#c

  • Ostfrau erster Generation: Selbstbewusst zwischen Traumberuf, Kindern und Karrieremann
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/mensch-metropole/ostfrau-erster-generation-selbstbewusst-zwischen-traumberuf-kindern


    September 1984: Fidel Castro plaudert privat mit Konrad „Konni“ Naumann (l.). Fidel redet und redet. Irmingart Lemke (r.) dolmetscht und folgt dem Comandante bis in die Fingerbewegung.


    Irmingart Lemke als Sprachmittlerin zwischen Luis Corvalán (l.) und Erich Honecker

    14.4.2024 Maritta Adam-Tkalec - Wie die Dolmetscherin Irmingart Lemke den Dreikampf des Lebens bewältigte und wie sie Männer wie Fidel Castro und Erich Honecker erlebte.

    Ein Mädchen aus Bülzig macht 1955 Abitur in Wittenberg, und anstatt risikoarm und ortsverhaftet Lehrerin zu werden, erhält sie unerwartet die Chance, Spanisch und Englisch zu studieren statt Russisch. 20 Jahre später erklimmt sie die Höhen des Dolmetscherfachs. Sie übersetzt offizielle und – viel interessanter – informelle Treffen mit Fidel Castro und DDR-Spitzenpolitikern. Sie weiß von Erich Honecker und seiner Frau Margot, der DDR-Bildungsministerin, aus dem Nähkästchen zu plaudern.

    Viele Delegationen hat sie auf Reisen ins sozialistische Kuba, nach Spanien und Lateinamerika als Dolmetscherin begleitet – ein Traum für eine junge Frau aus der DDR. Aber sie war eben einfach gut in ihrem Fach.

    Irmingart Lemke, geboren 1937, hat neben dem anspruchsvollen Beruf eine Tochter und einen Sohn großgezogen und den Haushalt für einen ebenso viel beschäftigten wie viel abwesenden Mann bewältigt, einen passionierten Außenhändler, der in den letzten DDR-Jahren zum stellvertretenden Außenhandelsminister aufgestiegen war. Eine Ostfrau der ersten Generation. Wie hat sie das gemacht? War das eher Last oder mehr Lust? Und was hat sie von den Begegnungen mit charismatischen Welt-Persönlichkeiten wie Fidel zu erzählen?
    Fidel Castro privat: Wie der Comandante ein Nashorn erledigte

    Ihre Lieblingsgeschichte bestätigt, was man über den kubanischen Revolutionsführer, Partei-, Staats- und Regierungschef Kubas so hörte. Sie geht so: Konrad Naumann, Konni, volkstümlicher SED-Parteisekretär der DDR-Hauptstadt, reiste vom 6. bis zum 14. September 1984 nach Havanna, Irmingart Lemke an seiner Seite. Sein Gegenüber war der Bürgermeister Havannas, aber: „Keiner durfte heimkommen, ohne nicht wenigstens einen kurzen Termin bei Fidel Castro nachweisen zu können, sonst galt die Reise als nicht richtig erfolgreich“, erinnert sich die Dolmetscherin.

    „Soll der Mann im Haushalt helfen?“

    Tatsächlich hatte Konrad Naumann seinen offiziellen Termin beim Revolutionsidol in dessen Palast der Revolution; man redete unter anderem über den Nato-Raketenbeschluss: „Konni Naumann tat so, als wisse er viel mehr als andere über die Stationierung; Fidel wusste gar nichts.“

    Am späten Abend rollte eine Autokolonne vor die Residenz der DDR-Delegation. Ins Haus trat der bärtige Comandante sehr entspannt in seiner Arbeitskleidung, der grünen Uniform. Er wolle mehr erfahren, sagte er, um dann unablässig selbst zu sprechen. Er lud alle – auch das Küchenpersonal – zum Zuhören ein.

    Irmingart Lemke hat unter die Bilder in ihrem Fotoalbum geschrieben: „Er redete und redete“ – über die Vorbereitung der Expedition mit der „Granma“ (das Schiff, das die ersten 82 kubanischen Kämpfer 1952 von Mexiko nach Kuba brachte) und wie sie die Gewehre besorgt hatten. Oder die Macho-Schnurre à la Hemingway von einem Nashorn, das beim Umzug des Zoos von Havanna vom Auto gesprungen war und er, der Comandante en jefe, das Tier persönlich „erledigte“. Angeregt plauderte Fidel über Treibjagden, die der damalige sowjetische Staats- und Parteichef Nikita Chruschtschow für ihn organisierte oder über das Gämsenschießen in der ČSSR.

    Die Dolmetscherin hatte zu tun. Man muss eine sehr strapazierfähige Stimme haben in diesem Beruf und eine noch stabilere Konzentration – zumal beim Simultandolmetschen. Drei Stunden ging das so, Fidel immer die Havanna-Zigarre in der Hand. Dann stand er auf und teilte gut gelaunt mit, er habe sich „wunderbar entspannt im Kreise von Freunden gefühlt“.

    Irmingart Lemke war schwer beeindruckt: „Er war enorm locker, natürlich auch ein Selbstdarsteller, aber man konnte sich der Ausstrahlung nicht entziehen.“ Und sie war stolz, dass Fidel sie als Dolmetscherin zugelassen und nicht den mitgebrachten eigenen gewählt hatte. Im Nachhinein wertet sie Fidel als tragische Persönlichkeit mit historischer Bedeutung, die ihr Leben lang für die Verwirklichung einer Vision gekämpft habe, die sie wohl im hohen Alter selber als „so, wie versucht, nicht realisierbar“ erkannt habe.

    Aber zurück zu den Anfängen. Die Geburt der Tochter, ein ungeplantes Kind, bremste zunächst den Start in den Beruf. Anfang der 1960er stand den Paaren die Pille noch nicht zur Verfügung, die kam 1965. Auch Krippen waren selten. „Da saß ich mit dem Kind zu Hause und sah jeden Morgen Frauen und Männer zur Arbeit gehen.“ Sie empfand das als eine harte Zeit: „Ich hatte die Ausbildung, ich wollte arbeiten. Der Wunsch hat uns – ohne jede Ideologie – geprägt“, erinnert sie sich: „Wir waren eben eine neue Generation.“ Der Beruf als Dolmetscherin – als Dienstleisterin – habe perfekt zu ihrem Charakter gepasst.
    Wie die DDR „eigentlich alles“ an Kuba verschenkte

    Sie hatte allerdings zu jener Zeit schon eine erste, zum Süchtigwerden taugende Erfahrung: An ihrem ersten Arbeitsplatz, einem Außenhandelsbetrieb, waren 1960, kurz nach der Revolution, die ersten Kubaner aufgetaucht und baten um Hilfe. Die Berufsanfängerin wurde zum Dolmetschen in den Bereich Feinmechanik-Optik gebeten („Da saß mein späterer Mann und hat mich umgehend abends zum Essen eingeladen“) und kurz darauf ging es mit einer Gruppe von Ingenieuren und Händlern (darunter ihr späterer Mann) nach Kuba –„ein absolutes Wunder“, sagt sie.

    Was für Wege man damals flog! Über Amsterdam, die kapverdische Insel Sal und das karibische Curaçao nach Havanna. Sie erlebte, wie die DDR an das junge Kuba „eigentlich alles verschenkte“: Straßenbaumaschinen, Krankenhausausrüstung, Zusagen auf Kredit. Mit hochfliegenden Gefühlen spazierte sie durch Havanna, ihre erste große Stadt außerhalb der Heimat. Auf der Treppe der Uni hörte sie die flammende Rede eines jungen Mannes: „Ich hatte keine Ahnung, dass das Fidel Castro war.“

    Dann saß sie wieder im Ost-Berliner Büro, übersetzte „brav und mühsam mit Wörterbuch, jede Seite maschinengetippt, drei Durchschläge mit Blaupapier“. Das Kind kam, sie fand, es war zu früh. Der wenig geliebte Ausweg: „Was man heute Homeoffice nennt und damals Heimarbeit hieß.“ Ein Kollege brachte zu übersetzendes Material in die AWG-Neubauwohnung in Friedrichsfelde und holte es fertig wieder ab. Etwa vier Jahre lang ging das so. Das Kind saß neben ihr im Ställchen. „Das war Stress.“

    Hat sie mit ihrer Situation gehadert? „Ja, ich dachte schon, dass ich gerade zu kurz komme.“ Und dann kam „der Lichtblick“: Gamal Abdel Nasser, der erste Präsident des unabhängigen Ägyptens, hatte DDR-Chef Walter Ulbricht eingeladen. Es ging um Handelsverträge. So reiste Irmingart Lemke im Februar 1965 nach Kairo und übersetzte auf der Reiseschreibmaschine. Sie sah die Pyramiden – Ulbricht und Nasser leider nicht.

    Angesichts der zweiten Schwangerschaft und der Perspektive, weiter zu Hause zu hocken, beschloss sie: „So geht’s nicht weiter.“ Sie drängte ihren Mann, der eine Karriere in seinem Betrieb in Aussicht hatte, für beide „was im Ausland“ zu suchen. Wo man Spanisch spricht, das konnte der Außenhändlergatte nämlich auch ganz ordentlich.
    Ausnahmeleben in Havanna

    So kam er als Handelsattaché nach Kuba und sie als fest angestellte Mitarbeiterin der Dolmetscherabteilung des Außenhandelsministeriums. Die vierjährige Tochter ging in den deutschen Kindergarten, das sechs Monate alte Baby wurde in die Obhut einer jungen Kubanerin gegeben. „Sie war den ganzen Tag bei uns, gewissermaßen eine Haushälterin, froh über den Verdienst. Ein unglaublicher Luxus.“

    War es schwer, den Mann zu überzeugen, seiner Frau zuliebe die Laufbahn zu ändern? „Das hat gedauert“, sagt sie, „aber letztlich hat er positiv reagiert.“ Eine partnerschaftlich getroffene Entscheidung. 1965 – das war zwölf Jahre, bevor in der Bundesrepublik das Gesetz aufgehoben wurde, das Frauen die Arbeitsaufnahme nur nach Genehmigung durch den Gatten erlaubte.

    Freundschaften und Spannungen bei Intertext

    Als wunderbare Zeit erlebte sie die Jahre in Havanna, nur dass sie sich immer wieder für Empfänge schick aufbrezeln musste: „Das war nicht mein Ding.“ Fotos zeigen die junge Irmingart Lemke mit einer feschen blonden Kurzhaarfrisur, eine attraktive, sportliche Frau. Offenkundig aufs Praktische orientiert.

    Nach drei Jahren folgte der Ehemann einem Ruf in sein künftiges Ministerium. Sie landete beim parteieigenen Sprachmittlerbetrieb Intertext, Anfang der 1970er wurde die Abteilung Auslandsinformation geschaffen, für alle Weltsprachen. Ihr unterstanden 15 bis 20 Leute der Spanischgruppe, darunter Muttersprachler, ins DDR-Exil geflüchtete Chilenen zum Beispiel. „Da entstanden viele Freundschaften“, sagt die damalige Gruppenleiterin. Spannungen habe es allerdings auch gegeben – zwischen jenen, die reisen durften, und den anderen.

    Jetzt begann das Dolmetschen auf politischer Ebene: Damals kamen viele Persönlichkeiten aus Lateinamerika in die DDR, Menschen wie Luis Corvalán, Generalsekretär der KP Chiles, nach langer Haft in Pinochets Gefängnis freigekämpft, und seine Frau Lily oder Rodney Arismendi, Chef der KP Uruguays, „ein Intellektueller, beeindruckend“. Etwa 40 Gespräche dieser Kategorie mit Erich Honecker hat Irmingart Lemke gedolmetscht.

    Wie war das mit Erich Honecker? „Eine sehr einfache Sprache, meist Floskel an Floskel, leicht zu übersetzen, aber langweilig.“ Sie hat den Mann, der mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte die Geschicke der DDR bestimmte, als höflichen, aber sehr steifen Menschen erlebt, der, so vermutet sie, seinen Mangel an Bildung und die folglich „dünne Sprache“ durch Förmlichkeit überspielte.

    Die beiden Kinder waren inzwischen als Teenager selbstständig genug und ganz froh, dass nicht ständig einer zu Hause war. Beklagt hätten sie sich nie, nur der Sohn habe dem Vater mal vorgeworfen, er sei zu wenig da. „Sie haben sich beizeiten ein eigenes Leben gebaut.“ Doch der Haushalt klebte im Wesentlichen und recht traditionell an der Frau: „Wenn ich eine Woche auf Reisen war, füllte sich der Wäschekorb, da wurde nur das Allernötigste gemacht.“ Aber die Kinder profitierten auch von den Reisen der Mutter. Die sparte sich nämlich das zur Verpflegung gedachte Tagegeld (in Devisen) vom Munde ab und brachte begehrte Schallplatten oder schicke Klamotten mit.

