• Acea: i profitti oltre gli sprechi
    https://irpimedia.irpi.eu/acea-roma-acquedotti-sprechi-acqua

    La multiutility capitolina potrebbe prelevare più acqua dalla sorgente del Peschiera con la scusa del rinnovo degli impianti, senza intervenire sulle perdite e ignorando le conseguenze della siccità L’articolo Acea: i profitti oltre gli sprechi proviene da IrpiMedia.

    #Ambiente #Diritti #Cambiamento_climatico #Consumatori #Lazio #Spesa_pubblica

  • Un féminisme de la décroissance
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Genevieve-Pruvost-Quotidien-politique

    Pour transformer le quotidien, il est nécessaire non seulement de défaire les rapports de classe, de sexe et de race, mais aussi de renouer avec la matière et la ruralité. L’entre-subsistance permet de fissurer le système capitaliste et patriarcal.

    #Société #féminisme #écologie #campagne
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240710_pruvost.pdf

  • #sicilia. Crisi idrica e #cambiamento_climatico
    https://radioblackout.org/2024/06/sicilia-crisi-idrica-e-cambiamento-climatico

    La Sicilia sta vivendo la peggior crisi idrica della sua storia: il raccolto del grano e del fieno in alcune parti della Sicilia, secondo le stime di Coldiretti, è il 30% di quello dell’anno precedente. Nelle Madonie, la catena montuosa tra Palermo e Messina, il raccolto di grano e foraggio è stato azzerato. A poco […]

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout #siccità
    https://cdn.radioblackout.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/2024-06-25-turco-siccità.mp3

  • Dunkerque : une plainte déposée à la suite de la découverte d’un liquide bleu dans une cuve d’eau potable à destination des migrants
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2024/06/21/dunkerque-une-plainte-deposee-a-la-suite-de-la-decouverte-d-un-liquide-bleu-

    Dunkerque : une plainte déposée à la suite de la découverte d’un liquide bleu dans une cuve d’eau potable à destination des migrants
    L’association britannique Roots a déposé plainte après avoir découvert de l’eau souillée dans une citerne destinée aux exilés du campement de Loon-Plage.
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Une plainte a été déposée après la découverte d’un liquide bleu dans une cuve d’eau potable mise à disposition des migrants par une ONG dans un campement de Loon-Plage, près de Dunkerque, a appris l’Agence France-Presse vendredi 21 juin auprès d’associations. Ce liquide a été retrouvé le 14 juin, a fait savoir l’ONG britannique Roots, qui vient en aide aux migrants présents sur le littoral du nord de la France dans l’attente d’une tentative de traversée vers l’Angleterre, confirmant une information de Libération. L’association a porté plainte. Roots précise avoir donné aux gendarmes un échantillon du liquide pour qu’il soit analysé. Christopher, un bénévole de Roots, évoque une odeur chimique et mentholée, comme celle d’un produit ménager.
    « C’était un acte volontaire, dont on ne connaît pas la finalité mais, dans tous les cas, l’intention était de nuire », assène auprès de Libération Thomas Chambon, chargé de mission des maraudes sur le littoral pour l’association Utopia 56. La cuve est placée à l’écart du camp, à la jonction de deux routes de campagne. Pour la remplir, il faut se hisser et dévisser un gros bouchon au sommet de la citerne de 1 000 litres, selon nos confrères. Les membres de Roots avaient déjà retrouvé la citerne percée à coups de couteau.
    Médecins du monde explique à Libé qu’« on voit beaucoup des cas de gale. Des femmes présentent des infections urinaires, surtout l’été. Elles limitent leur consommation d’eau, en lien avec l’absence de toilettes dignes et sécurisées. » Sans compter l’impossibilité de se laver correctement.
    D’après Claire Millot de l’association Salam, qui distribue des repas aux exilés dans ce secteur, 300 à 400 personnes vivent actuellement sur ce vaste campement. Un point d’eau y a été installé par la communauté urbaine de Dunkerque à la suite de la grève de la faim d’un bénévole de l’association à la fin de 2023. L’amélioration de l’accès à l’eau des migrants était l’une des revendications, mais, selon Claire Millot, d’autres points d’eau qui devaient être installés ne l’ont pas été. L’association Roots, non mandatée par l’Etat, dispose et remplit des cuves d’eau potable sur le campement pour permettre aux migrants de boire, cuisiner et se laver.« Là, c’était un liquide bleu, donc les gars ne l’ont pas bu mais cela aurait été incolore et un poison, même un poison pas très violent qui donne juste mal au ventre, dans les conditions sanitaires dans lesquelles ils vivent, cela aurait pu être dramatique », s’alarme Mme Millot. Ce type d’actes sur le campement de Loon-Plage est, selon elle, « une première », mais elle craint que ce type de faits ne « se multiplient ».
    A Calais, une cuve d’eau de l’organisation Calais Food Collective avait été retirée par la mairie en août 2023, les associations dénonçant une nouvelle tentative d’« entrave à l’aide humanitaire ». L’énième épisode d’une guerre d’usure de longue date menée par la ville dirigée par la maire Natacha Bouchart (Les Républicains) contre les « points de fixation » des personnes exilés. En 2021, Calais Food Collective dénonçait le harcèlement quasi quotidien des services de la ville, de la préfecture et de la police : « 3 février, cuve enlevée par la police ; 8 février, cuve volée par police (…) ; 13 juin, de l’essence est répandue autour de la cuve (…) 21 août, cuve détruite au même moment qu’une opération de CRS ; (…) 4 septembre, urine et bris de verre sur une cuve ».
    L’association Utopia 56 souligne, pour sa part, que l’accès à l’eau est un droit fondamental et que deux personnes migrantes sont mortes noyées, en 2022 et 2023, « dans un canal en souhaitant se laver par manque d’accès à l’eau sur le campement [de Loon-Plage] ». L’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) estime qu’il faut entre 50 et 100 litres d’eau par personne et par jour pour répondre aux besoins de base. A Calais, selon un rapport conjoint du collectif d’ONG Coalition eau et de l’association Solidarités International, datant de 2022, les exilés sur place disposaient en moyenne d’à peine 4,9 litres par jour.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#france#calais#humanitaire#campement#sante

  • La #police en #hélicoptère, ou la #surveillance militaire des citoyens.

    Depuis plusieurs années, les hélicoptères de la #gendarmerie sont régulièrement déployés pour des missions de surveillance de l’#espace_public, et ce en toute #illégalité. Dotés d’un matériel d’abord développé dans un contexte militaire, la police se vante de leur capacité d’#espionnage bien supérieure à celles des #drones : #caméras_thermiques avec #zoom ultra-puissant, suivi automatisé des suspects, transmission en temps-réel des images à des postes de commandement…

    Leur usage n’a pourtant jamais été sanctionné – ni par le juge ni par la Cnil. Le gouvernement veut maintenant les légaliser dans la PPL « #Sécurité_Globale » – dont les débats ont repris début mars au Sénat.

    Difficile de remonter aux premières utilisations d’hélicoptères par la police à des fins de surveillance de l’espace public. En octobre 2000, une question écrite au Sénat laisse déjà deviner une utilisation régulière d’hélicoptères équipés de « caméras vidéo thermiques embarquées » par la police et la gendarmerie.

    Aujourd’hui en tous cas, la police et la gendarmerie sont fières de leurs capacités de surveillance. Pendant le #confinement, elles vantaient ainsi que l’hélicoptère « ne peut être ni vu ni entendu par les personnes au sol » et est doté de caméras « capables de deviner à des centaines de mètres la présence d’êtres humains ou d’animaux ». En 2018, il était précisé que la caméra pouvait même « identifier un individu à 1,5 km de distance » avec retransmission « en direct et suivi depuis le centre interministériel de crise du ministère de l’Intérieur ».

    En 2017, le commandant des « forces aériennes de la gendarmerie nationale » parle d’un « énorme zoom qui permet de lire à 300 mètres d’altitude une plaque d’immatriculation située à un kilomètre, d’identifier une personne à 2 km et un véhicule à 4 km », précisant qu’il peut « demander à la caméra de suivre automatiquement un objectif, quelle que soit la position ou la trajectoire de l’hélicoptère ».

    Un matériel militaire pour de la #surveillance_interne

    Plus que le type d’hélicoptère utilisé (apparemment, des « #EC-135 » que la gendarmerie prête à la police quand celle-ci en a besoin), c’est le type de caméra qui importe.

    Depuis au moins 2010, la gendarmerie utilise un dispositif nommé « #Wescam_MX-15 » – qui n’est même plus qualifié de « simple caméra » mais de « #boule_optronique ». C’est cet objet, avec sa caméra thermique et son zoom surpuissant, qui permet à la police de filmer, traquer, identifier (de jour comme de nuit) et de retransmettre en direct le flux vidéo, avec une « qualité d’image comparable à celle que le public connaît pour le Tour de France ».

    C’est un appareil clairement militaire, utilisé dans des zones de guerre et répertorié en tant que tel sur des sites d’armement. Il est pourtant déployé depuis plusieurs années au-dessus des #villes en France. Comme pour d’autres outils de la #Technopolice (drones, #vidéosurveillance automatisée…), il y a encore ici cette porosité entre les technologies militaires utilisées dans les pays en guerre, celles expérimentées aux #frontières et celles déployées pour la surveillance des villes – soit une #militarisation progressive de nos espaces publics.

    Pour le futur, les hélicoptères devraient être équipés chez #Safran, avec une « boule optronique » dite « #Euroflir_410 » : un zoom encore plus puissant, des détecteurs de mouvement, un ordinateur intégré… Bref, un ensemble de #technologies que la police ne manquera pas d’utiliser pour nous espionner au plus près. Comme pour les drones, ce type de technologies couplé à de l’#analyse_logicielle des #images concrétise la société fantasmée par le ministère de l’Intérieur dans son livre blanc publié en novembre dernier : celui d’une #surveillance_automatisée et totale. L’objectif est que ce nouveau dispositif soit « opérationnel avant les #JO de Paris 2024 ».

    Surveillance des #manifestations et #identification des « #suspects »

    Les utilisations des hélicoptères semblent encore plus larges que celles des drones : surveillance du confinement et des #manifestations, surtout pendant celles des #gilets_jaunes. En mars 2019, la gendarmerie annonce d’ailleurs avoir effectué 717 heures de vol au-dessus des manifestations, pour un coût total de 1 million d’euros.

    En 2010, déjà, la gendarmerie se vantait de sa surveillance des manifestations, car les hélicoptères sont, selon elle, « les mieux placés pour détecter les débordements, incidents ou intrusions dans les cortèges » avec des « images transmises en direct dans les salles de commandement (…) permettant aux responsables de faire intervenir immédiatement les effectifs au sol ».

    Au-delà de le surveillance des machines, c’est aussi sur leur capacité d’intimidation que mise la police quand elle dit « faire du bruit » au dessus des manifestations ou qu’elle multiplie les survols menaçants et continus au-dessus des #ZAD.

    Illégalité et #impunité de la surveillance

    Tout ce pouvoir de surveillance n’a jamais été, et n’est toujours pas, encadré par le moindre texte de #loi. Il n’existe aucune limite à ce qu’a pu faire et ce que peut faire aujourd’hui la police en termes de surveillance de la voie publique par hélicoptères : durée de conservation des données, types de lieux pouvant être filmés, accès aux images, information sur la captation…

    C’est exactement la même illégalité que nous avions soulevé concernant les drones et qui a conduit à leur interdiction en France, par le Conseil d’Etat d’abord, par la Cnil ensuite : l’absence de texte législatif ou réglementaire permettant à la police de capter des données personnelles. Rien de tel malheureusement pour les hélicoptères : malgré leur utilisation régulière, aucune autorité n’est venue rappeler le droit à la police.

    Le gouvernement, les parlementaires et la police en sont bien conscients. Ils veulent donc profiter de la proposition de loi « Sécurité globale » pour légaliser le dispositif – plusieurs dizaines d’années plus tard.

    La proposition de loi « Sécurité globale » revient en ce moment devant le Sénat. En plus d’intensifier la vidéosurveillance fixe, elle veut légitimer la vidéosurveillance mouvante : les drones, les caméras-piétons, les caméras embarquées et donc, les hélicoptères. Les parlementaires doivent refuser la militarisation de la surveillance de l’espace public.

    https://technopolice.fr/blog/la-police-en-helicoptere-ou-la-surveillance-militaire-des-citoyens
    #surveillance_militaire #France #armée

  • Dans les camps. Hospitalité française
    http://anarlivres.free.fr/pages/nouveau.html#camps

    Le 23 février 1939 paraissait dans « Le Libertaire » un article de Maurice Doutreau sur le camp de concentration de Saint-Cyprien dans les Pyrénées-Orientales qui « accueillait » les républicains espagnols, fuyant l’avancée des troupes franquistes. Les premiers camps sont situés en bord de mer, sur la plage, où il n’y a rien pour les accueillir, à part les barbelés, les gardes mobiles et les troupes coloniales. Séparés de leur famille, les hommes sont parqués dans le froid, sans soins et sans hygiène. Le journaliste dénonce ces conditions de vie inhumaine, l’hypocrisie des politiques et le rôle de ses confrères de la presse bourgeoise chargés de faire accepter l’inacceptable (...)

    #GuerreEspagne #anarchisme #libertaire #camps #médias #Saint-Cyprien

  • A Sliver of Hope on the Deadly Route to the Canary Islands

    In Western Sahara, one local aid association has pioneered new ways to keep migrants from making the journey.

    “Papa Africa, Papa Africa,” calls a voice in an alleyway in Laayoune, Western Sahara’s largest city, as #Abdelkebir_Taghia walks past fish stalls. Since 2005, this Moroccan of Sahrawi origin, now in his 50s, has devoted all his free time to helping and protecting migrants who try to reach Europe by crossing the murderous Atlantic Ocean from the Sahara region to the Canary Islands. In the process, he gained his nickname and established himself as one of the few indispensable direct observers of migration in this area. Official data is scarce here, hampered by a lack of access to migrants’ points of departure in a huge and sparsely populated region where one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts, over the status of Western Sahara, rumbles on.

    In 2023, “The Atlantic route to the Canary Islands was once again the deadliest migratory region in the world,” according to #Caminando_Fronteras, a Spanish nongovernmental organization that defends human rights in border regions. It reports that just over 6,000 people died on the “Canary route” over the year, including hundreds of children and many on makeshift boats that disappeared without a trace. Taghia cooperates with Caminando Fronteras to try and count the number of victims and missing persons who leave from the Sahara coast. An estimated 1,418 of those who died during the crossing in 2023 set off from this stretch of coastline, on a route mostly taken at the end of a long and often violent migration process.

    Since 2017, the number of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Palestine, Syria and Yemen seeking to cross the ocean here has continued to rise, as the authorities have increased controls at the usual crossing points in northern Morocco. Migration is documented mainly on the arrivals side, by the Spanish Ministry of the Interior, which counts almost 40,000 migrants as having landed in the Canary Islands in 2023. In January 2024 alone, more than 7,270 migrants arrived in the archipelago, according to data from the Spanish authorities, over 10 times the number in January 2023.

    Over many years, and with modest resources, Taghia has set up the only migrant aid association in #Laayoune, covering the whole region. It raises awareness of the dangers of crossing and offers an alternative, facilitating integration into the local society and organizing discussion workshops for migrant women. “In the Sahara, Rabat, Marrakech or Tangiers, everyone knows me as Papa Africa. Since 2014, with my team, I’ve been able to help 7,000-8,000 people in the region. Looking back, I can’t believe it,” says Taghia, who is always the first to open the door of his association in the morning. The premises were set up in 2016, in a working-class district of the city near to the ocean, helped by the Catholic charity federation Caritas Internationalis and subsidies from the Moroccan government. The main hall, where a poster reads “Solidarity is not a crime, it’s a duty!” is crowded all day long. “We chose to be in the immediate vicinity of where the migrants live. Our aim has always been to focus on the most vulnerable population. It’s important to give them a place to express themselves, with all that they have endured during their migration,” he explains.

    Historically, the region is a crossroads of cultures and peoples, and in the surrounding area the local population rubs shoulders with Wolofs, Peuls, Mauritanians and Ivoirians. “We’ve always been used to seeing Black people here. There is less racism than in the north of the country. The locals rent flats to migrants, which is not the case elsewhere in Morocco,” Taghia says, as he sips a Touba coffee from Senegal, the only one to be found in the neighborhood. Pointing to several flags of African and Middle Eastern countries on a shelf in the main room, the humanitarian estimates that between 15,000 and 18,000 migrants are currently in Laayoune.

    The desert area of Western Sahara is bordered to the east by a front line between Morocco and the Sahrawi nationalist Polisario Front, known as the “wall of sands,” and to the west by the Atlantic Ocean. The varied and shifting behavior of migrants in this area makes it hard to ascertain their numbers: Some decide to settle and make Morocco their home, some make the crossing and others wait to cross. And the crossings depart from a wild coastline — a sort of no-man’s-land — stretching as far as the eye can see, for more than 680 miles. This expanse offers illegal immigrants a multitude of possible departure zones when night falls, as they hope to reach the Canary Islands, the small Spanish archipelago that has become the new gateway to the European Union.

    Throughout the year, Taghia roams the coastline of dunes falling into the ocean, from Tarfaya in the north to Dakhla in the south, reaching out to migrants preparing to cross and making them aware of the dangers of the ocean. “We don’t encourage them to make the crossing because it’s too dangerous. They think that the Canaries are not far away, but the weather conditions are difficult, hence the many shipwrecks,” he says.

