• #Inde : des policiers armés de #frondes et de #catapultes vont protéger #Trump des #singes

    Les autorités indiennes ont également érigé un #mur pour cacher les #bidonvilles qui bordent une route que doit emprunter Donald Trump, explique Slate.

    #Donald_Trump va fouler le sol indien pour la première fois en tant que président les 24 et 25 février 2020. Alors, pour s’assurer que le voyage du locataire de la Maison-Blanche se déroule en toute quiétude, l’Inde n’a pas lésiné sur les moyens. Le Premier ministre Narendra Modi a notamment équipé sa police pour protéger le milliardaire des 50 millions de singes qui peuplent cet immense pays du sud de l’Asie. Les forces de l’ordre, munies de frondes et de petites catapultes, vont suivre leur hôte à la trace pour le prémunir de toute attaque de ces animaux qui peuvent parfois se montrer agressifs, comme l’expliquent nos confrères de Slate, jeudi 20 février 2020. Voilà les primates prévenus.

    Et ce n’est pas tout. Non content d’assurer la sécurité de Donald Trump, le gouvernement indien souhaite également s’assurer du confort de ses pérégrinations. Les autorités ont pris la décision polémique d’ériger un mur de 500 mètres sur la route reliant l’aéroport d’Ahmedabad au centre-ville, comme le révèle le journal indien The Wire (en anglais). Le but ? Dissimuler la pauvreté des bidonvilles de Sarania Vaas aux yeux du prestigieux hôte, qui doit assister à l’inauguration du stade de cricket de la région.

    #Cache-misère de béton

    Les autorités d’Ahmedabad ont démenti toute volonté de construire un cache-misère. Vijay Nehra, qui dirige la ville, explique vouloir « éviter les intrusions et protéger des arbres qui étaient abîmés ». Un argument qui ne convainc pas grand monde en Inde, à l’image de The Wire. « Pourquoi cherchons-nous à cacher nos pauvres alors que nous sommes incapables de dissimuler la pauvreté qui martyrise le pays ? » s’insurge le quotidien. Il y a fort à parier que Donald Trump jalouse un tel mur, qu’il rêve de voir s’ériger entre les États-Unis et le Mexique.

    #murs_intra-urbains #murs_urbains #invisibilisation #lol #géographie_urbaine

    • Gujarat: Another Brick in Trump’s Wall

      –-> Children play near the wall being constructed in Ahmedabad, to hide a slum from Trump during his visit. Photo: Reuters/Amit Dave

      As the US President Donald Trump visits Ahmedabad in Gujarat this month, we hear that the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) is building half-kilometre wall on the stretch that leads to Gandhinagar from Ahmedabad.

      The purpose of the wall, it is learnt, is to hide the 500 kutcha houses at the Dev Saran or Saraniyavaas slum area. The slum houses an estimated population of 2,500.

      All in all, the AMC is building this wall to hide poverty, if not the poor.

      We know well that Trump rose to power on an exclusive hate campaign, at the heart of which was his commitment and rhetoric to build a wall at the Mexican border. His arrogant pledge asking Mexico to even pay for such a wall, added to his deceitful masculinity and persona, traits which do matter in the elections to the highest office in the USA.

      In our penchant for welcoming guests beyond their expectations, we have gone too far in pleasing Trump by offering him a spectacle of a wall on his forthcoming visit. Atithi Devo Bhava, stretched to its best!

      Ironically, the wall in question is not to limit illegal migration but to hide the legal citizens of this country. In fact Trump’s good friend, Modi, has other tricks up his sleeve to contain the legality of citizens of the land but that’s a different story, for some other day.

      Coming back to the wall in question, the building of walls to hide poverty is not new in this world.

      In preparation for the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian government constructed a wall surrounding the Mare Favela complex to hide the poverty of the favela. When brought to the notice of the world, the Brazilian government came up with a bizarre explanation for the act.

      It said that the wall was necessary to protect the ears of its poor! Strange that silence is still considered to be the harbinger of sanity by otherwise noisy and careless regimes.

      –-> An outer wall of an under-construction detention centre for illegal immigrants is pictured at a village in Goalpara district in the northeastern state of Assam, September 1, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Anuwar Hazarika

      Even though no such explanation has been offered by the Gujarat government, it is but interesting to know why do we want to hide our poor even when we cannot hide the poverty which ails the nation like a disease? The indices of human development in Gujarat reveal a story where the necessity of such a wall to hide the poor and the poverty can be explained though not justified.

      Despite the so called “Gujarat model of development,” these indices clearly show that poverty and poor human existence is the unceasing companion of the Gujarati masses, irrespective of what Modi and his ilk wants us to believe.

      Gujarat stood at 22nd rank among Indian states in the Human Development Index for 2018.

      This is far below than some of so called “poor performing” states of Jammu & Kashmir (at 17) Uttarakhand (at 19) and Nagaland (at 20). The Infant Mortality Rate of Gujarat in 2016 stood at 30 per 1,000 live births, far poorer than that of states like Jharkhand (29 per 1000 live births) and Jammu & Kashmir (24 per 1000 live births).

      Another sensitive index of human development, namely the Maternal Mortality Rate was 91 per 1,00,000 live births in Gujarat in 2016 as compared to 66 in Tamil Nadu and 88 in Telangana in the same year.

      In an interesting paper (titled Did Gujarat Switch to a Higher Growth Trajectory Relative to India under Modi?) published in the Economic and Political Weekly in May 2014, just when Modi took over as the PM of the country for the first time, authors Maitreesh Ghatak and Sanchari Roy could show through complex statistical analysis that the success story of Gujarat under Modi’s chief ministership was nothing more than what the state could have even otherwise achieved in the natural course of things.

      In fact Gujarat fared worse when compared to Bihar for the same period of analysis. No wonder the ill fate of Gujarat has continued unabated till date so as to warrant the need of building the wall of shame.

      The need for a wall to hide the poverty in Gujarat is even more acute it seems. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, ‘Accidental Deaths & Suicides in India’ released recently, the suicide rates in Gujarat due to poverty increased by a whopping 162% in 2018. The report also revealed that 21% more suicides happened in Gujarat due to unemployment as a reason.

      Interestingly, one of the basic functions of a wall is separation.

      In the very popular TV series, The Game of Thrones, a continent-spanning wall is made to keep out the “wild” people from civilisation. The Greeks had similar motives when they built walls. Those who lived beyond the city walls were called barbarians. These were the uncivilised people whom the walls kept at a safe distance from the civilised.

      In fact, even the thick prison walls serve the same purpose: keeping the dangerous separated from the civil.

      The mythical wall which God instructs Nehemiah to build in the Bible, separates and thus saves Jerusalem from the attack of the enemy. The separation by a wall is thus both symbolic and actual.

      In fact in the words of Dostoyevsky:

      “A wall, you see, is a wall … and so on, and so on. But is it? It is my thesis that, in addition to their versatile physical functions, walls possess an immense measure of signification and that these two realms-the concrete and the symbolic interact with each other.”

      Walls have thus been tools of keeping the ‘wild’, the uncivilised and the barbaric separated from those who are the harbingers of civility. But to build a wall to separate the view of poverty has its own unique flavour. It becomes even more important in the context of a democracy where the people, both poor and the rich, vote to form the very government which wants to hide them from visiting leaders of affluent countries.

      As residents of urban metropolises we are concerned about the aesthetics of our cities. Ugly poverty is an eyesore to the landscape we want to build.

      The smart cities we promise should be without the poor. Slums, ghettos and street habitation form an obnoxious trail of existence which we earnestly want to wipe off from the streets of our cities.

      Who needs to see the poor, the sick and the dying? The street children selling balloons need to be obliterated from our view not because we care for them but because we care for ourselves.

      We care for the reputation that we build in front of visiting dignitaries. So what if we cannot address poverty, we can still build a wall.

      I am not surprised. Walls divide, walls hide. Walls are stony deaf and heartless.



    • A Wall Is Being Built in Ahmedabad to Block a #Slum From Donald Trump’s View

      A wall is being constructed by the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation to hide a slum cluster from the view of US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

      The wall is over half-a-kilometre long and seven feet high.

      The two have planned a roadshow in the city on February 24.

      The wall is being constructed on the road leading from the Ahmedabad airport to Gandhinagar as part of a beautification plan that has been rolled out ahead of Trump’s visit. He is scheduled to address a huge gathering at the Motera Stadium in Ahmedabad at the end of the roadshow.

      The ‘Kem Chho Trump’ event is being seen as Modi’s reciprocative gesture to the US president for joining him at the ‘Howdy Modi’ gathering in Houston last year.

      As part of the preparations for the event, a lot of infrastructural work has been undertaken all around Ahmedabad and Gandhinagar.

      The wall in question is coming up in front of the Dev Saran or Saraniyavaas slum area, which has been in existence for several decades and houses over 500 tenements. The place is home to over 2,500 people and the manner in which the wall is being constructed to mask it has posed questions around the mindset which has driven the exercise.

      Earlier, when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife Akie Abe had visited Gujarat for the 12th India-Japan annual summit in 2017, and then for the Vibrant Gujarat Summit the same year, a beautification drive was undertaken but attempts were not made to hide any part of the city’s life from the visiting dignitaries.

      Budget session also postponed for first time in two decades

      Meanwhile, the budget session of the Gujarat assembly has also been postponed by two days in view of Trump’s visit. It has now been rescheduled to convene from February 26.

      The state legislative affairs minister, Pradipsinh Jadeja, told the media that it was due to Modi and Trump’s visit that the government has decided to reschedule the budget session and the presentation of the budget.

      This is the first time in the last two decades that the budget session has been rescheduled in the state. The secretary of Gujarat assembly, D.M. Patel, was quoted as saying that “rescheduling of budget date has happened rarely in Gujarat’s parliamentary history”.

      An official defended the action, saying the rescheduling has been done to prevent any political clashes that are usually witnessed on the first day of the budget session.