    Jetzt ist Irmingart Lemke 86 Jahre alt, pflegt den Garten um das Häuschen in einem Berliner Vorort. Der Sohn ist ein erfolgreicher CEO, die Tochter lebt in Chile, deren Tochter bereitet sich auf ein Informatik-Studium in Potsdam vor. Die frühere Dolmetscherin hat ihre Erinnerungen in Alben geordnet. Wie oft wohl ihr blonder Schopf neben den Männern auf der Seite 1 des Neuen Deutschland war – und damit auch in der Berliner Zeitung? Natürlich ohne Namensnennung – wer kennt schon die Dolmetscher? Immerhin verdiente sie sich den Vaterländischen Verdienstorden in Bronze (1987) und den Orden Banner der Arbeit Stufe III (1984). Diese Information muss man im Archiv suchen, ihr selbst ist das nicht der Rede wert.

    Zu Besuch bei Honeckers in Chile

    Als die Lemkes nach der Wende regelmäßig zur Tochter nach Chile flogen, besuchten sie dort auch die Honeckers. Irmingart hatte auch für die als arrogant geltende Margot gearbeitet, sie zum Beispiel nach Nicaragua begleitet. Im persönlichen Umgang sei sie gar nicht hochnäsig gewesen, aber bis zum Schluss vom bevorstehenden Sieg des Kommunismus überzeugt.

    Beim ersten Besuch in dem kleinen Häuschen in Santiago lebte Erich Honecker noch: „Er kam im eleganten Morgenmantel herbei und scherzte, er bekäme mehr Rente als seine Frau, weil er ja schon als 14-Jähriger gearbeitet habe.“ Er sei freundlich, aber kühl und unpersönlich geblieben, auch im Umgang mit den Chilenen, denen er doch eigentlich nahestand. Die Margot, so berichtet die Besucherin, sei ihrem Enkel eine gute Oma gewesen.

    Rückblickend sagt Irmingart Lemke: „Ich bin meinem Mann und seiner beruflichen Entwicklung gefolgt“, allerdings mit wachsendem Selbstbewusstsein. In der nächsten Generation gab es Pille, Krippen, Kindergärten; qualifizierte Frauen waren keine Seltenheit mehr. Aber sie führten dieselben Diskussionen. Heutige Paare handeln ihr Leben mit größerer Selbstverständlichkeit aus: Wer steckt wann zurück, wer bringt den Müll runter, wer geht zum Elternabend? Die Ergebnisse des Aushandelns haben sich zugunsten der Frauen verschoben. Hoffen wir mal.

    #DDR #Cuba #Chili #histoire #femmes #socialisme #langues

  • Cancer : Michel Sadelain, un Franco-Canadien, honoré aux « Oscars de la science » pour son traitement contre la maladie
    https://www.lemonde.fr/sciences/article/2024/04/14/cancer-michel-sadelain-un-franco-canadien-honore-aux-oscars-de-la-science-po

    Concrètement, les recherches de M. Sadelain ont permis de reprogrammer génétiquement les lymphocytes T, qui sont les petits soldats du système immunitaire. Ces derniers acquièrent alors des récepteurs capables de reconnaître et de combattre les cellules cancéreuses, que le corps laisse en temps normal proliférer car il ne se rend pas compte de leur nocivité.
    Ces récepteurs antigéniques chimériques (chimeric antigen receptor, CAR, en anglais) ordonnent également aux lymphocytes T de se multiplier pour avoir plus de combattants contre la maladie. Cette manière de traiter le #cancer relevait au départ « de la science-fiction », sourit M. Sadelain. Aujourd’hui, le chercheur se réjouit de voir que toute une industrie s’est développée pour produire ces « médicaments vivants ».
    Grâce à ses travaux et à ceux de Carl June, une demi-douzaine de thérapies utilisant cette méthode sont approuvées aux Etats-Unis, et des centaines d’autres essais cliniques sont en cours. Les lymphocytes T du patient sont d’abord collectés, modifiés à l’extérieur du corps, puis réinjectés dans le sang. Le traitement a prouvé son efficacité contre les lymphomes, certaines leucémies, ou encore contre le myélome, un cancer sanguin grave et complexe.
    Mais M. Sadelain espère que la recherche pourra permettre d’« appliquer ce traitement à d’autres cancers ». « Les cellules CAR-T pourraient peut-être marcher contre les maladies auto-immunes, des maladies comme le lupus, et peut-être un jour des maladies comme le diabète et les scléroses en plaques », explique-t-il. L’un des principaux défis reste aussi de réduire les coûts du traitement, estimé aujourd’hui à plus de 500 000 dollars – une somme en général couverte par les assurances.

    #système_immunitaire #cancer

  • Pendant ce temps, en #Cisjordanie la glorieuse armée sioniste dans ses œuvres :
    https://twitter.com/freyisrael1/status/1779497811941224907

    מצלמת אבטחה תיעדה: מתנחלים נכנסים לחנייה ביתית בכפר דיר דיבוואן, מציתים את הרכב, וכל זה תחת עיניהם של חיילי צה"ל.

    כן כן, הצבא מאבטח את הפוגרום. תראו בעצמכם. (תודה לארגון “יש דין” על העדכון).

    https://video.twimg.com/ext_tw_video/1779497662959534080/pu/vid/avc1/480x544/I97Ayf_R9AKhi6t4.mp4?tag=12

    • B’Tselem בצלם بتسيلم sur X :
      https://twitter.com/btselem/status/1779302058916458686

      Tens of thousands of Palestinians are exposed to attacks by armed settler militias storming villages across the West Bank in recent hours.

      With scenes of homes and vehicles set on fire, and the numbers of casualties rising, the Israeli army enables these attacks or even participates in them .

      This is what Israel has created in the West Bank: a reality of blood and revenge.

      A weekend which began with the abhorrent killing of 14-year-old Binyamin Ahimeir, continues with more victims, including Jihad Afif Abu Aliya from al-Mughayir, and dozens of injured Palestinians, while the entire region is engulfed in flames.

      Israel’s occupation and apartheid regime have obligations, among them the obligation to protect all its subjects.

      But the Israeli government specializes in neglecting not only the lives of its own citizens held hostage in Gaza, but also of its subjects in the West Bank.

      Cease the fire now.

  • Révolution contraceptive : liberté de choix, égalité d’accès

    Montréal, 2 avril 2024 — La Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances (FQPN) – soutenue par divers organismes et regroupements à travers la province – lance la campagne Révolution contraceptive :
    Liberté de choix, égalité d’accès.

    Cette campagne demande au gouvernement du Québec d’agir immédiatement dans l’intérêt de toute la population québécoise pour garantir l’accès universel gratuit à tous les moyens de contraception dans la province.

    Le Québec est mûr pour une nouvelle révolution contraceptive et est en mesure de se repositionner comme leader au Canada, mais également dans le monde pour l’accès à la contraception et la justice reproductive. Nous revendiquons :

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2024/04/14/revolution-contraceptive-liberte-de-choix-egal

    #féminisme #contraception

  • Inchiesta su #Ousmane_Sylla, morto d’accoglienza

    A distanza di un mese dal suicidio di Ousmane Sylla nel #Cpr di #Ponte_Galeria, il 4 febbraio 2024, sono emersi nuovi elementi sulla sua triste vicenda, non raccontati nelle prime settimane. La prima cosa che sappiamo ora per certo è che Ousmane voleva vivere. Lo dimostrano i video e le foto che ho avuto da persone che lo hanno conosciuto, che lo ritraggono mentre balla, gioca, canta, sorride e scherza con il suo compagno di stanza. La sua vita però è stata stravolta da una violenza ingiustificabile, che scaturisce dalle dinamiche perverse su cui si basa il nostro sistema di accoglienza (ma non solo) e che impongono di farsi delle domande.

    Già nei primi giorni dopo la morte si venne a sapere che Ousmane aveva denunciato maltrattamenti nella casa famiglia di cui era stato ospite, prima di essere trasferito al Cpr di Trapani. Gli avvocati che si stanno occupando del caso e alcune attiviste della rete LasciateCIEntrare hanno rintracciato la relazione psico-sociale redatta dalla psicologa A.C. del Cpr di Trapani Milo il 14 novembre 2023. Era passato un mese dal suo ingresso nella struttura, a seguito del decreto di espulsione emesso dalla prefettura di Frosinone in data 13 ottobre 2023.

    La relazione dice che Ousmane “racconta di essere arrivato in Italia sei anni fa; inizialmente ha vissuto in una comunità per minori a Ventimiglia in Liguria, poi una volta raggiunta la maggiore età è stato trasferito presso la casa famiglia di Sant’Angelo in Theodice (Cassino). Racconta che all’interno della struttura era solito cantare, ma questo hobby non era ben visto dal resto degli ospiti. Così, un giorno, la direttrice del centro decide di farlo picchiare da un ospite tunisino. In conseguenza delle percosse subite, Sylla si reca al consiglio comunale di Cassino, convinto di trovarsi in Questura, per denunciare la violenza di cui si dichiara vittima”.

    La casa famiglia di Sant’Angelo in Theodice è menzionata anche sulla scritta lasciata da Ousmane – sembrerebbe con un mozzicone di sigaretta – su una parete del Cpr di Roma, prima di impiccarsi a un lenzuolo, la notte tra il 3 e il 4 febbraio 2024.

    “LASCIATEMI PARLARE”
    Sulle cronache locali della Ciociaria, l’8 ottobre 2023 venne pubblicata la notizia di un giovane profugo africano presentatosi in consiglio comunale venerdì 6 ottobre (due giorni prima) per denunciare di aver subito violenze fisiche e maltrattamenti nella casa famiglia di cui era ospite, in questa frazione di Cassino di circa cinquecento abitanti. “Lasciatemi parlare o mi ammazzo”, avrebbe gridato, secondo Ciociaria oggi, che riferiva inoltre che “il giovane adesso ha paura di tornare nella casa famiglia”. La struttura era stata inaugurata sei mesi prima, il 3 aprile 2023, dal sindaco di Cassino Enzo Salera, originario proprio di Sant’Angelo, e dall’assessore con delega alle politiche sociali Luigi Maccaro, alla presenza del funzionario dei servizi sociali, Aldo Pasqualino Matera. Si trovano diversi articoli datati 4 aprile 2023, corredati di foto della cerimonia e della targa con il nome della casa famiglia. La struttura si chiamava Revenge, che significa rivincita ma anche vendetta.

    La casa famiglia è stata chiusa tra dicembre e gennaio per “irregolarità”; le indagini sono ancora in corso. Era gestita dalla società Erregi Progress s.r.l.s. con sede in Spigno Saturnia, in provincia di Latina; la titolare della società e responsabile della casa famiglia è Rossella Compagna (non Campagna, come riportato in alcune cronache), affiancata nella gestione dall’avvocato Michelangiolo Soli, con studio legale a Minturno. Oggi sappiamo che mancavano le autorizzazioni della Asl locale all’apertura, e altri adempimenti; e che la maggior parte degli operatori che si sono succeduti nel corso dei circa nove mesi di apertura non ha mai percepito lo stipendio, né la malattia: almeno quelli che non erano vicini alla responsabile. Alcuni di essi hanno fatto causa alla società e sono in attesa di risarcimento. Altri non avevano neanche le qualifiche per operare in una struttura per minori stranieri non accompagnati.

    Sono stata a Sant’Angelo in Theodice e ho incontrato diverse persone che hanno conosciuto Ousmane, che lo hanno seguito e aiutato durante il mese e mezzo circa della sua permanenza in paese. Grazie a loro ho potuto capire chi era Ousmane e ciò che ha vissuto in quel periodo. Ousmane è arrivato a Sant’Angelo tra la fine di agosto e l’inizio di settembre, insieme a un ragazzo marocchino, oggi maggiorenne. Provenivano da Ventimiglia, dove avevano trascorso insieme circa un mese in un campo della Croce Rossa Italiana, prima di essere trasferiti nella casa famiglia di Cassino. Ousmane non era però “da sei anni in Italia”, come trascritto dalla psicologa del Cpr di Trapani nella sua relazione. Sembrerebbe che fosse arrivato l’estate prima, nel 2023, a Lampedusa, come si intuisce anche dalla sua pagina Fb (“Fouki Fouki”). Il 3 agosto ha pubblicato un video in cui canta sulla banchina di un porto, quasi certamente siciliano. Forse era arrivato nella fase di sovraffollamento, caos e ritardi nei trasferimenti che spesso si verificano sull’isola in questa stagione. Avrebbe poi raggiunto Roma e successivamente Ventimiglia.