    The vastness of the coastal strip facilitates the departure of makeshift boats from scattered crossing points. In places, it is sometimes possible to see the lights coming from the Spanish islands on a fine day. At the closest point, in the Tarfaya region, the Moroccan coast is 62 miles from the Canaries — a mere stone’s throw, but across some of the world’s most dangerous waters for migrants.

    As Caminando Fronteras outlines in its recent report, migrants’ chances for survival on this route are strongly affected by relations between Morocco and Spain. Morocco has sought to use its willingness to oversee migration routes to gain recognition for its control of the region and its waters, and in 2023 the Spanish search and rescue agency Salvamento Maritimo did effectively recognize Moroccan control of the route by distributing maps drawn up by the kingdom. Rescues are delayed as the Spanish authorities encourage Morocco to take responsibility for migrants at sea, adding to the dangers faced by those making the crossing.

    The flow of migrants taking the route from both Western Sahara and from the West African coast in general to the Canaries began in the 1990s and intensified in 2006 with the “pirogue crisis,” when thousands attempted the crossing from the coasts of Senegal and Mauritania to the Canaries, spurred by conflicts in several countries, tightening border controls at Ceuta and Melilla and the collapse of traditional fisheries under pressure from intensive fishing practices. This period coincided with the start of Taghia’s humanitarian involvement. “My commitment began some 20 years ago, when I was drinking coffee with friends here in this local cafe. At the time, next to this cafe, there was a detention center where migrants were held after being rescued at sea. They had just come out of the water, still wet, and they were going to be sent straight back to Mauritania at that point,” he remembers, adding: “I couldn’t stand by and do nothing. At the beginning, in 2005, I started to help by simply collecting and distributing clothes and food. It wasn’t as structured as it is today with the association premises. There was no help for immigrants, and nobody understood why we were helping them.”

    From 2017, the association was able to observe an increase in the arrival of migrants seeking to cross to the Canaries. “First, the Moroccan authorities blocked departures in northern Morocco. Then, in Libya, migrants are victims of rape and human trafficking. And recently, in Tunisia, the authorities abandoned them in the desert. More and more migrants are leaving here, despite the risks of the fatal ocean,” he explains. But these are not the only reasons that people continue to come. “The flow increased enormously during and after the COVID crisis. With the problem of building sites and shops closing all over the world, and particularly in Africa, this has led to a loss of jobs,” he adds. With the number of crossings on the increase, the watchword at the association’s office is “raising awareness” of the dangers involved.

    Taghia has surrounded himself with volunteers: two women, Aicha Sallasylla and Diara Thiam, and two men, Aboubakar Ndiaye and Abdou Ndiaye, all from Senegal. This team is a symbol of what Taghia has achieved over the past 20 years. Some of those now working with him considered the crossing to Europe themselves. It was after meeting Taghia that they decided to stay in Laayoune to help prevent further deaths and to try to help others envisage a future in Morocco like their own.

    Every morning, the group gathers in the meeting room to plan the tasks ahead and take stock of the weather situation, worrying about the survival of any migrants who might take to the ocean. “When we are confronted with dozens of corpses, regularly, we have to take the lead. We must raise awareness among young people so that they take the necessary measures. People’s lives are important, which is why we turn to community leaders. But some of them are smugglers, so our message doesn’t always get through,” says Taghia, who organizes the monthly awareness campaigns with Thiam. According to Taghia, nearly 1 in 10 of the boats run aground. Sallasylla, a volunteer with the association who wanted to cross in the past, says: “Clandestine migration is financed by family investments. Relatives sell their land to get to Europe, hoping to be able to pay off the journey. By the time they get here, it’s often too late, because they’ve already taken out a loan with a bank or their family.” “Cross or die” is the migrants’ motto. In debt or under family pressure, migrants feel they have no choice but to continue their journey. “All this encourages people to leave. And we can only convince two or three people out of 10,” she admits.

    Not far from Laayoune, Taghia and Abdou walk along an endless sandy beach. They usually come here when there is a risk of shipwreck, hoping to find survivors. They are close; Taghia saved Abdou from his attempted crossings. Abdou, 38, has since become a volunteer with the association. “This beach was a starting point, but now the gendarmes are on the lookout,” he says, pointing to soldiers on patrol. The two men watch the sunset over the Atlantic Ocean, worried.

    Over the last few days, as is often the case, dozens of people have gone missing in the open sea. Abdou shows a message on his phone: “SOS in the Atlantic! We were alerted to the presence of a boat with 47 people in distress coming from Tarfaya. We lost contact 42 hours ago. To date, we’ve had no news.” It was sent by Alarm Phone, a group of volunteers offering telephone assistance to people in distress in the Mediterranean, the Aegean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, with whom the association works. Testimonies from families and alerts from civilians in the departure areas are vital to the rescue operation. “When we receive these alerts, we share the GPS coordinates of the last known positions with the Moroccan maritime forces,” Taghia explains.

    On the beach, Abdou discusses the mechanisms of clandestine migration in the light of his own story, under Taghia’s benevolent gaze. Abdou has tried to cross three times. He entered Morocco illegally in 2012 and for three years he worked in fish-freezing factories. Every year, at the time of Eid el-Kebir, a public holiday, Abdou traveled to Tangiers with friends, with a single goal in mind: the crossing to Europe. Each time they arrived in northern Morocco, Abdou and his friends tried to find a so-called “captain” to take them out to sea. “The captains are often sub-Saharan fishermen who want to immigrate. The fishermen don’t pay for the journey, and in exchange, they guide us out to sea. It’s a win-win situation,” Abdou confides, adding: “In the north of Morocco, we can’t use motorboats, because we don’t want to make noise and be spotted. So, we paddle.” Abdou was arrested twice in a forest before he had even touched water, and the third time at sea.

    In 2015, Abdou found a new job in a factory in El Marsa, a few miles from Laayoune: “That’s where I heard about Papa Africa. Since then, it has given meaning to my life, by giving me the opportunity to help people,” Abdou says, looking out over the ocean. Taghia, moved, replies: “You have to have love and desire. You must know how to live for others.” Since then, Abdou has decided to save lives alongside Papa Africa, a commitment that has earned him respect and turned him into an unofficial leader of the Senegalese community in Laayoune.

    hile the association works to save lives, others take advantage of the “European dream” and turn it into a business. “There are two kinds of prices for the Canaries: the ‘classic pack’ for which you pay $550 on departure and $2,100 on arrival. And then there’s the ‘guaranteed’ option, which costs $3,200 if you arrive at your destination,” explains Abdou. It’s a financial windfall for the local mafia and the smugglers. A small 9-meter Zodiac inflatable boat carrying 58 people can make $150,000. According to our information, the people at the head of the networks are Moroccan nationals. They never physically move. They organize the clandestine crossings from their homes and instruct the sub-Saharan smugglers to bring the Zodiacs to the beach.

    For Taghia and Abdou, this illegal business is distressing: “It hurts us to see people dying. We are eyewitnesses to these tragedies. We regularly see inanimate bodies washed ashore. Families with no news contact me to find out if their loved ones are still alive,” Abdou says. To facilitate the search, Abdou visits the local morgues. “The family sends me a passport photo and a photo of the missing person taken in everyday life. The last time, I was able to identify a corpse in a morgue thanks to a scar on the forehead,” says Abdou.

    The association’s goal of saving lives is ultimately at odds with the smugglers’ activities, and when asked if he has experience of pressure from the mafia, Taghia replies: “Not directly. But I hear things here and there.” Hundreds of criminal networks involved in migrant smuggling and human trafficking are dismantled every year by the Moroccan authorities, sponsored since 2019 by the EU and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, with a budget of 15 million euros allocated over three years for Morocco and the rest of North Africa (Egypt, Libya, Algeria and Tunisia).

    In Abdou’s view, the smugglers are not the only ones responsible for the human tragedies in the Atlantic: “The European Union is guilty of these deaths. It allocates large subsidies to third countries to combat immigration. Instead of externalizing its border protection, the EU could fund humanitarian development projects or vocational training centers in the countries of departure,” he says, adding: “In Senegal, it’s mainly the fishermen who are leaving. There are no fish left because of the fishing contracts signed with China and South Korea, which practice industrial overfishing. They’ve taken everything.” According to a report published by the Foundation for Environmental Justice, almost two-thirds of Senegalese fishermen say that their income has fallen over the last five years. One of the causes of this decline is overfishing, notably the destruction of breeding grounds following the arrival of foreign industrial fishing fleets off the Senegalese coast. “In five to 10 years’ time, there won’t be any young people left in Senegal,” Abdou says.

    In June 2023, the European Commission presented an EU action plan on the migratory routes of the Western Mediterranean and the Atlantic, supporting the outsourcing of border management and strengthening “the capacities of Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal and the Gambia to develop targeted actions to prevent irregular departures.” To prevent migrants from organizing themselves to make the crossing to the Canary Islands, Morocco is deploying measures to keep them away from the departure areas and move them to other towns.

    In support of integrated border and migration management, Morocco received 44 million euros from the EU between December 2018 and April 2023. Yet for Taghia, the tactics funded in this way are inadequate. “Morocco has a duty to limit departures under bilateral agreements. The financial aid granted by the EU is mainly distributed to the Moroccan coast guards and security services. They mustn’t take an exclusively security-oriented approach. We need to have a long-term humanitarian vision, aimed at vocational training and the integration of migrants in their countries of origin or when they arrive here,” he says. “In Laayoune at the moment, there are arrests everywhere, because recently, following several shipwrecks that left many dead and missing, the authorities have arrested and moved migrants all over the Sahara, to keep them away from the departure areas.”

    According to some witnesses in the region interviewed by New Lines, migrants are regularly subjected to police violence and forced displacement in efforts to keep them away from the departure points and dissuade them from taking to sea. New Lines was able to visit a migrants’ hostel to gather testimonies from direct victims of police violence and view several videos documenting human rights violations against migrants. To protect the victims, we will not give details of their identities or backgrounds.

    A man who testified that he had been subjected to police violence on several occasions said: “During the day, we hide to avoid police raids. When the police arrive at the houses to arrest us, some of us jump off the roofs to try and escape, and some of us break a leg.” Several victims told of how these “displacement” operations to move migrants away from the departure zones are carried out. “Often, the police are in civilian clothes. When we ask to see their identity papers or badges, they hit us,” one person said. “They force us into vans or buses, then take us to a center outside Laayoune. We remain detained in unsanitary conditions for a few days until we can fill a bus with 40 to 50 people to take us to other Moroccan towns.” Measures are different for migrants rescued at sea or arrested by coastguards at the time of crossing, who are systematically incarcerated in detention centers and released after several days. “I left my country because of a political crisis, so I wanted to take refuge in Morocco. I had no intention of crossing, but the violence here might force me to take the risk,” a young woman from Ivory Coast told New Lines in tears.

    Taghia has just returned from Dakhla, where he met with the Senegalese consul, installed in the coastal town in April 2021, to obtain permits for access to the detention center in Laayoune, in the hope of finding Senegalese migrants reported missing after shipwrecks or rescues, and providing news to their families. According to our information, there are four detention centers in the area: one on the outskirts of Laayoune, two in Dakhla and one in Tan-Tan.

    “Morocco is caught between the African countries and the European Union,” Taghia says. The Cherifian Kingdom does not wish to carry out mass expulsions of sub-Saharan immigrants to their countries of origin, which could jeopardize its strategic and diplomatic relations with the rest of Africa. In this context, from 2014 the Moroccan government adopted a new comprehensive national strategy called “immigration and asylum,” aimed at regularizing the situation of irregular migrants present on Moroccan territory and facilitating their social integration. This initiative, partly funded by the European Union, is one of the policy levers intended to reduce the migratory flow to Europe. In January 2024, the UNHCR estimated that there were 10,280 refugees and 9,386 asylum seekers from 50 different countries in Morocco. “In Laayoune, in 2015, a Migrant Monitoring Commission was set up to facilitate access to healthcare, and regularization. But we don’t have the exact figures for the number of migrants regularized in the region, because they are not public data. The Regional Human Rights Commission and the Wilaya have helped to integrate migrants. Today, migrant children can enroll in school. And doors have started to open for humanitarian projects,” Taghia says.

    “We don’t stop migration at the last minute. If someone has traveled from Guinea to Algeria and then on to Morocco, you can’t ask them to stop along the way. So, we must meet their economic needs by giving them a professional perspective here,” he says. Taghia is aware that the situation of migrants remains fragile and precarious across the region. “We would like to be able to obtain grants from the European Union to help us develop humanitarian projects like the ones we are currently setting up,” he points out. He perseveres, using his own contacts and seeking support from the Catholic Church in Laayoune. He regularly crisscrosses the city to convince companies to recruit migrants. “We’ve become a sort of employment agency,” he says with a smile. “This year, we managed to find work for 25 people who were already qualified in their country of origin. Today, they are working, for example, in gardening, mechanics or catering.”

    Since 2023, he has been trying to create partnerships with local schools to provide vocational training for migrants, making it more likely that they choose to stay and avoid tragedy at sea. Amie Gueye, 28, is one of them. A Senegalese mother, she came to Morocco with her husband and two children. In the salon where she is training to become a hairdresser, she explains that the association helped to find her the opportunity.

    Day after day, Abdou’s phone keeps ringing. One morning, he listens to an audio message — “I’ve arrived in Spain” — looking reassured. Abdou confides: “He’s a Burkinabe who’s had a problem with his leg since he was born. He wanted to go to Spain for treatment because, despite several operations in Burkina Faso, it wasn’t getting any better,” adding, “Like Papa Africa, my days are focused on the needs of migrants. My phone even rings at night. Yesterday, I took a woman who was about to give birth to the hospital by taxi at 3 in the morning.” The needs are regularly medical, and the association activates its personal networks to take care of the migrants. Sometimes there are happy days, like this time with the new baby, and Taghia decides to drive his team to the hospital. A rock fan, he puts on a song by an artist he likes; Sallasylla starts humming to the tune of Dire Straits’ “Sultans of Swing.” The volunteers arrive enthusiastically with gifts for the mother and baby Abdou has helped. Sallasylla dances as she enters the room, Taghia shouts “Congratulations,” while Thiam takes the newborn in her arms and exclaims: “He looks just like his brother.”

    https://newlinesmag.com/reportage/a-sliver-of-hope-on-the-deadly-route-to-the-canary-islands

    #Canaries #îles_Canaries #migrations #réfugiés #Papa_Africa #solidarité #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #route_Atlantique #Espagne #contrôles_frontaliers #Sahara_occidental #Maroc #dissuasion

  • Les écoles privées attirent les étudiants étrangers sans master en quête de titre de séjour
    https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2024/05/24/les-ecoles-privees-seduisent-les-etudiants-etrangers-sans-master-en-quete-de

    Les écoles privées attirent les étudiants étrangers sans master en quête de titre de séjour
    Par Anjara Andriambelo
    Publié le 24 mai 2024 à 18h37, modifié le 25 mai 2024 à 08h30
    Poursuivre ses études en France, après une licence, est souvent source d’anxiété pour les étudiants étrangers. Et pour cause : l’acceptation dans une formation permet à l’autorité préfectorale d’apprécier le caractère réel et sérieux des études lors du renouvellement de leur titre de séjour. « C’est un parcours du combattant », témoigne Aline (les personnes citées par leurs prénoms souhaitent rester anonymes), 22 ans. Dans l’attente fébrile des résultats de la plate-forme nationale Mon master, rendus publics le 4 juin, l’étudiante chinoise, inscrite en licence d’écogestion à l’université Paris-Saclay, redoute de voir ses craintes se concrétiser et sa situation administrative compromise, en cas de rejet de ses quinze candidatures. Pour ces étrangers, qui représentent 14 % des étudiants inscrits dans l’enseignement supérieur français, l’enjeu est de taille. A ce jour, ni Campus France, l’établissement public chargé de la promotion de l’enseignement supérieur français, ni le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche ne sont en mesure de chiffrer le nombre d’étudiants de nationalité étrangère recalés. Campus France dit « ne pas s’être penché sur le sujet ».
    Le manque de suivi « est une réalité à dénoncer », déplore Emile Albini, chargé de travaux dirigés en droit administratif à l’université d’Orléans, et vice-président de l’association Voix des étudiants étrangers, dont la mission est d’accompagner ceux-ci gratuitement dans leurs démarches auprès des préfectures depuis 2023. Il dit suivre plusieurs dizaines de cas d’étudiants non affectés, redoutant, dans le pire des cas, une obligation de quitter le territoire français.
    Conscientes de cette vulnérabilité, les écoles privées intéressent ces candidats déçus. Ce qui n’est pas sans risque pour eux. La diversité actuelle de l’offre de formation peut créer de la confusion, entre grades, visas, établissement d’enseignement supérieur privé d’intérêt général, titres inscrits au répertoire national des certifications professionnelles (RNCP) ou encore le label décerné par le ministère du travail Qualiopi.
    D’après le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche « cette multiplicité a fini par créer un paysage peu lisible, permettant à certains acteurs de jouer sur le flou en prétendant un niveau de reconnaissance par l’Etat qu’ils ne possèdent pas ». (...)
    En 2018, la loi dite « pour la liberté de choisir son avenir professionnel » a engendré un véritable essor de l’alternance qui a séduit notamment de plus en plus les étudiants étrangers, grâce à l’argument de l’employabilité, vendu par les écoles. Selon Emile Albini, cette attractivité s’explique par l’espoir, à terme, de pouvoir plus facilement basculer dans le marché du travail et d’obtenir un titre de séjour salarié auprès de la préfecture.
    Pour ces étudiants, l’apprentissage apporte la garantie d’une meilleure insertion sur le marché du travail. En France, 852 000 nouveaux contrats ont été signés en 2023, ce qui a permis de franchir la barre symbolique du million de jeunes en apprentissage, selon les derniers chiffres publiés par la Direction de l’animation de la recherche, des études et des statistiques. Les entreprises reçoivent jusqu’à 6 000 euros de subventions de l’Etat par apprenti. Un marché attractif pour de nombreuses écoles privées.
    (...)
    « Tout étranger victime de pratiques frauduleuses est légitime à porter plainte pour les faits qui le concernent directement », rappelle le ministère de l’intérieur et des outre-mer. Mais « certains étudiants sont découragés de le faire parce qu’ils peuvent être sous la menace d’une obligation de quitter le territoire français. Ils obtiennent rarement une réponse, et la procédure met l’étudiant qui témoigne dans une situation compliquée », explique le porte-parole de l’association Voix des étudiants étrangers.
    Selon une enquête de la direction générale de la concurrence, de la consommation et de la répression des fraudes en 2022, plus de 30 % des établissements contrôlés se sont révélés être en anomalie en matière de pratiques commerciales trompeuses, usant de mentions valorisantes sans justification vérifiable, comme « mastère, diplôme équivalent master 1, Master of Science, MBA… »
    Le ministère de l’intérieur et des outre-mer déclare collaborer avec le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et le ministère du travail, dans la mise en place d’un label, en vue d’une meilleure information des étudiants nationaux et internationaux souhaitant entreprendre un cursus d’études dans un établissement privé. « L’objectif est qu’il soit plus simple à lire pour les jeunes et leur famille. Il aura également pour conséquence de limiter les abus liés pouvant parfois apparaître autour du flou sur la reconnaissance de certaines formations », assure le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche. Le nouveau label, initialement attendu au printemps, est désormais annoncé pour cet été.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#france#etudiantetranger#universite#OQTF#campusfrance#titredesejour#sante