  • Hong Kong, Kashmir : a Tale of Two Occupations — Strategic Culture

    L’histoire de la RDA et du mur de Berlin nous a montre que les idée aussi erronnées soient-elles ajoutent à la réalité objective la force nécessaire pour la pousser vers un changement radical. Ceci n’arrivera pas à Hongkong mais au Cachemire la folie hindoue risque de provoquer un conflit majeur. Comptons sur la sagesse du gouvernement de Pekin pour éviter le pire à ses voisins.

    While China identified “Occupy Hong Kong” as a mere Western-instilled and instrumentalized plot, India, for its part, decided to go for Full Occupy in Kashmir.

    Curfew was imposed all across the Kashmir valley. Internet was cut off. All Kashmiri politicians were rounded up and arrested. In fact all Kashmiris – loyalists (to India), nationalists, secessionists, independentists, apolitical – were branded as The Enemy. Welcome to Indian “democracy” under the crypto-fascist Hindutva.

    “Jammu and Kashmir”, as we know it, is no more. They are now two distinct entities. Geologically spectacular Ladakh will be administered directly by New Delhi. Blowback is guaranteed. Resistance committees are already springing up.
    In Kashmir, blowback will be even bigger because there will be no elections anytime soon. New Delhi does not want that kind of nuisance – as in dealing with legitimate representatives. It wants full control, period.

    Starting in the early 1990s, I’ve been to both sides of Kashmir a few times. The Pakistani side does feel like Azad (“Free”) Kashmir. The Indian side is unmistakably Occupied Kashmir. This analysis is as good as it gets portraying what it means to live in IOK (Indian-occupied Kashmir).

    BJP minions in India scream that Pakistan “illegally” designated Gilgit-Baltistan – or the Northern Areas – as a federally administered area. There’s nothing illegal about it. I was reporting in Gilgit-Baltistan late last year, following the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Nobody was complaining about any “illegality”.

    Pakistan officially said it “will exercise all possible options to counter [India’s] illegal steps” in Kashmir. That’s extremely diplomatic. Imran Khan does not want confrontation – even as he knows full well Modi is pandering to Hindutva fanatics, aiming to turn a Muslim-majority province into a Hindu-majority province. In the long run though, something inevitable is bound to emerge – fragmented, as a guerrilla war or as a united front.

    Welcome to the Kashmiri Intifada.

    #Chine #Inde #Hongkong #Cachemire

  • Un incendiaire dans la poudrière du Cachemire indien
    Jean Michel Morel > Christophe Jaffrelot > 30 septembre 2019

    Ancien État princier, inclus dans l’Empire britannique des Indes, le Cachemire est une vaste région montagneuse située au cœur de l’Himalaya. Il est bordé à l’ouest par le Pakistan, à l’est par la Chine et au sud par l’Inde. La partie indienne du Cachemire, l’État du Jammu-et-Cachemire s’étend sur 92 437 km2, et compte près de 12,5 millions d’habitants, soit un centième de la population indienne. La partie pakistanaise, composée de l’Azad Cachemire (le « Cachemire libre ») et le Gilgit-Baltistan (anciens « Territoires du Nord »), s’étend quant à elle sur plus de 86 000 km² avec près de 6,4 millions d’habitants. En 1963, le Pakistan a cédé à la Chine une portion de ces Territoires du Nord encore aujourd’hui revendiqués par l’Inde. Quant à la Chine qui a conquis l’Aksai Chin et la vallée de Shaksgam lors de la guerre sino-indienne de 1962, elle souhaite récupérer un morceau du nord-est du Cachemire indien de langue tibétaine et de religion bouddhiste (Voir la carte ci-dessous). (...)


  • Teen video app TikTok is the latest battlefield in the Kashmir conflict - MIT Technology Review

    Kovind’s move delivered on a promise from India’s general elections in May, in which Narendra Modi of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, was elected prime minister (constitutional orders like this one can only be carried out by the appointed president). But it’s having unintended consequences. Outside Kashmir, social media has been buzzing about Article 370, and Google searches for terms like “kashmir girl,” kashmiri girl,” and “kashmiri girl pic” have spiked.

    It’s not that Article 370 banned non-Kashmiris or Hindus from marrying Kashmiris, who are predominantly Muslim. But it did make it impossible for the children of such marriages to inherit land—an effort to preserve Kashmiri autonomy in the region. Without Article 370, anyone can own land there.

    That’s where the search term “Kashmiri girls” comes in. Its use began to climb on July 28, as tensions began brewing between the Indian and Kashmiri governments. By the time communication was shut down in the region, it was spiking on Google Trends.

    Why? Hindu nationalists are using the term to suggest that since the law does not inhibit Indians from owning land in the region, it would be possible for men to marry Kashmiri girls and women—perhaps even against their will (unfortunately not unheard-of in some localities)—and become landowners. The endgame appears to be to turn the majority-Muslim region majority-Hindu.

    And it’s a surprisingly widespread phenomenon. Declarations of intent to marry Kashmiri women to “reclaim” the disputed region are popping up across a variety of social platforms, from Facebook to Twitter to the fast-growing TikTok, which as of April had around 120 million active users in India. Huffington Post India chronicled one user’s videos since the end of Article 370. They show him and some friends planning to go to Kashmir, “since I am not getting women in Delhi.”

    The comments show both the misogyny and the racism in how the situation is playing out on social media. The mentality recalls that seen in the sometimes violent, largely online group of people in the US who identify as “incels”: They can’t get women in India, so why not lay claim to light-skinned women, plus land and religious superiority in the bargain?

    It’s the latest episode in what’s been a bumpy ride since TikTok, then known as Musical.ly, first launched in India a little less than a year ago. At first, it got traction among users who liked to lip-synch to Bollywood tunes. But in early April, just a few weeks before the election, TikTok was banned after a court ruled it contained “pornographic” content and exposed children to sexual predators. The company responded by removing videos. By April 18, the Supreme Court of India had ordered the ban removed from Apple’s App Store and Google’s Play Store.

    What ultimately is making TikTok so attractive for disseminating hate, then, is exactly what makes users love it in the first place: an easy interface, short-video capabilities, and a platform on which all ideas can spread like wildfire.

    #TikTok #Cachemire #Médias_sociaux

  • La colère sourde du Cachemire indien
    3 septembre 2019

    « L’Inde nous a poignardés dans le dos ! », s’insurge, dans un anglais parfait, Zahed (tous les prénoms ont été changés), un instituteur à la tunique brodée. Sur ce bord de route de Bijbehara, dans le district troublé d’Anantnag, les voisins s’approchent et les paroles se bousculent. Les 8 millions d’habitants du Cachemire indien, à majorité musulmane, restent abasourdis par la révocation abrupte de l’autonomie constitutionnelle de leur région, dans une décision annoncée le 5 août par le gouvernement nationaliste hindou. Réélu triomphalement en mai, le premier ministre Narendra Modi justifie sa « décision historique » par une volonté d’amener paix et prospérité dans la vallée himalayenne du Cachemire, région hostile à New Delhi et revendiquée par le Pakistan, en proie à une insurrection séparatiste depuis 1989.

    « Jamais nous n’accepterons la révocation de l’article 370 qui garantissait notre autonomie, explique l’instituteur. Cet article était l’unique raison de notre accession à l’Inde, lors la partition de 1947 entre l’Inde et le Pakistan. » Autour, le ton monte et les villageois s’inquiètent de la perte simultanée de l’article 75-A, qui leur donnait un droit exclusif à la propriété. « L’Inde veut donner nos terres aux hindous, prophétise Nassar. Le Cachemire, c’est la Palestine ! » (...)

    source : https://www.letemps.ch/monde/colere-sourde-cachemire-indien

  • Sur la plupart des serveurs, j’ai besoin d’allonger la durée indiquée de conservation en cache des éléments intégrés aux pages, pour faire plaisir à PageSpeed Insights.

    Je me note le code ici :

    ExpiresActive on

    ExpiresByType text/css A31557600
    ExpiresByType application/x-javascript A31557600
    ExpiresByType application/javascript A31557600
    ExpiresByType text/javascript A31557600

    ExpiresByType image/webp A31557600
    ExpiresByType image/jpeg A31557600
    ExpiresByType image/png A31557600
    ExpiresByType image/gif A31557600
    ExpiresByType image/svg+xml A31557600

    ExpiresByType application/x-shockwave-flash A31557600

    AddType application/font-woff .woff
    ExpiresByType application/font-woff A31557600
    AddType application/font-woff2 .woff2
    ExpiresByType application/font-woff2 A31557600

    Par rapport à ce qu’on trouve usuellement en ligne, il y a aussi le WebP et le woff/woff2, que j’utilisent désormais systématiquement.

  • Ce qui se passe au Cachemire ressemble terriblement à la domination d’Israël sur la Palestine
    Par +972 Magazine, le 12 août 2019 | Traduction : J. Ch pour l’Agence Média Palestine

    (...) Entre sionisme et nationalisme hindou

    Les relations entre l’Inde et Israël se sont encore resserrées avec la naissance du Parti Bharatiya Janata (BJP) dans les années 1990. Le BJP, qui est aujourd’hui dirigé par Modi, adhère à l’idéologie politique connue sous le nom d’Hindutva, ou Nationalisme Hindou. L’histoire de l’affinité des nationalistes hindous avec le sionisme est bien documentée par le professeur Sumantra Bose de la London School of Economics qui la fait remonter aux années 1920 quand Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, le père de l’Hindutva, a soutenu la création d’un Etat juif en Palestine. Le BJP et autres Nationalistes hindous sont depuis devenus obsédés par la reproduction du projet sioniste en transformant une Inde constitutionnellement laïque en Etat ethnocratique Hindou.