    Il suo “progetto migratorio” era quello di arrivare in Francia, dove ha un fratello, cantante rap e animatore d’infanzia, Djibril Sylla, che ho incontrato di recente: è venuto a Roma per riconoscere il corpo di Ousmane e consentirne il ritorno in Africa. Ousmane parlava bene il francese e lo sapeva anche scrivere, come dimostra la scritta che ha lasciato sul muro prima di uccidersi. Con ogni probabilità è stato respinto al confine francese, verso l’Italia. Ousmane non era minorenne; si era dichiarato minorenne probabilmente perché né allo sbarco né al confine con la Francia ha potuto beneficiare di un orientamento legale adeguato che lo informasse dei suoi diritti e delle possibilità che aveva. Il regolamento “Dublino”, in vigore da decenni, prevede che i migranti restino o vengano rinviati nel primo paese in cui risultano le loro impronte (ci sono delle apposite banche dati europee), impedendo loro di raggiungere i luoghi dove hanno legami e comunità di riferimento o semplicemente dove desiderano proseguire la loro vita.

    Una volta respinto, però, anziché fare domanda di protezione internazionale in Italia, Ousmane si è dichiarato minore, pur essendo ventunenne. Non sarà facile ricostruire chi possa averlo consigliato, guidato o influenzato in queste scelte e nei suoi rapporti con le autorità, dal suo arrivo in Italia in poi. Sappiamo, tuttavia, che dichiarandosi “minore” ha determinato l’inizio, incolpevole e inconsapevole, della fine della sua breve vita, non più in mano a lui da quel momento in poi.

    Dichiarandosi maggiorenne, Ousmane avrebbe potuto presentare una domanda di protezione. Nel paese da cui proveniva, la Guinea Conakry, vige una dittatura militare dal 2021. I migranti possono chiedere protezione internazionale se manifestano il timore, ritenuto fondato da chi esamina il loro caso, di poter subire “trattamenti inumani e degradanti”, ovvero un danno grave, nel proprio paese di provenienza, laddove lo Stato di cui sono cittadini non fornisca loro adeguate protezioni. A Ousmane è accaduto l’inverso: i trattamenti inumani e degradanti li ha subiti in Italia.

    Sin dal suo arrivo nella casa famiglia di Cassino, Ousmane ha patito uno stillicidio di vessazioni, minacce e deprivazioni, come ci riferiscono tutte le persone che lo hanno assistito e accompagnato in quel mese e mezzo, che testimoniano delle modalità inqualificabili con cui veniva gestita quella struttura, della brutalità con cui venivano trattati gli ospiti, del clima di squallore e terrore che vigeva internamente. Abbiamo ascoltato i messaggi vocali aggressivi che la responsabile inoltrava ai suoi operatori, sia ai danni degli operatori che degli ospiti, scarsamente nutriti e abbandonati a sé stessi, come appare anche dalle foto. Ousmane, a causa del suo atteggiamento ribelle e “resistente”, sarebbe stato punito ripetutamente con botte, privazione di cibo, scarpe, coperte e indumenti, e di servizi cui aveva diritto, non solo in quanto “minore”, ma in quanto migrante in accoglienza: per esempio, l’accesso ai dispositivi di comunicazione (telefono e scheda per poter contattare i familiari), la scuola di italiano, il pocket money.

    Tutte le persone con cui ho parlato sono concordi nel descrivere Ousmane come un ragazzo rispettoso, intelligente, altruista e sensibile; sano, dinamico, grintoso, si ispirava alla cultura rasta e cantava canzoni di rivolta e di libertà in slang giamaicano e in sousou, la sua lingua madre. La sua unica “colpa” è stata opporsi a quello che vedeva lì, riprendendo con foto e video le ingiustizie che subiva e vedeva intorno a sé. A causa di questo suo comportamento è stato discriminato dalla responsabile e da alcuni personaggi, come un ragazzo tunisino di forse vent’anni. Dopo un mese di detenzione lo stesso Ousmane raccontò alla psicologa del Cpr di Trapani che la responsabile della casa famiglia l’avrebbe fatto picchiare da un “ospite tunisino”.

    Il 6 ottobre 2023, forse indirizzato da qualche abitante del luogo, Ousmane raggiunse il consiglio comunale di Cassino, nella speranza che le autorità italiane potessero proteggerlo. Una consigliera comunale con cui ho parlato mi ha descritto lo stato di agitazione e sofferenza in cui appariva il ragazzo: con ai piedi delle ciabatte malridotte, si alzava la maglietta per mostrare i segni di percosse sul torace. Ousmane non fu ascoltato dal sindaco Salera, tutore legale dei minori non accompagnati della casa famiglia. Ousmane fu ascoltato solo dalla consigliera che comprendeva il francese, in presenza di poche persone, dopo che il sindaco e la giunta si erano allontanati. A quanto pare quel giorno si presentò in consiglio anche una delegazione di abitanti per chiedere la chiusura della struttura, ritenuta mal gestita e causa di tensioni in paese.

    Una settimana dopo, il 13 ottobre, Ousmane tornò al consiglio comunale, dichiarando di essere maggiorenne. Pare che prima avesse provato a rivolgersi alla caserma dei carabinieri – chiedeva dove fosse la “gendarmerie” – per mostrare i video che aveva nel telefono: la sua denuncia non fu raccolta, perché in quel momento mancava il maresciallo. Di nuovo, forse non sapremo mai da chi Ousmane sia stato consigliato, guidato e influenzato, nella sua scelta di rivelare la sua maggiore età. Perché non gli fu mai consentito di esporre denuncia e di ottenere un permesso di soggiorno provvisorio, per esempio per cure mediche, o per protezione speciale, visto che aveva subito danni psicofisici nella struttura di accoglienza, e che voleva contribuire a sventare dei crimini?

    Come in molte strutture per minori migranti, la responsabile era consapevole della possibilità che molti dei suoi ospiti fossero in realtà maggiorenni. “Una volta che scoprono che sono maggiorenni, devono tornare a casa loro, perché le strutture non li vogliono”, spiega in un messaggio audio ai suoi operatori. In un altro dei messaggi che ho sentito, questa consapevolezza assume toni intimidatori: “Quindi abbassassero le orecchie, perché io li faccio neri a tutti quanti”, diceva. “Io chiudo la casa, e poi riapro, con altra gente. Dopo un mese. Ma loro se ne devono andare affanculo. Tutti! Ne salvo due o tre forse. Chiudiamo, facciamo finta di chiudere. Loro se ne vanno in mezzo alla strada, via, e io faccio tutto daccapo, con gente che voglio io. Quindi abbassassero le orecchie perché mi hanno rotto i coglioni”. Nello stesso messaggio, la responsabile aggiunge: “Tu devi essere educato con me; e io forse ti ricarico il telefono; sennò prendi solo calci in culo, e io ti butto affanculo nel tuo paese di merda”.

    La minore età può essere usata come arma di ricatto. I migranti che si dichiarano minori, infatti, entrano nel circuito delle strutture per minori stranieri non accompagnati, e ottengono un permesso di soggiorno per minore età appena nominano un tutore (solitamente il sindaco). In caso di dubbio sulla minore età questi vengono sottoposti ad accertamenti psico-fisici, che consistono nella radiografia del polso e in una serie di visite specialistiche presso una struttura sanitaria.

    Per l’accoglienza di un minore straniero non accompagnato, il ministero dell’interno eroga ai comuni che ne fanno richiesta (tramite le prefetture) dai novanta ai centoventi euro al giorno, che finiscono in buona parte nelle tasche degli enti gestori (che per guadagnare possono risparmiare su cibo, servizi, personale, in quanto non sono previsti controlli davvero efficaci sulla gestione dei contributi statali). Ma anche i comuni hanno da guadagnare sull’accoglienza ai minori. A questo proposito, vale la pena richiamare le parole pronunciate dall’assessore ai servizi sociali Maccaro in occasione dell’apertura della casa famiglia e riportate in un articolo di Radio Cassino Stereo, presente in rete: “Una nuova realtà sociale al servizio del territorio è una ricchezza per tutto il sistema dei servizi sociali che vive della collaborazione tra pubblico e privato sociale. Siamo certi che questa nuova realtà potrà integrarsi in una rete sociale che in questi anni sta mostrando grande attenzione al tema dei minori”.

    Le autorità possono in qualsiasi momento sottoporre i giovani stranieri non accompagnati ad accertamento dell’età. È così che questi ragazzi divengono vulnerabili e costretti a sottostare a qualsiasi condizione venga loro imposta, poiché rischiano di perdere l’accoglienza e finire nei Cpr. Molti migranti ventenni con un viso da adolescente, come Ousmane, vengono incoraggiati a dichiararsi minori: più ce ne sono, più saranno necessarie strutture e servizi ben sovvenzionati (molto più dei servizi per maggiorenni).

    NEL LIMBO DEI CPR
    Dopo la seconda apparizione in consiglio comunale, il 13 ottobre, anziché essere supportato, tutelato e orientato ai suoi diritti, Ousmane è stato immediatamente colpito da decreto di espulsione, e subito trasferito (il 14 ottobre) nel Cpr di Trapani Milo, dove trascorrerà tre mesi. Inutile il tentativo dell’avvocato del Cpr Giuseppe Caradonna di chiederne dopo un mese il trasferimento, con una missiva indirizzata alla questura di Trapani, in cui scriveva “continua purtroppo a mantenere una condotta del tutto incompatibile con le condizioni del Centro [Cpr] (probabilmente per via di disturbi psichici derivanti da esperienze traumatiche) al punto da mettere a serio rischio la propria e l’altrui incolumità. A supporto della presente, allego una relazione psico-sociale, redatta in data odierna dalla dottoressa A.C., psicologa che opera all’interno della struttura, la quale ha evidenziato dettagliatamente la condizione in cui versa Ousmane Sylla. Pertanto, mi permetto di sollecitare un Suo intervento per far sì che quest’ultimo venga trasferito al più presto in una struttura più idonea e compatibile con il suo stato di salute mentale”.

    La psicologa aveva scritto: “Ritengo che l’utente possa trarre beneficio dal trasferimento presso un’altra struttura più idonea a rispondere ai suoi bisogni, in cui siano previsti maggiori spazi per interventi supportivi e una maggiore supervisione delle problematiche esposte”. Richiesta alla quale la questura di Trapani risponderà negativamente, con la motivazione che “lo straniero aveva fatto ingresso nella struttura munito di adeguata certificazione sanitaria che attesta l’idoneità alla vita in comunità ristretta e che costituisce condicio sine qua non per l’accesso all’interno dei Cpr”.

    Chi aveva redatto quella “adeguata certificazione sanitaria” di cui Ousmane era munito all’ingresso nel Cpr di Trapani, se ancora portava addosso i segni delle violenze subite, come testimoniato dalla consigliera cassinese che lo aveva ascoltato nella settimana precedente, rilevandone anche lo stato di estremo disagio psicologico?

    Ousmane affermava, ripetutamente, di voler tornare in Africa. Lo diceva anche alle operatrici della casa famiglia con cui abbiamo parlato: “Gli mancava la mamma”, hanno riferito, con la quale non poteva neanche comunicare, perché privato del telefono. Un’operatrice ricorda che una volta la disegnò, perché Ousmane amava anche disegnare, oltre che cantare e giocare a pallone. Studiava l’italiano con lei ed “era molto bravo”, dice, apprendeva rapidamente.

    Voleva tornare in Africa, non perché volesse rinunciare al sogno di una vita migliore in Europa, in Francia o in Italia, anche per poter aiutare la famiglia che vive in povertà in un sobborgo di Conakry (madre, sorelle e fratelli più piccoli), ma perché non aveva trovato qui alcuna forma di accoglienza degna di chiamarsi tale, se non nelle persone che lo hanno assistito, ascoltato e che testimoniano oggi in suo favore; persone che hanno fatto il possibile per lui, tuttavia non sono “bastate” a salvargli la vita; non per loro responsabilità, ma perché ignorate o sovrastate dalle istituzioni e dalle autorità che avrebbero potuto e dovuto tutelare Ousmane.

    Dopo tre mesi trascorsi nel Cpr di Trapani, Ousmane verrà trasferito a fine gennaio nel Cpr di Roma, per continuare a restare in un assurdo limbo, in condizioni “inumane e degradanti” nelle quali è ben noto versino i Cpr. L’Italia non ha accordi bilaterali con la Guinea Conakry, come con tanti altri paesi di provenienza dei migranti detenuti nei Cpr.

