensuite il utilise SON argent pour financer l’autre facho. Mais ce n’est pas Carrefour, son conseil d’admin, etc, qui a financé quoi que ce soit de sa campagne, c’est un mec précis avec son argent. Bref, titre un peu putaclic.

  • Brazil new President will open Amazon indigenous reserves to mining and farming

    Indigenous People Bolsonaro has vowed that no more indigenous reserves will be demarcated and existing reserves will be opened up to mining, raising the alarm among indigenous leaders. “We are in a state of alert,” said Beto Marubo, an indigenous leader from the Javari Valley reserve.

    Dinamam Tuxá, the executive coordinator of the Indigenous People of Brazil Liaison, said indigenous people did not want mining and farming on their reserves, which are some of the best protected areas in the Amazon. “He does not respect the indigenous peoples’ traditions” he said.

    The Amazon and the environment Bolsonaro campaigned on a pledge to combine Brazil’s environment ministry with the agriculture ministry – under control of allies from the agribusiness lobby. He has attacked environmental agencies for running a “fines industry” and argued for simplifying environmental licences for development projects. His chief of staff, Onyx Lorenzoni, and other allies have challenged global warming science.

    “He intends that Amazon stays Brazilian and the source of our progress and our riches,” said Ribeiro Souto in an interview. Ferreira has also said Bolsonaro wants to restart discussions over controversial hydroelectric dams in the Amazon, which were stalled over environmental concerns.

    Bolsonaro’s announcement last week that he would no longer seek to withdraw Brazil from the Paris climate agreement has done little to assuage environmentalists’ fears.

    #réserves #Amazonie #Brésil #extractivisme #mines #agriculture #forêt #déforestation (probablement pour amener ENFIN la #modernité et le #progrès, n’est-ce pas ?) #aires_protégées #peuples_autochtones #barrages_hydroélectriques

    • Un leader paysan assassiné dans l’Amazonie brésilienne

      Le leader paysan, #Aluisio_Samper, dit #Alenquer, a été assassiné jeudi après-midi 11 octobre 2018 chez lui, à #Castelo_de_Sonhos, une ville située le long de la route BR-163 qui relie le nord de l’État de #Mato_Grosso, la principale région productrice de #soja du Brésil, aux deux fleuves Tapajós et Amazone.

      Il défendait des paysans qui s’accrochaient à des lopins de terre qu’ils cultivaient pour survivre, alors que le gouvernement les avaient inclues dans un projet de #réforme_agraire et allait les attribuer à des associations de gros producteurs.

      #assassinat #terres #meurtre

    • As Brazil’s Far Right Leader Threatens the Amazon, One Tribe Pushes Back

      “Where there is indigenous land,” newly elected President Jair Bolsonaro has said, “there is wealth underneath it.”

      The Times traveled hundreds of miles into the Brazilian Amazon, staying with a tribe in the #Munduruku Indigenous Territory as it struggled with the shrinking rain forest.

      The miners had to go.

      Their bulldozers, dredges and high-pressure hoses tore into miles of land along the river, polluting the water, poisoning the fish and threatening the way life had been lived in this stretch of the Amazon for thousands of years.

      So one morning in March, leaders of the Munduruku tribe readied their bows and arrows, stashed a bit of food into plastic bags and crammed inside four boats to drive the miners away.

      “It has been decided,” said Maria Leusa Kabá, one of the women in the tribe who helped lead the revolt.


    • Indigenous People, the First Victims of Brazil’s New Far-Right Government

      “We have already been decimated and subjected, and we have been victims of the integrationist policy of governments and the national state,” said indigenous leaders, as they rejected the new Brazilian government’s proposals and measures focusing on indigenous peoples.

      In an open letter to President Jair Bolsonaro, leaders of the Aruak, Baniwa and Apurinã peoples, who live in the watersheds of the Negro and Purus rivers in Brazil’s northwestern Amazon jungle region, protested against the decree that now puts indigenous lands under the Ministry of Agriculture, which manages interests that run counter to those of native peoples.