    Une bonne partie des aspirations et des propositions politiques du BJP pour le Cachemire sont des imitations des pratiques israéliennes qui existent en Palestine. La plus importante de toutes est le désir de construire au Cachemire des colonies dans le style israélien réservées aux seuls Hindous afin de provoquer un changement démographique. Par exemple, le Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sagh (RSS), association non étatique de volontaires paramilitaires hindous à laquelle le BJP est affilié, ont longtemps désiré la révocation des lois sur l’état de droit qui ont maintenu le maquillage démographique du Cachemire.

    Ces changements sont clairement inspirés du modèle colonial israélien, comme l’a dit le député du BJP Ravinder Raina qui, en 2015, a déclaré que le gouvernement indien utiliserait sont armée pour protéger les colonies pour Hindous seulement au Jammu et Cachemire. Ce genre de titrisation et de protection entraînerait une expansion de l’appareil qui restreint déjà l’énergie vitale de la plupart des Kashmiris, en les utilisant comme un prétexte pour justifier le nouveau niveau de domination et d’intrusion.

    En plus des parallèles dans les objectifs politiques, le discours utilisé par les supporters du régime actuel en Inde ressemble aux vieux refrains israéliens. Israël comme l’Inde prétendent être des démocraties exceptionnelles, malgré le traitement de larges tranches de populations sous leur contrôle. Ajouté à cela, les Sionistes comme les Nationalistes hindous prétendent que l’existence de nombreux pays musulmans dans le monde nécessite respectivement un Etat juif et un Etat hindou. Cela perpétue le mensonge comme quoi les musulmans palestiniens et indiens peuvent prétendument vivre ailleurs, et choisissent cependant de vivre en Palestine et en Inde simplement pour contrarier les Juifs et les Hindous.

    Cependant, la variété des tactiques utilisées par l’Inde pour contrôler la population civile du Cachemire ressemble énormément à celles utilisées par Israël en Palestine. Ces ont « les arrestations arbitraires, les assassinats extra-judiciaires, les disparitions forcées, les couvre-feux, les punitions collectives, la détention administrative, la torture, le viol et les abus sexuels, la répression de la liberté de parole et de réunion, les démolitions de maisons, etc. ». (...)

    #IsraelInde #Cachemire #Palestine

  • Solidarité et unité dans l’opposition à la militarisation mondiale : déclaration du BNC sur le Cachemire
    le Comité National BDS (BNC) palestinien, le 12 août 2019

    Le Comité National palestinien de Boycott, Désinvestissement et Sanctions (BDS), coalition la plus large de la société palestinienne, partagent le choc et la colère de la population du Cachemire et des forces démocratiques de l’inde et du monde entier devant la décision autoritaire du gouvernement indien dirigé par le Parti Bharatiya Janta (BJP) d’annuler effectivement du jour au lendemain la relative autonomie de l’État de Jammu et du Cachemire. Nous dénonçons l’utilisation croissante des paradigmes et de la politique à l’israélienne par l’actuel gouvernement indien.

    Notre campagne pour un embargo militaire total sur Israël est donc directement lié à l’opposition à la militarisation mondiale, y compris la militarisation du Cachemire.

    Voir aussi :

    How to Think About Empire
    Arundhati Roy, Boston Review, le 3 janvier 2019

    Article 370 : India strips disputed Kashmir of special status
    BBC, le 5 août 2019

    #Palestine #Cachemire #Israel #Embargo #BDS #complicité #solidarité

  • Russia stuns India, invokes UN resolutions on Kashmir | Deccan Herald

    India has been invoking Simla Agreement and Lahore Declaration to resist attempts by Pakistan to internationalise the bilateral dispute over Kashmir and raise it at the UN General Assembly or the Security Council. 


    India’s position was well known to its “old friend” Russia. 

    Yet Russia’s deputy envoy to United Nations on Friday ended up echoing Pakistan’s “iron brother” China, when he expressed hope that New Delhi and Islamabad should settle the dispute in accordance with bilateral agreements as well as UN charter and resolutions. 

    New Delhi reached out to all the five permanent members – US, China, Russia, France and United Kingdom – as well as most of the 10 non-permanent members of the UNSC over the past 24 hours in order to make sure that the closed-door consultation within the council does not lead to formal return of the J&K issue on the Horse-Shoe Table.

    But the only P-5 nation New Delhi was relying on without an iota of doubt was Russia. 

    India was pretty convinced that Russia would firmly stand by it and stop the UNSC from taking any decision that might help Pakistan internationalise the issue of Kashmir. 

    Moscow had in fact endorsed New Delhi’s position when Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi had called his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov on Wednesday to seek support against the recent decisions of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Government on J&K. “There is no alternative to resolve differences between Pakistan and India except bilaterally through political and diplomatic means,” a press release issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russian Government had quoted Lavrov telling Qureshi.

    Moscow had earlier also endorsed New Delhi’s argument that Modi Government’s decisions on J&K were “internal” affairs of India. 

    The Union of Soviet Socialist Republic – the predecessor of the Russian Federation – had used its veto at the UNSC several times in the past to foil attempts on behalf of Pakistan to get the Security Council to pass resolutions against India on the issue of Kashmir.

    L’#accord_de_Simla (1972) - La Documentation française

    #Cachemire #Russie #ONU #Inde #Pakistan

  • Le gouvernement Modi reprend la main sur le Cachemire indien

    En décidant lundi 5 août de suspendre l’autonomie du Cachemire indien, Narendra Modi, premier ministre conforté dans ses fonctions il y a moins de trois mois, veut affirmer son autorité dans l’un des dossiers les plus épineux de l’histoire du pays. Mais sa décision risque d’embraser cette région, contestée par le Pakistan depuis la partition de 1947 et traversée par des revendications indépendantistes.

    #Asie #Cachemire,_Pakistan,_Inde

  • Article 370: India strips disputed Kashmir of special status - BBC News


    India’s government has revoked part of the constitution that gives Indian-administered Kashmir special status, in an unprecedented move likely to spark unrest.

    Article 370 is sensitive because it is what guarantees significant autonomy for the Muslim-majority state.

    There has been a long-running insurgency on the Indian side.

    Nuclear powers India and Pakistan have fought two wars and a limited conflict over Kashmir since 1947.

    The BBC’s Geeta Pandey in Delhi says that for many Kashmiris, Article 370 was the main justification for being a part of India and by revoking it, the BJP has irrevocably changed Delhi’s relationship with the region.

    Pakistan condemned India’s decision to revoke the special status of its part of Kashmir as illegal, saying it would “exercise all possible options” to counter it.

    “India is playing a dangerous game which will have serious consequences for regional peace and stability,” said Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi.

    #inde #cahemire #conflit #frontière

    • Gods, Guns, and Country
      July 30, 2019 Posted by Carol Schaeffer

      Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (left) and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Olga Beach in Israel, June 7th, 2017. Photo: Kobi Gideon/GPO

      ON NOVEMBER 28TH, 2018, speaking to a roomful of India’s most highly regarded defense strategists, the chief of staff of the Indian Army, Bipin Rawat, urged his colleagues and his country to shed their concerns about collateral damage. Look at Israel, he said: “When you talk of strike drones, how does the Israeli strike the Hezbollah . . . ?” A vehicle is marked, a drone takes off, and boom: “God help you if you’re in the following vehicle—you’re also gone.”
      Less than 30 years ago, the very thought of a prominent Indian official openly admiring Israeli military policies toward Palestinians would have been an incredible scandal. But in a reversal of India’s official policy toward Israel for most of both country’s histories, relations have been quietly developing since the early 1990s and are now warmer than ever. Since Narendra Modi came to power five years ago as prime minister, India’s diplomatic policies have shifted dramatically in Israel’s favor, and away from India’s traditional alliance with the Palestinians.

      The partnership came to a public zenith when Modi became the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel, in July 2017. With frequent hugs, fond glances, and long walks on picturesque Israeli beaches, Modi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu put on an effusive display of personal and political affection. The “bromance” attracted a storm of media attention, and to many commentators signaled a new era of Middle East/Asian politics.

      On the historic visit, Modi and Netanyahu signed new cooperative deals on water, space technology, and agriculture. But the biggest and most significant deals have centered on defense. As South Asia’s sole nuclear power for decades, India could mostly deter threats from aggressive neighbors. But since Pakistan conducted nuclear tests in 1998, Indian military responses to attacks have been extremely limited, for fear of aggravating the possibility of a nuclear war. This has made reconnaissance, surveillance, and precision weaponry increasingly appealing for India. Israel’s specialization in high-tech weaponry, from drones to guided missiles—battle-tested in Palestine—has made officials like Rawat both envious and supportive of Israeli tactics, transforming Israel into a desirable international partner.

      Israel has proven to be a reliable weapons supplier, unburdened by moral questions about India’s use of its arsenal. Over the last two decades, India has become Israel’s largest customer. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, from 2014 to 2018 India accounted for a whopping 46% of all Israeli weapons sales (not including small arms). In 2018, Reuters reported that India buys around one billion dollars in weapons from Israel every year. (...)

      An Indian army officer displays the Tavor-21, an Israeli-made rifle which is in use by Indian enforcers in Kashmir. Photo: Fayaz Kabli/Reuters
      #IsraelInde #cachemire

    • Il y a 6 mois, #Arundhati_Roy nous prévenait...

      How to Think About Empire
      Arundhati Roy, Boston Review, le 3 janvier 2019

      The BJP has announced its plans to carry out this exercise in West Bengal, too. If that were ever to happen, tens of millions of people would be uprooted. That could easily turn into yet another Partition. Or even, heaven forbid, another Rwanda. It doesn’t end there. In the Muslim-majority State of Jammu and Kashmir, on the other hand, the BJP has declared that it wants to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which gives the state autonomous status and was the only condition under which it would accede to India in 1947. That means beginning a process of overwhelming the local population with Israeli-type settlements in the Kashmir Valley. Over the past thirty years, almost 70,000 people have died in Kashmir’s struggle for self-determination. Any move to eliminate Article 370 would be simply cataclysmic.