    Il 19 settembre 2023, il sito istituzionale integrazionemigranti.gov.it, informava che il giorno prima il Consiglio dei ministri aveva varato nuove norme contro l’immigrazione irregolare: “Si estende – come consentito dalla normativa euro-unitaria – a diciotto mesi (sei mesi iniziali, seguiti da proroghe trimestrali) il limite massimo di permanenza nei centri per il rimpatrio degli stranieri non richiedenti asilo, per i quali sussistano esigenze specifiche (se lo straniero non collabora al suo allontanamento o per i ritardi nell’ottenimento della necessaria documentazione da parte dei paesi terzi). Il limite attuale è di tre mesi, con una possibile proroga di quarantacinque giorni. […] Inoltre, si prevede l’approvazione, con decreto del presidente del Consiglio dei ministri, su proposta del ministro della difesa, di un piano per la costruzione, da parte del Genio militare, di ulteriori Cpr, da realizzare in zone scarsamente popolate e facilmente sorvegliabili”. È il cosiddetto Decreto Cutro.

    Secondo la relazione del Garante nazionale per le persone private della libertà personale, sono transitate nei Cpr 6.383 persone, di cui 3.154 sono state rimpatriate. Quelle provenienti da Tunisia (2.308), Egitto (329), Marocco (189) e Albania (58), rappresentano il 49,4%. In base allo scopo dichiarato per cui esistono i Cpr, la maggioranza è stata trattenuta inutilmente.

    Come riporta il Dossier statistico sull’immigrazione 2023, “il governo si ripromette di aprire altri dodici centri, uno per ogni regione, in luoghi lontani dai centri abitati […]. Nei dieci centri attivi in Italia possono essere ospitate 1.378 persone. Tuttavia, complici la fatiscenza delle strutture e le continue sommosse, la cifra reale si dimezza. […] Dal 2019 al 2022, otto persone sono morte nei Cpr, in circostanze diverse. Infiniti sono i casi di autolesionismo e di violenza. Numerose sono le inchieste che confermano come in questi luoghi si pratichi abuso di psicofarmaci a scopo sedativo”.

    Il caso più noto è quello del ventiseienne tunisino Wissem Ben Abdel Latif, deceduto nel novembre 2021, ancora in circostante sospette, dopo essere rimasto legato a un letto per cento ore consecutive nel reparto psichiatrico del San Camillo di Roma. La detenzione amministrativa di Ousmane si sarebbe potuta protrarre molto a lungo, inutilmente. Sono pochissimi i migranti che a oggi beneficiano dei programmi di “rimpatrio assistito”, che prevedono anch’essi accordi e progetti con i paesi di origine per la loro effettiva attuazione. Con la Guinea Conakry non ci risultano accordi neanche sui rimpatri assistiti.
    Ousmane, trovato impiccato a un lenzuolo la mattina del 4 febbraio, non vedeva forse vie di uscita e ha scelto di morire per “liberarsi”, chiedendo, nel messaggio lasciato sul muro prima di togliersi la vita, che il suo corpo venisse riportato in Africa “affinché riposi in pace” e sua madre non pianga per lui. Alcuni migranti che hanno condiviso con lui la detenzione nel Cpr di Trapani, dicono fosse stato “imbottito di psicofarmaci”. A oggi, sono ancora tanti i lati oscuri di questa vicenda, ma sono in molti a invocare verità e giustizia per Ousmane Sylla, come per tutte le persone schiacciate dall’insostenibile peso del “sistema”, al quale alcune di esse – come Ousmane – hanno provato a ribellarsi, con coraggio e dignità.

    https://www.monitor-italia.it/inchiesta-su-ousmane-sylla-morto-daccoglienza
    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Italie #décès #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #Trapani #détention_administrative #rétention

    –-

    Vu que Ousmane a été arrêté à Vintimille pour l’amener dans un centre de détention administrative dans le Sud de l’Italie et que, selon les informations que j’ai récolté à la frontière Vintimille-Menton, il avait l’intention de se rendre en France, j’ai décidé de l’inclure dans les cas des personnes décédées à la #frontière_sud-alpine.
    Ajouté donc à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière #Italie-#France (frontière basse, donc #Vintimille / #Alpes_Maritimes) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/784767

  • Attaque de l’Iran : Israël demande une réunion d’urgence du Conseil de sécurité de l’Onu
    https://www.lefigaro.fr/international/attaque-de-l-iran-israel-demande-une-reunion-du-conseil-de-securite-de-l-on

    Omar Baddar عمر بدّار sur X : https://twitter.com/OmarBaddar/status/1779336950836564272

    It’s strange to be Israel: You violate a mountain of UN resolutions, condemn the UN at every turn, bomb UN schools & shelters, murder UN employees, & then you demand a UN meeting over another country responding to your bombing of their consulate 🤯

    #chutzpah

  • The Speech That Got Me Banned From Germany
    https://jacobin.com/2024/04/yanis-varoufakis-germany-banned-palestine-gaza

    Ça y est, ils l’ont fait encore une fois. Après Rasmea Odeh, Khaled Barakat et d’autres militants de la cause palestinienne.c’est à l’ancien ministre des finances grec d’être interdit de séjour et déchu de son droit de libre expression par l’état allemand.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/820095

    C’est un avertissement à chacun qui voudrait se prononcer pour la fin du massacre des habitants de Gaza et pour une paix en Palestine sous des conditions différentes des idées du gouvernement d’extrême droite d’Israël. L’Allemagne fait désormais partie des états-pariah qui constituent un danger pour chaque personne ou institution qui entre en relation avec eux.

    13.4.2024 by Yanis Varoufakis - Today, Yanis Varoufakis was banned not just from visiting Germany but from participating in video conferences about politics hosted in Germany. Here’s the plea for humanity and justice in Palestine that got him banned.

    Congratulations and heartfelt thanks for being here — despite the threats, despite the ironclad police outside this venue, despite the panoply of the German press, despite the German state, despite the German political system that demonizes you for being here.

    “Why a Palestinian congress, Mr Varoufakis?” a German journalist asked me recently. Because, as Hanan Ashrawi once said, “we cannot rely on the silenced to tell us about their suffering.”

    Today, Ashrawi’s reason has grown depressingly stronger, because we cannot rely on the silenced who are also massacred and starved to tell us about the massacres and the starvation.

    But there is another reason, too: because a proud, decent people, the people of Germany, are led down a perilous road to a heartless society by being made to associate themselves with another genocide carried out in their name, with their complicity.

    I am neither Jewish nor Palestinian. But I am incredibly proud to be here among Jews and Palestinians — to blend my voice for peace and universal human rights with Jewish voices for peace and universal human rights, with Palestinian voices for peace and universal human rights. Being together here today is proof that coexistence is not only possible — but that it is here already.

    “Why not a Jewish congress, Mr Varoufakis?” the same German journalist asked me, imagining that he was being smart. I welcomed his question.

    For if a single Jew is threatened, anywhere, just because she or he is Jewish, I shall wear the Star of David on my lapel and offer my solidarity — whatever the cost, whatever it takes.

    So let’s be clear: if Jews were under attack, anywhere in the world, I would be the first to canvass for a Jewish congress in which to register our solidarity.

    Similarly, when Palestinians are massacred because they are Palestinians — under a dogma that to be dead and Palestinian, they must have been Hamas — I shall wear my keffiyeh and offer my solidarity whatever the cost, whatever it takes.

    Universal human rights are either universal or they mean nothing.

    With this in mind, I answered the German journalist’s question with a few of my own:

    Are two million Israeli Jews, who were thrown out of their homes and into an open-air prison eighty years ago, still being kept in that open-air prison, without access to the outside world, with minimal food and water, with no chance of a normal life or of traveling anywhere, while being bombed periodically for these eighty years? No.
    Are Israeli Jews being starved intentionally by an army of occupation, their children writhing on the floor, screaming from hunger? No.
    Are there thousands of Jewish injured children with no surviving parents crawling through the rubble of what used to be their homes? No.
    Are Israeli Jews being bombed by the world’s most sophisticated planes and bombs? No.
    Are Israeli Jews experiencing complete ecocide of what little land they can still call their own, with not one tree left under which they can seek shade or whose fruit they can taste? No.
    Are Israeli Jewish children killed by snipers today at the orders of a member state of the United Nations (UN)? No.
    Are Israeli Jews driven out of their homes by armed gangs today? No.
    Is Israel fighting for its existence today? No.

    If the answer to any of these questions were yes, I would be participating in a Jewish solidarity congress today.

    Today, we would have loved to have a decent, democratic, mutually respectful debate on how to bring peace and universal human rights to everyone — Jews and Palestinians, Bedouins and Christians — from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea with people who think differently from us.

    Sadly, the whole of the German political system has decided not to allow this. In a joint statement including not just the CDU-CSU (Christian Democratic Union–Christian Social Union in Bavaria) and the FDP (Free Democratic Party) but also the SPD (Social Democratic Party), the Greens, and, remarkably, two leaders of Die Linke (The Left), Germany’s political spectrum joined forces to ensure that such a civilized debate, in which we may disagree agreeably, never takes place in Germany.

    I say to them: you want to silence us, to ban us, to demonize us, to accuse us. You therefore leave us with no choice but to meet your ridiculous accusations with our own rational accusations. You chose this, not us.

    You accuse us of antisemitic hatred. We accuse you of being the antisemite’s best friend by equating the right of Israel to commit war crimes with the right of Israeli Jews to defend themselves.

    You accuse us of supporting terrorism. We accuse you of equating legitimate resistance to an apartheid state with atrocities against civilians which I have always and will always condemn, whoever commits them — Palestinians, Jewish settlers, my own family, whoever. We accuse you of not recognizing the duty of the people of Gaza to tear down the wall of the open prison they have been encased in for eighty years — and of equating this act of tearing down the wall of shame, which is no more defensible than the Berlin Wall was, with acts of terror.

    You accuse us of trivializing Hamas’s October 7 terror. We accuse you of trivializing the eighty years of Israel’s ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and the erection of an ironclad apartheid system across Israel-Palestine. We accuse you of trivializing Benjamin Netanyahu’s long-term support of Hamas as a means of destroying the two-state solution that you claim to favor. We accuse you of trivializing the unprecedented terror unleashed by the Israeli army on the people of Gaza, the West Bank. and East Jerusalem.

    You accuse the organizers of today’s congress of being, and I quote, “not interested in talking about possibilities for peaceful coexistence in the Middle East against the background of the war in Gaza.” Are you serious? Have you lost your mind?

    We accuse you of supporting a German state that is, after the United States, the largest supplier of the weapons that the Netanyahu government uses to massacre Palestinians as part of a grand plan to make a two-state solution, and peaceful coexistence between Jews and Palestinians, impossible. We accuse you of never answering the pertinent question that every German must answer: How much Palestinian blood must flow before your justified guilt over the Holocaust is washed away?

    So let’s be clear: we are here in Berlin with our Palestinian congress because, unlike the German political system and the German media, we condemn genocide and war crimes regardless of who is perpetrating them. Because we oppose apartheid in the land of Israel-Palestine no matter who has the upper hand — just as we opposed apartheid in the American South or in South Africa. Because we stand for universal human rights, freedom, and equality among Jews, Palestinians, Bedouins, and Christians in the ancient land of Palestine.

    And so that we are even clearer on the questions, legitimate and malignant, that we must always be ready to answer:

    Do I condemn Hamas’ atrocities?

    I condemn every single atrocity, whoever is the perpetrator or the victim. What I do not condemn is armed resistance to an apartheid system designed as part of a slow-burning but inexorable ethnic-cleansing program. Put differently, I condemn every attack on civilians while, at the same time, I celebrate anyone who risks their life to tear down the wall.

    Is Israel not engaged in a war for its very existence?

    No, it is not. Israel is a nuclear-armed state with perhaps the most technologically advanced army in the world and the panoply of the US military machine at its back. There is no symmetry with Hamas, a group that can cause serious damage to Israelis but has no capacity whatsoever to defeat Israel’s military, or even to prevent Israel from continuing to implement the slow genocide of Palestinians under the system of Apartheid that has been erected with long-standing US and European Union support.

    Are Israelis not justified to fear that Hamas wants to exterminate them?

    Of course they are! Jews have suffered a Holocaust that was preceded by pogroms and a deep-seated antisemitism permeating Europe and the Americas for centuries. It is only natural that Israelis live in fear of a new pogrom if the Israeli army folds. However, by imposing apartheid on their neighbors and by treating them like subhumans, the Israeli state is stoking the fires of antisemitism and strengthening Palestinians and Israelis who just want to annihilate each other. In the end, its actions contribute to the awful insecurity consuming Jews in Israel and the diaspora. Apartheid against the Palestinians is the Israelis’ worst self-defense.

    What about antisemitism?

    It is always a clear and present danger. And it must be eradicated, especially amongst the ranks of the global left and the Palestinians fighting for Palestinian civil liberties around the world.

    Why don’t Palestinians pursue their objectives by peaceful means?