      Indigenous people are likely to present the strongest resistance to the offensive of Brazil’s new far-right government, which took office on Jan. 1 and whose first measures roll back progress made over the past three decades in favor of the 305 indigenous peoples registered in this country.

      Native peoples are protected by article 231 of the Brazilian constitution, in force since 1988, which guarantees them “original rights over the lands they traditionally occupy,” in addition to recognising their “social organisation, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions.”

      To this are added international regulations ratified by the country, such as Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the International Labor Organisation, which defends indigenous rights, such as the right to prior, free and informed consultation in relation to mining or other projects that affect their communities.

      It was indigenous people who mounted the stiffest resistance to the construction of hydroelectric dams on large rivers in the Amazon rainforest, especially Belo Monte, built on the Xingu River between 2011 and 2016 and whose turbines are expected to be completed this year.

      Transferring the responsibility of identifying and demarcating indigenous reservations from the National Indigenous Foundation (Funai) to the Ministry of Agriculture will hinder the demarcation of new areas and endanger existing ones.

      There will be a review of the demarcations of Indigenous Lands carried out over the past 10 years, announced Luiz Nabhan García, the ministry’s new secretary of land affairs, who is now responsible for the issue.

      García is the leader of the Democratic Ruralist Union, a collective of landowners, especially cattle ranchers, involved in frequent and violent conflicts over land.

      Bolsonaro himself has already announced the intention to review Raposa Serra do Sol, an Indigenous Land legalised in 2005, amid legal battles brought to an end by a 2009 Supreme Court ruling, which recognised the validity of the demarcation.

      This indigenous territory covers 17,474 square kilometers and is home to some 20,000 members of five different native groups in the northern state of Roraima, on the border with Guyana and Venezuela.

      In Brazil there are currently 486 Indigenous Lands whose demarcation process is complete, and 235 awaiting demarcation, including 118 in the identification phase, 43 already identified and 74 “declared”.

      “The political leaders talk, but revising the Indigenous Lands would require a constitutional amendment or proof that there has been fraud or wrongdoing in the identification and demarcation process, which is not apparently frequent,” said Adriana Ramos, director of the Socio-environmental Institute, a highly respected non-governmental organisation involved in indigenous and environmental issues.

      “The first decisions taken by the government have already brought setbacks, with the weakening of the indigenous affairs office and its responsibilities. The Ministry of Health also announced changes in the policy toward the indigenous population, without presenting proposals, threatening to worsen an already bad situation,” she told IPS from Brasilia.

      “The process of land demarcation, which was already very slow in previous governments, is going to be even slower now,” and the worst thing is that the declarations against rights “operate as a trigger for violations that aggravate conflicts, generating insecurity among indigenous peoples,” warned Ramos.

      In the first few days of the new year, and of the Bolsonaro administration, loggers already invaded the Indigenous Land of the Arara people, near Belo Monte, posing a risk of armed clashes, she said.

      The indigenous Guaraní people, the second largest indigenous group in the country, after the Tikuna, who live in the north, are the most vulnerable to the situation, especially their communities in the central-eastern state of Mato Grosso do Sul.

      They are fighting for the demarcation of several lands and the expansion of too-small areas that are already demarcated, and dozens of their leaders have been murdered in that struggle, while they endure increasingly precarious living conditions that threaten their very survival.

      “The grave situation is getting worse under the new government. They are strangling us by dividing Funai and handing the demarcation process to the Ministry of Agriculture, led by ruralists – the number one enemies of indigenous people,” said Inaye Gomes Lopes, a young indigenous teacher who lives in the village of Ñanderu Marangatu in Mato Grosso do Sul, near the Paraguayan border.

      Funai has kept its welfare and rights defence functions but is now subordinate to the new Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights, led by Damares Alves, a controversial lawyer and evangelical pastor.

      “We only have eight Indigenous Lands demarcated in the state and one was annulled (in December). What we have is due to the many people who have died, whose murderers have never been put in prison,” said Lopes, who teaches at a school that pays tribute in indigenous language to Marçal de Souza, a Guarani leader murdered in 1982.