      It is interesting that countries that call themselves democracies— India, Israel, and the United States—are busy running military occupations. Kashmir is one of the deadliest and densest military occupations in the world. India transformed from colony to imperial power virtually overnight.

      #cachemire #israel

    • Le Premier ministre israélien Benyamin Netanyahou se rendra en septembre en Inde
      i24NEWS - 05 août 2019

      « Heureux #FriendshipDay2019 India ! », a écrit l’ambassade israélienne en Inde sur le réseau social. « Puisse notre amitié être toujours plus forte et notre partenariat pour la croissance atteindre de nouveaux sommets », a-t-elle ajouté.

      Ajoutée au message, une vidéo qui comprend de nombreuses photographies du Premier ministre Benyamin Netanyahou et de son homologue indien.

      Narendra Modi a répondu au message en écrivant en hébreu : « Merci. Je souhaite une bonne journée de l’amitié aux merveilleux citoyens d’Israël et à mon ami [Benyamin Netanyahou] ».

      « L’Inde et Israël ont prouvé leur amitié à travers les âges », a-t-il poursuivi. « Nos relations sont étroites et éternelles. Je souhaite que l’amitié de nos pays croisse et se développe davantage à l’avenir ».

      « Merci à mon ami, le Premier ministre indien @narendramodi », a répondu Netanyahou. « Je ne peux pas être plus d’accord avec toi. »

      « Le lien profond qui unit Israël et l’Inde est enraciné dans la solide amitié entre Israéliens et Indiens », a-t-il poursuivi. « Nous coopérons dans de nombreux domaines. Je sais que nos liens ne feront que se renforcer à l’avenir ! », a-t-il encore dit.

  • How to Think About #Empire

    Boston Review speaks with #Arundhati_Roy on censorship, storytelling, and her problem with the term ‘postcolonialism.’

    In her second novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness (2017), Arundhati Roy asks, “What is the acceptable amount of blood for good literature?” This relationship between the imagination and the stuff of real life—violence, injustice, power—is central to Roy’s writing, dating back to her Booker Prize–winning debut novel The God of Small Things (1997). For the twenty years between the release of her first and second novels, the Indian writer has dismayed many—those who preferred that she stick to storytelling and those who were comfortable with the turn of global politics around 9/11—by voicing her political dissent loudly and publicly.

    Her critical essays, many published in major Indian newspapers, take on nuclear weapons, big dams, corporate globalization, India’s caste system, the rise of Hindu nationalism, the many faces of empire, and the U.S. war machine. They have garnered both acclaim and anger. In India Roy has often been vilified by the media, and accused of sedi- tion, for her views on the Indian state, the corruption of the country’s courts, and India’s brutal counterinsurgency in Kashmir. She has, on one occasion, even been sent to prison for committing “contempt of court.” In spite of this, Roy remains outspoken. In this interview, she reflects on the relationship between the aesthetic and the political in her work, how to think about power, and what it means to live and write in imperial times.

    Avni Sejpal: In your book, An Ordinary Person’s Guide to Empire (2004), you identify a few different pillars of empire: globalization and neoliberalism, militarism, and the corporate media. You write, “The project of corporate globalization has cracked the code of democracy. Free elections, a free press and an independent judiciary mean little when the free market has reduced them to commodities on sale to the highest bidder.” How would you update this today?

    Arundhati Roy: That was fourteen years ago! The updates now would include the ways in which big capital uses racism, caste-ism (the Hindu version of racism, more elaborate, and sanctioned by the holy books), and sexism and gender bigotry (sanctioned in almost every holy book) in intricate and extremely imaginative ways to reinforce itself, protect itself, to undermine democracy, and to splinter resistance. It doesn’t help that there has been a failure on the part of the left in general to properly address these issues. In India, caste—that most brutal system of social hierarchy—and capitalism have fused into a dangerous new alloy. It is the engine that runs modern India. Understanding one element of the alloy and not the other doesn’t help. Caste is not color-coded. If it were, if it were visible to the untrained eye, India would look very much like a country that practices apartheid.
    Another “update” that we ought to think about is that new technology could ensure that the world no longer needs a vast working class. What will then emerge is a restive population of people who play no part in economic activity—a surplus population if you like, one that will need to be managed and controlled. Our digital coordinates will ensure that controlling us is easy. Our movements, friendships, relationships, bank accounts, access to money, food, education, healthcare, information (fake, as well as real), even our desires and feelings—all of it is increasingly surveilled and policed by forces we are hardly aware of. How long will it be before the elite of the world feel that almost all the world’s problems could be solved if only they could get rid of that surplus population? If only they could delicately annihilate specific populations in specific ways—using humane and democratic methods, of course. Preferably in the name of justice and liberty. Nothing on an industrial scale, like gas chambers or Fat Men and Little Boys. What else are smart nukes and germ warfare for?

    AS: How does the rise of ethnonationalisms and populisms change your diagnosis?

    AR: Ethno-nationalism is only a particularly virulent strain of nationalism. Nationalism has long been part of the corporate global project. The freer global capital becomes, the harder national borders become. Colonialism needed to move large populations of people—slaves and indentured labor—to work in mines and on plantations. Now the new dispensation needs to keep people in place and move the money—so the new formula is free capital, caged labor. How else are you going to drive down wages and increase profit margins? Profit is the only constant. And it has worked to a point. But now capitalism’s wars for resources and strategic power (otherwise known as “just wars”) have destroyed whole countries and created huge populations of war refugees who are breaching borders. The specter of an endless flow of unwanted immigrants with the wrong skin color or the wrong religion is now being used to rally fascists and ethno-nationalists across the world. That candle is burning at both ends and down the middle, too. It cannot all be laid at the door of resource-plundering or strategic thinking. Eventually it develops a momentum and a logic of its own.

    As the storm builds, the ethno-nationalists are out harnessing the wind, giving each other courage. Israel has just passed a new bill that officially declares itself to be the national homeland of Jewish people, making its Arab citizenry second class. Unsurprising, but still, even by its own standards, pretty brazen. In the rest of the Middle East, of course, Israel and the United States are working hard at sharpening the Sunni–Shia divide, the disastrous end of which could be an attack on Iran. There are plans for Europe, too. Steve Bannon, a former aide of President Donald Trump, has started an organization, The Movement, headquartered in Brussels. The Movement aims to be “a clearing house for populist, nationalist movements in Europe.” It says it wants to bring about a “tectonic shift” in European politics. The idea seems to be to paralyze the European Union. A disintegrated EU would be a less formidable economic bloc, easier for the U.S. government to bully and bargain with. Yet, at the same time, uniting white supremacists in Europe and the United States is an attempt to help them to retain the power they feel is slipping away from them.

    Enough has been said about Trump’s immigration policies—the cages, the separation of infants and young children from their families—all of it just a little worse than what Barack Obama did during his presidency, to the sound of deafening silence. In India, too, the pin on the immigration grenade has just been pulled. In the spirit of the globalization of fascism, U.S. alt-right organizations are good friends of Hindu nationalists. Look to India, if you want to understand the world in microcosm. On July 30, 2018, the state of Assam published a National Register of Citizens (NRC). The register comes in lieu of a virtually nonexistent immigration policy. The NRC’s cut-off date of eligibility for Indian citizenship is 1971—the year that saw a massive influx of refugees from Bangladesh after the war with Pakistan. Most of them settled in Assam, which put enormous pressure on the local population, particularly on the most vulnerable indigenous communities. It led to escalating tensions, which have in the past boiled over into mass murder. In 1983 at least 2,000 Muslims were killed, with unofficial estimates putting the figure at five times that number. Now, at a time when Muslims are being openly demonized, and with the Hindu nationalist BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) in power, the unforgiveable policy lapse of half a decade is going to be addressed. The selection process, sifting through a population of millions of people who don’t all have “legacy papers”—birth certificates, identity papers, land records, or marriage certificates—is going to create chaos on an unimaginable scale. Four million people who have lived and worked in Assam for years, have been declared stateless—like the Rohingya of Burma were in 1982. They stand to lose homes and property that they have acquired over generations. Families are likely to be split up in entirely arbitrary ways. At best, they face the prospect of becoming a floating population of people with no rights, who will serve as pools of cheap labor. At worst, they could try and deport them to Bangladesh, which is unlikely to accept them. In the growing climate of suspicion and intolerance against Muslims, they could well suffer the fate of the Rohingya.

    The BJP has announced its plans to carry out this exercise in West Bengal, too. If that were ever to happen, tens of millions of people would be uprooted. That could easily turn into yet another Partition. Or even, heaven forbid, another Rwanda. It doesn’t end there. In the Muslim-majority State of Jammu and Kashmir, on the other hand, the BJP has declared that it wants to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which gives the state autonomous status and was the only condition under which it would accede to India in 1947. That means beginning a process of overwhelming the local population with Israeli-type settlements in the Kashmir Valley. Over the past thirty years, almost 70,000 people have died in Kashmir’s struggle for self-determination. Any move to eliminate Article 370 would be simply cataclysmic.

    Meanwhile vulnerable communities that have been oppressed, exploited, and excluded because of their identities—their caste, race, gender, religion, or ethnicity—are organizing themselves, too, along those very lines, to resist oppression and exclusion.
    While it is easy to take lofty moral positions, in truth, there is nothing simple about this problem. Because it is not a problem. It is a symptom of a great churning and a deep malaise. The assertion of ethnicity, race, caste, nationalism, sub-nationalism, patriarchy, and all kinds of identity, by exploiters as well as the exploited, has a lot—but of course not everything—to do with laying collective claim to resources (water, land, jobs, money) that are fast disappearing. There is nothing new here, except the scale at which its happening, the formations that keep changing, and the widening gap between what is said and what is meant. Few countries in the world stand to lose more from this way of thinking than India—a nation of minorities. The fires, once they start, could burn for a thousand years. If we go down this warren and choose to stay there, if we allow our imaginations to be trapped within this matrix, and come to believe there is no other way of seeing things, if we lose sight of the sky and the bigger picture, then we are bound to find ourselves in conflicts that spiral and spread and multiply and could very easily turn apocalyptic.