    They did. The PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) recognized Israel and renounced armed struggle. And what did they get for it? Absolute humiliation and systematic ethnic cleansing. That is what nurtured Hamas and elevated it the eyes of many Palestinians as the only alternative to a slow genocide under Israel’s apartheid.

    What should be done now? What might bring Peace to Israel-Palestine?

    An immediate cease-fire.
    The release of all hostages — Hamas’s and the thousands held by Israel.
    A peace process, under the UN, supported by a commitment from the international community to end apartheid and to safeguard equal civil liberties for all.
    As for what must replace apartheid, it is up to Israelis and Palestinians to decide between the two-state solution and the solution of a single federal secular state.

    Friends, we are here because vengeance is a lazy form of grief.

    We are here to promote not vengeance but peace and coexistence across Israel-Palestine.

    We are here to tell German democrats, including our former comrades of Die Linke, that they have covered themselves in shame long enough — that two wrongs do not one right make — and that allowing Israel to get away with war crimes is not going to ameliorate the legacy of Germany’s crimes against the Jewish people.

    Beyond today’s congress, we have a duty in Germany to change the conversation. We have a duty to persuade the vast majority of decent Germans out there that universal human rights are what matters. That never again means never again for anyone. Jewish, Palestinian, Ukrainian, Russian, Yemeni, Sudanese, Rwandan — for everyone, everywhere.

    In this context, I am pleased to announce that DiEM25’s German political party MERA25 will be on the ballot paper in the European Parliament election this coming June — seeking the vote of German humanists who crave a member of European Parliament representing Germany and calling out the EU’s complicity in genocide, a complicity that is Europe’s greatest gift to the antisemites in Europe and beyond.

    I salute you all and suggest we never forget that none of us is free if one of us is in chains.

    #Allemagne #Israël #Palestine #censure

  • La chute et l’essor ambivalent de l’anticolonialisme est-européen

    Lors d’une conférence à Prague au printemps dernier (mai 2023), un éminent théoricien du colonialisme et de la colonialité s’est entretenu avec nous par chat vidéo depuis son bureau aux Amériques. On lui a demandé ce qu’il pensait de l’affirmation selon laquelle la relation de la Russie avec l’Ukraine est coloniale. J’étais impatient d’entendre comment il userait de sa subtilité et de sa perspicacité habituelles sur la situation en Europe de l’Est, mais comme cela semble être souvent le cas pour les observateurs de cette guerre, il n’a fait preuve ni de subtilité ni de grande perspicacité. Il a simplement répondu que, parce que les relations de la Russie avec l’Ukraine sont si différentes de la façon dont les puissances occidentales traitent les Amériques et l’Afrique, le terme « colonialisme » était totalement inapplicable. Et apparemment, selon lui, si la relation n’est pas coloniale, il n’est pas nécessaire de se préoccuper de ses détails. En conséquence, l’invasion de la Russie était une réponse normale d’une puissance impériale aux actions dominatrices d’une autre, et les théoriciens anticoloniaux n’avaient pas à prendre parti. Comme si, là où les cadres postcoloniaux ne s’appliquent pas, nous n’avions pas d’autre choix que d’adopter l’école réaliste des relations internationales entre grandes puissances.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2024/04/14/la-chute-et-lessor-ambivalent-de-lanticolonial

    #colonialisme #imperialisme

  • La société ingouvernable – Une généalogie du libéralisme autoritaire
    https://bascules.blog/2024/04/14/la-societe-ingouvernable-une-genealogie-du-liberalisme-autoritaire

    « La société ingouvernable – Une généalogie du libéralisme autoritaire » de Grégoire Chamayou, publié en 2018 aux éditions La Fabrique, est un ouvrage qui plonge profondément dans les racines et les ramifications du libéralisme autoritaire. Chamayou offre une analyse perspicace de ce phénomène complexe, explorant ses origines historiques et son impact contemporain sur la société. L’auteur […]

    #Recensions_d'ouvrages #Autoritarisme #Capitalisme
    https://bascules.blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/la-societe-ingouvernable-une-genealogie-du-liberalisme-autoritaire.webp
    https://2.gravatar.com/avatar/2cef04a2923b4b5ffd87d36fa9b79bc27ee5b22c4478d785c3a3b7ef8ab60424?s=96&d=

  • Du STO au SNU
    https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/les-nuits-de-france-culture/l-histoire-en-direct-le-s-t-o-service-du-travail-obligatoire-1ere-diffus

    Privé d’ouvriers et de paysans enrôlés dans une guerre totale depuis 1939, le régime nazi embauche plus de dix millions de travailleurs dans les pays qu’il occupe, en échange de prisonniers. En 1993, cinq anciens du #STO dont le dessinateur #François_Cavanna racontent leur départ pour l’ Allemagne.

    Slogan du régime de Vichy : « Ils donnent leur sang, donnez votre travail pour sauver l’Allemagne du bolchévisme »

    Dans la tête du soldat Attal, 1er sinistre du régime macroniste, ça donne : « Ils donnent leur force de travail, donnez votre jeunesse pour sauver la France du punkàchiennariat ».

  • Japanese Red Army - FIlms
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_Red_Army

    Sekigun – PFLP. Sekai Sensō Sengen, Red Army – PFLP: Declaration of World War, 1971, shot on location in Lebanon, produced by Kōji Wakamatsu. Patricia Steinhoff translates its title Manifesto for World Revolution which makes perhaps more sense. A propaganda film for the Red Army sympathisers in Japan.

    One of the people showing the film around Japan with the producer was Mieko Toyama, a close friend of Fusako Shigenobu. She was murdered in the winter training camp massacre.

    Jitsuroku Rengō Sekigun, Asama sansō e no michi, United Red Army (The Way to Asama Mountain Lodge), 2007, shows the horrors of the United Red Army winter camp, but also the history of the militant Japanese student movement. See also United Red Army (film)
    Suatu Ketika... Soldadu Merah (Once Upon A Time... Red Soldier), an 8 episode Malaysian TV drama series based on the Japanese Red Army attack in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 1975. Produced by NSK Productions (Malaysia), the series was shot in 2009 and currently airs on Malaysia’s local cable channel, ASTRO Citra 131. Read Hostage Drama article by TheStar newspapers.
    In 2010, Fusako Shigenobu and Masao Adachi were featured in the documentary Children of the Revolution, which tells the story of Shigenobu and the Japanese Red Army through the eyes of Mei Shigenobu.
    In the 2010 French-German TV Film Carlos, members of the Japanese Red Army feature when they stormed the French Embassy in The Hague and associating with the PFLP and the German Revolutionary Cells.
    The 2011 Bangladeshi film The Young Man Was, Part 1: United Red Army by visual artist Naeem Mohaiemen is about the 1977 hijacking of JAL 472 and the subsequent consequences inside Bangladesh.
    Rabih El-Amine’s documentary Ahmad the Japanese, Lod-Roumié-Tokyo made in 1999 tells Okamoto’s story from the perspective of five major personalities that knew him in Beirut.
    Philippe Grandrieux and Nicole Brenez’s documentary Masao Adachi. Portrait – First episode of the collection The Beauty May Have Strengthened Our Resoluteness, 2012, shot on location in Tokyo, which tells the daily life of Adachi and his reminiscences.

    #Japon #Liban #histoire #terrorisme #gauchisme #cinéma

  • Non à la navette autonome Beti à #Crest & en Vallée de la Drôme, pour d’autres projets de société et de mobilité
    https://ricochets.cc/Non-a-la-navette-autonome-Beti-a-Crest-en-Vallee-de-la-Drome-pour-d-autres

    Suite à l’article « Crest : non au retour de la navette autonome robotique connectée », on a repris l’idée d’une pétition, et la voici toute chaude prête à être signée en ligne : Pétition en ligne sur GreenVoice : [Non à la navette autonome Beti à Crest & en #Vallée_de_la_Drôme, pour d’autres projets de société et de mobilité >https://agir.greenvoice.fr/petitions/non-a-la-navette-autonome-beti-en-val-de-drome-pour-d-autres-modeles Merci de faire le premier pas de la signer, (...) #Les_Articles

    / Crest, #Ecologie, Vallée de la Drôme, #transport

    https://agir.greenvoice.fr/petitions/non-a-la-navette-autonome-beti-en-val-de-drome-pour-d-autres-modeles
    https://ricochets.cc/IMG/pdf/petition-formulaire-imprimable_non-a-la-navette-autonome-beti-en-val-de-dr

  • Policing migration: when “harm reduction” means “multipurpose aerial surveillance”

    The EU’s latest “#operational_action_plan” on migrant smuggling gives a central role to #Europol, which will receive data resulting from more than two dozen joint police operations launched by EU member states, EU agencies and a range of non-EU states. The UK is heavily involved in the plan, and is leading one activity. One objective is for harm reduction and assistance to victims, but the only activity foreseen is for Frontex to increase use of its “#EUROSUR_Fusion_Services, including the #Multipurpose_Aerial_Surveillance aircraft service.”


    Police against people smuggling

    The action plan (pdf) covers the 2024-25 period and contains an outline of 25 activities listed under eight strategic goals, but offers no insight into the causes of human smuggling, and none of the activities are framed at addressing causes.

    The overall aim is to control migration flows both into the EU and within the EU, and to enhance police cooperation between national law enforcement authorities, EU agencies (Europol, #Frontex and the #EU_police_database_agency, #eu-LISA) and with countries outside the EU, through joint operations and the exchange of information and intelligence.

    Many of the activities include targets for arrests: one led by Poland, for example, foresees the arrest of 200 facilitators of irregular migration per year; another, led by Cyprus, expects at least 1,000 “apprehensions/arrests”.

    In 2015, Statewatch exposed a planned EU-wide police operation against irregular migrants called ‘Mos Maiorum’, which led to significant media coverage and political controversy, as well as numerous actions to inform people of their rights and to try to map police activities. Since then, the number of such operations has skyrocketed, but attention has dwindled.

    European plan

    The 2024-25 plan is part of the #European_Multidisciplinary_Platform_Against_Criminal Threats, a now-permanent initiative (https://www.statewatch.org/statewatch-database/eu-joint-police-operations-target-irregular-migrants-by-chris-jones) through which joint police operations are coordinated. It is managed by Europol, with political control exercised by the member states in the Council of the EU.

    A “leader” is assigned to each activity in the action plan, responsible for initiating and reporting on the relevant activity, with “key performance indicators” often indicated in respect of each one.

    The leaders include nine EU member states (Austria, Cyprus, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Portugal and Spain), the UK, as well Frontex, Europol, eu-LISA and the European Police College (CEPOL).

    Europol will provide overall support across all the different activities and is specifically responsible for leading four activities.

    In many activities led by national police forces, it is specified that a goal is also to participate in other Europol initiatives, such as the “Europol Cyberpatrol to target and identify targets” and Europol’s European Migrant Smuggling Centre. The Operational Action Plan stipulates that other, unspecified, “Europol tools” may be used “where appropriate”.

    The action plan specifies that the operational data emanating from the activities is to be shared with Europol to be processed through its Analysis Projects, further swelling the databases at its headquarters in The Hague.

    The first version of the action plan was circulated amongst member states two weeks before the European Commission published a proposal to reinforce Europol’s powers in relation to migrant smuggling, arguing that they were urgently needed – though this assessment was not shared by the member states.