  • #campi_bisenzio (FI). Manifestazione antimilitarista alla #leonardo
    https://radioblackout.org/2024/05/campi-bisenzio-fi-manifestazione-antimilitarista-alla-leonardo

    Il 24 maggio maggio, data simbolica per il militarismo italiano, l’Assemblea Antimilitarista #toscana ha indetto una manifestazione alla sede della Leonardo di Campi Bisenzio. Di seguito il loro appello: “Venerdì 24 maggio 2024 manifestazione presidio antimiilitarista per la conversione produttiva della Leonardo da fabbrica di armi di morte a fabbrica di beni di vita. ore […]

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout #antimilitarismo #assemblea_antimilitarista #firenze #guerra
    https://cdn.radioblackout.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2023-05-21-vincenzo-campi-bisenzio.mp3

  • Kenneth Stern, juriste américain : « Notre définition de l’antisémitisme n’a pas été conçue comme un outil de régulation de l’expression »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2024/05/21/kenneth-stern-juriste-americain-notre-definition-de-l-antisemitisme-n-a-pas-

    L’universitaire new-yorkais déplore, dans un entretien au « Monde », l’utilisation du concept d’antisémitisme à des fins politiques dans le cadre de la guerre Israël-Hamas.
    Propos recueillis par Valentine Faure

    Le juriste américain Kenneth Stern est directeur du Center for the Study of Hate de l’université de Bard (New York) et auteur de The Con­flict Over the Con­flict : The Israel/​Palestine Cam­pus Debate (University of Toronto Press, 2020, non traduit). Il a été le principal rédacteur du texte sur la définition de l’#antisémitisme de l’Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste (IHRA), utilisée dans de nombreux pays, dont la France, où elle a été adoptée en 2019 par l’Assemblée nationale en tant qu’« instrument d’orientation utile en matière d’éducation et de formation et afin de soutenir les autorités judiciaires et répressives dans les efforts qu’elles déploient pour détecter et poursuivre les attaques antisémites ». Depuis plusieurs années, il s’élève contre le détournement de cette définition à des fins politiques, pour faire taire les propos critiques envers la politique du gouvernement israélien.

    Vous avez été le principal rédacteur de la définition de l’antisémitisme adoptée en 2016 par l’IHRA, une organisation intergouvernementale basée à Stockholm. Dans quel contexte est-elle née ?

    Après la deuxième Intifada [2000-2005], nous avons observé une nette résurgence de l’antisémitisme en Europe. Chargé de rédiger un rapport, l’Observatoire européen des phénomènes racistes et xénophobes [EUMC] a identifié un problème : ceux qui collectaient les données dans différents pays d’Europe n’avaient pas de point de référence commun sur ce qu’ils devaient inclure ou exclure de leurs enquêtes. Ils travaillaient avec une définition temporaire qui décrivait l’antisémitisme comme une liste d’actes et de stéréotypes sur les #juifs. Les attaques liées à #Israël – lorsqu’un juif est visé en tant que représentant d’Israël – étaient exclues du champ de l’antisémitisme si l’agresseur n’adhérait pas à ces stéréotypes.

    En avril 2004, une école juive de Montréal a été incendiée en réaction à l’assassinat par Israël d’un dirigeant du Hamas. J’ai profité de l’occasion pour interpeller publiquement le directeur de l’EUMC sur le fait que, selon leur définition temporaire, cet acte n’était pas considéré comme antisémite. L’American Jewish Committee, où j’étais expert en matière d’antisémitisme, a pris l’initiative de travailler avec l’EUMC pour élaborer une nouvelle définition, dans le but principal d’aider les collecteurs de données à savoir ce qu’il faut recenser, à travers les frontières et le temps. Le texte liste onze exemples contemporains d’antisémitisme, parmi lesquels « la négation du droit du peuple juif à l’autodétermination » et l’application d’un traitement inégalitaire à Israël, à qui l’on demande d’adopter des comportements qui ne sont ni attendus ni exigés d’une autre nation. Les exemples reflètent une corrélation entre ces types de discours et le niveau d’antisémitisme. Il ne s’agit cependant pas de dire qu’il y a un lien de cause à effet, ou que toute personne tenant de tels propos devrait être qualifiée d’antisémite.

    Aujourd’hui, vous regrettez l’usage qui a été fait de ce texte. Pourquoi ?

    Depuis 2010, des groupes de la #droite_juive américaine ont tenté de s’approprier cette définition, de la marier aux pouvoirs conférés par le Title VI (la loi de 1964 sur les droits civils, qui protège contre la discrimination fondée sur la race, la couleur et l’origine nationale) et de l’utiliser pour tenter de censurer les discours propalestiniens sur les campus. En 2019, Donald Trump a signé un décret exigeant que le gouvernement analyse les plaintes pour antisémitisme en tenant compte de cette définition. Une violation du Title VI peut entraîner le retrait des fonds fédéraux aux établissements d’enseignement supérieur. Au moment de l’adoption de ce décret, Jared Kushner, le gendre de Trump, a clairement indiqué son objectif dans une tribune au New York Times : qualifier tout #antisionisme d’antisémitisme.

    Or, notre définition n’a pas été conçue comme un outil de régulation de l’expression. Sur les campus universitaires, les étudiants ont le droit absolu de ne pas être harcelés ou intimidés. Mais il est acceptable d’être dérangé par des idées. Nous ne voudrions pas que la définition du #racisme utilisée sur les campus inclue l’opposition à la discrimination positive ou à Black Lives Matter, par exemple. L’université est censée être un lieu où les étudiants sont exposés à des idées, où ils apprennent à négocier avec la contradiction, etc. Nous devons être en mesure de répondre et d’argumenter face à ces discours.

    Lors de son témoignage au Congrès sur l’antisémitisme, dans le contexte de manifestations propalestiniennes sur les campus américains, à la question de savoir si « appeler au génocide des juifs violait le règlement sur le harcèlement à Harvard », Claudine Gay, qui était alors présidente de cette université, a répondu que « cela peut, en fonction du contexte ». Comment comprendre cette réponse ?

    Les universités, publiques comme privées, sont tenues de respecter le premier amendement, qui garantit la #liberté_d’expression. La distinction générale du premier amendement est la suivante. Je peux dire : « Je pense que tous les “X” devraient être tués » ; je ne peux pas crier cela si je suis avec un groupe de skinheads brandissant des battes et qu’il y a un « X » qui marche dans la rue à ce moment-là. La situation doit présenter une urgence et un danger. Il y a une distinction fondamentale entre le fait d’être intimidé, harcelé, discriminé, et le fait d’entendre des propos profondément dérangeants. David Duke [homme politique américain, néonazi, ancien leader du Ku Klux Klan] a été vilipendé, mais pas sanctionné, lorsque, étudiant dans les années 1970, il disait que les juifs devraient être exterminés et les Noirs renvoyés en Afrique, et qu’il portait même un uniforme nazi sur le campus. S’il avait été renvoyé, il serait devenu un martyr du premier amendement.

    La suspension de certaines sections du groupe des Students for Justice in Palestine [qui s’est illustré depuis le 7 octobre 2023 par ses messages de soutien au Hamas] est profondément troublante. Les étudiants doivent pouvoir exprimer des idées, si répugnantes soient-elles. La distinction que j’utilise ne se situe pas entre les mots et l’acte, mais entre l’expression (qui peut se faire par d’autres moyens que les mots) et le harcèlement, l’intimidation, les brimades et la discrimination, qui peuvent se faire par des mots également – de vraies menaces, par exemple. En d’autres termes, oui, cela dépend du contexte. Claudine Gay [qui a démissionné depuis] avait donc raison dans sa réponse, même si elle s’est montrée sourde au climat politique.

    Comment analysez-vous la décision de la présidente de Columbia, suivie par d’autres, d’envoyer la police pour déloger les manifestants propalestiniens ?

    La décision de faire appel à la police aussi rapidement n’a fait qu’enflammer la situation. Les campements ont probablement violé les règles qui encadrent le droit de manifester sur le campus. Mais faire appel à la police pour arrêter des étudiants devrait être, comme lorsqu’un pays entre en guerre, la dernière mesure prise par nécessité. D’autres #campus qui connaissent des manifestations similaires ont abordé le problème différemment, déclarant que, tant qu’il n’y a pas de violence ou de harcèlement, ils ne feront pas appel à la #police.

    Vous parlez de « zone grise » de l’antisémitisme. Qu’entendez-vous par là ?

    Dans sa forme la plus dangereuse, l’antisémitisme est une théorie du complot : les juifs sont considérés comme conspirant pour nuire aux non-juifs, ce qui permet d’expliquer ce qui ne va pas dans le monde. Mais voici une question plus difficile : « Où se situe la limite entre la critique légitime d’Israël et l’antisémitisme ? » Cette question porte davantage sur notre besoin de délimitations que sur ce que nous voulons délimiter. Nous voulons simplifier ce qui est complexe, catégoriser un propos et le condamner. L’antisémitisme, pour l’essentiel, ne fonctionne pas ainsi : on peut être « un peu » antisémite ou, plus précisément, avoir des opinions qui se situent dans la zone grise.

    La question la plus épineuse à cet égard demeure celle de l’antisionisme.

    Moi-même sioniste convaincu, je souffre d’entendre dire qu’Israël ne devrait pas exister en tant qu’Etat juif. Je comprends les arguments de ceux qui assurent qu’une telle conception est antisémite : pourquoi les juifs devraient-ils se voir refuser le droit à l’autodétermination dans leur patrie historique ? Mais l’opposition à l’idée d’un #Etat_juif est-elle intrinsèquement antisémite ? Imaginez un Palestinien dont la famille a été déplacée en 1948. Son opposition au sionisme est-elle due à une croyance en un complot juif ou au fait que la création d’Israël lui a porté préjudice, à lui et à ses aspirations nationales ? Et si vous êtes une personne qui s’identifie à la gauche et qui a décidé d’embrasser la cause palestinienne, est-ce parce que vous considérez que la dépossession des #Palestiniens est injuste, parce que vous détestez les juifs et/ou que vous voyez le monde inondé de conspirations juives, ou quelque chose entre les deux ?

    Certains #étudiants juifs sionistes progressistes se plaignent d’être exclus d’associations (de groupes antiracistes et de victimes de violences sexuelles, par exemple) par des camarades de classe qui prétendent que les sionistes ne peuvent pas être progressistes. Or il y a eu de nombreuses annulations d’intervenants perçus comme conservateurs et n’ayant rien à voir avec Israël ou les juifs, comme Charles Murray [essayiste aux thèses controversées] ou Ann Coulter [polémiste républicaine]. Le militant sioniste est-il exclu parce qu’il est juif ou parce qu’il est considéré comme conservateur ? L’exclusion peut être une forme de maccarthysme, mais n’est pas nécessairement antisémite. A l’inverse, certaines organisations sionistes, sur les campus et en dehors, n’autorisent pas des groupes comme Breaking the Silence ou IfNotNow – considérés comme trop critiques à l’égard d’Israël – à s’associer avec elles.

    La complexité du conflit israélo-palestinien, dites-vous, devrait en faire un exemple idéal de la manière d’enseigner la pensée critique et de mener des discussions difficiles…

    Pensez à l’articulation entre distorsion historique, antisionisme et antisémitisme. Le lien ancien entre les juifs et la terre d’Israël est un fondement essentiel du sionisme pour la plupart des juifs. Est-ce une distorsion historique que d’ignorer cette histoire, de considérer que le sionisme a commencé dans les années 1880 avec Herzl et l’#immigration de juifs européens fuyant l’antisémitisme et venant en Palestine, où les Arabes – et non les juifs – étaient majoritaires ? S’agit-il d’antisémitisme, au même titre que le déni de la Shoah, lorsque les antisionistes font commencer cette histoire à un point différent de celui des sionistes, à la fin du XIXe siècle, et omettent une histoire que de nombreux juifs considèrent comme fondamentale ? Un collègue de Bard, qui s’inquiétait de voir les étudiants utiliser des termes tels que « #colonialisme_de_peuplement », « #génocide », « sionisme », a décidé de mettre en place un cours qui approfondit chacun de ces termes. Je réserve le terme « #antisémite » aux cas les plus évidents. En fin de compte, la tentative de tracer des lignes claires ne fait qu’obscurcir la conversation.

  • Migranti, la nuova mossa del governo per i rimpatri : ampliata la lista dei Paesi sicuri. E scoppia la polemica

    Nei centri in Albania anche chi arriva da Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Egitto e Camerun. Albano: “I giudici dovranno verificare se sono davvero luoghi non pericolosi”

    Un tassello dietro l’altro il governo prova a riempire la cornice dell’ancora vuoto progetto Albania nel tentativo di non farlo fallire prima del tempo. E così, dopo l’assegnazione dell’appalto da 133 milioni di euro per la gestione dei centri al colosso dell’accoglienza Medihospes del discusso Camillo Aceto, oggi un decreto ministeriale della Farnesina pubblicato in gazzetta ufficiale come d’incanto fa lievitare la lista dei cosiddetti Paesi sicuri, quelli – per intenderci – in cui potranno essere rimpatriati con le procedure accelerate di frontiera i migranti soccorsi nel Mediterraneo che da lì provengono.

    La lista, fino a ieri composta da 15 paesi, ne contiene ora ben 21: tra i sei nuovi ingressi alcuni Paesi d’origine di un numero consistente di migranti che arrivano in Italia via mare. Innanzitutto il Bangladesh, ma anche Sri Lanka, Camerun ed Egitto, a cui di aggiungono due Paesi sudamericani, Colombia e Perù da cui, in aereo, arrivano in Italia ogni anno migliaia di persone che poi chiedono asilo.

    Il Bangladesh , cosi come già l’anno scorso, è in cima alla lista dei Paesi d’origine dei migranti che arrivano in Italia grazie ad una triangolazione dall’Africa che riescono a raggiungere in aereo: 3425 quelli sbarcati nei primi 4 mesi del 2024, più di 1000 gli egiziani.

    Numeri consistenti che adesso, con il loro inserimento nella lista dei Paesi sicuri, consentiranno alle autorità italiane di portarli direttamente nei centri albanesi in attesa del probabile rimpatrio nel caso in cui la loro richiesta di asilo(come avviene nella maggior parte dei casi) dovesse essere respinta. Nel 2023 sono stati più di 12.000 gli arrivi dal Bangladesh e 11.000 dall’Egitto.

    I giudici della sezione immigrazione nutrono forti perplessità sul fatto che alcuni dei paesi inclusi nell’elenco, su tutti l’Egitto, possano essere considerati sicuri. La presidente di Magistratura democratica, Silvia Albano, spiega: “Il decreto ministeriale è fonte normativa secondaria e deve rispettare tanto le fonti sovraordinate, come la Costituzione e la normativa della UE, quanto la legge ordinaria”; quindi “i giudici dovranno verificare se il Paese designato come sicuro con decreto ministeriale, possa essere effettivamente considerato tale in base a quanto stabilito dalla legge”.

    #pays_sûrs #liste #Albanie #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation #renvois #expulsions

    #Bangladesh #Sri-Lanka #Cameroun #Egypte #Colombie #Pérou

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    ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais... :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

  • Migranti, la #Medihospes si aggiudica l’appalto da 133 milioni di euro per i centri in Albania

    Il colosso dell’accoglienza in diverse inchieste anche per le condizioni poco dignitose di vita garantite nelle strutture. Il suo amministratore è #Camillo_Aceto, già arrestato a Bari e finito in #Mafia_capitale.