    AS: You once wrote that George W. Bush “achieved what writers, scholars, and activists have striven to achieve for decades. He has exposed the ducts. He has placed on full public view the working parts, the nuts and bolts of the apocalyptic apparatus of the American empire.” What did you mean by this, and ten years and two presidents later, is the American empire’s apocalyptic nature still so transparent?

    AR: I was referring to Bush’s unnuanced and not very intelligent commentary after the events of 9/11 and in the run-up to the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. It exposed the thinking of the deep state in the United States. That transparency disappeared in the Obama years, as it tends to when Democrats are in power. In the Obama years, you had to ferret out information and piece it together to figure out how many bombs were being dropped and how many people were being killed, even as the acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize was being eloquently delivered. However differently their domestic politics plays out on home turf, it is a truism that the Democrats’ foreign policy has tended to be as aggressive as that of the Republicans. But since 9/11, between Bush and Obama, how many countries have been virtually laid to waste? And now we have the era of Trump, in which we learn that intelligence and nuance are relative terms. And that W, when compared to Trump, was a serious intellectual. Now U.S. foreign policy is tweeted to the world on an hourly basis. You can’t get more transparent than that. The Absurd Apocalypse. Who would have imagined that could be possible? But it is possible—more than possible—and it will be quicker in the coming if Trump makes the dreadful mistake of attacking Iran.

    AS: There is a marked stylistic difference between your two novels, The God of Small Things and The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, published two decades apart. While both speak of politics and violence, the former is written in a style often described as lyrical realism. Beauty is one of its preoccupations, and it ends on a hopeful note. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, on the other hand, is a more urgent, fragmented, and bleak novel, where the losses are harder to sustain. Given the dominance of lyrical realism in the postcolonial and global novel, was your stylistic choice also a statement about the need to narrate global systems of domination differently? Is the novel an indirect call to rethink representation in Indian English fiction?

    AR: The God of Small Things and The Ministry of Utmost Happiness are different kinds of novels. They required different ways of telling a story. In both, the language evolved organically as I wrote them. I am not really aware of making “stylistic choices” in a conscious way. In The God of Small Things, I felt my way toward a language that would contain both English and Malayalam—it was the only way to tell that story of that place and those people. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness was a much riskier venture. To write it, I had to nudge the language of The God of Small Things off the roof of a very tall building, then rush down and gather up the shards. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness is written in English but imagined in many languages—Hindi, Urdu, English... I wanted to try and write a novel that was not just a story told through a few characters whose lives play out against a particular backdrop. I tried to imagine the narrative form of the novel as if it were one of the great metropoles in my part of the world—ancient, modern, planned and unplanned. A story with highways and narrow alleys, old courtyards, new freeways. A story in which you would get lost and have to find your way back. A story that a reader would have to live inside, not consume. A story in which I tried not to walk past people without stopping for a smoke and a quick hello. One in which even the minor characters tell you their names, their stories, where they came from, and where they wish to go.

    I agree, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness is fragmented, urgent—I love the idea of a novel written over almost ten years being urgent—but I wouldn’t call it bleak. Most of the characters, after all, are ordinary folks who refuse to surrender to the bleakness that is all around them, who insist on all kinds of fragile love and humor and vulgarity, which all thrive stubbornly in the most unexpected places. In the lives of the characters in both books, love, sorrow, despair, and hope are so tightly intertwined, and so transient, I am not sure I know which novel of the two is bleaker and which more hopeful.

    I don’t think in some of the categories in which your question is posed to me. For example, I don’t understand what a “global” novel is. I think of both my novels as so very, very local. I am surprised by how easily they have traveled across cultures and languages. Both have been translated into more than forty languages—but does that make them “global” or just universal? And then I wonder about the term postcolonial. I have often used it, too, but is colonialism really post-? Both novels, in different ways, reflect on this question. So many kinds of entrenched and unrecognized colonialisms still exist. Aren’t we letting them off the hook? Even “Indian English fiction” is, on the face of it, a pretty obvious category. But what does it really mean? The boundaries of the country we call India were arbitrarily drawn by the British. What is “Indian English”? Is it different from Pakistani English or Bangladeshi English? Kashmiri English? There are 780 languages in India, 22 of them formally “recognized.” Most of our Englishes are informed by our familiarity with one or more of those languages. Hindi, Telugu, and Malayalam speakers, for example, speak English differently. The characters in my books speak in various languages, and translate for and to each other. Translation, in my writing, is a primary act of creation. They, as well as the author, virtually live in the language of translation. Truly, I don’t think of myself as a writer of “Indian English fiction,” but as a writer whose work and whose characters live in several languages. The original is in itself part translation. I feel that my fiction comes from a place that is more ancient, as well as more modern and certainly less shallow, than the concept of nations.
    Is The Ministry of Utmost Happiness an indirect call to rethink representation in the Indian English novel? Not consciously, no. But an author’s conscious intentions are only a part of what a book ends up being. When I write fiction, my only purpose is to try and build a universe through which I invite readers to walk.

    AS: Toward the end of The Ministry of Utmost Happiness a character asks: “How to tell a shattered story?” The novel is teeming with characters whose lives have, in some way, been curtailed or marginalized by the limits of national imaginaries. And yet their stories are rich with humor, rage, agency, and vitality. How do you approach storytelling at a time when people are constantly being thwarted by the narratives of neo-imperial nation-states?

    AR: National imaginaries and nation-state narratives are only one part of what the characters in The Ministry of Utmost Happiness have to deal with. They also have to negotiate other stultified and limited kinds of imaginations—of caste, religious bigotry, gender stereotyping. Of myth masquerading as history, and of history masquerading as myth. It is a perilous business, and a perilous story to try to tell. In India today, storytelling is being policed not only by the state, but also by religious fanatics, caste groups, vigilantes, and mobs that enjoy political protection, who burn cinema halls, who force writers to withdraw their novels, who assassinate journalists. This violent form of censorship is becoming an accepted mode of political mobilization and constituency building. Literature, cinema, and art are being treated as though they are policy statements or bills waiting to be passed in Parliament that must live up to every self-appointed stakeholders’ idea of how they, their community, their history, or their country must be represented. Not surprisingly, bigotry of all kinds continues to thrive and be turned against those who do not have political backing or an organized constituency. I recently saw a Malayalam film in the progressive state of Kerala called Abrahaminde Santhathikal (The Sons of Abraham). The vicious, idiot-criminal villains were all black Africans. Given that there is no community of Africans in Kerala, they had to be imported into a piece of fiction in order for this racism to be played out! We can’t pin the blame for this kind of thing on the state. This is society. This is people. Artists, filmmakers, actors, writers—South Indians who are mocked by North Indians for their dark skins in turn humiliating Africans for the very same reason. Mind-bending.

    Trying to write, make films, or practice real journalism in a climate like this is unnerving. The hum of the approaching mob is like a permanent background score. But that story must also be told.
    How to tell a shattered story? is a question that one of the main characters in The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, Tilo—Tilotamma—who lives in an illegal Guest House in a Delhi graveyard, has scribbled in her notebook. She answers it herself: By slowly becoming everybody? No. By slowly becoming everything. Tilo is an architect, an archivist of peculiar things, a deathbed stenographer, a teacher, and the author of strange, unpublished tales. The scribble in her notebook is a contemplation about the people, animals, djinns, and spirits with whom she has ended up sharing her living quarters. Considering the debates swirling around us these days, Tilo would probably be severely rebuked for thinking in this way. She would be told that “slowly becoming everyone,” or, even worse, “everything,” was neither practical nor politically correct. Which is absolutely true. However, for a teller of stories, perhaps all that doesn’t matter. In times that are as crazy and as fractured as ours, trying “to slowly become everything” is probably a good place for a writer to start.

    AS: In addition to writing novels, you are also a prolific essayist and political activist. Do you see activism, fiction, and nonfiction as extensions of each other? Where does one begin and the other end for you?

    AR: I am not sure I have the stubborn, unwavering relentlessness it takes to make a good activist. I think that “writer” more or less covers what I do. I don’t actually see my fiction and nonfiction as extensions of each other. They are pretty separate. When I write fiction, I take my time. It is leisurely, unhurried, and it gives me immense pleasure. As I said, I try to create a universe for readers to walk through.

    The essays are always urgent interventions in a situation that is closing down on people. They are arguments, pleas, to look at something differently. My first political essay, “The End of Imagination,” was written after India’s 1998 nuclear tests. The second, “The Greater Common Good,” came after the Supreme Court lifted its stay on the building of the Sardar Sarovar Dam on the Narmada River. I didn’t know that they were just the beginning of what would turn out to be twenty years of essay writing. Those years of writing, traveling, arguing, being hauled up by courts, and even going to prison deepened my understanding of the land I lived in and the people I lived among, in ways I could not have imagined. That understanding built up inside me, layer upon layer.
    Had I not lived those twenty years the way I did, I would not have been able to write The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. But when I write fiction, unlike when I write political essays, I don’t write from a place of logic, reason, argument, fact. The fiction comes from years of contemplating that lived experience, turning it over and over until it appears on my skin like sweat. I write fiction with my skin. By the time I started to write The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, I felt like a sedimentary rock trying to turn itself into a novel.

    AS: In Power Politics (2001), you wrote: “It’s as though the people of India have been rounded up and loaded onto two convoys of trucks (a huge big one and a tiny little one) that have set off resolutely in opposite directions. The tiny convoy is on its way to a glittering destination somewhere near the top of the world. The other convoy just melts into the darkness and disappears. . . . For some of us, life in India is like being suspended between two of the trucks, one in each convoy, and being neatly dismembered as they move apart, not bodily, but emotionally and intellectually.” For nations around the world that have had abrupt and accelerated introductions to globalization and neoliberalism, would you say the convoy headed for the top of the world has crashed? And what has become of those who are being slowly dismembered?