    Strategic goals

    The 26 activities outlined in the plan are designed to contribute to eight strategic goals:

    - Criminal intelligence picture. The activities under this heading are for Europol to provide a “situational picture of migrant smuggling” including threat assessments, updates on migratory routes, “modi operandi” and future trends, which will be made available to member states and third countries. It will involve sharing information with Frontex. Europol also aims to “strengthen the strategic and tactical intelligence picture on the use/abuse of legal business structures by criminal networks” not only in respect of migrant smuggling, but throughout “all main crime areas affecting the EU”.
    - Investigations and judicial response. There are 11 activities planned in relation to this goal. The objective is to prepare and conduct investigations and prosecutions. Police forces of different member states lead the activities and set out specific targets by reference to the numbers of arrests, initiated investigations and identified networks. Each planned activity appears to reflect specific national or local police force priorities. Germany for instance aims to “detect 5,000 irregular migrants” per year, and arrest 500 “facilitators”, whilst France focuses on seizing 100 small boats crossing the Channel to the UK. Spain focuses on air routes, including links between human smuggling and drug trafficking; and Portugal’s aim is to disrupt “marriages of convenience abuse and associated threats” (400 cases specifically). Europol also leads an activity aimed at the development of “intelligence products in support of MS investigations” (50 per year) and Frontex aims to focus on border checks and surveillance measures on the EU external borders (with 1,000 “apprehensions/arrests”).
    - Coordinated controls and operations targeting the online and offline trade in illicit goods and services. The only activity planned in relation to this goal is by the French police forces, to improve law enforcement response against “those utilising the Dark Web and other internet messenger applications to enable illegal immigration and document fraud”. The dark web is identified as an “intelligence gap” in this context.
    - Criminal finances, money laundering and asset recovery. Led by the UK, the activity planned under this goal heading is to disrupt money flows specifically within hawaladar networks.
    - Document fraud. Frontex, as well as French and German police forces each lead activities under this goal aimed at “targeting networks or individuals” involved in document fraud. In this respect, Frontex’s “Centre of Excellence for Combating Document Fraud” has a key role.
    – Capacity building through training, networking and innovation. This involves activities aimed at improving the skills, knowledge and expertise of law enforcement and judicial authorities, led by CEPOL, eu-LISA (on the use of SIS and Eurodac databases) and German police forces.
    - Prevention, awareness raising and harm reduction, as well as early identification and assistance to victims. The only goal that is expressed as being aimed at improving the safety of people is led by Frontex, and is focused on the detection of migrant smuggling through the “use of EUROSUR Fusion Services, including the Multipurpose Aerial Surveillance aircraft service, for [member states] and stakeholders to support more effective detecting, preventing and combating illegal immigration and migrant smuggling.” No mention is made of identification, assistance or victims.
    - Cooperation with non EU partners: under this last goal, one activity is led by Austrian police forces, aimed at expanding the geographical focus of the Task Force Western Balkans to Turkey and “other relevant countries of origin and transit”. The work is already based on intelligence information provided by Europol and Frontex and aims to “enhance mobile phone extractions” (the link here is not clear). The second activity listed under this last goal is led by Europol, and aims to provide a “common platform for EU agencies, military, law enforcement and other stakeholders to exchange intelligence on criminal networks operating along the migration corridors”, creating a broad and focal role for itself in information exchange with a wide range of stakeholders, including private companies.

    For the purposes of the Operational Action Plan, “migrant smuggling” is broadly defined as:

    “…the process of facilitating the unlawful entry, transit or residence of an individual in a country with or without obtaining financial or other benefits. Migrant smuggling entails the facilitation of illegal entry to the EU and of secondary movements within the EU. It can also involve facilitating the fraudulent acquisition of a residence status in the EU.”

    It therefore does not require the involvement of any benefit and includes movements within the EU.

    https://www.statewatch.org/news/2024/april/policing-migration-when-harm-reduction-means-multipurpose-aerial-surveil
    #surveillance #surveillance_aérienne #migrations #réfugiés #données #coopération_policière #European_Police_College (#CEPOL) #European_Migrant_Smuggling_Centre #Europol_Cyberpatrol

  • German colonial genocide in Namibia the #Hornkranz massacre

    Introduction

    On 12 April 1893, German colonial troops attacked the Nama settlement of ||Nâ‡gâs, known today as Hornkranz. Their intent was to destroy the settlement and its people, after its leader, Hendrik Witbooi, refused to sign so-called ‘protection’ treaties—tools of the German colonial administration for controlling sovereign indigenous nations and their lands. As their presence in what they declared in 1885 as ‘German Southwest Africa’ grew, the German regime was increasingly unwilling to tolerate the independence and agency exercised by Hendrik Witbooi and his clan in the face of the encroaching German empire.

    In their attack on Hornkranz, the Germans wanted to both make an example of the Witbooi clan and to punish them for their defiant rejection of German rule. Curt von Francois, who led the attack, made his objective clear: ‘to exterminate the Witbooi tribe’ (Bundesarchiv, R 1001/1483, p. 46). In this premeditated act of erasure, his troops massacred almost eighty women and children before capturing another hundred, burned what remained of the settlement to the ground, and established a garrison, rendering it impossible for survivors to return.

    Though the genocide of the Nama, Ovaherero and other peoples indigenous to what is now modern-day Namibia is widely recognised to have taken place between 1904 and 1908, the Nama people remember this massacre as the true first act in the genocide against them. This is substantiated not only by the clarity of the German objective to destroy the |Khowesin as a people, but also by the retrospective reading of Hornkranz as a clear precedent of the systemic tactics of dispossession and destruction that would be used by the Germans against the Nama, the Ovaherero, the San, and others in the years to come.

    Outside of the descendant communities, the events at Hornkranz have until now been overlooked and underrepresented, as has the cultural significance of the settlement itself within the dominant historiography, broadly based on the German visual and narrative record. The site of the former Witbooi settlement was expropriated and today constitutes a private farm, access to which is possible only with special permission from its owner. The descendants of Hornkranz are rarely able to visit their own cultural heritage sites and commemorate the struggle of their ancestors.

    The faint extant traces of the Witbooi settlement at Hornkranz can be identified today only with the guidance of the descendants and the historians that learned from them. Two plaques on the site are the only indications of the Nama presence on that land. One plaque was inaugurated by the community in 1997, the only occasion on which they were able to gather to commemorate the massacre at the site where it took place. The other plaque (date unknown) glorifies the German troops, even going so far as to include an offensive slur for the Nama; the massacre is described as a ‘battle’, conveying little of the atrocities perpetrated there.

    The descendants of Hornkranz and the wider Nama community continue to struggle for justice and for opportunities to correct the historical record and tell the story of Hornkranz on their own terms. In support of their efforts to resist this erasure, we worked with descendants, who have inherited knowledge of their community’s history through oral transmission over multiple generations, to reconstruct the lost settlement and produce a new body of visual evidence about the massacre and its aftermath. Led by their testimonies, we used modelling and mapping techniques along with our own field research and a very limited archival record to situate their accounts and rematerialize Hornkranz.

    Our reconstruction of the Witbooi settlement at Hornkranz aims to underscore the vitality of oral tradition in the act of reconstituting the colonial archive and testifies to the oral transmission of inherited knowledge as an ongoing act of resistance in itself.
    Background

    The |Khowesin (Witbooi) people, a semi-nomadic subtribe of the wider Nama peoples, settled around the perennial spring at Hornkranz in 1884-1885, the very period during which the Berlin Conference, formalising the fragmentation of Africa into colonies and protectorates, was taking place. The chief of the Witbooi clan, Hendrik Witbooi, later went on to become one of the most prominent figures of anti-colonial resistance in Southwest Africa, uniting all Nama clans and later forming a coalition with the Ovaherero to fight against the German colonial regime.

    Following the establishment of their settlement in Hornkranz, the Witbooi Nama lived relatively undisturbed until 1892, when first attempts to compel Hendrik Witbooi into signing a protection treaty began. Hendrik Witbooi, aware that the true objective of the so-called ‘protection treaties’ was nothing short of subjugation, was the last leader to refuse to comply:

    What are we being protected against? From what danger or difficulty, or suffering can one chief be protected by another? […] I see no truth or sense, in the suggestion that a chief who has surrendered may keep his autonomy and do as he likes.

    The German attempt to secure control over the peoples inhabiting the colony and their land is manifested in their mapping efforts. The first map we found featuring Hornkranz dates to 1892, the same year that the Germans began demanding the Witbooi sign such treaties. Despite Witbooi’s refusal to sign, Hornkranz is labelled in these German maps as ‘proposed Crown Land’ already six months before the attack—the very act of cartographic representation prefiguring the expulsion and massacre to follow less than a year later.

    After the Germans attacked Hornkranz, the Witboois were finally forced to concede and sign one of the protection treaties they had so long been resisting.

    A decade later, in 1904, the Nama joined the Ovaherero in an anti-colonial struggle against German rule. In response, the Germans issued an extermination order against the Ovaherero and later, another against the Nama. Hendrik Witbooi died in battle on 29 October 1905. Following his death, the Nama tribes surrendered. The extermination order against the Nama was never revoked.
    12 April 1893: The Attack and Aftermath

    The German troops approached the settlement in the early hours of 12 April, planning to attack under the cover of night without any warning. They then split into three contingents—a recounting of this strategy is recorded in the diary of Kurd Schwabe, one of the perpetrators of the attack. Von Francois led the attack from the northern side, entering the village first, while Schwabe approached from the east.

    Hendrik Witbooi, who was allegedly sitting outside of his house when he noticed the approaching troops, ordered all Nama fighters to retreat and take up defensive positions along the riverbed, where he expected the ensuing battle to take place. Instead, the German troops stopped when they reached the sleeping village and proceeded to target the defenceless population that had stayed behind. The brutality of the onslaught came as a shock to Hendrik Witbooi, who had not expected the Germans to unleash such ‘uncivilised’ tactics upon another sovereign nation.

    Sixteen thousand rounds of bullets were reportedly discharged by the Germans in the span of just thirty minutes. According to the testimony of descendants and corroborated by Schwabe’s diary, some victims were burned alive in their homes.

    The canisters recovered from the site during our fieldwork in September 2023 indicate where some exchange of fire may have taken place while the Witbooi fighters were retreating. While the found bullets were identified as those used by the Witbooi Nama, their location and distribution also corroborates written descriptions of the massacre unfolding in the inhabited area of the settlement, with stored ammunition exploding from inside the burning houses.

    The massacre yielded 88 victims: ten men, including one of Hendrik Witbooi’s sons, and 78 women and children.

    The following day, the German troops returned to raze what remained of the settlement to the ground. Promptly after, a garrison was established on the ashes of the Witbooi settlement, reinforcing the Germans’ clear intention to claim the land and prevent the Witboois from ever returning.

    Over the next year, the Witbooi Nama made several attempts to return to Hornkranz, resulting in four more skirmishes on the site. Eventually, they were forced to sign a protection treaty in Naukluft in August 1894, which cemented the dispossession of their land.

    The treaty meant that the Witbooi Nama were now obliged to assist the Schutztruppen in their battles against other tribes, most devastatingly at the Battle of Waterberg in August 1904 (see our Phase 1 investigation of this event). Once the Nama realised the true genocidal intent of the Schutztruppen, they united with the Ovaherero against colonial rule. The extermination order against the Nama was issued on 22 April 1905.

    After the genocidal war ended in 1908, Hornkranz was sold off to a private owner and a police station was established on its premises. Today, the police station building is the main farmhouse.

    Nama descendants are seeking to establish the 1893 massacre as the first act of genocide against the Nama, and 12 April as the official Genocide Remembrance Day in Namibia.

    This investigation—part of a larger collaboration between Forensic Architecture, Forensis, Nama Traditional Leaders Association (NTLA) and Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA)—seeks to support the community’s broader efforts to make the site accessible for commemoration and preservation.

    Methodology
    What Remains

    Little material evidence of Hornkranz survives today. This is in part due to the scale and totality of destruction by the Germans; but it is also a testament to the Witbooi’s steadfast resistance to being documented by the colonial regime, as well as to the light footprint the Nama exerted on the land through their semi-nomadic inhabitation and subsistence. The archival record about the Witbooi and Hornkranz is also sparse and skewed. Alongside an incomplete and biased colonial description of the massacre and the settlement, the only visual representation of Hornkranz on record is a soldier’s crude sketch showing its houses set alight by the German troops on the night of the massacre. The memory of Hornkranz as it was at the time of the attack lives on instead through the descendant communities who have inherited the testimonies of their forebearers about its material culture, rituals, life and environmental practices; our reconstruction and understanding of Hornkranz is possible only insofar as we are led by their testimonies.

    Around the rectangular patch where Hendrik Witbooi’s house once stood, Maboss Ortman and Lazarus Kairabeb, NTLA advisors, identified stones they said are the ruins of the house. Right next to it is the only stone foundation in the settlement, that of a church still under construction at the time of the German assault. These two traces anchored us spatially when we began the 3D reconstruction. We were told by Zak Dirkse, a Nama historian, that Hendrik Witbooi’s house was located higher up in the settlement, with the other houses further down toward the river.

    The other remains and known landmarks of the original Hornkranz settlement help us to navigate it and determine its approximate boundaries. During our visit to the site, the farm owner pointed us to a long strip of clustered stones he explained were the remains of the settlement’s defensive walls, some 300 metres north-west of the church ruins. To the south, by the river, the settlement’s former cemetery is marked by the spread of small rectangular cut stones marking each grave. Further along the river, Maboss and Lazarus showed us the remains of two defensive ramparts, guard outposts downhill from the settlement on its outer edges. They recounted that these ramparts were identifiable to the Witbooi from a distance by a white cornerstone that stands out among the brown stones the rest of the rampart is made of. The ramparts are placed along the hill leading down to the river and would have had a wide lookout view. A few steps to the west of one of the ramparts, we found what brought the Witbooi to this area, a rare perennial spring, which acted not only as a fresh water source for the village, but as a lifeline to the fauna and flora on which the Witbooi relied to survive. Since the early 20th century, this spring has been surrounded to its north by a concrete dam. By establishing this constellation of remains and landmarks, we were able to clarify the approximate outer edges of the settlement.