    La gallina dalle uova d’oro dei centri per migranti in Albania è finita nelle mani del businessman italiano dell’accoglienza, quel Camillo Aceto il cui nome, negli ultimi vent’anni, è comparso nelle più disparate inchieste della magistratura da un capo all’altro d’Italia e con le accuse più diverse: dalla truffa nelle forniture di pasti alle mense ospedaliere di Bari che lo vide finire agli arresti nel 2003 all’indagine per infiltrazioni mafiose nella gestione del Cara di Mineo in Mafia capitale a svariate indagini per frode in pubbliche forniture da parte delle varie società in cui ha avuto incarichi dirigenziali e che alla fine sono confluite nella Medihospes.

    Il colosso dell’accoglienza che gestisce più del 60 per cento di centri migranti in Italia, 3.800 posti letto in 26 strutture, si è aggiudicato il bando milionario per la gestione dei centri che il governo italiano intende aprire in Albania per tenervi, in attesa di rimpatrio, alcune migliaia di migranti provenienti dai cosiddetti paesi sicuri che verranno soccorsi da navi militari italiane in acque internazionali. Ben 133.789.967,55 milioni di euro la cifra che Medihospes incasserà per gestire l’accoglienza dei migranti nell’#hotspot di #Shengjin e nel centrio per richiedenti asilo ( con annesso Cpr) che sorgerà nell’area di #Gjader. La prefettura di Roma ha ritenuto l’offerta di Medihospes, con un ribasso del 4,94 per cento sulla base d’asta, più vantaggiosa rispetto a quelle degli altri due concorrenti selezionati tra oltre 30 aziende: il consorzio #Hera e #Officine_sociali. Per due anni, rinnovabili per altri due, Medihospes dovrà provvedere alle esigenze di vitto, alloggio e servizi basici per i migranti che verranno portati in Albania.

    Un’aggiudicazione che continua ad assembrare ombre sull’operazione Albania i cui altissimi costi di partenza (650 milioni) sono già lievitati a quasi un miliardo a fronte di una totale incertezza sui tempi di apertura dei centri. Stando al bando, Medihospes dovrebbe essere pronta per partire il 20 maggio. Peccato che, per quella data, nelle aree di Shengjin e Gjader non ci sarà molto altro oltre alle ruspe. La consegna dei lavori delle opere di urbanizzazione e della realizzazione delle strutture affidata al genio militare è infatti prevista per la fine di ottobre quando la stagione calda degli sbarchi sarà già finita.

    Il ruolo di semimonopolio di Medihospes nel mondo dell’accoglienza viene fuori dal report “Centri d’Italia” 2022 fatto da Action Aid e Open Polis sugli ultimi dati forniti dal Viminale: a quella data la cooperativa sociale gestiva 26 strutture in sei regioni: 24 Cas, il Cpa di Udine e l’hotspot di Messina, 3800 posti letto sempre sovraffollati in condizioni spesso oggetto di denunce.

    Ex amministratore de #La_Cascina, indagata in Mafia capitale, con sedi e iniziative spesso coincidenti con quelle della #Senis_Hospes, poi diventata Medihospes, Camillo Aceto è sempre caduto in piedi mantenendo un ruolo centrale. «Solo con economie di scala e sacrificando i servizi - osserva Fabrizio Coresi di Action Aid - solo soggetti come Medihospes possono riuscire a realizzare un ribasso consistente e rendersi disponibili a gestire centri come quelli in Albania dove i diritti delle persone accolte non sono al centro».

    https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2024/05/07/news/migranti_appalto_albania_medihospes-422857446

    #Albanie #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #coût #appel_d'offre #externalisation #sous-traitance
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    ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#accord entre #Italie et #Albanie pour la construction de #centres d’accueil (sic) et identification des migrants/#réfugiés sur le territoire albanais...
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1043873

    • Cinema, clown, Dazn e i “pomeriggi del tè”. Le promesse di Medihospes per i centri in Albania

      Gran parte delle proposte migliorative presentate dalla cooperativa romana e consultate da Altreconomia riguarda i cosiddetti vulnerabili. Minori, neonati, vittime di violenza e tortura: tutti soggetti che non dovrebbero nemmeno arrivare sul territorio albanese. Continua a non essere chiaro quando diventeranno operative le strutture

      Animatori vestiti da clown, fasciatoi, incontri sulla pace, laboratori sul fair play ispirati al principio del “fai agli altri quello che vorresti fosse fatto a te”. La relazione tecnica presentata dalla cooperativa Medihospes per vincere il bando da oltre 133 milioni di euro per la gestione dei centri in Albania, ottenuta da Altreconomia, descrive una vita quotidiana per i trattenuti piena di attività e di occasioni di svago.

      Ma soprattutto, gran parte dell’offerta riguarda i cosiddetti “vulnerabili” -dai minori non accompagnati a famiglie, passando per persone disabili, vittime di tortura e vittime di tratta- che sul territorio albanese, stando alla normativa vigente, non dovrebbero essere soggetti alla procedura accelerata e non potrebbero essere trasferiti nell’hotspost albanese. “E comunque, anche se vi finissero perchè la vulnerabilità non è stata accertata in precedenza, dalla struttura in Albania dovrebbero essere subito trasferite”, sottolinea Gianfranco Schiavone, socio dell’Associazione per gli studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi)

      “Le ipotesi sembrano due -riprende- o c’è stato un clamoroso travisamento da parte dell’ente appaltante (la prefettura di Roma) che ha attribuito valore (e punteggio) alle proposte di Medihospes che avrebbe invece dovuto ritenere inammissibili in quanto i servizi generosamente proposti non potranno mai essere erogati perché i destinatari di tali attività non dovrebbero né entrare né rimanere nell’hotspot albanese, oppure c’è una volontà del governo di trattenere illegalmente in Albania anche coloro che non vi possono essere condotti”.

      Non è chiaro inoltre quando saranno attivi i centri. A fine maggio il sindacato autonomo di polizia (Sap) ha fatto sapere che i primi venti operatori sono in partenza per l’Albania. La struttura che fungerà da hotspot, secondo quanto riferito dal capo segreteria del dipartimento della Pubblica sicurezza presso il Viminale, Sergio Bracco, sarà consegnata il 3 giugno, invece il sito di Gjader entro fine luglio. Tempi più brevi di quanto invece sta emergendo da altre fonti riportate, tra le altre, da la Repubblica, che parlano di fine novembre per la consegna dei lavori. Ma veniamo all’offerta.

      Medihospes specifica che all’interno dell’hotspot sarà operativo un team minori formato da due animatori che indosseranno “una divisa riconoscibile ed ispirata a dei clown (a titolo esemplificativo: giacca colorata, pantalone rosso, papillon, parrucca colorata)” e garantiranno lo svolgimento delle attività programmate per i bambini “secondo un calendario settimanale di attività e laboratori”. Che sono tantissime. Viene prevista un’ora al giorno di attività motoria (dal twister al bowling fino ai giochi di equilibrio), tre volte alla settimana letture ad alta voce dedicate ai più piccoli per “arricchire il vocabolario e stimolare l’immaginazione”, spettacoli di animazione (il martedì e il venerdì) oltre che laboratori musicali e babymovie per “creare un clima più favorevole all’inclusione sociale”. Si prevedono poi l’apertura di una ludoteca per bambini da un mese a cinque anni e una per i bambini da sei a 12. Le attività sono finalizzate a “creare un clima sereno e accogliente per il minore e a rendere meno traumatica la permanenza nella struttura”.

      Non mancheranno uno “spazio allattamento e fasciatoio” in cui “le mamme si possano sentire a proprio agio ad allattare il loro bambino”. Non mancano poi le attività per i più grandi (13-17 anni) con biliardini, tavoli da ping pong e tv con abbonamenti a servizi streaming e paytv. Ci sarà poi una sala cinema (“oscurata totalmente con porte e finestre con tende spesse”) e nelle aree esterne “strutture fisse quali scivoli, altalene, giochi a molla, giostre e dondoli” con un campo da calcio e uno da basket.

      Medihospes prevede poi del personale aggiuntivo “per una tempestiva individuazione di potenziali soggetti vulnerabili”, tra cui due psicologi specializzati in violenza di genere e vittime di tortura, uno dei quali “avrà il compito di osservare in sede di sbarco gli utenti presso il porto di Shengjin e rilevare potenziali indicatori di situazioni vulnerabili, tortura e violenza”, mentre l’altro “collaborerà con il personale di Gjader per una pronta presa in carico delle situazioni vulnerabili e si attiverà per la realizzazione di misure di tutela e riabilitazione”. È prevista inoltre la presenza di un medico specializzato in ginecologia/ostetricia, “quale professionista sanitario per favorire la gestione di donne in stato di gravidanza e con problematiche ginecologiche, nella rilevazione di eventuali violenze subite, nonché a supporto delle neo mamme nelle fasi di allattamento e svezzamento”.

      Tra le categorie di persone “vulnerabili” per cui vengono previste attività e progetti specifici sono elencati i minori accompagnati e non accompagnati, persone con disabilità, donne e donne in stato di gravidanza, vittime di tortura, vittime di violenza legata all’identità di genere e all’orientamento sessuale, vittime di altre forme gravi di violenza psicologica, fisica o sessuale, vittime di mutilazioni genitali femminili. Ci sono anche le “vittime della tratta di esseri umani” e laddove si “sospetti che la vittima sia accompagnata da uno o più trafficanti” la cooperativa sottolinea che segnalerà la situazione “alle autorità competenti”. Chissà quali. Gli interventi di tutela sanitaria avverranno in collaborazione con la Fondazione “Nostra Signora del Buon Consiglio (Nsbc)” che gestisce il “Catholic Hospital Our Lady of Good Counsel” di Tirana.

      Quel che è certo è che anche gli adulti non si annoieranno. Si prevede un “laboratorio di prima alfabetizzazione” e “giornate informative, con l’ausilio del mediatore linguistico, che mirano alla condivisione e diffusione di alcune norme e regole basilari dell’igiene sanitaria personale”. Secondo Medihospes questo laboratorio è fondamentale. “I ‘luoghi dell’immigrazione’ ove storie culturali e personali spesso portano a non avere un livello condiviso nel bagaglio considerato minimo di nozioni igienico-sanitarie. Gli argomenti trattati saranno l’igiene delle mani, l’igiene intima, l’igiene orale, etc.”.

      E poi laboratori sulla sessualità, in particolare per “gli utenti di genere maschile” approfondimenti per “metterli a conoscenza dei codici sociali che regolano i rapporti tra uomini e donne in Europa con l’obiettivo di prevenire la violenza contro le donne e aiutare le persone che provengono da paesi e società in ui le donne sono fondamentalmente prive di qualsiasi libertà e diritto ad adattarsi e integrarsi nel loro nuove paese”. Ci sono tornei di basket e calcio cinque “a squadre miste” che cercheranno di coinvolgere il maggior numero di partecipanti possibili (“alcuni candidati ad essere arbitri e guardalinee) e poi i laboratori creativi per due volte alla settimana (quelli d’arte prevedono tecniche base come disegno, pittura dal vero e non come paesaggi e natura morta).

      E ancora attività sulla pace e la promozione della cultura dell’incontro perché “le situazioni conflittuali sono sempre situazioni di disagio, contrasto che rischiano di diventare insanabili”. Medihospes propone “l’albero della pace”, un’attività che prevede “la discussione e la riflessione sul significato della pace e sui valori che la caratterizzano” con i partecipanti che termineranno il lavoro “disegnando il proprio albero della pace”. Non solo alberi ma anche un elefante che è “simbolo di pace perché lega in sé la forza e la pace” ed è un esempio di come “vivere in armonia nei diversi contesti”. Decisiva, questa attività, perché “le menti delle persone sono invase quotidianamente da immagini negative che possono influenzare i loro comportamenti e sviluppare la tendenza a dimenticare la maggioranza che vive pacificamente”. E poi “sport for peace” che aiuta a vivere la “regola d’ora ‘fa agli altri ciò che vorresti fosse fatto a te’ attraverso lo sport e giochi di squadra”.

      I “pomeriggi del tè” vogliono invece portare “un’oasi di relax per offrire un momento di distacco dalla routine e dallo stress che la vita in struttura può generare” così ogni pomeriggio si potranno degustare tè e tisane alla presenza di un’assistente sociale e uno psicologo. I trattenuti potranno vedere Sky, Prime Video, Netflix e Dazn e ogni sera assistere alle proiezioni di film sottotitolati e con cadenza bisettimanale ci sarà un cineforum per favorire un confronto tra gli ospiti. Così come i luoghi di preghiera individuale che permettono di “recuperare memorie ancestrali e riattualizzare la propria identità culturale”.

      Medihospes si è aggiudicata a inizio maggio la gara di oltre 133 milioni di euro con un ribasso sui costi del 4,94%. Una corsa in solitaria: l’urgenza dell’attivazione dei servizi ha spinto infatti la prefettura di Roma a scegliere la procedura negoziata. Delle trenta manifestazioni di voler partecipare alla gara arrivate tra il 22 e il 29 marzo -tra cui le note Ors Italia, Ekene oltre che due partecipanti con sede a Tirana e il Gruppo Renco, colosso attivo nell’edilizia e nel settore dell’energia- ne sono state selezionate tre. Consorzio Hera e Officine sociali non hanno però partecipato alla fase finale della gara lasciando campo libero alla cooperativa romana. Che grazie alla ricca offerta “progettata con passione per gli ospiti di Shëngjin e Gjader”, come si legge nel documento, ha vinto senza avversari.

      https://altreconomia.it/cinema-clown-dazn-e-i-pomeriggi-del-te-le-promesse-di-medihospes-per-i-

    • Inchiesta su #Medihospes, regina dei centri per i migranti. Dall’Italia all’Albania

      La cooperativa sociale si è aggiudicata il bando da 133 milioni di euro per la gestione delle strutture di Gjader e Shengjin. Ma non solo: da inizio anno ha già vinto 62 appalti, nell’82% dei casi per affidamento diretto. Fa parte di una galassia di imprese che si è aggiudicata migliaia di gare pubbliche per un valore a base d’asta di sei miliardi di euro. Egemone a Roma, da qualche tempo si è affacciata anche su Milano

      Dall’hotspot di Messina al mega hub all’interno della ex caserma Cavarzerani di Udine, passando per i due centri di accoglienza più grandi di Milano: la cooperativa sociale Medihospes è la vera protagonista dell’accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo in Italia. E non solo.

      A inizio maggio di quest’anno il colosso si è aggiudicato la gara da oltre 133 milioni di euro bandita dalla prefettura di Roma per la gestione dei centri per migranti in Albania. L’appalto più redditizio di sempre nel campo dell’immigrazione ma anche il più discusso. E che mostra l’inarrestabile ascesa della cooperativa sociale.

      La storia di Medihospes inizia nel 2008 nella piccola cittadina di Senise (Potenza) per poi raggiungere in pochi anni tutto il territorio nazionale. Oggi ha sede in via Antolisei 25 a Roma, città dove ha cominciato ad aggiudicarsi sempre più appalti legati alla gestione dei Centri di accoglienza straordinaria (Cas) dei migranti. Secondo l’analisi delle organizzazioni ActionAid e Openpolis, nel 2022 la cooperativa gestiva il 78% dei posti nella città metropolitana di Roma (1.578 su 2.024) in dieci strutture dislocate su tutto il territorio.

      “Quasi un monopolio, nonostante nel 2019 la stessa prefettura rilevò problemi nella gestione dei centri da parte della cooperativa che fu multata di 86mila euro -spiega Fabrizio Coresi di ActionAid-. Soprattutto per irregolarità logistiche, amministrative o strutturali ma anche rispetto alla fornitura di beni e servizi alla persona. Una multa salata che rappresentò quell’anno il 97% di tutte quelle comminate nella provincia di Roma”.

      Quei servizi messi allora in discussione dalle stesse autorità non hanno però fermato Medihospes, che, come visto, è arrivata a gestire nel 2022 otto posti su dieci nella capitale. “La cooperativa è diventata sempre più ‘necessaria’ alla prefettura di Roma, proprio mentre questa, come le altre in Italia, si è trovata stretta tra regole di difficile applicazione, un organico sottodimensionato e la necessità di reperire posti in accoglienza -sottolinea Coresi-. Non si può imputare a Medihospes nulla, se non l’aver sfruttato l’occasione per crescere in fatturato e in quanto soggetto gestore. Bisogna piuttosto chiedersi come e perché la prefettura abbia consentito a questo quasi monopolio”.

      Nella capitale però Medihospes non si occupa solo di accoglienza di migranti. Sono diversi infatti i servizi che garantisce: dai Centri di assistenza alloggiativa temporanea (Caat) destinati all’emergenza abitativa, all’assistenza a persone con disabilità e minori fino ad alcuni bandi relativi al “servizio di supporto tecnico amministrativo agli uffici comunali”. Insistono su Roma, dati dell’Autorità nazionale anticorruzione (Anac) alla mano, il 42% del totale delle gare d’appalto che la cooperativa si è aggiudicata dal 2014: un totale di 406 procedure con una base d’asta pari a 1,2 miliardi di euro. Un dato probabilmente al ribasso perché nel portale Anac non risulterebbero registrate tutte le procedure pubbliche.

      Negli ultimi anni Medihospes ha superato anche i confini romani. Si passa infatti da due stazioni appaltanti nel 2014 a 33 nei primi sei mesi del 2024. In altri termini: non cresce solo il volume degli affari (da due a 61 gare in dieci anni) ma la “presenza territoriale” della cooperativa, che oggi conta 26 unità locali in tutta Italia, da Nord a Sud. Sempre più amministrazioni si affidano alla cooperativa che dal primo gennaio al 18 giugno 2024, sempre secondo l’Anac, ha già vinto ben 61 appalti: solo uno attraverso gara “aperta” e ben l’82% del totale (non solo quelle relative ai migranti, quindi) tramite un affidamento diretto.