    AR: It has not crashed yet. But its wheels are mired, and the engine is overheating.

    As for those who are being slowly pulled apart, they have been polarized and are preparing to dismember each other. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the personification of what you could call corporate Hindu nationalism. Like most members of the BJP, he is a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Hindu nationalist cultural guild that is the most powerful organization in India today. The BJP is really just the political arm of the RSS. The aim of the RSS, which was founded in 1925, has long been to change the Indian constitution and to officially declare India a Hindu nation. Modi began his mainstream political career in October 2001, when his party installed him (unelected) as Chief Minister of the state of Gujarat. In February 2002 (at the height of post 9/11 international Islamophobia) came the Gujarat pogrom in which Muslims were massacred in broad daylight by mobs of Hindu vigilantes, and tens of thousands were driven from their homes. Within months of this, several heads of India’s major corporations publicly backed Modi, a man with no political track record, as their pick for prime minister. Perhaps this was because they saw in him a decisive and ruthless politician who could ram through new economic policies and snuff out the protests and the restlessness in the country that the Congress Party government seemed unable to deal with (meanwhile delaying the implementation of the hundreds of memorandums of understanding signed by the government with various corporate entities). It took twelve years; in May 2014, Modi became prime minister with a massive political majority in Parliament. He was welcomed onto the world’s stage by the international media and heads of state who believed he would make India a dream destination for international finance.

    Although his few years in power have seen his favorite corporations and the families of his close allies multiply their wealth several times over, Modi has not been the ruthless, efficient free marketeer that people had hoped for. The reasons for this have more to do with incompetence than with ideology. For example, late one night in November 2016, Modi appeared on TV and announced his policy of “demonetization.” From that moment, 80 percent of Indian currency notes were no longer legal tender. It was supposed to be a lightning strike on hoarders of “black money.” A country of more than a billion people ground to a halt. Nothing on this scale has ever been attempted by any government before. It was an act of hubris that belonged in a totalitarian dictatorship. For weeks together, daily wage workers, cab drivers, small shop keepers stood in long lines, hour upon hour, hoping to get their meager savings converted into new bank notes. All the currency, almost to the last rupee, “black” as well as “white,” was returned to the banks. Officially at least, there was no “black money.” It was a big-budget, razzle-dazzle flop.

    Demonetization and the chaotic new Goods and Services Tax have knocked the wind out of small businesses and ordinary people. For big investors, or for the most ordinary person, this sort of caprice on the part of a government that says it is “business-friendly” is lethal. It’s a bald declaration that its word cannot be trusted and is not legally binding.

    Demonetization also emptied the coffers of almost all political parties, since their unaccounted-for wealth is usually held in cash. The BJP, on the other hand, has mysteriously emerged as one of the richest, if not the richest, political party in the world. Hindu nationalism has come to power on mass murder and the most dangerously bigoted rhetoric that could—and has—ripped through the fabric of a diverse population. A few months ago, four of the most senior judges of the Supreme Court held a press conference in which they warned that democracy in India was in grave danger. Nothing like it has ever happened before. As hatred is dripped into peoples’ souls, every day, with sickened hearts we wake up to Muslim-lynching videos put up on YouTube by gloating vigilantes, news of Dalits being publicly flogged, of women and infants being raped, of thousands marching in support of people who have been arrested for rape, of those convicted for mass murder in the Gujarat pogrom being let out of jail while human rights defenders and thousands of indigenous people are in jail on charges of sedition, of children’s history textbooks being written by complete fools, of glaciers melting and of water tables plummeting just as fast as our collective IQ.
    But it is all OK, because we are buying more weapons from Europe and the United States than almost anyone else. So, India, which has the largest population of malnutritioned children in the world, where hundreds of thousands of debt-ridden farmers and farm laborers have committed suicide, where it is safer to be a cow than it is to be a woman, is still being celebrated as one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

    AS: The word “empire” has often been invoked as a uniquely European and U.S. problem. Do you see India and other postcolonial nations as adapting older forms of empire in new geopolitical clothing? In The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, you show us how the Indian government has developed strategies of surveillance and counterterrorism that are, to put it mildly, totalitarian in their scope. How can we think of empire now in the Global South, especially at a time when postcolonial nations are emulating the moral calculus of their old colonial masters?

    AR: It is interesting that countries that call themselves democracies— India, Israel, and the United States—are busy running military occupations. Kashmir is one of the deadliest and densest military occupations in the world. India transformed from colony to imperial power virtually overnight. There has not been a day since the British left India in August 1947 that the Indian army and paramilitary have not been deployed within the country’s borders against its “own people”: Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, Kashmir, Jammu, Hyderabad, Goa, Punjab, Bengal, and now Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand. The dead number in the tens or perhaps hundreds of thousands. Who are these dangerous citizens who need to be held down with military might? They are indigenous people, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, communists. The pattern that emerges is telling. What it shows quite clearly is an “upper”-caste Hindu state that views everyone else as an enemy. There are many who see Hinduism itself as a form of colonialism—the rule of Aryans over Dravidians and other indigenous peoples whose histories have been erased and whose deposed rulers have been turned into the vanquished demons and asuras of Hindu mythology. The stories of these battles continue to live on in hundreds of folktales and local village festivals in which Hinduism’s “demons” are other peoples’ deities. That is why I am uncomfortable with the word postcolonialism.

    AS: Talk of dissent and social justice has become mainstream in the age of Trump—but social media hashtags often stand in for direct action, and corporations frequently use the language of uplift and social responsibility while doubling down on unethical business practices. Has protest been evacuated of its potential today? And in such an environment, what kind of dissent is capable of cracking the edifice of empire?

    AR: You are right. Corporations are hosting happiness fairs and dissent seminars and sponsoring literature festivals in which free speech is stoutly defended by great writers. Dissent Is the Cool (and Corporate) New Way To Be. What can we do about that? When you think about the grandeur of the civil rights movement in the United States, the anti–Vietnam War protests, it makes you wonder whether real protest is even possible any more. It is. It surely is. I was in Gothenburg, Sweden, recently, when the largest Nazi march since World War II took place. The Nazis were outnumbered by anti-Nazi demonstrators, including the ferocious Antifa, by more than ten to one. In Kashmir, unarmed villagers face down army bullets. In Bastar, in Central India, the armed struggle by the poorest people in the world has stopped some of the richest corporations in their tracks. It is important to salute people’s victories, even if they don’t always get reported on TV. At least the ones we know about. Making people feel helpless, powerless, and hopeless is part of the propaganda.

    But what is going on in the world right now is coming from every direction and has already gone too far. It has to stop. But how? I don’t have any cure-all advice, really. I think we all need to become seriously mutinous. I think, at some point, the situation will become unsustainable for the powers that be. The tipping point will come. An attack on Iran, for example, might be that moment. It would lead to unthinkable chaos, and out of it something unpredictable would arise. The great danger is that, time and time again, the storm of rage that builds up gets defused and coopted into yet another election campaign. We fool ourselves into believing that the change we want will come with fresh elections and a new president or prime minister at the helm of the same old system. Of course, it is important to bounce the old bastards out of office and bounce new ones in, but that can’t be the only bucket into which we pour our passion. Frankly, as long as we continue to view the planet as an endless “resource,” as long as we uphold the rights of individuals and corporations to amass infinite wealth while others go hungry, as long as we continue to believe that governments do not have the responsibility to feed, clothe, house, and educate everyone—all our talk is mere posturing. Why do these simple things scare people so much? It is just common decency. Let’s face it: the free market is not free, and it doesn’t give a shit about justice or equality.

    AS: The vexed question of violent struggle against domination has come up at different moments in history. It has been debated in the context of Frantz Fanon’s writing, Gandhi, Black Lives Matter, Palestine, and the Naxalite movement, to name a few. It is a question that also comes up in your fiction and nonfiction. What do you make of the injunction against the use of violence in resistance from below?

    AR: I am against unctuous injunctions and prescriptions from above to resistance from below. That’s ridiculous, isn’t it? Oppressors telling the oppressed how they would like to be resisted? Fighting people will choose their own weapons. For me, the question of armed struggle versus passive resistance is a tactical one, not an ideological one. For example, how do indigenous people who live deep inside the forest passively resist armed vigilantes and thousands of paramilitary forces who surround their villages at night and burn them to the ground? Passive resistance is political theater. It requires a sympathetic audience. There isn’t one inside the forest. And how do starving people go on a hunger strike?

    In certain situations, preaching nonviolence can be a kind of violence. Also, it is the kind of terminology that dovetails beautifully with the “human rights” discourse in which, from an exalted position of faux neutrality, politics, morality, and justice can be airbrushed out of the picture, all parties can be declared human rights offenders, and the status quo can be maintained.

    AS: While this volume is called Evil Empire, a term borrowed from Ronald Reagan’s description of the Soviet Union, there are many who think of empire as the only sustainable administrative and political mechanism to manage large populations. How might we challenge dominant voices, such as Niall Ferguson, who put so much faith in thinking with the grain of empire? On the flipside, how might we speak to liberals who put their faith in American empire’s militarism in a post–9/11 era? Do you see any way out of the current grip of imperial thinking?

    AR: The “managed populations” don’t necessarily think from Ferguson’s managerial perspective. What the managers see as stability, the managed see as violence upon themselves. It is not stability that underpins empire. It is violence. And I don’t just mean wars in which humans fight humans. I also mean the psychotic violence against our dying planet.

    I don’t believe that the current supporters of empire are supporters of empire in general. They support the American empire. In truth, captalism is the new empire. Capitalism run by white capitalists. Perhaps a Chinese empire or an Iranian empire or an African empire would not inspire the same warm feelings? “Imperial thinking,” as you call it, arises in the hearts of those who are happy to benefit from it. It is resisted by those who are not. And those who do not wish to be.