      “We look for ways to resist and we look for ‘supporters’, at an international level as well. I’m worried, I don’t sleep at night,” she told IPS in a dialogue from her village, referring to the new government, whose expressions regarding indigenous people she called “an injustice to us.”

      Bolsonaro advocates “integration” of indigenous people, referring to assimilation into the mainstream “white” society – an outdated idea of the white elites.

      He complained that indigenous people continue to live “like in zoos,” occupying “15 percent of the national territory,” when, according to his data, they number less than a million people in a country of 209 million inhabitants.

      “It’s not us who have a large part of Brazil’s territory, but the big landowners, the ruralists, agribusiness and others who own more than 60 percent of the national territory,” countered the public letter from the the Aruak, Baniwa and Apurinã peoples.

      Actually, Indigenous Lands make up 13 percent of Brazilian territory, and 90 percent are located in the Amazon rainforest, the signatories of the open letter said.

      “We are not manipulated by NGOs,” they replied to another accusation which they said arose from the president’s “prejudices.”

      A worry shared by some military leaders, like the minister of the Institutional Security Cabinet, retired General Augusto Heleno Pereira, is that the inhabitants of Indigenous Lands under the influence of NGOs will declare the independence of their territories, to separate from Brazil.

      They are mainly worried about border areas and, especially, those occupied by people living on both sides of the border, such as the Yanomami, who live in Brazil and Venezuela.

      But in Ramos’ view, it is not the members of the military forming part of the Bolsonaro government, like the generals occupying five ministries, the vice presidency, and other important posts, who pose the greatest threat to indigenous rights.

      Many military officers have indigenous people among their troops and recognise that they share in the task of defending the borders, she argued.

      It is the ruralists, who want to get their hands on indigenous lands, and the leaders of evangelical churches, with their aggressive preaching, who represent the most violent threats, she said.

      The new government spells trouble for other sectors as well, such as the quilombolas (Afro-descendant communities), landless rural workers and NGOs.

      Bolsonaro announced that his administration would not give “a centimeter of land” to either indigenous communities or quilombolas, and said it would those who invade estates or other properties as “terrorists.”

      And the government has threatened to “supervise and monitor” NGOs. But “the laws are clear about their rights to organise,” as well as about the autonomy of those who do not receive financial support from the state, Ramos said.


  • Maria da Penha Law: A Name that Changed Society | UN Women – Headquarters

    In May 1983, biopharmaceutist Maria da Penha Fernandes was fast asleep when her husband shot her, leaving her a paraplegic for life. Two weeks after her return from the hospital, he tried to electrocute her.

    The case da Penha filed languished in court for two decades, while Maria’s husband remained free. Years later, in a landmark ruling, the Court of Human Rights criticized the Brazilian government for not taking effective measures to prosecute and convict perpetrators of domestic violence. In response to this, the Brazilian government in 2006 enacted a law under the symbolic name “Maria da Penha Law on Domestic and Family Violence.

    On the fifth anniversary of Law in August 2011, the National Council of Justice of Brazil collected data showing positive results: more than 331,000 prosecutions and 110,000 final judgments, and nearly two million calls to the Service Center for Women.

    Positive results that da Penha shares with some reservations.

  • Tempête tropicale : Notes rapides sur la victoire de Bolsonaro au #brésil

    Jair Bolsonaro, le président qui vient d’être élu au Brésil, est un monstre issu de la crise. Pour la bourgeoisie brésilienne et en particulier les grands propriétaires terriens, il s’agit de maintenir quoi qu’il en coûte les profits. Alors elle a plébiscité un candidat qui revendique haut et fort l’utilisation de méthodes terroristes pour gouverner. Le Brésil n’est pas une exception de ce point de vue, il représente plutôt l’avant garde d’un mouvement mondial. La bourgeoisie n’a plus rien à lâcher. En nous penchant sur l’économie du Brésil depuis le début des années 2000 nous pouvons avancer les deux temps de la tragédie. Il s’agit de notes, prises a chaud, pas d’une analyse (...)

    #Guerre #Economie #Répression #contrôle #social #antifascisme #Guerre,Economie,Répression,contrôle,social,antifascisme