      “Percentuali allarmanti -riprende Coresi-. A livello nazionale abbiamo ricostruito che da gennaio ad agosto 2023 oltre il 66% delle gare per la gestione dell’accoglienza dei migranti è andato in affidamento diretto, per un valore di oltre 83 milioni di euro. Nel 2020 era di appena 16 milioni. La trasparenza delle gare d’appalto, se riguardano i servizi alla persona è la sola garanzia, seppur parziale, del rispetto dei diritti di chi ne fruisce”.

      Il volume di fatturato totale di Medihospes è di oltre 128 milioni di euro e in costante crescita. Il settore “asilo e immigrazione”, anche senza la gara albanese che ovviamente non è ancora conteggiata nel bilancio 2022, l’ultimo depositato in Camera di commercio, aumenta da 47,6 milioni a 62,6 milioni. L’importo riconosciuto dalle prefetture alla cooperativa per la gestione dei centri è cresciuto del 93% tra il 2021 e il 2023 (da 23,7 milioni a 45,9). Più risorse e più prestigio: l’attività a favore dei richiedenti asilo svolta in questi anni ha portato infatti la cooperativa a ottenere il riconoscimento “We Welcome” da parte dell’Alto commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati (Unhcr).

      Gli affari crescono anche negli altri settori: la voce “assistenza alla persona” passa da 35,9 a 55,9 milioni di euro così come l’ambito “emergenza e marginalità sociali” (6,2 a 8,1 milioni di euro). E Medihospes nel corso degli anni non si è limitata solo ad ampliare l’offerta di servizi ma anche le partecipazioni in altre cooperative e imprese. Ne ha di attive, sempre a Roma, nell’ambito della sanità (Kosmos Srl, Roma Medical Center Srl, Medinext) ma anche, nuovamente, dell’immigrazione. La quota di 7.934 euro (valore netto) relativa al Consorzio Sisifo, detenuta al 31 dicembre 2022, è solo economicamente poco significativa.

      Il nome del consorzio è tra i protagonisti delle vicende riferite al Cara di Mineo (Catania), quello che è stato il più grande centro di richiedenti asilo esistente in Europa. A partire dal 18 ottobre 2011 la gestione passò dalla Croce Rossa a un’associazione temporanea di imprese che comprendeva, tra le altre Sisifo, Casa della solidarietà, La Cascina Global Service e Senis Hospes (che poi diventerà Medihospes). La vicenda durò anni e si susseguirono sette proroghe per un totale di cento milioni di euro di importo prima della chiusura del centro nel luglio 2019. Nell’aprile 2014 a definire “illegittima” la gara d’appalto fu l’allora presidente dell’Anac Raffaele Cantone. Ne nacque addirittura una Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta.

      Ma i nomi di Senis Hospes, La Cascina, Sisifo e Tre Fontane tornano alla ribalta anche a Foggia, per le condizioni di vita dei richiedenti asilo “accolti” a Borgo Mezzanone. A inizio giugno 2017, per aggiudicarsi nuovamente la gestione del centro, la Senis Hospes offrì un ribasso del 42,23% con un costo giornaliero di 20,57 euro rispetto ai 35 proposti dalla prefettura. Come è possibile garantire i servizi a quel prezzo? Le critiche arrivate alla cooperativa di Senis, che a luglio 2017 si vide revocare la gara dal Viminale proprio per il “ghetto” di Borgo Mezzanone, spingono la cooperativa a cambiare nome.

      Il 27 ottobre 2017 nasce così formalmente Medihospes che oggi ha sede, come detto, in via Antolisei 25 a Roma. E il “peso” della cooperativa -in termini di gare vinte e di posti di lavoro che garantisce (quasi 4mila)- va letto considerando tutto ciò che ruota intorno a quel civico di Tor Vergata. Qui infatti hanno sede tutte le cooperative e imprese riconducibili al gruppo “La Cascina” che, secondo quanto riportato sul proprio sito, è nato nel 1978 “su impulso di don Giacomo Tantardini”, allievo di don Giussani e punto di riferimento di Comunione e liberazione a Roma, e grazie anche al “contributo simbolico di 70mila lire donate dall’allora cardinale Luciani (poi papa Giovanni I, ndr)”. Al motto “testa da impresa, cuore da cooperativa” -si legge sempre sul sito- il gruppo avrebbe raggiunto i “36 milioni di pasti erogati ogni anno, le 700mila ore di assistenza e un fatturato che supera i 300 milioni di euro”.

      La Cascina è stata coinvolta nell’inchiesta nota come “Mafia Capitale”. Le interdittive antimafia firmate nell’estate del 2015 dall’allora prefetto Franco Gabrielli colpirono infatti la Cooperativa di lavoro La Cascina, La Cascina Global Service, Vivenda Spa e il consorzio di cooperative sociali Casa della solidarietà (lo stesso del Cara di Mineo) costituito da Osa Mayor Onlus, Domus Caritatis, Mediterranea Onlus, Tre Fontane (queste ultime tre oggi tutte assorbite da Medihospes). Il Tribunale di Roma dispose anche l’amministrazione giudiziaria per le aziende (27 luglio 2015) che durò fino al 19 luglio 2016, secondo quanto ricostruito dalla Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sul fenomeno delle mafie (relazione del 7 febbraio 2018), quando il tribunale stabilì che le imprese coinvolte avevano “reciso definitivamente ogni rapporto con ambienti criminali” ma disponendo il controllo giudiziario (una misura meno invasiva del commissariamento) per favorire la “creazione di validi modelli organizzativi”. La fine di un capitolo buio che ha poi lanciato definitivamente il gruppo legato a La Cascina. Con ricavi importanti.

      Prendendo in esame le imprese, vicine al Gruppo La Cascina, che nel marzo 2021 hanno dato vita a “Rete sviluppo Italia”, un contratto di rete nato per favorire lo sviluppo aziendale dei firmatari, sono 1.169 in totale le gare aggiudicate (dal 2007, anno dal quale vengono raccolti i dati da Anac) da 399 stazioni appaltanti per un valore di base d’asta pari a quasi sei miliardi di euro (5.943.133.070). Cifre da capogiro confermate dai bilanci delle singole aziende. Medihospes al 31 dicembre 2022 aveva una partecipazione di più di cinque milioni di euro (5.450.000) nella Cooperativa di lavoro La Cascina Scpa che, con 1,2 milioni di utile d’esercizio nel 2023, conta 4.680 soci e controlla le più importanti società del gruppo.

      Detiene infatti il 100% di Vivenda Spa, colosso della ristorazione soprattutto per istituti scolastici, che ha 151 sedi locali e al 31 dicembre 2023 ben 6.246 dipendenti con un fatturato che ha superato i 260 milioni di euro, in crescita del 33% rispetto all’anno precedente. Sono numerose le amministrazioni pubbliche che in tutta Italia sono servite da Vivenda: da Consip (400 milioni di base d’asta) al ministero della Difesa (196 milioni) fino al Comune di Roma (220 milioni). E poi scuole, ospedali, e tanto altro ancora. In totale il portale Anac calcola 482 procedure su 205 stazioni appaltanti al 18 giugno per un totale che supera i due miliardi di euro sempre come valore di base d’asta. E a inizio aprile 2024 l’azienda ha ricevuto in Senato il premio “Legalità e profitto” per la “virtuosa capacità di coniugare il rigoroso rispetto di leggi e normative con positivi risultati economici e finanziari”. Vivenda Spa il 26 luglio 2023 ha acquisito un ramo d’azienda di Sodexo Spa, un’altra grande player del settore di ristorazione premiata anche lei a metà giugno di quest’anno dall’Unhcr per le attività a favore dei rifugiati.

      Fino al 20 luglio 2018 tra gli investitori di Vivenda Spa c’era anche Invitalia, l’agenzia nazionale di proprietà del ministero dell’Economia che si occupa di sviluppo d’impresa. Proprio Invitalia crea un collegamento con un altro soggetto decisivo nel panorama dell’assetto societario di via Antolisei. L’agenzia è infatti il primo appaltatore di lavori (base d’asta di 1,7 miliardi di euro) de La Cascina Costruzioni Srl (controllata al 100% da Cooperativa di lavoro La Cascina tramite Vivenda Spa). In totale la società ha partecipato a 87 procedure pubbliche di cui ben 45 insistono su Roma e tra il 2021 e il 2022 ha visto crescere il suo fatturato da 26 a 109,5 milioni di euro, anche grazie ai lavori edilizi del cosiddetto “Superbonus”.

      Questa è la portata reale di Medihospes -in termini di giro d’affari e rapporti con le amministrazioni pubbliche- che va ben oltre i bandi per i centri di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo. Certo è che la cooperativa sociale guidata dal presidente Camillo Aceto non vuole fermarsi qua.

      Oggi è di “proprietà” di 2.720 soci e punta anche su Milano. Come mandataria di un raggruppamento di imprese (tra le altre Fondazione Arca, Associazione Kayros e International Rescue Committee) ha vinto il 5 febbraio 2024 un bando da quasi 25 milioni di euro per la gestione di interventi legati all’emergenza sociale e abitativa (tra cui Casa Jannacci, storica struttura di accoglienza per senza dimora). Ma soprattutto nel giro di due mesi si è aggiudicata la gestione dei due Cas più grandi della città (fino a 570 posti): quello di via Aquila (9,8 milioni di euro) e quello di via Corelli (10,9) con un ribasso rispettivamente del 11,11% e del 13,69%.

      Medihospes conosce molto bene via Corelli: la citata Vivenda Spa, infatti, era tra le ditte che garantiva i pasti al Centro di permanenza per il rimpatrio (Cpr) durante la gestione di Martinina Srl, i cui amministratori sono oggi sotto processo per frode in pubbliche forniture. Nel decreto di sequestro preventivo della Procura di Milano di fine dicembre 2023, quel cibo veniva descritto come “maleodorante, avariato, scaduto”. Chissà se altrove il menù è diverso.

      https://altreconomia.it/inchiesta-su-medihospes-regina-dei-centri-per-i-migranti-dallitalia-all

  • Bulgaria : Road to Schengen. Part One : the EU’s external border.

    On the 31st of March, Bulgaria - alongside Romania - joined Schengen as a partial member by air & sea. The inclusion of land crossings for full accession of these countries was blocked by an Austrian veto over concerns(1) that it would lead to an increase in people wanting to claim asylum in the EU.

    What is significant about Bulgaria becoming a Schengen member is that, what has been seen in the lead up, and what we will see following accession, is a new precedent of aggressively fortified borders set for the EU’s external Schengen borders. Which in turn may shape EU wide standards for border management.

    The EU’s external border between Bulgaria and Turkey has become infamous for a myriad of human rights violations and violence towards people who are forced to cross this border ‘illegally’. People continually face the violence of these crossings due to the lack of safe and legal routes allowing people to fulfill their right to seek asylum in Europe.

    In 2022 it was along this border that live ammunition(2) was first used against people seeking asylum in the EU. Shot by the Bulgarian authorities. In the same year it was reported(3) that people were illegally detained for up to 3 days in a cage-like structure attached to the police station in the border town of Sredets. It was also known that vehicles belonging to the European border force Frontex - who are responsible for border management and supposedly upholding fundamental rights - were present in the vicinity of the cages holding detained people.

    The EU’s illegal border management strategy of pushbacks are also well documented and commonplace along this border. Testimonies of pushbacks in this region are frequent and often violent. Within the past year Collective Aid has collected numerous testimonies from survivors of these actions of the state who describe(4) being stripped down to their underwear, beaten with batons and the butts of guns, robbed, and set on by dogs. Violence is clearly the systematic deterrence strategy of the EU.

    Similar violence occurs and is documented along Bulgaria’s northern border with Serbia. During an assessment of the camps in Sofia in March, outside of the Voenna Rampa facility, our team spoke to an Afghan man who, 6 months prior, was beaten so badly during a pushback that his leg was broken. Half a year later he was still using a crutch and was supported by his friends. Due to the ordeal, he had decided to try and claim asylum in Bulgaria instead of risking another border crossing.

    Despite the widespread and well documented violations of European and international law by an EU member state, at the beginning of March Bulgaria was rewarded(5) with its share of an 85 million Euro fund within a ‘cooperation framework on border and migration management’. The money within this framework specifically comes under the Border Management and Visa Instrument (BMVI) 2021 – 2027, designed to ‘enhance national capabilities at the EU external borders’. Within the instrument Bulgaria is able to apply for additional funding to extend or upgrade technology along its borders. This includes purchasing, developing, or upgrading equipment such as movement detection and thermo-vision cameras and vehicles with thermo-vision capabilities. It is the use of this border tech which enables and facilitates the illegal and violent practices which are well documented in Bulgaria.

    Close to the town of Dragoman along the northern border with Serbia, we came across an example of the kind of technology which used a controlled mounted camera that tracked the movement of our team. This piece of equipment was also purchased by the EU, and is used to track movement at the internal border.

    The cooperation framework also outlines(6) a roadmap where Frontex will increase its support of policing at Bulgaria’s border with Turkey. In late February, in the run up to Bulgaria becoming a Schengen member, on a visit to the border with Turkey, Hans Leijtens - Frontex’s executive director - announced(7) an additional 500 - 600 additional Frontex personnel would be sent to the border. Tripling the numbers already operational there.

    Meanwhile Frontex - who have been known(8) to conceal evidence of human rights violations - are again under scrutiny(9) for their lack of accountability in regards to the upholding of fundamental rights. Two days prior to the announcement of additional Frontex staff an investigation(10) by BIRN produced a report from a Frontex whistleblower further highlighting the common kinds of violence and rights violations which occur during pushbacks at this border. As well as the fact that Frontex officers were intentionally kept away from ‘hot spots’ where pushbacks are most frequent. The investigation underlines Frontex’s inability to address, or be held accountable for, human rights violations that occur on the EU’s external borders.

    The awarded money is the next step following a ‘successful’ pilot project for fast-track asylum and returns procedures which was started in March of the previous year. The project was implemented in the Pastrogor camp some 13km from the Turkish border which mostly houses people from the Maghreb region of northwest Africa. A 6 month project report(11) boasts a 60% rejection rate from around 2000 applicants. In line with the EU’s new migration pact, the project has a focus on returns whereby an amendment to national legislation has been prepared to allow a return decision to be made and delivered at the same time as an asylum rejection. As well as the launch of a voluntary return programme supported by the 2021-2027 Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF). Through which cash incentives for voluntary returns will be increased across the board. These cash incentives are essentially an EU funded gaslighting project, questioning the decisions of people to leave their home countries based on their own survival and safety.

    Our team visited the former prison of the Pastrogor camp in March. Which at the time held only 16 people - some 5% of its 320 capacity.

    The implementation of this pilot project and the fortification of the border with Turkey have been deemed a success by the EU commision(12) who have praised both as indicators of Bulgaria’s readiness to join the Schengen area.

    Unsurprisingly, what we learn from Bulgaria’s accession to becoming a Schengen member is that the EU is not only deliberately ignoring Bulgaria’s dire human rights history in migration and border management. But, alongside the political and economic strengthening brought with Schengen accession, they are actively rewarding the results of such rights violations with exceptional funding that can sustain the state’s human rights infringements. All while the presence of Frontex validates the impunity enjoyed by Bulgaria’s violent border forces who show no respect for human rights law. In early April the European Commision gave a positive report(13) on the results from EU funding which support this border rife with fundamental rights abuses. In a hollow statement Bulgaria’s chief of border police stated: “we are showing zero tolerance to the violation of fundamental rights”.

    What the changes in border management strategies at the EU’s external border to Turkey- in light of Bulgaria’s entry to the Schengen - mean in reality is that people who are still forced to make the crossing do so at greater risk to themselves as they are forced deeper into both the hands of smuggling networks and into the dangerous Strandzha national park.

    The Strandzha national park straddles the Bulgarian-Turkish border. It is in this densely forested and mountainous area of land where people are known to often make the border crossing by foot. A treacherous journey often taking many days, and also known to have taken many lives - lighthouse reports identified 82 bodies of people on the move that have passed through three morgues in Bulgaria. Many of whom will have died on the Strandzha crossing.

    It is reported(14) that morgues in the towns of Burgas and Yambol - on the outskirts of the Strandzha national park - are having difficulty finding space due to the amount of deaths occurring in this area. So much so that a public prosecutor from Yambol explained this as the reason why people are being buried without identification in nameless graves, sometimes after only 4 days of storage. It is also reported that families who tried to find and identify the bodies of their deceased loved ones were forced to pay cash bribes to the Burgas morgue in order to do so.

    Through networks with families in home countries, NGOs based nearby make efforts to alert authorities and to respond to distress calls from people in danger within the Strandzha national park. However, the Bulgarian state makes these attempts nearly impossible through heavy militarisation and the associated criminalisation of being active in the area. It is the same militarisation that is supported with money from the EU’s ‘cooperation framework’. Due to these limitations even the bodies that make it to morgues in Bulgaria are likely to be only a percentage of the total death toll that is effectively sponsored by the EU.

    Local NGO Mission Wings stated(15) that in 2022 they received at most 12 distress calls, whereas in 2023 the NGO stopped counting at 70. This gives a clear correlation between increased funding to the fortification of the EU’s external border and the amount of lives put in danger.