    Reconstruction

    To reconstruct the Hornkranz settlement, departing from the few architectural landmarks at our disposal, we replicated the architecture of each house and the elements of family life around it, estimated the area of inhabitation within the settlement, and constructed possible layouts of house distribution within the settlement. This reconstruction was led by the close guidance of descendants of the Witbooi we met with in Gibeon, the expertise of Nama historian Zak Dirkse, and the feedback of the Witbooi Royal House council, the representative body of the Witbooi Nama. Our model represents the most comprehensive visual reconstruction of the Witbooi settlement to date.

    Architecture of the Settlement

    Houses in Hornkranz consisted mostly of round domed huts, between four and five metres in diameter, and constructed with cladding made out of reed mat or a mix of animal dung and clay. Zak explained that these huts would have been constructed on a light foundation made up of the same dung and clay mixture spread on the ground. A central pole would act as the main structural pillar on which the reed mats would rest. According to members of the Witbooi descendants, alongside these huts there would have been other houses built of stone, like that of Hendrik Witbooi. Descendants also explained that houses typically had two entrances opposite one another and positioned on an east-west axis with the main entrance facing east.

    Working with the community descendants and Zak, we used 3D modelling software to reconstruct what a typical family home would have looked like. We were told that outside the houses, many families would have had a round kraal lined with a light wooden fence where they kept smaller livestock. Close to the main entrance, they would also have had a fireplace and a simple wooden rack to hang and dry meat. The main kraal of the settlement was near the chief’s house, where a separate storage hut also stood.

    The light environmental trace of the Nama, the German colonial army’s obliteration of the settlement, the failure of subsequent administrations to engage in preservation efforts, and the conversion of the land into a private farm all make it difficult to locate definitive traces of the layout and location of homes based on what little remains at the modern-day site. Nevertheless, by closely reading the texture of the ground, we found possible traces of cleared, round areas surrounded by larger rocks, and noted areas of sparse vegetation growth, a potential indicator of the impact of the huts’ clay-dung foundations. We marked five possible sites where Witbooi homes might have stood.

    Zak explained that a defensive wall would have flanked the settlement along its more vulnerable northern and eastern fronts. We studied the contours of the landscape to estimate, based on the presence of limited remains, how the wall might have cut through the landscape. We estimate that the eastern wall may have been constructed along the peak of the hill to the settlement’s east, given its optical reach and defensive position.

    Area of Inhabitation

    To estimate the area of inhabitation and the settlement’s population, we studied the remaining ruins of the settlement, the terrain of the landscape, and the land’s geological features.

    Houses, we were told, would have been built on flatter ground. We used a 12.5 metre resolution digital elevation model (DEM) to build the terrain in our 3D model and further analysed it in geographic information system (GIS) software. From the DEM, we extracted the contour lines of the landscape and conducted a slope analysis, which calculates the percentage of slope change in the settlement. Analysis of the contours and the areas of low slope help to define the curvature of the settlement’s inhabitation.
    Contour Analysis - 1 metre contours of the site of Hornkranz derived from a digital elevation model (DEM). (Forensic Architecture/Forensis)

    We then traced and excluded uninhabitable geological features from the area of potential inhabitation, including bodies of water and large embedded rock formations. Together, the land’s features, its topography, and our estimated location of the defensive wall help establish where people may have lived.

    Layout of Hornkranz

    Building on the traces of potential houses we previously identified within the landscape and the descendant’s description of the settlement, we were able to algorithmically model potential layouts of the settlement. We used the 3D procedural modelling software application Houdini to design an algorithm that would generate possible layouts of the settlement according to a set of rules, including our defined area of potential inhabitation and the approximate space each household would need for its family life (which we approximate to be a radius of 10 metres). The rules fed to the algorithm were that the houses had to be at least 20 metres apart, each house was approximately 5 metres in size, and there were sixty houses in total with a deviation of +/- ten houses.

    According to the Hornkranz descendants, there would have been around four to six people per household. With an average of five people per household, we estimate the population to be around 300 people per household.
    Number of inhabitants

    The exact population size of Hornkranz at the time of the attack is not known. Sources provide estimates ranging from 250 up to nearly one thousand inhabitants.

    In addition to the members of the |Khowesin Nama clan, Hendrik Witbooi also gathered followers from other clans at Hornkranz, including the ǀAixaǀaen (Afrikaner Oorlams), ǁKhauǀgoan (Swartbooi Nama), Khaiǁkhaun (Red Nation Nama) and ǂAonin (Topnaar Nama). Indeed, the various Nama subtribes were elastic social entities.

    We estimated the 1893 population of Hornkranz by referencing the reported number of individuals killed and captured. Hendrik Witbooi wrote in his diary that 88 people were killed by the Germans that day, 78 of them women and children and ten of them men, with one hundred women and children captured by German colonial forces. Other sources indicate a similar number of casualties: 85 women and children, and ten men (Missonary Olpp, cited in Steinmetz 2009). Descendant narratives also mention the successful escape of some women and children during the German assault. Assuming that before the attack, women and children totalled at least 178 (according to Hendrik Witbooi’s figures), and that women and children made up around three out of five family members in an average household, we estimate there could have been around sixty households and three hundred people in Hornkranz on the dawn of the German attack.

    https://forensic-architecture.org/investigation/restituting-evidence-genocide-and-reparations-in-german-colon

    #Allemagne #colonialisme #massacre #génocide #Namibie #architecture_forensique #histoire #histoire_coloniale #témoignage #Nama #Hendrik_Witbooi #Witbooi #Curt_von_Francois #Ovaherero #San

    ping @reka

  • Presenti mai assenti. Camminata sonora e opera d’immersione sulle rotte migranti
    https://onborders.altervista.org/presenti-mai-assenti-camminata-sonora-e-opera-dimmersione-sull

    di Simona Sala e Valentina Bosio Installazione sonora e field recordings BANDITE. Sound editor Giuseppe Giordano. Canti: Marjan Vahdat, Selda Özturk. Poesie: Rahma Nur da Il grido e il sussurro, Capovolte editrice. Con SENTIERI SOLIDALI e ONBORDERS È un’opera pensata per la commemorazione del 6 febbraio dei morti nel deserto, in mare, sulle nostre montagne […] L’articolo Presenti mai assenti. Camminata sonora e opera d’immersione sulle rotte migranti proviene da ON BORDERS.

    #LINGUAGGI_VISUALI

  • Le castor, un allié face au #changement_climatique

    Les barrages des castors ont des effets bénéfiques contre les #incendies et les #inondations. De quoi en faire un parfait allié face au réchauffement climatique.

    Le #Gardon s’écoule paresseusement dans la tiédeur automnale. Le long de la rivière, des bosquets de jeunes peupliers se parent de teintes dorées. Au bord de l’eau, les arbres paraissent des buissons touffus, leurs racines entremêlées au limon. « Ces berges ne seraient pas comme ça si des castors ne vivaient pas là », dit le naturaliste Gilles Larnac. Une famille — six individus — habite en effet sur les rives de Collias. Ici comme ailleurs, ils ont façonné leur territoire à coup de dents. Avec des effets inattendus : les rongeurs nous protègent ainsi contre les inondations et aident à lutter contre les incendies.

    M. Larnac attrape une branche dérivant dans le courant. Elle est nue, sans écorce ni feuille, coupée en biseau aux extrémités : un reste de repas. « Un individu ingère 2 kilos de végétaux par nuit », explique-t-il. Pour ce faire, il croque les feuilles, ronge l’écorce, savoure les baies… en grande quantité. « L’écosystème est jardiné par le castor », poursuit notre guide. Sur les rivages « cultivés » du Gardon, point de troncs massifs, mais un parterre de jeunes arbres aux multiples rejets. « Quand il y a des crues, cette végétation arbustive permet de lisser la vague, de ralentir l’écoulement, avec un effet de peigne. »

    Autre atout anti-inondations : les barrages. Animal nocturne, « le castor passe la journée dans des terriers creusés dans les berges, dont l’entrée doit être sous l’eau, pour qu’ils se sentent en sécurité », détaille M. Larnac. Afin que cette précieuse ouverture se retrouve sous les ondes, l’animal peut faire monter le niveau de la rivière, en construisant de petits seuils à l’aide de branchages et de brindilles enchevêtrés.

    « C’est un animal génial »

    De telles retenues d’eau — moins néfastes pour l’environnement que nos ouvrages en béton — atténuent la violence des crues. Une étude menée en Angleterre, aux abords de la rivière #Otter, a ainsi montré que les six barrages construits par les rongeurs avaient réduit le débit de l’#eau et fait baisser les inondations dans les villages situés en aval. D’autres travaux scientifiques ont également pointé des effets bénéfiques contre les incendies : la végétation en amont du seuil, plus arrosée et donc plus humide, s’enflammerait moins vite.

    « Attention, le castor ne peut pas tout faire, notamment quand il y a des crues importantes, comme lors de nos gros épisodes cévenols », rappelle le naturaliste. Malgré tout, cet architecte des cours d’eau pourrait bien être un allié face au dérèglement climatique. « C’est un animal génial, qu’il est important de redécouvrir. »

    Natif des gorges du Gardon, Gilles Larnac s’est pris de passion pour ce curieux mammifère il y a une trentaine d’années. « Les vieux du coin ne savaient pas qu’il y avait des castors, ils les prenaient pour des ragondins [1], se rappelle-t-il. Il s’agit d’un patrimoine oublié. »

    Ce mammifère des rivières revient en effet de loin : omniprésent en Europe au Moyen-Âge, il a peu à peu été décimé par la chasse. « Sa fourrure épaisse, sa viande, mais aussi ses glandes à castoréum [2] étaient très prisées, raconte le naturaliste. On s’en servait pour faire du parfum, car la substance sécrétée est très persistante. » Au début du XXe siècle, il ne restait que quelques dizaines de familles en France, dans le Gard et l’Ardèche principalement, et guère plus dans le reste du continent.

    « Le castor a été la première espèce protégée, interdite de chasse en 1909, et c’est ce qui l’a sauvé, poursuit M. Larnac. Il y a eu par la suite des opérations de réintroduction, et aujourd’hui, on compterait environ 20 000 individus à travers le pays, dans cinquante départements. » Il n’est désormais pas rare de croiser le nageur, à la tombée du jour, en train de grignoter ou de faire sa toilette. « Pour l’observer, repérez d’abord les lieux en journée, en vous promenant aux bords de la rivière, conseille M. Larnac, qui organise des sorties découvertes dans la région. Si vous apercevez dans l’eau des branches dénudées et rongées, vous êtes certainement dans une zone réfectoire, où les animaux viennent s’alimenter. Revenez de nuit, ou au crépuscule, restez discrets et ouvrez l’œil ! »

    Le castor en quelques chiffres :

    -- 2 000 castors vivraient actuellement dans le #Gard.
    -- On compte environ 20 000 poils par centimètre carré de peau du castor, une densité qui empêche l’eau de pénétrer, même après une plongée.
    -- 7 km/h, voici la vitesse qu’un castor atteint en nageant sous l’eau, soit aussi vite que les nageurs olympiques. Sa queue, plate et écaillée, ainsi que ses pattes arrières, palmées, lui permettent de se propulser.
    -- Chaque année, la femelle peut mettre bas à deux petits. Après deux ans passés auprès de leurs parents, les enfants partiront en quête de nouveaux territoires.
    -- Un animal adulte mesure 1,20 mètre, du museau jusqu’au bout de sa queue, ce qui en fait le plus gros rongeur d’Europe.

    https://reporterre.net/Le-castor-un-allie-face-au-changement-climatique

    #castor #castors #climat

  • Albania Builds Migrant Centre and Camp as Criticism Continues

    Work has started in Albania to build a reception centre and camp to receive migrants from Italy – but activists and locals in both countries remain highly critical of the plan.

    Construction is ongoing at Shengjin Port of a migrant reception centre which, under a controversial deal between Albania and Italy, will receive up to 3,000 migrants from Italy.

    The centre will process the migrants’ applications for asylum in Italy. They may then be sent to Gjader – an air base around 30 kilometers from the port – to a camp which is also being built.

    The ambition is for construction to finish by May 20, for the agreement to be applicable by then.

    The agreement, made public during a joint press conference between Albania Prime Minister Edi Rama and Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni in November last year, drew criticism from international human rights organisations and opposition groups in both countries.

    (#paywall)
    https://balkaninsight.com/2024/04/12/albania-builds-migrant-centre-and-camp-as-criticism-continues

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais...
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

  • Arance amare. Rosarno e la Piana di Gioia Tauro tra lotte sociali, violenza, sfruttamento.
    https://onborders.altervista.org/arance-amare-rosarno-e-la-piana-di-gioia-tauro-tra-lotte-socia

     Di William Bonapace, Maria Perino. Fotografie: enrico_carpegna© Arrivare di notte a Rosarno è un’esperienza particolare… L’articolo Arance amare. Rosarno e la Piana di Gioia Tauro tra lotte sociali, violenza, sfruttamento. proviene da ON BORDERS.