    Empire is not just an idea. It is a kind of momentum. An impetus to dominate that contains within its circuitry the inevitability of overreach and self-destruction. When the tide changes, and a new empire rises, the managers will change, too. As will the rhetoric of the old managers. And then we will have new managers, with new rhetoric. And there will be new populations who rise up and refuse to be managed.

    #post-colonialisme #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire

    • A propos du #Cachemire (et un peu d’#israel aussi) :

      The BJP has announced its plans to carry out this exercise in West Bengal, too. If that were ever to happen, tens of millions of people would be uprooted. That could easily turn into yet another Partition. Or even, heaven forbid, another Rwanda. It doesn’t end there. In the Muslim-majority State of Jammu and Kashmir, on the other hand, the BJP has declared that it wants to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which gives the state autonomous status and was the only condition under which it would accede to India in 1947. That means beginning a process of overwhelming the local population with Israeli-type settlements in the Kashmir Valley. Over the past thirty years, almost 70,000 people have died in Kashmir’s struggle for self-determination. Any move to eliminate Article 370 would be simply cataclysmic.

      It is interesting that countries that call themselves democracies— India, Israel, and the United States—are busy running military occupations. Kashmir is one of the deadliest and densest military occupations in the world. India transformed from colony to imperial power virtually overnight.

      Et 6 mois plus tard :

      #Arundhati_Roy #Inde

    • peau noires ...

      I recently saw a Malayalam film in the progressive state of Kerala called Abrahaminde Santhathikal (The Sons of Abraham). The vicious, idiot-criminal villains were all black Africans. Given that there is no community of Africans in Kerala, they had to be imported into a piece of fiction in order for this racism to be played out! We can’t pin the blame for this kind of thing on the state. This is society. This is people. Artists, filmmakers, actors, writers—South Indians who are mocked by North Indians for their dark skins in turn humiliating Africans for the very same reason. Mind-bending.

      #racisme #Inde #Kerala

  • Hiding rejected asylum seekers - a legal and moral dilemma

    There’s a growing movement in Germany of people sheltering rejected asylum seekers who are at risk of being deported. They call it humane and an act of civil disobedience. But some critics warn that ’citizens’ asylum’ is illegal and may not help anyone in the long run.

    Hossein* was in his twenties when he decided to become a Christian. After this was discovered by the authorities in his native Iran, he was arrested and harassed, Hossein says. He managed to escape to Turkey, continued to Italy and finally arrived in Germany, where he ended up in a town in the Barnim district on the Polish border.

    When Hossein learned that German authorities were going to send him back to Italy, he panicked. “They put me in jail there and took my savings away from me. There was no way I wanted to go back there,” he told dpa. He took an overdose of sleeping pills.

    Social worker Anna Claßen says they picked Hossein up from the hospital and took him to a private home where he remains, hidden from German authorities and safe from the threat of deportation.

    Claßen belongs to one of a growing number of “citizens’ asylum” groups across the country. There are similar collectives in #Berlin, #Hanover, #Göttingen, #Hildesheim, #Nürnberg-Fürth, #Osnabrück, and #Cologne. The refugee advocacy group, Pro Asyl, says there are a lot more initiatives that are never publicized because of fears there will be legal consequences.

    Risks to asylum seekers

    Anyone who refuses to comply with a deportation order and hides is liable to prosecution for remaining in the country illegally, warns Karl-Heinz Schröter, Brandenburg’s interior minister.

    So far, this hasn’t happened to anyone sheltered by the Barnim Citizens’ Asylum group that took in Hossein, its members say. However, the activist group #Solidarity_City also warns that asylum seekers could find themselves in pre-deportation detention sooner if they are discovered trying to evade deportation.

    Is it illegal to hide asylum seekers?

    According to Minister Schröter, there is no question that those who help asylum seekers to hide are breaking the law. The federal interior ministry also issued the warning this week: “arbitrarily preventing #Dublin transfers or returns from being carried out is unacceptable.”

    Under the Dublin regulation, asylum seekers have to register and remain in the country through which they first entered Europe. If they travel irregularly to another European country, they may be transferred back to the arrival country.

    Others have suggested that a person offering protection to the asylum seeker may not be committing any offense. The Constitution guarantees the individual’s right to freedom of opinion and expression, a spokesperson for the state government in Lower Saxony points out. As long as they are not violent, citizens can’t be prosecuted for exercising their right to prevent deportations, the spokesperson said.

    In Bavaria, Pro Asyl, the Refugee Council and local activists regularly try to forewarn people facing imminent deportation. So far they have not been acting illegally, but that could change under a proposed new law to make deportations easier, the “#Geordnete_Rückkehr_Gesetz”, or Orderly Returns Act.

    Solidarity City says their activities “CAN lead to police proceedings or a court case,” and suggest that members should also be prepared to pay a small fine. They add that it is not an offense to offer accommodation to a person who has a valid “#Duldung” or “Tolerated Stay” status. If this isn’t the case, they suggest people considering offering protection to a deportee should seek advice on the extent of the risk they are taking.

    Civil disobedience

    Solidarity City say citizens’ asylum is an act of civil disobedience similar to blockading nuclear reactors or stopping Nazi parades. They also see themselves as an extension of the Church asylum system, which is largely tolerated by the German government.

    The government disagrees: “(Church asylum) was developed in accordance with the principle of the rule of law,” a federal interior ministry spokesperson said.

    Pastor Katharina Falkenhagen, whose Frankfurt parish has given protection to many asylum seekers threatened with deportation, doubts that asylum seekers benefit from citizen asylum. “The legal consequences for the supporters are not pleasant – preliminary legal proceedings, financial penalties,” Falkenhagen told dpa.

    Church asylum is more like a pause button to stop a deportation from going ahead at short notice, according to Bernd Mesovic, spokesperson for Pro Asyl. The church also has a “special moral role,” he adds.

    Supporters of citizens’ asylum say they are also fulfilling a moral obligation in preventing deportations. For Daniel Kurth, the head of the Barnim district authority, this exposes a dilemma: “If we start to use morality as a way of overriding existing law, we will find ourselves in a very difficult situation.”

    *Hossein is an assumed name


    #Allemagne #sans-papiers #asile #migrations #réfugiés #cachette #cacher #dilemme #résistance #désobéissance_civile #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #Eglise #renvois #expulsions #renvois_Dublin #règlement_Dublin #Hannover #Köln
    ping @karine4 @isskein @_kg_

    • Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz (Orderly Returns Act)

      17. April 2019
      Unsicherheit, Entrechtung, Haft

      PRO ASYL warnt vor Wirkung des »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetzes«
      PRO ASYL appelliert an die Bundesregierung, das ins Kabinett eingebrachte »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz« nicht im Hau-Ruckverfahren durchzupeitschen. »Es gibt keine Rechtfertigung für derart weitreichende Eingriffe«, sagte Günter Burkhardt, Geschäftsführer von PRO ASYL. »Das Gesetz zielt auf Entrechtung, mehr Haft und einem Verdrängen aus Deutschland durch Entzug von Sozialleistungen!« Das Gesetz baut somit systematisch die Rechte geflüchteter Menschen ab. Es schadet der Integration durch jahrelange Unsicherheit aufgrund der Verlängerung der Frist für Widerrufsverfahren auf fünf Jahre. Mit der Einführung einer neuen Duldungsart, einer »Duldung light«, werden die betroffenen Menschen stigmatisiert und der Weg in ein Bleiberecht stark erschwert. Außerdem wird das Gesetz zur Verunsicherung der Zivilgesellschaft aufgrund der weiterhin bestehenden Gefahr der Kriminalisierung führen. Denn in der Flüchtlingsarbeit Tätige könnten durch die Weitergabe von bestimmten Informationen im Rahmen einer Beratung der »Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat« bezichtigt werden.

      Zu Kernpunkten der Kritik im Einzelnen:

      Extreme Kürzungen im Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz

      Für in anderen EU-Mitgliedstaaten anerkannte, ausreisepflichtige Flüchtlinge sollen Leistungen nach zwei Wochen komplett gestrichen werden. Die Rückkehr in Staaten wie Italien, Griechenland und Bulgarien soll mit Hunger und Obdachlosigkeit durchgesetzt werden, obwohl ein solcher Leistungsausschluss dem Grundgesetz widerspricht.

      Massive Ausweitung der Abschiebungshaft

      Im Abschiebungshaftrecht soll eine Beweislastumkehr eingeführt werden, wodurch die Inhaftnahme vereinfach werden soll. Eine solch krasse Verschiebung zu Ungunsten der Betroffenen, die nicht einmal eine/n Anwalt/Anwältin gestellt bekommen, steht nicht in Einklang mit dem Grundsatz, dass jede Inhaftierung nur als letztes Mittel angewendet werden soll. Dass Abschiebungshaft nun sogar in normalen Gefängnissen durchgeführt werden soll, bricht europäisches Recht.

      Bedrohung der Zivilgesellschaft

      Indem der gesamte Ablauf der Abschiebung – inklusive Botschafts- oder Arzttermine – unverhältnismäßigerweise als »Geheimnis« deklariert wird, könnten in der Flüchtlingsarbeit Tätige, die z.B. über den Termin bei einer Botschaft informieren, der Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat bezichtigt werden. Allein die Möglichkeit einer Anklage wird zu starker Verunsicherung bei den Menschen führen, die sich für schutzsuchende Menschen engagieren. Im §353b StGB sind nämlich nur PressevertreterInnen von der Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat ausgenommen, nicht aber zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure. Die Veränderungen des Referentenentwurfes im Zuge der Koalitionsverhandlungen haben die Bedrohung der Zivilgesellschaft nicht beseitigt.

      Anerkannte Flüchtlinge auf Jahre in Unsicherheit

      Für die Widerrufs- und Rücknahmeverfahren von in 2015 bis 2017 Anerkannten soll das BAMF statt wie bisher drei nun bis zu fünf Jahre Zeit haben. Dabei betreffen die Verfahren vor allem Flüchtlinge aus Syrien, Irak und Eritrea. In diesen Ländern hat sich die Lage aber eben nicht nachhaltig und grundlegend verbessert – was der Grund wäre, eine Anerkennung zu widerrufen. Der Integrationsprozess der betroffenen Flüchtlinge wird durch eine solche Unsicherheit fahrlässig blockiert.