    People are also forced to rely more on smuggling networks. Thus making the cost of seeking asylum greater, and the routes more hidden. When routes become more hidden and reliant on smuggling networks, it limits the interaction between people on the move and NGOs. In turn, testimonies of state violence and illegal practices cannot be collected and violations occur unchallenged. Smuggling networks rely on the use of vehicles, often driving packed cars, vans, and lorries at high speed through the country. Injuries and fatalities of people on the move from car crashes and suffocating are not infrequent in Bulgaria. Sadly, tragic incidents(16) like the deaths of 18 innocent people from Afghanistan in the back of an abandoned truck in February last year are likely only to increase.

    https://www.collectiveaidngo.org/blog/2024/5/3/bulgaria-road-to-schengen-part-one-the-eus-external-border
    #Bulgarie #frontières #Schengen #migrations #frontières_extérieures #asile #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #violence #Turquie #Sredets #encampement #Frontex #droits_humains #Serbie #Sofia #Voenna_Rampa #Border_Management_and_Visa_Instrument (#BMVI) #aide_financière #technologie #Dragoman #Pastrogor #camps_de_réfugiés #renvois #expulsions #retour_volontaire #Asylum_Migration_and_Integration_Fund (#AMIF) #Strandzha #Strandzha_national_park #forêt #montagne #Burgas #Yambol #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #morts_aux_frontières #identification #tombes #criminalisation_de_la_solidarité #morgue

    –-

    ajouté à ce fil de discussion :
    Europe’s Nameless Dead
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1029609

  • Campi di lavoro e lavoro nei campi

    Dall’agosto 1940 e fino alla fine del 1945 vennero internati, in numerosi campi sparsi sull’insieme del territorio ticinese, mediamente circa un migliaio di soldati stranieri, i quali rappresentarono una categoria specifica dell’insieme dei profughi accolti durante la Seconda guerra mondiale. Si trattò in gran parte di soldati polacchi, ma nei campi allestiti in Ticino risiedettero per periodi di tempo variabili pure francesi, italiani, tedeschi, austriaci, sovietici, indiani e vietnamiti, nonché un contingente di combattenti provenienti dal continente africano. Chi erano questi uomini? A quale regime furono sottoposti e perché? Dove sorsero i campi in cui furono confinati? Come trascorrevano le loro giornate? Quali furono i rapporti con la popolazione locale? Quale memoria della loro presenza si è sedimentata in Ticino? Attingendo a fonti archivistiche sinora poco sfruttate, il volume analizza e approfondisce il tema dell’internamento militare sul piano regionale, facendolo costantemente dialogare in senso verticale con quello nazionale. La pluralità degli approcci adottati e dei punti di vista considerati ha consentito di fare emergere alcune specificità ticinesi e, in altri casi, di fare luce su aspetti finora poco studiati dell’internamento militare nel suo insieme. Colmando una lacuna storiografica e fornendo un quadro esaustivo delle coordinate geografiche e temporali dell’internamento militare, il libro si presta a fungere da strumento imprescindibile per chiunque voglia affrontare la tematica della presenza di internati militari in Ticino ed eventualmente approfondirla sul piano locale.

    #livre
    #camps_de_travail #Tessin #Suisse #histoire #réfugiés_ukrainiens #réfugiés_polonais #Pologne #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #seconde_guerre_mondiale #WWII #mémoire

    • Polish Army in Insubrica region: the case study of Polish internees in Losone

      During the German campaign in the West, in June 1940, 2nd Polish Infantry Division under command of Bronisław Prugar-Ketling (1891-1948) was sent to the French region of Belfort to support 8th French army. After being cut off from supply, approximately 12,000 to 13,000 Polish soldiers of this Infantry Division, crossed the Swiss border on 19-20 June 1940, south of Ajoie, avoiding thus the German capture.

      The soldiers were interned in Switzerland according to the Hague Convention. After a failed attempt to concentrate all Pole servicemen in only one camp in Büren an der Aare, Polish soldiers were dispersed throughout Switzerland. From 1941, barrack camps were set up in all Switzerland, where these Poles soldiers were interned until December 1945. In the Insubrica region, many Polish soldiers were gathered and managed in Losone, nearby Locarno and Ascona.

      These interned Poles soldiers made mainly group-wise work assignments for the Swiss national defence works, related to the national infrastructure like constructions of roads and bridges, drainage of swamps as well as general works in the agriculture. A total of 450 kilometers in paths, bridges and canals were built alone in Ticino by these servicemen. At present, monuments and commemorative plaques commemorate the involuntary stay of these Polish soldiers people throughout the Ticino region. After the war, around 500 Poles were able to settle down in Switzerland, obtaining the Swiss citizenship.

      In addition to building and paving roads between Arcegno and Golino in the Canton Ticino, the Polish army soldiers, interned in the Losone camp during 1941-1945, worked hard to reclaim approximately 100 hectares of the land in the municipality of Losone between “Saleggi” and “Gerre”. This hard work reshaped radically the landscape of the region in the mid of the 1940s.

      Thanks to the intervention of Polish soldiers, a large amount of uncultivated agricultural areas in Ticino could be developed and, later, transformed in tourist and industrial zones.

      A hard work of Polish prisoners allowed a creation of a very important agricultural zone in Losone that persisted for many years until a construction of the famous 18 holes Golf place (shown in the centre of the map that can be seen above).

      Further in the North, in the 1980’s, an important industrial settlement called “Zandone” was created (on the left side of the above shown map). The Polish work allowed to erect a large camping in Melezza and the “Scuderia delle cavalli delle Gerre” in the area of Zandone. Between Arcegno and Golino, Polish soldiers managed to pave a road, that is named today “strada dei polacchi” (in English: Polish road).

      Polish soldiers were interned also in other parts of Switzerland and left unmistakable traces of their hard work. There are several so-called Polenweg‘s, which are roads that were built by Polish soldiers during the Second World War in Switzerland.

      https://insubricahistorica.ch/blog/2018/04/16/polish-army-in-insubrica-region-case-of-losone
      #Losone

      –-

      Gli internati polacchi nel Locarnese e Valle Maggia

      Avevamo già scritto nell’aprile 2018 su Insubrica Historica un breve contributo sugli internati polacchi nella regione Insubrica. Durante dei lavori di ricerca per un imminente pubblicazione di Insubrica Historica sul Locarnese, abbiamo ritrovato ulteriori dettagli, che valgono la pena di essere condivisi.

      La presenza degli internati polacchi in Ticino e soprattutto nel Locarnese è legata soprattutto alla caserma di Losone posta nella località Piana di Arbigo, la quale ospitò ben oltre la fine del conflitto un ingente numero di soldati polacchi, circa un migliaio. Da questa caserma vennero impiegati per diversi lavori di bonifica. La loro presenza viene ricordata nel Locarnese per la Strada dei Polacchi da Arcegno a Golino, o ancora ad Orselina per la cappella della Madonna di “Ostra Brama”.

      Vi erano però diversi altri campi di lavoro distribuiti nella regione, i quali ospitavano anche loro soldati polacchi. In particolare grazie ad un recente articolo di Fabio Cheda Gli internati polacchi a Maggia, vi sono alcuni dettagli di questi campi nella Valle Maggia.

      I campi erano distribuiti nella maniera seguente: ai Ronchini di Aurigeno (15-30 militi), a Bignasco (10-15 militi), a Cevio (40-50 militi), a Linescio (30-35 militi), presso l’edificio “Cortao di Bonitt” a Maggia (30-35 militi), al Piano di Peccia (fino a 15 militi) e a San Carlo (100-200 militi). Nella sola Valle Maggia vi era circa il 15% (n=200) del totale dei soldati polacchi internati in Svizzera (n=12’000) durante la guerra. La maggior parte di loro erano entrati in Svizzera nella regione del Giura Francese, duranta la disfatta dell’esercito francese nell’estate del 1940.

      L’ubicazione di alcuni di questi campi e località di lavoro come a Lodano, lascia dedurre che l’impiego di questi soldati non era confinato al solo settore agricolo ma soprattutto anche nel disboscamento delle superfici forestali della Valle.

      «Questi baldi giovanotti facevano girare spesso la testa alle ragazze e alle mogli locali, tenendo in considerazione che gran parte degli uomini del paese erano impegnati nel servizio militare. È appurato che i Polacchi abbiano lasciato il segno: una donna si presentò un giorno ai capi responsabili mostrando il ventre gonfio…» (Fabio Cheda, A tu per tu, Dicembre 2020)

      Sempre secondo Fabio Cheda, il rapporto dei soldati polacchi con la popolazione era esemplare. Molto positivo, soprattutto con le signorine della Valle, tanto che vennero celebrati anche dei matrimoni.

      Non tutti i soldati polacchi ebbero la pazienza di restare fino alla fine del conflitto, oppure di ritornare in Pologna. Ve ne sono alcuni che riuscirono anche a fuggire da questi campi di lavoro prima e dopo il conflitto, i quali pur essendo controllati da soldati dell’esercito Elvetico, non sottostavano a rigida disciplina, come invece si ebbe in altri campi soprattutto della Svizzera tedesca.

      https://insubricahistorica.ch/blog/2021/09/30/gli-internati-polacchi-nel-locarnese-e-valle-maggia
      #internement #internés

    • Internati polacchi in Svizzera tra guerra, lavoro e sentimento

      Un’analisi storica sulla presenza degli internati militari polacchi in Svizzera durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale vuole essere un momento prezioso per una riflessione su noi stessi e sulla nostra terra elvetica: terra di transito in cui i nostri orizzonti hanno potuto incontrarsi, per pochi anni, con un popolo straordinario, che nel dolore, nella perdita e nella sofferenza del conflitto ha saputo dare, oltre che il suo sudore del lavoro - fondamentale per il nostro Paese - durante l’internamento, un esempio unico di dignità, di comunanza e di fratellanza.
      Al di là della politica e delle vicissitudini belliche, gli uomini hanno saputo ritrovarsi, anche soltanto per un istante.

      https://www.editore.ch/shopvm/varia/internati-polacchi-in-svizzera-tra-guerra-lavoro-e-sentimento-detail.html

  • Un article comparant les mérites respectifs, pour les mouvements anti-génocide sur les campus US, de la stratégie BDS et de la stratégie du désinvestissement centrée sur les entreprises

    Student protests will shape a generation of Americans’ thinking on social justice
    Hussein Ibish
    https://www.thenationalnews.com/opinion/comment/2024/05/03/student-protests-will-shape-a-generation-of-americans-thinking-on-s

    For all the rhetoric about the appalling war, Israel’s brutality and the virtually unimaginable number of Palestinian civilians, particularly children, who have been wantonly killed in Gaza, the divestment movement will probably emerge as the next phase of a protracted campaign on US campuses. When anti-apartheid fervour gripped campuses in the 1980s, many universities adopted rules prohibiting their own investment in entities that do business with those practicing apartheid, without limiting the ban to South Africa only.

    The opportunity for student activists, and the nightmare universities will struggle to manage in coming years even without the Gaza war, is built-into those policies. After all, it is difficult to look at the social, economic and political system enforced by Israel’s occupation army, particularly in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and argue with a straight face that it cannot accurately be described as “apartheid”.
    [...]
    Students may find themselves on rock solid ground in coming years in asking why their universities persist with investments in such a system, or companies with any sort of presence in, or business with, the Israeli settlement project in the West Bank. The pro-Israel and right-wing backlash will be hysterical and reflective of great power, but counterarguments at the universities themselves will be factually hamstrung and intellectually weak.

    The rhetoric of the anti-Gaza war protests has been shaped and informed almost entirely by the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, and these protests in turn have galvanised and breathed new life into the BDS project on American universities.

    But BDS proponents will be on much shakier ground whenever it insists on breaking ties with Israeli universities and especially refusing to deal with Jewish Israeli faculty. Suddenly, they will find, the moral and intellectual equation flips against them, as they will be painting with far too broad a brush and playing into the hands of those would accuse them of anti-Semitism.

    But, especially insofar as they avoid academic and intellectual boycotts and stick to divestment from Israel, and especially anything to do with the occupation and settlements, this coming student movement should prove enduring and potent. It has been operating on the margins of US campuses for the past two decades, meeting with limited success among student structures but virtually none institutionally.

    The main legacy of the current organising against the Gaza war is very likely to be a greatly empowered campus divestment movement regarding Israel that, despite pressure from the same pro-Israel parents, donors and politicians, university administrations will find increasingly unmanageable, effective and possibly irresistible.

    #boycott #divestment #désinvestissement #campus

  • Deadly human smuggling through Mexico thrives in ‘perfect cycle of impunity’

    A new collaboration from ICIJ and media partners in Latin America, Europe and the United States documents nearly 19,000 migrants’ journeys to the U.S. border under dangerous conditions.

    Six days before Rafelín Martínez Castillo was sent flying from a trailer truck transporting him and 168 other migrants across Mexico, he was sanding wood in his cousin’s modest workshop in the Dominican Republic. The 31-year-old craftsman, his brother and cousin were working tirelessly to fulfill a large order of pilones, the popular mortar and pestle sets sold in souvenir stores and on roadsides in the Caribbean nation.

    “When I touched his hands the day we said goodbye, they were full of calluses and cuts from all the hours he spent sanding wood,” Martínez Castillo’s mother, Kenia Castillo, recalled during an interview in April 2023 at her house in Boqueron, a small, hilly region in the southern province of Azua. “I pleaded with him not to leave. I said we could get by eating rice and eggs if we had to. But he told me that just making pilones, we would never have anything.”

    The family used money from their pilones sales to pay part of the $26,000 to smugglers who had agreed to get Martínez Castillo to the United States. The trip would take him on a plane to Panama, then Guatemala, and from there he would cross the border into Chiapas, Mexico’s southernmost state.

    In recent years, tens of thousands of Dominicans have followed similar routes to reach the U.S. in an exodus that has become so ubiquitous it has turned into a popular culture reference, with the phrase “la vuelta es México” (“Mexico is the way”) showing up in rap and merengue songs and comedy sketches on national television. Generally, Dominicans have been flying to South and Central American countries with relaxed or no visa requirements. In 2022 and 2023, more than 3,000 people per month left the island on such flights, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection data. The travel becomes much harder from there as they then make their way across several countries to arrive in Mexico; from Mexico they walk to the U.S.

    Martínez Castillo’s journey was supposed to culminate with him crossing into the United States. Instead, 25 days after leaving home, he returned in a casket.

    On Dec. 9, 2021, the 18-wheeler that had Martínez Castillo and his fellow migrants packed in like commodities overturned while speeding on a Chiapas highway. Fifty-six people died and 113 were wounded. The images of the bodies scattered across the highway surrounded by horrified onlookers spread around the globe.

    Following the trail of this and similar accidents involving migrants and trucks, a cross-border team of journalists found that the illegal use of these cargo vehicles to move migrants across Mexico has increased in the past several years as cartels have taken over the smuggling business, which has historically been controlled by a loose network of smugglers called coyotes or polleros. All of this has unfolded as the Mexican government, pressured by the United States, has toughened its policies to limit the record number of people crossing its territory in recent years, pushing migrants to find dangerous and often deadly ways to travel. As they make use of the cargo industry, which is supposed to be tightly regulated by government agencies, organized crime groups seem to operate with impunity. Today, the smuggling business is estimated to generate billions of dollars a year for the cartels.

    It also “has an enormous logistics apparatus and, of course, all the necessary complicities behind it,” said Tonatiuh Guillén López, who was appointed Mexico’s immigration chief in December 2018 and resigned six months later over disagreement with the shifting immigration policies of president Andres Manuel López Obrador. “Otherwise, how do … dozens of trucks travel undetected through the country?”

    Neither Mexico’s National Institute of Migration, its attorney general, the Secretariat of Defense, the National Guard and the National Chamber of Cargo Transportation, which represents the trucking industry, would comment or consent to interviews for this story.

    The team of reporters interviewed survivors, experts, migrants’ rights advocates and current and former Mexican officials, and reviewed thousands of pages of documents for this story. The reporters also created a database listing more than 170 trucks that carried migrants and were inspected, detained, involved in accidents or abandoned from 2018 to 2023. Due to the varying quality of the information, and because Mexican authorities have tracked cases only since 2022, after the Chiapas accident, the data reveals only a tiny portion of this human smuggling. But what it does show is that nearly 19,000 people — including more than 3,200 minors — were traveling in the trucks the reporters identified.

    The data also shows that at least 111 migrants traveling in trailers through Mexico in those six years died because of exposure to heat or lack of oxygen, or as a result of traffic accidents. On March 7, 2019, a trailer carrying about 80 migrants drove off the road and overturned in Chiapas, causing the deaths of 23 people, among them a 2-year-old and a 7-year-old. Three years later, 64 people were rescued from a trailer abandoned on the side of the road in the northern state of Coahuila. They had been traveling without water or ventilation and endured temperatures of 104 degrees Fahrenheit inside the trailer, authorities said. Fourteen people were hospitalized, and a Nicaraguan woman died and had a stillbirth.

    On Sept. 28, 2023, two migrants died and 27 were injured after the driver of a truck carrying 52 people lost control and the truck overturned on a highway in Mezcalapa, Chiapas. Three days later, nine Cuban women and a girl died and 17 other Cubans were injured after the truck carrying them crashed on a highway about 100 miles from the Guatemalan border.

    Given the volume of people passing through Mexico — U.S. Customs and Border Protection data shows that more than 4.8 million foreign nationals were encountered at the southern border in the last two years alone — the number of migrants in trucks is undoubtedly higher than the reporters’ data analysis shows, according to experts and advocates for migrants’ rights.

    Guillén, the former immigration chief, said that while many migrants are misled by smugglers about the mode of transportation, others do understand the dangers of being locked for hours in a rolling steel container.