    #CONNESSIONI

  • This city lost Uber, here’s how it’s doing
    https://www.cnet.com/culture/uber-copenhagen-denmark-ride-sharing

    29.7.2017 by Eric Mack - If Uber disappeared what would you do? One city’s story

    Commentary: Up to a quarter of Copenhagen’s 1.2 million residents were using Uber — until it went away. I visited to see how the Danes are coping.

    Eric Mack has been a CNET contributor since 2011. Eric and his family live 100% energy and water independent on his off-grid compound in the New Mexico desert. Eric uses his passion for writing about energy, renewables, science and climate to bring educational content to life on topics around the solar panel and deregulated energy industries. Eric helps consumers by demystifying solar, battery, renewable energy, energy choice concepts, and also reviews solar installers. Previously, Eric covered space, science, climate change and all things futuristic. His encrypted email for tips is ericcmack@protonmail.com.

    Expertise Solar, solar storage, space, science, climate change, deregulated energy, DIY solar panels, DIY off-grid life projects. CNET’s “Living off the Grid” series. https://www.cnet.com/feature/home/energy-and-utilities/living-off-the-grid Credentials

    Finalist for the Nesta Tipping Point prize and a degree in broadcast journalism from the University of Missouri-Columbia.

    When I passed through Copenhagen earlier this month and decided to visit Tivoli Gardens, I fired up the Uber app to help me navigate narrow congested alleyways. The map showed zero cute little black cars. Instead, a terse message informed me the service was no longer available in Denmark’s charming capital city.

    “Wait … what?” I literally said out loud to no one.

    Isn’t this supposed to be one of those Scandinavian techno-utopias where everything is digitized and you can visit the world’s largest 3D printer store? Isn’t that how they justify charging 12 euros for weak beer?
    bikes

    Enlarge Image
    bikes

    There is life after Uber, but it helps if your country is one of those bike-obsessed, Scandinavian techno-Utopias.
    Johanna DeBiase/CNET

    I felt a distinctly new sinking feeling — similar to the one I get when the signal on my phone switches from “LTE” to “3G,” but with added dread. No Uber means having to deal with foreign taxis and their malfunctioning meters and credit card machines, not to mention drivers who don’t have turn-by-turn directions and won’t offer me bottled water.

    For travelers and the otherwise vehicularly challenged, Uber, and competitors like Lyft, have become a convenient means of getting around cities. It’s easy to imagine the pain it would cause the peripatetic who have come to depend on ride-sharing apps were the services they provide to vanish overnight.

    Yet that’s exactly what happened in Denmark. Uber, which operates in more than 600 cities, shut down operations in Denmark on April 18 in response to new laws that would force ride-sharing drivers to essentially convert their vehicles to taxis. Major competitors like Lyft had yet to launch in the city when the law came into effect.

    “(New regulations) will not allow drivers to use their privately owned cars for ride sharing and requires the installation of expensive, old-style taximeters and seat-sensors — effectively blocking the use of modern technology, like smartphones, which can serve the same functions,” Uber said in a statement announcing its withdrawal from the Nordic nation.

    So about two and a half years into Denmark’s Uber era, some 2,000 Uber drivers and 300,000 Danish riders were plunged back into the dark ages of transit. That’s according to numbers from Uber itself. The service launched in Denmark in late 2014, but only operated in Copenhagen.

    Finally arrived in Copenhagen for #3daysofdesign - who knew Uber was banned here?!.
    — Nest.co.uk (@nest_co_uk) June 1, 2017

    What? No Uber in Copenhagen any more?! End of days!!
    — Food Geek (@FoodGeekUK) May 13, 2017

    Yet, as I learned a few months after the Danish Uberpocalypse, everyone is moving on (and around) in that city just fine.

    As it turns out, getting around Copenhagen before Uber launched there wasn’t hard. On social media, mostly foreigners and travelers lamented the loss of ride sharing, while local taxi companies and developers of at least one app designed to connect Copenhageners with taxis — similar to Uber but within the bounds of Danish law — began planning to move in on the territory now abandoned by Silicon Valley.

    Denmark isn’t the only nation to be stripped of its Uber-ing privileges. Bulgaria and Hungary have their own regulations favoring taxis, essentially forcing the world’s largest ride-hailing company to suspend operations in each country in 2016. Neither of those runs lasted as long as Uber’s time in Copenhagen, but like in the Danish city both withdrawals were met with delight from taxi companies.

    I asked a few Copenhageners how Uber’s disappearance had affected them, and for the most part, they were indifferent. Most said they hadn’t used the service much. Perhaps that’s not a surprise in the bike-crazy Vesterbro neighborhood where I asked.

    Bikes and bike lanes abound to such a degree in Copenhagen that even famously bicycle-friendly Portland, Oregon, could learn a thing or two about two-wheel transit from the Danes. Two weeks ago during the annual Distortion festival, which “celebrates youth culture” with electronic dance music and cheap beer-fueled block parties around the city, the bikes piled up on every corner, locked to every inch of fence, spilling into sidewalks.

    Clearly the locals were having little trouble getting around in the post-Uber age, but it was more of a challenge for bikeless tourists like me left bewildered by the lack of buses (many lines were temporarily suspended because of the festival).

    Even after Uber, taxis aren’t nearly as prevalent in Copenhagen as in other cities with ride sharing like New York. Waiting at a taxi stand in a busy shopping district for several minutes and then wandering the streets for several blocks hoping to come across a unoccupied cab left me and my family on foot.

    Second day in #Copenhagen with hour+ wait for taxi. Bring back #uber
    — Kenny Powers (@VMelson) May 11, 2017

    When we finally found the number of a local taxi service, the driver filled us in on the drill. Cabs are pretty quick to respond to calls and web orders (within 10 minutes in our case) and most companies have mobile apps that mimic many of the same features as the ride-sharing apps.

    After installing a few local taxi apps, I was right back to hailing and scheduling rides, as well as tracking and messaging my driver. It was all a strangely familiar experience, even if there wasn’t any bottled water.

    #Dänemark #Kopenhagen #Uber #Taxi

  • ☀️ 🌱 Annonce de Woofing / Volontariat dans Écolieu (Indre 36)
    https://ecovillageglobal.fr/24159

    Projet : Ecolieu dans l’Indre (36) cherche volontaires. Offre : Accueil gîte/couvert d’1 personne ou 1 couple, 1 semaine minimum. Missions : Participer à l’entretien du potager et jardin forêt, aux constructions en bois et bambous et yourtes, aux événements culturels, à la transfo des fruits, à l’entretien des espaces collectifs, à l’accueil des wwoofers Demande : 4 à 5 h/jour, 4 à 5 jours/sem - Rubriques : Contacts et Echanges / Ecovolontariat / Indre (36) - Plus d’info et contact : https://ecovillageglobal.fr/24159

    #Contacts_et_Echanges_/_Ecovolontariat

  • Mousson brune – Fascisme et résistances en Inde - La Horde
    https://lahorde.info/Mousson-brune-Fascisme-et-resistances-en-Inde

    Le mensuel #CQFD publie un dossier sur l’Inde fasciste de Modi Le 14 juillet dernier, Emmanuel Macron décerne au Premier ministre indien, Narendra Modi, la Grand-croix de la Légion d’honneur. Pour quel motif officiel ? On ne se rappelle plus trop. N’empêche que l’Inde confirmait quelques jours plus tard l’achat de 26 avions Rafale et de trois sous-marins Scorpène. Fin janvier 2024, c’est #Macron qui participait au jour de la République de l’Inde. Il n’était pas là pour empêcher le départ contraint de Vanessa Dougnac, pigiste du Point et de La Croix, présente depuis 25 ans sur le territoire, mais dont le travail a été jugé « contraire aux intérêts de la souveraineté et de l’intégrité de l’Inde ». Il était là pour sceller une « alliance de défense inédite » avec un régime en train de basculer dans le fascisme.

    « Parler de fascisme, c’est être à la hauteur de la gravité de la situation »
    https://cqfd-journal.org/Parler-de-fascisme-c-est-etre-a-la

    Autrice d’un ouvrage sur la guérilla armée en Inde, l’anthropologue indo-britannique Alpa Shah vient de publier une enquête sur la répression du mouvement social indien. À la veille d’un 3e mandat présidentiel pour Modi, c’est l’occasion de discuter avec elle du basculement de la « plus grande démocratie du monde » vers le #fascisme.

  • « L’Amérique a besoin de plus de migrants »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2024/04/10/l-amerique-a-besoin-de-plus-de-migrants_6226983_3232.html

    « L’Amérique a besoin de plus de migrants »cAnne Krueger
    Economiste
    L’immigration figure au sommet des préoccupations des électeurs américains à l’approche de l’élection présidentielle de novembre. Paradoxalement, ce débat monte en intensité au moment même où l’économie américaine se porte beaucoup mieux que les autres économies développées, en partie grâce à une croissance de la population alimentée par l’immigration.
    Le cas du Japon devrait pourtant nous mettre en garde. Après avoir connu une croissance rapide après la seconde guerre mondiale, la population y a atteint un pic de 128,1 millions d’habitants en 2010 avant de retomber à 124 millions début 2024, et elle devrait passer sous la barre des 100 millions d’ici à 2055. La stagnation économique du Japon depuis les années 1990 s’explique en partie par ces difficultés. La population en âge de travailler est passée de 86,8 millions de personnes en 1993 à 81,5 millions en 2010. Initialement opposé à l’immigration, Tokyo a finalement mis en place des mesures destinées à l’encourager, sans grands résultats.
    De nombreux pays développés et en voie de développement, dont la Chine, sont également aux prises avec le déclin démographique. En Corée du Sud, le président de l’Assemblée nationale a récemment qualifié de « crise nationale » le faible taux de natalité du pays. Dans l’Union européenne, la population en âge de travailler devrait diminuer de 20 % d’ici à 2050.
    Le taux de fécondité aux Etats-Unis étant passé de 2,1 naissances par femme en 2007 à 1,64 en 2020, l’Amérique devrait, pour maintenir le niveau actuel de sa main-d’œuvre, accueillir chaque année 1,6 million de migrants. Sans immigration, la population et la main-d’œuvre diminueraient d’environ 0,5 % par an. Selon les projections du Bureau du recensement des Etats-Unis, la population en âge de travailler augmenterait de seulement 2 % en 2035, à flux d’immigration inchangé. Mais dans un scénario « zéro immigration », la main-d’œuvre diminuerait de 5 % et la population totale de 32 % d’ici 2100.
    Une population et une main-d’œuvre en diminution sont susceptibles d’entraver la croissance parce que l’investissement se détourne des nouveaux biens d’équipement, qui stimulent la productivité des travailleurs, vers le remplacement des travailleurs eux-mêmes. Par ailleurs, le niveau d’études moyen des nouveaux arrivants sur le marché du travail étant supérieur à celui des retraités, lorsque les premiers deviennent moins nombreux que les seconds, la productivité diminue. D’autant que la demande de soins de santé et les pensions de retraite augmentent plus vite que la population.
    Malheureusement, l’immigration devient de plus en plus impopulaire alors même que ses effets économiques deviennent de plus en plus nécessaires. Les migrants, qui arrivent souvent à un jeune âge, apportent des compétences intermédiaires essentielles à des secteurs tels que la santé, le bâtiment et l’hôtellerie. Mais ils ne sont pas seulement cruciaux pour remplacer les personnes âgées qui partent à la retraite ; ils améliorent également la productivité des professionnels hautement qualifiés, comme les médecins, les ingénieurs et les enseignants.
    Alors que le chômage est historiquement bas et que persistent les pénuries de main-d’œuvre, il est absurde d’affirmer que les migrants « voleraient » des emplois aux Américains. En dépit de potentielles perturbations à court terme, l’immigration est économiquement bénéfique pour les pays d’accueil à long terme. Plutôt que de s’engager dans des débats contreproductifs sur les effets négatifs de l’immigration, la réflexion politique devrait se concentrer sur la détermination du taux d’immigration optimal, sur l’impératif de légalité de cette immigration, sur la promotion d’une intégration fluide et sur la dynamisation de la productivité.
    Anne Krueger, ancienne économiste en chef de la Banque mondiale et ancienne directrice générale adjointe du Fonds monétaire international, est professeure d’économie internationale à la Johns-Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies de Washington et chercheuse au Center for International Development de l’université Stanford.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#etatsunis#economie#vieillissement#immigration#productivite#maindoeuvre#sante