      Einführung einer prekären Duldung light

      Durch die neue Duldung für Personen mit »ungeklärter Identität« werden die betroffenen Menschen pauschal mit Arbeitsverbot und Wohnsitzauflage belegt. Außerdem gilt die Zeit in dieser Duldung light nicht als Vorduldungszeit für Bleiberechtsregelungen. Dies könnte vor allem minderjährigen Flüchtlingen trotz guter Integration den Weg in ein Bleiberecht verbauen, da sie vier Jahre vor dem 21. Geburtstag geduldet sein müssen. Die Definition der Passbeschaffungspflicht ist zudem so offen gehalten, dass die Grenzen der Zumutbarkeit nicht erkennbar sind – so könnte eine Vielzahl an Personen unter die Duldung light fallen, da von ihnen immer neue Handlungen verlangt werden können, auch wenn diese im Endeffekt nicht zu Passbeschaffung führen.

      Die neue Welle von Gesetzesverschärfungen ist nicht nachvollziehbar. Seit 2015 gab es über 20 neue Gesetze, die noch nicht ausreichend evaluiert wurden. Öffentlich wird behauptet, man wolle mit den Gesetzesverschärfungen vor allem das Verhalten sogenannter »Identitätstäuscher« sanktionieren. Dabei sind aktuell bereits folgende Sanktionen für geduldete Menschen, die das Abschiebungshindernis angeblich selbst zu vertreten haben, möglich: Arbeitsverbot (§ 60a Abs. 6 AufenthG), Residenzpflicht (§ 61 Abs. 1c AufenthG), Ausschluss von der Aufenthaltserlaubnis (§ 25 Abs. 5 AufenthG) sowie Leistungskürzungen (§ 1a Abs. 3 AsylbLG). Bezüglich der Gründe für gescheiterte Abschiebeversuche musste die Bundesregierung selbst eingestehen, dass sie diese in den meisten Fällen nicht einmal kennt – trotzdem sollen auch hier gesetzliche Maßnahmen ergriffen werden.

      Die vollständige Stellungnahme von PRO ASYL zum »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz« im Rahmen der Verbändeanhörung finden Sie hier.

      Zudem haben weitere Verbände im Rahmen der Verbändeanhörung die Regelungen des »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetzes« kritisiert:

      Gemeinsame Stellungnahme der EKD und des Kommissariats der Deutschen Bischöfe:

      »Nach § 1a Abs. 7 AsylbLG-E erhalten Ausländer, die eine Asylgestattung besitzen oder vollziehbar ausreisepflichtig sind, auch wenn eine Abschiebungsandrohung noch nicht oder nicht mehr vollziehbar ist und deren Asylantrag aufgrund der Dublin III-VO als unzulässig abgelehnt wurde, nur noch Leistungen zur Deckung ihres Bedarfs an Ernährung und Unterkunft einschließlich Heizung sowie Körper- und Gesundheitspflege. Die Kirchen halten eine derartige Regelung für europa- und verfassungsrechtlich bedenklich. […] Die von § 1a Abs. 7 AsylbLG-E Betroffenen haben demnach keine Möglichkeit, den Einschränkungen der Leistungen durch ihr eigenes Verhalten zu entgehen. Ein derartiges Vorgehen scheint den Kirchen auch nicht mit dem Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts (BVerfG) vom 18. Juli 201211 vereinbar zu sein, wonach die Menschenwürde nicht migrationspolitisch relativierbar ist.«

      Der Paritätische Gesamtverband:

      »Die Ausweitung der Gründe, die für eine Fluchtgefahr sprechen bei gleichzeitiger Umkehr der Beweislast zulasten der Ausreisepflichtigen droht in der Praxis zu zahlreichen Verstößen gegen Art. 2 Abs. 2 GG zu führen. Die Freiheit der Person aber ist ein besonders hohes Rechtsgut, in das nur aus wichtigen Gründen eingegriffen werden darf. Dabei spielt der Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßigkeit eine besondere Rolle: Haft darf stets nur das letzte Mittel, also „ultima ratio“ sein.«

      Das Deutsche Rote Kreuz:

      »Nach dem vorliegenden Gesetzentwurf müssen Beratende nunmehr befürchten, sich der Beihilfe oder Anstiftung zum Geheimnisverrat strafbar zu machen. Die Arbeit der Beratungsstellen wird damit wesentlich erschwert. Sucht eine Beraterin um Auskunft bei einer Ausländerbehörde zum konkreten Verfahrensstand eines Ratsuchenden, könnte sie damit zu einer Straftat anstiften, wenn der Mitarbeitende in der Ausländerbehörde Informationen zu Terminen bei Botschaften und Amtsärzten mitteilt und die Beraterin diese dem Ratsuchenden zum Zwecke der umfassenden Sachverhaltsaufklärung weitergibt.«

      Der Jesuitische Flüchtlingsdienst:

      »Die Regelung des §60b geht fälschlicherweise davon aus, dass das Fehlen von Identitätsnachweisen in der Regel dem betreffenden Ausländer anzulasten sei. In unserer alltäglichen Beratungspraxis machen wir jedoch immer wieder die Erfahrung, dass die Probleme vor allem bei den Auslandsvertretungen bestimmter Herkunftsstaaten liegen. So erklärt die Botschaft des Libanon beispielsweise regelmäßig in Fällen von Palästinensern aus dem Libanon, dass Identitätsdokumente erst dann ausgestellt würden, wenn die zuständige Ausländerbehörde schriftlich erkläre, dass dem betreffenden Ausländer ein Aufenthaltstitel erteilt werden soll. Wenn die Ausländerbehörde dies aber verweigert, ist es dem Ausländer nicht möglich, die Botschaft zu einer anderen Verhaltensweise zu zwingen. Gerade auf diese und ähnliche Fälle nimmt der vorgesehene § 60b überhaupt keine Rücksicht.«


  • "Wir wollen so viele Abschiebungen wie möglich verhindern"

    Berliner verstecken Geflüchtete, um sie vor der Abschiebung zu schützen - das ist das Prinzip von „#Bürger*innen-Asyl“. Drei Abschiebungen wurden dadurch schon verhindert. Aber das soll erst der Anfang sein.

    #Berlin #Allemagne #résistance #asile #renvois #expulsions #migrations #réfugiés #cacher #refuge

    Le site web de l’initiative:

  • Dealing with a Production Incident After Midnight

    by Dominic FraserA night worker on a very different infrastructure project takes in the skyline — Shanghai, ChinaFrom 21:22 UTC on Wednesday December 12th a sustained increase in 500 error responses were seen on Skyscanner’s Flight Search Results page, and in the early hours of the following morning 9% of Flight Search traffic was being served a 500 response.As a junior software engineer this was my first experience of assisting to mitigate an out-of-hours production incident. While I had previously collaborated on comparable follow-up investigations, I had never been the one problem-solving during the night (while sleep-deprived) before! This post walks through some specifics of the incident and, by describing the event sequentially (rather than as simply a summary of actions), hopefully (...)

    #aws #cache #redis #production-incident #postmortem

  • Cache your #react event listeners to improve performance.

    An under-appreciated concept in #javascript is how objects and functions are references, and that directly impacts React performance. If you were to create two functions that are completely identical, they are still not equal. Try for yourself:https://medium.com/media/0d887bdd2f9afd017dce4b07f5484ee1/hrefBut check out the difference if you assign a variable to an already-existing function:https://medium.com/media/150e187dd97a13036d6addd58b3fa49e/hrefObjects work the same way.https://medium.com/media/937c9c26bd1b65bbee2f07387b7d7371/hrefIf you have experience in other languages, you may be familiar with pointers. What is happening here is that each time you create an object, you are allocating some amount of memory on the device. When I said that object1 = , I have created a chunk of (...)

    #cache-your-react #react-event-listeners #react-native

  • Integrate CloudwaysCDN with #laravel

    A Content Delivery Network (CDN) is an arrangement of intermediary servers hosted at server farms located all over the web. The goal of a #cdn is to deliver content as fast as possible regardless of the location of the server hosting the website. In technical terms, CDN delivers web caching, load balancing, and request routing to ensure fast page load speed.How CDN Adds Value to Your BusinessRegardless of the nature of your business, CDN adds value to your website. If you are into services delivery, a CDN ensures faster delivery of your services to the clients. Similarly, if you are a product or a platform, a CDN allows all visitors and users enjoy your product without experiencing lag.In all cases, a CDN is an important addition to the website and business processes. The high page load (...)

    #web-development #cache #php

  • Indian-Pakistani clashes in Kashmir put South Asia on knife’s edge - World Socialist Web Site

    Indian-Pakistani clashes in Kashmir put South Asia on knife’s edge
    By Sampath Perera
    31 January 2018

    Exchanges of cross-border fire by Indian and Pakistani forces manning the disputed Kashmir border have intensified since the beginning of the year.

    While cross-border artillery barrages have been frequent, often occurring daily ever since India mounted “surgical strikes” inside Pakistan in September 2016, recent weeks indicate tensions are mounting, raising the prospect of a catastrophic war between South Asia’s nuclear-armed rivals.

    #inde #pakistan #cachemire

  • A Rift Opens in the Kashmir Valley

    Insurgent group #Hizbul_Mujahideen, with support from #Pakistan, will seek to subvert former commander #Zakir_Musa’s breakaway faction in Kashmir.
    The factionalization of the Kashmiri insurgency could benefit India’s counterinsurgency operations.
    Musa’s hard-line Islamist vision and disinterest in secession will constrain his appeal in the progressive Kashmir.

    #Cachemire #Kachmir #Inde #conflits #guerre #disputes_territoriales