    “The situation of displaced people is so grave that they take all these risks,” Guillén said. He has a phrase to describe the despair and lack of options faced by migrants in Mexico and around the world. He calls it “the magnitude of hopelessness.”
    A ‘humane’ immigration policy?

    Large numbers of Central Americans have been passing through Mexico to reach the U.S. since at least the 1980s, fleeing civil wars or attracted by American companies’ demand for cheap labor. That migration continued in the late 1990s, when thousands left their countries after the devastation caused by Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Other waves followed, driven by economic crises, climate change, violence and political upheaval. Around 2010 a new trend emerged: Thousands of Asian and African migrants arrived in the south of Mexico after traversing the Americas en route to the U.S.

    To contain the flow, the U.S. and Mexico have beefed up the presence of law enforcement at their borders. With funding from the U.S., Mexico increased deportations, sending hundreds of thousands of people back to their countries and even deporting more than the United States has in particular years.

    Mexico became what experts call “a vertical border,” explained Gretchen Kuhner, director of the Institute for Women in Migration, a nonprofit advocacy group. This means that immigration inspections aren’t happening only at entry points at borders, airports and seaports, Kuhner said. Instead, stops and searches can happen anywhere. Soldiers and immigration agents began stopping people in parks and other public areas as far back as nearly 10 years ago, boarding buses and pulling over vehicles to catch undocumented migrants. (In 2022 the Mexican Supreme Court declared this practice unconstitutional after three Indigenous siblings who were racially profiled sued, but that hasn’t stopped the practice.)

    “This way of doing immigration control is, from our perspective, one of the factors that pushes people to travel in a clandestine way and what allows organized crime groups that traffic people to flourish,” Kuhner said, because they offer a way to dodge the random stops and searches.

    Poor migrants who can’t pay smugglers or hire fixers to bribe authorities for expedited documents to move legally across Mexico have traditionally attempted the journey walking or hitchhiking. Many more risk injury or death by climbing atop the moving freight train nicknamed “The Beast” and the “Death Train,” part of a railway network that runs the length of Mexico. Seeking safety in numbers, thousands of people a year travel together on foot for hundreds of miles in so-called migrant caravans. Others, like Martínez Castillo, the Dominican woodworker, and the nearly 19,000 identified in the data analysis, end up crammed in the trailer trucks.

    For a brief period at the beginning of his presidency in 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a center-left liberal, followed his campaign promises to forge a more “humane” immigration policy than the one he had inherited. His administration granted thousands of humanitarian visas to allow migrants safe passage or work visas to stay in Mexico. During that period, a caravan was able to cross the country largely unimpeded. But he soon reversed course under pressure from the Trump administration that threatened to increase tariffs on Mexican imports.

    In the summer of 2019, López Obrador deployed nearly 21,000 agents from the National Guard, a security force he created, to Mexico’s borders with Guatemala and the U.S. to contain migrants. Later, Mexico also largely stopped issuing safe-passage documents to migrants. Notably, the government prohibited transportation companies from selling bus tickets to anyone who couldn’t show a valid immigration document allowing them to be in the country. Advocates point to that policy — which prevents people from traveling in a safer way — as one of the chief reasons that pushed migrants to seek dangerous alternatives to traverse Mexico. In October, a Mexican federal court declared the practice of asking for immigration documents illegal and discriminatory.

    ‘Children, babies and entire families’

    In Mexico — an export-oriented economy that has overtaken China as the United States’ top supplier — cargo trucks play a key role in keeping businesses running. The number of cargo trucks traveling annually on Mexican roads surpassed 600,000 in 2021.

    A reporter from En un 2×3 Tamaulipas who contributed to this story spent more than six weeks approaching companies and individuals who work in the trucking industry in the hopes of finding drivers who had carried migrants in trucks. Only one driver agreed to talk – on the condition that his identity be protected out of fear of retribution. The man, who has driven trucks loaded with migrants, said that drivers don’t necessarily seek out this kind of work. Instead, they are recruited at freight stations by those who work for cartels. Refusing the job can mean death, he said.

    “They arrive and tell you: ‘I need you to take this trip for me,’” he said. “Everything is already arranged.”

    He said migrants who manage to reach Mexico City, in the center of the country, from the south are approached at bus terminals by coyotes who offer them safe transportation to the U.S.-Mexico border. Migrants who find a way to get to Michoacan, a few hours west of Mexico City, pay to board the trailer trucks. From there, they are driven hundreds of miles to towns near the border with Texas, such as Reynosa or Matamoros.

    The driver, who has been transporting produce from Michoacan to other parts of the country since 2013, said he has driven up to 100 people at a time in trailers, in trips that last 15 hours — carrying “children, babies and entire families.” Drivers are prohibited from stopping along the way to check on migrants’ conditions, he said.

    In 2022, he said, he was approached by a man who told him that he was going to drive a group of Central American migrants to northern Mexico. He was going to be paid for it, but he also understood it wasn’t an offer he could turn down. “They threaten your family,” the driver said. “I can’t even imagine how big their reach is, but when they come and offer you the gig they tell you, ‘Look, if you refuse or if you betray me, we know that your family lives in such and such area.’”

    He said he’s given a phone to receive instructions during the trip. He is stopped at checkpoints by either the Army or the National Guard. He’s usually instructed to explain to the soldiers that he is carrying people. Then he is supposed to hand over the phone. “They communicate with each other, arrange their transactions, and that’s it,” the driver said. “Then [the soldiers] tell you, ‘You can go through.’”

    The Mexican Secretariat of Defense also declined to comment on the testimony of the driver, claiming it has no jurisdiction in immigration matters. Drivers may be offered between $4,800 and $6,000 (80,000 to 100,000 Mexican pesos) for each trip or “package delivered,” the driver said, but they usually get less than half the payment in the end. “It is not negotiable,” he said.

    However harrowing it is to be recruited to drive migrants in a truck, the experience can’t begin to compare to what it’s like being a passenger. In January 2019, Yanira Chávez traveled for four days inside a trailer truck with her young son and daughter and about 170 others.

    Four days into the new year, Chávez, now 36, and her children left their small town in northern Honduras. She had paid the first $5,000 to a local coyote who for $10,000 promised to take them to the United States, where Chávez’s husband was waiting for them. The coyote told them that once in Mexico, they were going to travel to the northern region by plane and instructed them to buy “luggage with wheels” to appear as tourists, not migrants.

    Chávez and her children traveled by bus from Honduras to northern Guatemala, and from there they crossed a river by boat into Mexico. “I’m a little bit closer to you,” she texted her husband at that point.

    In Mexico, Chávez soon realized they would not be catching any plane. The smugglers took away her phone and the phones of the migrants she was traveling with, threw away their suitcases and forced them to get inside a huge trailer, she said. Chávez and others initially refused to get in. “But at that point, it no longer depends on whether you want to or not,” said Chávez. “You have to do it because if you don’t, the threat is that they will hand you over to the cartel.”

    Inside the truck the heat was stifling, Chávez recalled. Men were sitting lined up one behind the other in the center. Women squatted against the walls, holding the children between their legs. Soon after the truck started moving, a boy, about 2 years old, began crying. “Either you keep him quiet or I keep him quiet,” one of the armed coyotes riding inside the trailer told the child’s mother, according to Chávez.

    There were plastic buckets at each end of the trailer in which to urinate. The stench flooded the space, she said. “People were fainting.”

    The migrants were taken out of the trailer three times during the 900 miles from Villahermosa to Reynosa, she said, in the state of Tamaulipas, near Texas. One of those times, Chávez said, they walked through the backwoods for several hours until nightfall to evade a police checkpoint.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ur19QsWddlg

    The ordeal didn’t end once the trailer truck dropped them off. In Reynosa, Chávez and her children were held hostage, first in a motel and then in a house for more than a week, until her husband managed to wire a total of $14,000 in small transactions to have them released, she said. Kidnappings are commonplace for migrants in Mexico when smugglers know they have relatives in the U.S. awaiting them.

    Nearly a month after she left Honduras, Chávez and her children crossed the Rio Grande and surrendered to the U.S. Border Patrol in McAllen, Texas, where they asked for asylum. Chávez says the case was recently closed, adding uncertainty to the family’s future, but for now they’re living a quiet life in Long Island, N.Y., where she works for a wood molding company. The bitter memories and guilt about what the children had to go through overwhelm her sometimes. It’s particularly hard, she said, when a trailer truck approaches her workplace to deliver materials.
    ‘A perfect cycle of impunity’

    Neither the victims of the smuggling business nor their surviving relatives often see justice, the reporting shows. From 2016 to 2023 there have been only 35 convictions for human trafficking in Mexican district courts, according to information obtained through a public records request to the Mexican Justice Department. Reporters compared the information from the Justice Department with the database created for this story. The analysis showed that some of the Mexican states where trucks smuggling migrants are most frequently detected — and where the most deaths are recorded annually — also have the fewest investigations into human trafficking open. In the state of Veracruz, the nation’s Attorney General’s Office only opened three cases from 2016 to October 2023, while there are no such open cases in either Chiapas or Nuevo León.

    Experts and human rights advocates say that in a country like Mexico, which often ranks poorly in reports about corruption, crimes against migrants are bound to go unpunished. “It is a perfect cycle of impunity,” said Mónica Oehler, a researcher in Mexico for Amnesty International.

    She said migrants rarely report crimes out of fear of being deported. They also risk retribution from smugglers. “It doesn’t even cross their mind when you ask them: ‘Have you reported this?’” Oehler said.

    For Kenia Castillo, the Dominican mother who lost her son in the December 2021 Chiapas accident, filing a crime report at the time was hardly foremost on her mind. “Our main worry was bringing his body home,” she said.

    Rafelín Martínez Castillo left a 4-year-old daughter whom Castillo is now raising and trying to legally adopt. There is also a mountain of debt from loans taken to pay for her son’s efforts to get to the U.S. As she grapples with those pressing realities, Castillo said, “Sometimes I think about how so many people have gone before and after him, and they made it.” She shrugged her shoulders, resigned to her son’s fate.

    The accident could have been a turning point in curtailing migrant smuggling but has instead become yet another tragic example of systemic failures. During a press conference the day after the accident, Mexico’s then-Foreign Affairs Secretary Marcelo Ebrard, along with officials from the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras and the United States, announced the creation of a Grupo de Acción Inmediata, or Immediate Action Group, to investigate what happened to Martínez Castillo and his fellow travelers. The officials blamed the accident on “international human trafficking networks” and vowed to stop them. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it would present the “actions, progress and results” of the group’s work in a public report.

    Reporters found that the group met only once in January 2022 after its inaugural session the month before, and the report promised by the ministry has never been released. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Mexico did not respond to requests for comments about the Immediate Action Group’s work. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security didn’t answer specific questions about the group, but a spokesperson wrote in an email that Homeland Security Investigations works with Mexico’s Transnational Criminal Investigative Unit to combat human smuggling and prosecute individuals involved in criminal activity “often resulting in disruptions of criminal enterprises.”

    Although arrests for the Chiapas accident were made in the Dominican Republic and Mexico, reporters have yet to find any evidence that, nearly 2½ years later, anyone, in any country, has been convicted.

    https://www.icij.org/inside-icij/2024/04/deadly-human-smuggling-through-mexico-thrives-in-perfect-cycle-of-impunity

    #impunité #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #camions #cargo_truck #République_dominicaine #Chiapas #contrôles_frontaliers #The_Beast #The_Death_Train #train
    via @fil

  • Pierre Kropotkine fédéraliste - #Camillo_Berneri
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/pierre-kropotkine-federaliste-camillo-berneri

    Il naît à Lodi le 28 mai 1897 et passe ses jeunes années à Reggio Emilia. Il s’inscrit au cercle des Jeunesses Socialistes, qu’il quitte bientôt pour adhérer au mouvement anarchiste ; après une lettre, qui, à son époque, fit beaucoup d’impression sur les jeunes : Il nous faut un nouvel essor, il nous faut un retour au temps où aimer une Idée voulait dire ne pas craindre la mort et sacrifier toute la vie à une soumission complète. (1915) En 1917, à vingt ans : Je croyais que la vie (...) #Pierre_Kropotkine_fédéraliste

    / Camillo Berneri, Archives Autonomies , Révolution espagnole (1936-1939)

    #Archives_Autonomies_ #Révolution_espagnole_1936-1939_
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luigi_Fabbri
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federica_Montseny
    https://bianco.ficedl.info/mot5891.html
    https://www.antimythes.fr/individus/berneri_camillo/berneri_camillo.html

  • Faschismus: »Sie wurden zunächst nicht als Opfer anerkannt«
    https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/473799.faschismus-sie-wurden-zun%C3%A4chst-nicht-als-opfer-anerkannt.html


    Gezeichnet: Häftlinge im Konzentrationslager Sachsenhausen (19.12.1938)

    22.4.2024 von Barbara Eder - Jahrestage der Befreiung von Konzentrationslagern: Auch an die Verfolgung sogenannter Asozialer wird erinnert. Ein Gespräch mit Helga Amesberger

    Sie forschen seit Jahren zur Verfolgung sogenannter Asozialer zwischen 1933 und 1945. Wie wurde diese Personengruppe definiert?

    »Asoziale« wurden als sogenannte Arier kategorisiert, die aber nicht in das Bild des sogenannten Herrenmenschen passten. Dabei handelte es sich zum einen um Frauen und Männer, die mit Strafgesetzen in Konflikt gerieten; zum anderen um Menschen, denen »Arbeitsscheu« oder ein unsittlicher Lebenswandel unterstellt wurde. Auch alkoholkranke und Drogen gebrauchende Menschen wurden in der Nazizeit als »Asoziale« stigmatisiert. In den Konzentrationslagern mussten sie den schwarzen Winkel tragen.

    Worin besteht das Spezifikum dieser Opfergruppe?

    Eine gesetzlich geregelte Definition, wer als »asozial« einzustufen ist, gab es nicht. Die Behörden agierten auf Basis von Erlässen und Verordnungen; sie konnten daher sehr willkürlich vorgehen. Der wichtigste war der Grunderlass von 1937 zur Vorbeugehaft, der es ermöglichte, Personen ohne vorangegangene Straftat zu inhaftieren. Dazu kamen unterschiedliche fürsorgerechtliche Bestimmungen, welche die Einweisungen sowohl in Arbeitsanstalten als auch in Konzentrationslager ermöglichten. Die Richtlinie zur Umsetzung des Gesetzes zur »Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses« war dahingehend ebenso relevant. In Allianz von Fürsorge, Arbeitsämtern und Medizin war die Polizei dazu angehalten, dem sogenannten Asozialen-Problem ein Ende zu machen. Begonnen hat dies bereits mit der Machtübernahme der Nazis, die Übergänge waren fließend. Auch vor 1933 bzw. 1938 gab es staatliche Maßnahmen gegen gesellschaftlich Marginalisierte. Betonen möchte ich, dass vorwiegend die verarmten Bevölkerungsschichten von der Bekämpfung des »Asozialen«-Problems betroffen waren.

    Gab es eigene Lager für diese Menschen?

    Personen, die als »Asoziale« verfolgt wurden, wurden zunächst oft in sogenannte Arbeits- oder Arbeitserziehungslager gebracht. In Österreich befanden sich solche für Frauen etwa am Steinhof in Wien, in Znaim und in Klosterneuburg, in Bayern war es der »Wanderhof« Bischofsried. Die inhaftierten Frauen und Männer mussten für Firmen, in der Landwirtschaft oder im Lager selbst Zwangsarbeit verrichten. »Asoziale« wurden jedoch auch in Konzentrationslager deportiert. Junge Frauen im Alter zwischen 15 und 21 Jahren kamen etwa ins Jugend-KZ Uckermark – im Nazijargon euphemistisch als »Erziehungslager« für Mädchen bezeichnet. Viele von ihnen waren davor in einem »Arbeitserziehungslager«.

    »Asoziale« sind eine Opfergruppe ohne nennenswerte Lobby. Wie verlief der Weg zur Entschädigung nach 1945?

    Nach 1945 haben sich die fürsorgerechtlichen Bestimmungen und der gesellschaftspolitische Blick auf diese Verfolgtengruppe nicht maßgeblich verändert. Diesbezüglich gibt es eine starke Kontinuität, dies spiegelt sich auch in der Anerkennungspolitik: »Asoziale« Menschen wurden nicht als Opfer des Nationalsozialismus anerkannt, außer sie konnten einen Nachweis erbringen, dass sie beispielsweise auch rassistisch oder politisch verfolgt wurden. In Österreich kam es zu einer schrittweisen Anerkennung mit der Gründung des Nationalfonds für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus im Jahr 1995. Im österreichischen Opferfürsorgegesetz wurden aber erst 2005 entsprechende Novellierungen vorgenommen. Nach einer Initiative von Nachkommen von Überlebenden und Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern beschloss auch der Deutsche Bundestag im Februar 2020 die Anerkennung von als »Asoziale« oder »Berufsverbrecher« verfolgten Personen. Es dauerte also fünf bzw. acht Jahrzehnte, bis der Unrechtsgehalt der NS-Maßnahmen gegen diese Opfergruppen erstmals hinterfragt wurde. Niemand war zu Recht im KZ – ganz egal, wie das Vorleben einer Person war, ob sie kriminell wurde oder ob sie sich ein anderes Vergehen zuschulden hat kommen lassen. Konzentrationslagerhaft steht immer außerhalb des Rechts und der Gerichtsbarkeit.

    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Helga_Amesberger

    #Allemagne #Autriche #histoire #nazis #camps #asociaux

  • Grecia, incendi e responsabilità
    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Grecia/Grecia-incendi-e-responsabilita-230976

    Il controverso processo per il disastroso incendio che ha distrutto il campo profughi di Moria, sull’isola di Lesbo, terminato con una condanna, ha visto la difesa utilizzare nuovi dati scientifici sulla fragilità degli ecosistemi alla minaccia del fuoco

  • Fondi PNRR per impianti di biometano: dalla provincia di Salerno fino in Lussemburgo
    https://irpimedia.irpi.eu/lemanisullaripartenza-pnrr-impianti-biometano-salerno-lussemburgo

    Ad Auletta un gruppo di aziende con una struttura societaria molto complessa guida la realizzazione di un nuovo impianto finanziato con 14,5 milioni del PNRR. I cittadini contestano il progetto L’articolo Fondi PNRR per impianti di biometano: dalla provincia di Salerno fino in Lussemburgo proviene da IrpiMedia.

    #Ambiente #Diritti #Campania #Inquinamento

  • Ligne de chemin de fer, ceinture verte, développement de la voiture individuelle
    http://carfree.fr/index.php/2024/04/11/ligne-de-chemin-de-fer-ceinture-verte-developpement-de-la-voiture-individuel

    Lisons ou re-lisons Mumford ! Dans son livre majeur publié en 1961 « La Cité à travers l’Histoire » (trad. de : The City in History, its Origins, its Transformations and its Prospects), Lewis Lire la suite...

    #Alternatives_à_la_voiture #Fin_de_l'automobile #Livres #Marche_à_pied #Ressources #Transports_publics #Vélo #banlieues #campagne #histoire #périurbanisation #planification #société #trains #transports #transports_en_commun #urbanisme #usa #ville

  • The Hellenic Data Protection Authority fines the Ministry of Migration and Asylum for the “Centaurus” and “Hyperion” systems with the largest penalty ever imposed to a Greek public body

    Two years ago, in February 2022, Homo Digitalis had filed (https://homodigitalis.gr/en/posts/10874) a complaint against the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum for the “#Centaurus” and “#Hyperion” systems deployed in the reception and accommodation facilities for asylum seekers, in cooperation with the civil society organizations Hellenic League for Human Rights and HIAS Greece, as well as the academic Niovi Vavoula.

    Today, the Hellenic Data Protection Authority identified significant GDPR violations in this case by the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum and decided to impose a fine of €175.000 euro – the highest ever imposed against a public body in the country.

    The detailed analysis of the GDPR highlights the significant shortcomings that the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum had fallen into in the context of preparing a comprehensive and coherent Data Protection Impact Assessment, and demonstrates the significant violations of the GDPR that have been identified and relate to a large number of subjects who have a real hardship in being able to exercise their rights.

    Despite the fact that the DPA remains understaffed, with a reduced budget, facing even the the risk of eviction from its premises, it manages to fulfil its mission and maintain citizens’ trust in the Independent Authorities. It remains to be seen how long the DPA will last if the state does not stand by its side.

    Of course, nothing ends here. A high fine does not in itself mean anything. The Ministry of Immigration and Asylum must comply within 3 months with its obligations. However, the decision gives us the strength to continue our actions in the field of border protection in order to protect the rights of vulnerable social groups who are targeted by highly intrusive technologies.

    You can read our press release here: https://homodigitalis.gr/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PressRelease_%CE%97omoDigitalis_Fine-175.000-euro_Hellenic_Data_Protec

    You can read Decision 13/2024 on the Authority’s website here: https://www.dpa.gr/el/enimerwtiko/prakseisArxis/aytepaggelti-ereyna-gia-tin-anaptyxi-kai-egkatastasi-ton-programmaton

    https://homodigitalis.gr/en/posts/132195

    #Grèce #surveillance #migrations #réfugiés #justice #amende #RGDP #données #protection_des_données #camps_de_réfugiés #technologie

    • Griechenland soll Strafe für Überwachung in Grenzcamps zahlen

      Wie weit darf die EU bei der Überwachung von Asylsuchenden an ihren Grenzen gehen? Griechenland testet das in neuen Lagern auf den Ägäischen Inseln. Nun hat die griechische Datenschutzbehörde dafür eine Strafe verhängt. Bürgerrechtler:innen hoffen auf eine Entscheidung mit Signalwirkung.

      Doppelter „Nato-Sicherheitszaun“ mit Stacheldraht. Kameras, die selbst den Basketballplatz und die Gemeinschaftsräume rund um die Uhr im Blick haben. Drohnen sorgen für Überwachung aus der Luft. Das Lager auf Samos, das die griechische Regierung 2021 mit viel Getöse eröffnet hat, gleicht eher einem Gefängnis als einer Erstaufnahme für Asylsuchende, die gerade in Europa gelandet sind.

      Das Überwachungssystem, das in diesem und vier weiteren Lagern auf den griechischen Inseln für „Sicherheit“ sorgen soll, heißt Centaurus. Die Bilder aus den Sicherheitskameras und Drohnen laufen in einem Kontrollzentrum im Ministerium in Athen zusammen. Bei besonderen Situationen sollen auch Polizeibehörden oder die Feuerwehr direkten Zugang zu den Aufnahmen bekommen. Mit dem System Hyperion wird der Zugang zum Lager kontrolliert: biometrischen Eingangstore, die sich nur mit Fingerabdrücken öffnen lassen.

      Für den Einsatz dieser Technologien ohne vorherige Grundrechtsprüfung hat das Ministerium nun eine Strafe kassiert. Die griechische Datenschutzaufsicht sieht einen Verstoß gegen Datenschutzgesetze in der EU (DSGVO). In einem lang erwarteten Beschluss belegte sie vergangene Woche das Ministerium für Migration und Asyl mit einem Bußgeld von 175.000 Euro.
      Erst eingesetzt, dann Folgen abgeschätzt

      Zwei konkrete Punkte führten laut Datenschutzbehörde zu der Entscheidung: Das Ministerium hat es versäumt, rechtzeitig eine Datenschutz-Folgenabschätzung zu erstellen. Gemeint ist damit eine Bewertung, welche Auswirkungen der Einsatz der Überwachung auf die Grundrechte der betroffenen Personen hat. Es geht um die Asylsuchenden, die in den Lagern festgehalten werden, aber auch Angestellte, Mitarbeitende von NGOs oder Gäste, die das Lager betreten.

      Eine solche Abschätzung hätte bereits vor der Anschaffung und dem Einsatz der Technologien vollständig vorliegen müssen, schreibt die Aufsichtsbehörde in ihrer Entscheidung. Stattdessen ist sie bis heute unvollständig: Ein Verstoß gegen die Artikel 25 und 35 der Datenschutzgrundverordnung, für die die Behörde eine Geldbuße in Höhe von 100.000 Euro verhängt.

      Zusätzlich wirft die Behörde dem Ministerium Intransparenz vor. Dokumente hätten beispielsweise verwirrende und widersprüchliche Angaben enthalten. Verträge mit den Unternehmen, die die Überwachungssysteme betreiben, hätte das Ministerium mit Verweis auf Geheimhaltung gar nicht herausgegeben, und damit auch keine Details zu den Bedingungen, zu denen die Daten verarbeitet werden. Wie diese Systeme mit anderen Datenbanken etwa zur Strafverfolgung verknüpft sind, ob also Aufnahmen und biometrische Daten auch bei der Polizei landen könnten, das wollte das Ministerium ebenfalls nicht mitteilen. Dafür verhängte die Aufsichtsbehörde weitere 75.000 Euro Strafe.
      Ministerium: Systeme noch in der Testphase

      Das Ministerium rechtfertigt sich: Centaurus und Hyperion seien noch nicht vollständig in Betrieb, man befinde sich noch in der Testphase. Die Aufsichtsbehörde habe nicht bedacht, dass „die Verarbeitung personenbezogener Daten nicht bewertet werden konnte, bevor die Systeme in Betrieb genommen wurden“. Hinzu kämen Pflichten zur Geheimhaltung, die sich aus den Verträgen mit den Unternehmen hinter den beiden Systemen ergeben.

      Die Behörde hat das nicht durchgehen lassen: Rein rechtlich mache es keinen Unterschied, ob ein System noch getestet wird oder im Regelbetrieb sei, schriebt sie in ihrer Entscheidung. Die Abschätzung hätte weit vorher, nämlich bereits bei Abschluss der Verträge, vorliegen müssen. Noch dazu würden diese Verstöße eine große Zahl an Menschen betreffen, die sich in einer besonders schutzlosen Lage befänden.

      Abschalten muss das Ministerium die Überwachungssysteme allerdings nicht, sie bleiben in Betrieb. Es muss lediglich binnen drei Monaten den Forderungen nachkommen und fehlende Unterlagen liefern. Das Ministerium kündigt an, die Entscheidung rechtlich überprüfen und möglicherweise anfechten zu wollen.
      Geheimhaltungspflicht keine Ausrede

      „Die Entscheidung ist sehr wichtig, weil sie einen sehr hohen Standard dafür setzt, wann und wie eine Datenschutz-Folgenabschätzung erfolgreich durchgeführt werden muss, sogar vor der Auftragsvergabe“, sagt Eleftherios Helioudakis. Er ist Anwalt bei der griechischen Organisation Homo Digitalis und beschäftigt sich mit den Auswirkungen von Technologien auf Menschenrechte. Eine Beschwerde von Homo Digitalis und weiteren Vereinen aus dem Jahr 2022 hatte die Untersuchung angestoßen.

      Helioudakis sagt, die Entscheidung mache deutlich, dass mangelnde Kommunikation mit der Datenschutzbehörde zu hohen Geldstrafen führen kann. Außerdem sei nun klar: Das Ministerium kann Vertragsklauseln zum Datenschutz nicht aus Gründen der Geheimhaltung vor der Datenschutzbehörde verbergen, denn für deren Untersuchungen ist die Geheimhaltungspflicht aufgehoben – wie es die DSGVO vorsieht. Das Urteil der Behörde beziehe sich zudem erst mal nur auf die Mängel bei der Einführung der Systeme, so der Bürgerrechtler. Es könnten also neue Fälle bei der Datenschutzbehörde anhängig gemacht werden.

      Die Sanktionen sind laut der Hilfsorganisation Hias die höchsten, die die Datenschutzbehörde je gegen den griechischen Staat verhängt hat. In der Summe fallen die Strafzahlungen allerdings gering aus. Sind die Datenschutzregeln der EU wirklich das geeignete Instrument, um die Rechte von Asylsuchenden zu schützen? Eleftherios Helioudakis sagt ja. „Die gesetzlichen Bestimmungen der Datenschutz-Grundverordnung sind Instrumente, mit denen wir die Bestimmungen zum Schutz personenbezogener Daten praktisch durchsetzen können.“ Es gebe keine richtigen und falschen Ansätze. „Wir können die uns zur Verfügung stehenden juristischen Instrumente nutzen, um unsere Strategie zu bündeln und uns gegen übergriffige Praktiken zu wehren.“

      Die Lager auf den Ägäischen Inseln werden vollständig von der EU finanziert und gelten als „Modell“. Nach ihrem Vorbild plant die EU in den kommenden Jahren weitere Lager an ihren Außengrenzen zu errichten. Die Entscheidung der griechischen Datenschutzaufsicht wird von der Kommission vermutlich mit Interesse verfolgt. Sie macht deutlich, unter welchen Voraussetzungen Überwachungstechnologien in diesen Camps eingesetzt werden können.

      https://netzpolitik.org/2024/panopticon-fuer-gefluechtete-griechenland-soll-strafe-fuer-ueberwachung

  • La Tribune : Amazon abandonne ses magasins sans caisse... en réalité gérés par des travailleurs indiens à distance Marine Protais

    Le géant du e-commerce, qui opère également des magasins physiques, renonce à sa technologie Just Walk Out dans ses supermarchés Amazon Fresh aux États-Unis. Ce système permet à ses clients de faire leurs emplettes sans passer par l’étape de la caisse. Mais il nécessite des caméras, des capteurs et surtout le travail de 1.000 travailleurs indiens, donnant l’illusion de l’automatisation.


    Pour faire ses courses dans les supermarchés Amazon, il suffisait d’entrer, de scanner un QR code sur une application, de prendre ses produits et de sortir. (Crédits : Amazon)

    En 2016, on les annonçait comme le futur du commerce. Plus besoin de caissiers, ni de vigiles, ni même de sortir votre portefeuille. Pour faire vos courses dans les supermarchés Amazon, il suffisait d’entrer, de scanner un QR code sur une application, de prendre vos produits et de sortir. Le montant de vos achats était calculé à la sortie du magasin grâce à un système mêlant caméras et capteurs décrit comme automatique, puis directement débité sur votre carte bancaire.

    Mais nous voici en 2024, et le géant du e-commerce, diversifié dans les magasins physiques, abandonne en partie cette technologie, nous apprend le média américain The Information https://www.theinformation.com/articles/amazons-grocery-stores-to-drop-just-walk-out-checkout-tech . Elle sera supprimée des 27 magasins « Amazon Fresh » américains (des supermarchés où l’on trouve des produits frais), où elle était installée. En guise de remplacement, ces magasins seront équipés de caddies « intelligents », capables de scanner automatiquement les produits, rapporte le média d’investigation américain. L’information a ensuite été confirmée auprès d’AP https://apnews.com/article/amazon-fresh-just-walk-out-bb36bb24803bd56747c6f99814224265 par un porte-parole de l’entreprise. Le système Just Walk Out restera pour le moment dans les plus petites boutiques « Amazon Go », et chez la centaine de partenaires de la firme.

    L’illusion de l’automatisation
    Pour se passer de caissier sur place, le système « Just Walk Out » nécessite son lot de caméras et de capteurs, permettant de suivre le client en magasin, mais surtout d’humains, chargés de vérifier à distance les achats des clients via les caméras. The Information rapporte que plus de 1.000 personnes en Inde sont chargées de ce travail.

    En plus de cette automatisation illusoire, le système « Just Walk Out » faisait depuis quelques années l’objet de critiques. Les clients se plaignent de tickets de caisse reçus des heures après leurs achats, ou de commandes mal gérées par le système. En 2023, la firme avait d’ailleurs annoncé une réorganisation de ses magasins, pour rendre les technologies moins visibles et l’ambiance moins froide. Et le rythme d’ouvertures des enseignes avait été revu à la baisse.

    Par ailleurs, la technologie soulève des questions quant à la protection de la vie privée. Fin 2023, plusieurs consommateurs ont lancé une class action, accusant Amazon de collecter les données biométriques des clients, la forme de leur main et de leur visage ainsi que la tonalité de leur voix, via le système Just Walk Out sans demander leur consentement. Une pratique contraire à une loi de l’Illinois sur le traitement des données biométriques.

    Les entrepôts « automatisés » d’Amazon également surveillés par des travailleurs indiens
    Comme le note le chercheur Antonio Casilli, spécialiste du « travail du clic », cette histoire est banale. Sur X, il rappelle qu’en 2023, Time nous apprenait qu’Alexa, l’assistant virtuel de l’entreprise de Seattle, fonctionnait grâce à l’écoute de 30.000 travailleurs qui annotaient les conversations des utilisateurs pour améliorer les algorithmes gérant l’assistant.

    Et en 2022, The Verge rapportait que les entrepôts automatisés d’Amazon nécessitaient le travail de vigiles, à distance toujours, de travailleurs au Costa-Rica et en Inde, chargés de regarder les images des caméras plus de 40 heures par semaine pour 250 dollars par mois.

    #IA#intelligence_artificielle : #Fumisterie , #arnaque ou #escroquerie ? #amazon #caméras #capteurs #automatisation #technologie #travail #Entrepôts #algorithmes #Alexa

    Source : https://www.latribune.fr/technos-medias/informatique/amazon-abandonne-ses-magasins-sans-caisse-en-realite-geres-par-des-travail

    • Amazon : pourquoi la tech autonome “Just Walk Out” passe à la trappe
      Confirmation sur le blog d’Olivier Dauvers, le web grande conso

      Amazon vient d’annoncer l’abandon de la technologie Just Walk Out dans ses magasins Fresh aux États-Unis (une cinquantaine d’unités dont la moitié sont équipés). Just Walk Out c’est la techno, totalement bluffante, de magasin autonome sans caisses que je vous ai montrée en vidéo dès 2020 (ici) ou encore à Washington et Los Angeles dans de vrais formats de supermarché Whole Foods (ici et là). 

      Des centaines de caméras dopées à l’IA au plafond couplées à des balances sur les étagères permettent de pister l’intégralité du parcours d’achat du client, lequel s’affranchit du passage en caisse. Bluffant (vraiment) je vous dis. 


      un de ces magasins où l’être humain est bani

      Appelons un chat un chat, pour Amazon, ce revirement est un aveu d’échec cuisant. Car la vente de ses technos est au cœur du modèle économique d’Amazon dans le retail physique. Si le groupe lui-même ne parvient pas à prouver la viabilité de Just Walk Out, quel concurrent irait l’acheter ?

      Ce qu’il faut retenir de cet abandon ? Que les technos de magasins autonomes ne sont, pour l’heure, déployables que sur de (très) petits formats bénéficiant d’un flux clients très élevé. Pour des raisons assez évidentes de Capex/m2… mais aussi de supervision humaine. Car, à date, l’IA seule n’est pas en mesure de gérer tous les scénarios de course (dont les tentatives de démarque), obligeant un visionnage de contrôle par l’humain (localisé dans des pays à bas salaire). 

      #techno #échec

      Source : https://www.olivierdauvers.fr/2024/04/04/amazon-pourquoi-la-tech-autonome-just-walk-out-passe-a-la-trappe